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TEXTS AND TRANSLATION 


RUTGERS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
IN CLASSICAL HUMANITIES 


(VOLUME XIV. 


y τ 
π 
iD) GRD ΒΥ 


ECKART SCHUTRUMPF 


PETER STORK, JAN VAN OPHUIJJSEN, 
AND SUSAN PRINCE, TRANSLATORS 


MERACLIDES 
PON TUS 


Rutgers University Studies 
in Classical Humanities 


Series Editor: William W. Fortenbaugh 
Advisory Board: Dimitri Gutas 
Pamela M. Huby 
David C. Mirhady 
Eckart Schiitrumpf 
Robert W. Sharples 


On Stoic and Peripatetic Ethics: The Work of Arius Didymus, | 
Theophrastus of Eresus: On His Life and Work, 11 


Theophrastean Studies: On Natural Science, Physics and Metaphys- 
ics, Ethics, Religion and Rhetoric, Ul 


Cicero 5 Knowledge of the Peripatos, 1V 


Theophrastus: His Psychological, Doxographical, and Scientific 
Writings, V 


Peripatetic Rhetoric after Aristotle, V1 


The Passionate Intellect: Essays on the Transformation of Classical 
Traditions presented to Professor I.G. Kidd, V\\ 


Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources, VIII 

Demetrius of Phalerum: Text, Translation and Discussion, ΙΧ 
Dicaearchus of Messana: Text, Translation and Discussion, X 
Eudemus of Rhodes, ΧΙ 

Lyco of Troas and Hieronymus of Rhodes, XII 

Aristo of Ceos, Text, Translation and Discussion, X11 


Heraclides of Pontus: Text and Translation, X1V 


MERACLIDES 


TEXTS AND TRANSLATION 


RUTGERS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
IN CLASSICAL HUMANITIES 


VOLUME XIV 


EDITED BY 
ECKART SCHUTRUMPF 


PETER STORK, JAN VAN OPHUJJSEN, 
AND SUSAN PRINCE, TRANSLATORS 


Routledge 


Taylor & Francis Group 
LONDON AND NEW YORK 


4ADGFTLNOY 


First published 2008 by Transaction Publishers 


Published 2017 by Routledge 
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Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2008009450 
ISBN: 978-1-4128-0721-0 (hbk) 


Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 


Heraclides, Ponticus, ca. 390-310 B.C. 
| Works. English & Greek] 
Heraclides of Pontus / texts and translations, Eckart Schiitrumpf. 
p. cm.—(Rutgers University studies in classical humanities ; 
v. 14) 
Includes bibliographical references and index. 
ISBN 978-1-4128-0721-0 (alk. paper) 

1. Heraclides, Ponticus, ca. 390-310 B.C.—Criticism and interpreta- 
tion. 2. Heraclides, Ponticus, ca. 390-310 B.C.—Translations into Eng- 
lish. 3. Philosophy, Ancient. I. Fortenbaugh, William W. II. Pender, 
Ε. E. (Elizabeth E.) III. Title. 


PA3998.H36A2 2008 
184—dc22 2008009450 


Contents 


Preface 


Contributors 


Heraclides of Pontus: The Sources, Text and Translation 
Eckart Schiitrumpf (Text), Susan Prince, Peter Stork and 
Johannes M. van Ophuijsen (Translation) 


Vil 


Taylor & Francis Group 


http://taylorandfrancis.com 


Preface 


This is the fourteenth volume in the RUSCH series and the fifth to 
focus on what Fritz Wehrli called Die Schule des Aristoteles, or in 
English, The School of Aristotle. Volume fourteen is unusual in that 
its subject, Heraclides of Pontus, has but a weak claim to be a member 
of the School. To be sure, Wehrli includes Heraclides τη his collection 
of Peripatetic philosophers (vol. 7) and in doing so he 15 following 
Diogenes Laertius, who includes Heraclides in his fifth book of Lives, 
which is devoted to members of the Peripatos. Nevertheless, that he 
was in any strong sense a Peripatetic is highly doubtful. Indeed, he 1s 
better classified as a member of Plato’s Academy, who happened to 
be in the Academy with Aristotle and may have studied under him as 
well as with him. That might appear to be a reason for not producing a 
volume devoted to Heraclides, but there arguments on the other side. 
First, the RUSCH series can make room for more than card-carrying 
members of the Peripatos (vol. 7 15 a one-off Festschrift) and second, 
scholars interested in the School of Aristotle must at some point con- 
sider Heraclides. For even if Diogenes Laertius was wrong to treat 


Vil 


vill Preface 


Heraclides as a Peripatetic, Heraclides was interested in topics that 
were under discussion when Aristotle established his School. 

This volume contains the surviving sources for the life and thought 
of Heraclides. The ancient texts have been collected and edited by 
Eckart Schtitrumpf and the facing translation has been provided by 
Susan Prince, Peter Stork and Jan van Ophuijsen. The sources were 
discussed at a conference in Leeds, at which formal papers were pre- 
sented and subsequently discussed. For reasons of space, the papers are 
not included in this volume. They will appear in Volume 15 together 
with several papers that were not presented in Leeds but were written 
in response to the work done there. Volume 15 should be viewed as a 
companion to the present volume and used in conjunction with it. 

The conference referred to in the preceding paragraph was held at 
the University of Leeds in June of 2003. The conference was hosted by 
the Department of Classics and coordinated by Dr Elizabeth Pender. 
She was assisted by Dr Sara Rubinelli (University of Lugano) and Mrs 
Caroline Goulden, who served as conference administrator. Generous 
financial support was given by the British Academy (in the form of 
a Major Conference Award) and by the Society for the Promotion of 
Hellenic Studies. 


W. W. Fortenbaugh 
Series Editor 


Contributors 


Johannes M. van OPHUIJSEN, Department of Philosophy and Uni- 
versity College, Utrecht University, Heidelberglaan 8, NL 3584 CS 
Utrecht, The Netherlands 


Susan PRINCE, Department of Classics, University of Cincinnati, 
Cincinnati OH 45221-0226, USA 


Eckart SCHUTRUMPF, Department of Classics, University of Colo- 
rado, Boulder CO 80309-0248, USA 


Peter STORK, Department of Classics, Leiden University, Doelen- 
steeg 16, PO Box 9515, NL 2300 Leiden, The Netherlands 


Taylor & Francis Group 


http://taylorandfrancis.com 


Heraclides Ponticus 
The Sources, Text and Translation 


Eckart Schiitrumpf, Susan Prince, 
Peter Stork, Johannes M. van Ophuijsen 


CONTENTS 
INTRODUCTION 3 
ABBREVIATIONS 6 
EDITIONS 1] 
TEXTS 
I. LIFE (1-16) 24 
Il. WRITINGS (17-145) 
Titles (17) 58 
Virtues, Happiness (22-95) 78 
On Religious Observance (26-7) 86 
Politics (28—35) 92 
Eros, Pleasure (36—45) 102 
Psychology (46—58) 118 
Nature (59-64) 132 
Astronomy (65-78) 140 


Underworld (79-80) 156 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Lives (81) 

Diseases (82—95) 

Poets and Music (96—116) 

Prophecies (117-26) 

Philosophers and Wise Men (127-32) 
Descriptions of Lands and Customs (133-40) 
Foundations of Sanctuaries (141-3) 
Antiquities (144—5) 

HiIl. UNCERTAIN (146—55) 

IV. REJECTED 


INDICES 


Concordances 

Index of Sources 

Index of Authors, Anonymous Papyri, and Speakers 
within Texts Arranged in Chronological Order 
Index of Names and Places 


160 
160 
182 
224 
234 
242 
250 
252 
256 
266 
268 
268 
2/4 


284 
288 


The Sources, Text and Translation 3 


INTRODUCTION 


Heraclides is called Ponticus after the city of Heraclea on the shore 
of the Black Sea (Pontus Euxinus) where he was born ca. 388 B.C. 
At some time around 368 B.C., he left Heraclea for Athens where he 
studied with Plato — he is listed among his students (2; 3; 6; 7; 9). 
Plato entrusted the leadership of the Academy to him when he was 
away on his journey to Sicily in 361 B.C. (3). Diogenes Laertius asso- 
ciates Heraclides as well with Speusippus, with the Pythagoreans, and 
with Aristotle (1). When in 339 B.C., after the death of Speusippus, 
Heraclides lost the vote which decided the succession of leadership in 
the Academy, he returned to his native Heraclea where he probably 
lived for another 25 years. 

Diogenes Laertius presents in his Life of Heraclides a list of works 
written by this philosopher (1), a list which, however, is incomplete 
(see 17). On the other hand, there must have been quite early a debate 
Whether he was actually the author of all the works found in that list. 
Already before the time of Plutarch, some men questioned whether 
Heraclides wrote the work On the Things in the Underworld (80). 
Matters regarding the authorship of texts attributed to Heraclides are 
complicated by the fact that this name was common. Diogenes Laer- 
tius ends his Life of Heraclides (1) with a list of thirteen more authors 
of the same name. The first of them carries the same geographic desig- 
nation “‘Ponticus,” and scholars have expressed doubts whether some 
fragments ascribed to our Heraclides were not really the work of that 
Heraclides Ponticus the younger (see 1 [= the upper apparatus testi- 
moniorum| to 144 1.10—11). And the interests of another Heraclides, 
with the nickname Lembus, overlap with those of Heraclides Ponti- 
cus the older which led to at least one attribution of a text to the latter 
which can be shown to be wrong (see below REIECTA 3, cf. 29 n. 6). 
Furthermore, a text, whose author 1s not identified, has been attributed 
by scholars to Heraclides Ponticus because he seems the most likely 
person to have written a dialogue on the subject found there (see 155). 
With few exceptions (26B; the texts referring to Empedotimus, see 
52 n. 2) only texts in which Heraclides is named are included in this 
collection. 

In any edition of fragments the question arises, how much of 
the wider context, in which a text referring to the author in question 
appears, should be printed. The present editor of the fragments, L.e., 


4 Heraclides of Pontus 


the Greek and Latin texts appearing in this volume, Eckart Schiit- 
rumpf, has adopted as a rule the practice of not going far beyond the 
immediate passage referring to Heraclides. 

The present collection of sources referring to the life and writings 
of Heraclides Ponticus differs from that produced by Fritz Wehrli (SdA 
vol. 7, 2nd ed. 1969) in that several texts included by Wehrli are not 
accepted here (see below REIECTA 1|.—3.), while others included here 
cannot be found in Wehrli. The present edition differs from Wehrli in 
two more respects. First, Wehrli printed most of the fragments under 
a title found either in the text itself, or if the source did not identify 
the work it belonged to, Wehrli, as his predecessor O. Voss (1896) had 
done, assigned it to a known work on the basis of speculations about 
its content. This 15 a risky approach. Who would have assumed that 
Heraclides reported (or invented) a conversation between Pythagoras 
and the tyrant Leon of Sicyon about the first use of the term *philoso- 
pher’ in the work On the Woman Not Breathing (84)? The present edi- 
tion prefers to present fragments belonging to a common theme under 
a heading which announces this theme. This heading 1s then followed 
by a list of those works which deal with that particular issue. And sec- 
ond, while Wehrli broke up continuous texts and treated small portions 
of them as different fragments under different headings, in this edition 
the original texts are preserved τη their entirety. 

1 contains the complete Life of Heraclides as found in Diogenes 
Laertius, followed (2-16) by sources referring to Heraclides’ life. 17 
provides a complete list of references to the writings by Heraclides 
that are quoted with a title. This comprehensive list shows not only 
that the list found in Diogenes Laertius (1) is incomplete, but also 
that some titles for the same work appear at times in different forms. 
18—21 contain sources that refer to his writings in general, without 
mentioning any views he developed, and to his influence. The section 
22. 145 is the main part of this edition; it contains the collection of 
texts attributed to Heraclides which deal with specific issues of his 
philosophic activity. The order in which these texts are presented fol- 
lows the order of the main categories as distinguished in the list of 
Heraclides’ writings in Diogenes Laertius (1). 146—55 present texts 
whose attribution to Heraclides is doubtful. There follows a section 
REIECTA listing four texts that are often attributed to Heraclides but 
are excluded in the present edition. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 5 


An advanced draft of the collection of sources was reviewed in 
its entirety by Tiziano Dorandi and Peter Stork. The former provided 
valuable assistance by referring to more recently published editions 
of sources and testimonia printed in this collection. The latter read 
the collection with a keen eye and discovered errors, inconsistencies 
and other matters that needed improvement. Both are owed special 
thanks. 

A first draft of the translation, at that time still on the basis of 
Wehrli’s edition, was provided by Susan Prince. This draft was 
reworked by Peter Stork and Jan M. van Ophuijsen. Bill Fortenbaugh 
was a constant source of advice both for the edition and the transla- 
tion. His good judgment and enormous experience vastly improved 
the final form of this volume. 

The footnotes to the translation were in the majority (ca. 90 per- 
cent) prepared by Schiitrumpf. They were reviewed and comple- 
mented by Stork. Schiitrumpf compiled the bibliography of editions 
used, the concordance of editions of Heraclides Ponticus, the index 
of sources, and the index of authors, anonymous papyri, and speakers 
Within texts. Such a new mode of reference in chronological order 
seemed desirable since it provides information not revealed in the 
index of sources, that is, it informs the reader who actually was the 
ancient authority quoted in the sources. At the same time it allows one 
to see during which periods Heraclides Ponticus was, if not read, at 
least quoted. Stork compiled the index of names and places. 

Daniel Delattre, who is preparing an edition of Philodemus De 
Musica (to appear in the Collection Budé, Les Belles Lettres), pro- 
vided an advance copy of two passages from PHerc. 1497 (115A,B) 
for use in the present edition. We would like to thank Delattre for 
his generosity. [his edition also benefited from communications with 
Hans-Joachim Gehrke, Dieter Harlfinger, Noel Lenski, Richard Kan- 
nicht, Lutz Koch, Wolfgang Rosler, and Bernd Seidensticker. An 
undergraduate student from the University of Colorado at Boulder, 
Matt Swoveland, downloaded the Greek texts which then could be 
adapted to the needs of the new edition. 

The Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung provided funding that 
enabled Eckart Schtitrumpf to do research in Berlin during the sum- 
mer of 2006 and spring of 2007. 


6 Heraclides of Pontus 


ABBREVIATIONS 
A. General 
a. ante 
add. addidit 
adn. adnotatio, note 
ad loc. ad locum 
alt. alter(a) 
ap. apud 
Cap. caput 
cf.; cp. confer 
cod. codex 
codd. codices, codicum 
col. column(a) 
coll. collato, collatis 
comment. commentarium, commentarius 
Corr. correxit 
del. delevit 
ibid. ibidem 
id. idem 
fl. floruit 
fort. fortasse 
fr. fragment(um) 
Ι. line(a) 
1.1. locus laudatus 
m. manus 
mg. margo./marginal 
om. omisit; omittitur; omittuntur 
p. pagina 
post. posterior 
propos. proposuit 
rell. reliqui, reliquae 
schol. scholion 
SEC. secundum 
S1m. simile, similia 
5646. sequentes 
SS. superscriptum 
Suppl. Supplement(um) 
S.V. sub voce 
T Testimonium 
T. Teil 


t. tomus 


AbhBerlin 


Bernays, GesAbh 


BPhW 
BI 


Burstein 
CAG 


CAH 
CGrF 


CPF 

CPG 
Daebritz 
Davies, APF 
DG 

DK 


Doring 


Diiring 


DPhA 


The Sources, Text and Translation 7 


titulus 
versus 
vide 
volumen 
vulgata 


B. Collections, Monographs, Periodicals 


Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften Berlin, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 

J. Bernays, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, ed. H. Usener, 2 
vols., Berlin 1885 

Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1881-— 
Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum 
Teubneriana, Leipzig-Stuttgart 

St. Burstein, Outpost of Hellenism: The Emergence of 
Heraclea on the Black Sea, Berkeley 1976 
Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, 18 vols., Berlin 
1883-1909 

Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge °1970-— 

C. Austin, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta in Papy- 
ris reperta, Berlin 1973 

Corpus dei Papiri Filosofici Greci e Latini, Florence 
E.L. v. Leutsch-F.G. Schneidewin, Corpus Paroemi- 
ographorum Graecorum, Paroemiographi Graeci, 2 
vols., Gottingen 1839, 1851 

R. Daebritz, Herakleides no. 42, RE VIII 1, 1913, col. 
472-82 

J.K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families, Oxford 1971 
H. Diels, Doxographi Graeci, Berlin 1879 

H. Diels-W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3 
vols., Ziirich '-1966 

K. Doring, Die Megariker. Kommentierte Sammlung 
der Testimonien, Studien zur antiken Philosophie Bd. 2, 
Amsterdam 1972 

J. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradi- 
tion, Goteborg 1957 (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothobur- 
gensia 5) 

R. Goulet (ed.), Dictionnaire des Philosophes antiques, 
4 vols. (A-Ovidius), Paris 1989-2005 


ὃ Heraclides of Pontus 


FHS&G 


FGrH 


FHG 


Hammerstaedt 


GG 


GGM 


Giannattasio 


Gigante 
GLK 
Gottschalk 
Hermes 
Hirzel 1895 
IEG 

MPG 


Lévy 1926 


LG 
LGPN 


Muller 1868 
NZ 


OCT 


PA 


W.W. Fortenbaugh-P.M.Huby-R.W.Sharples & D. Gutas, 
Theophrastus of Eresus. Sources for his life, writings, 
thought and influence, 2 vols., Leiden 1992 

F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 8 
vols., Leiden 1926—1958 

K. (et Th.) Miller, Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, 
auxerunt, notis et prolegomenis illustraverunt, 5 vols., 
Paris 1841-1870 

J. Hammerstaedt, Die Orakelkritik des Kynikers Oeno- 
maus, Frankfurt 1988 

A. Hilgard, A. Lentz, G. Uhlig et al., Grammatici Graeci, 
Leipzig 1883-1901 (repr. 1965) 

K. Miller, Geographi Graeci minores, 2 vols., Paris 
1855-1861 

R. Giannattasio Andria, J frammenti delle «Succession 
dei filosofi», Naples 1989 

M. Gigante, Diogene Laerzio, Vite dei Filosofi, 2 vols., 
Roma-Bari 1976 

H. Keil, Grammatici Latini, ὃ vols., Leipzig 1857-1870 
H.B. Gottschalk, Heraclides of Pontus, Oxford 1980 
Hermes. Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie, 1866— 

R. Hirzel, Der Dialog. Ein literarhistorischer Versuch, 2 
Teile, Leipzig 1895 

M.L. West, ambi et Elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum can- 
[αἴ]. 2 vols., Oxford *1989/1992 

J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus, Series 
Graeca, 161 vols., Paris 1857-1866 

I. Lévy, Recherches sur les sources de la légende de 
Pythagore, Bibliothéque de l’Ecole des hautes Etudes 
fasc. 42, Paris 1926 

Lexicographi Graeci. Sammlung Wissenschaftlicher 
Kommentare, Berlin, De Gruyter 

P.M. Fraser-E. Matthews et al., A Lexicon of Greek Per- 
sonal Names, 4 vols., Oxford 1987—2005 

E. Miller, Mélanges de Littérature Grecque, Paris 1868 
A. Nauck, 7ragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta rec., 
Leipzig “1889 

Oxford Classical Texts (Scriptorum Classicorum Biblio- 
theca Oxoniensis), Oxford 

J. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica, 2 vols., Berlin 
1901-1903 


PAA 


Parke-Wormell 


PCG 

Pf. 
PHerc. 
PMG 
P.Oxyrh. 


PP 
RE 


Reiske 

RhM 
Richards CR 
18 (1904) 
Rohde 
Rose? 


Rose” 


RUSCH 


Schrader, Philo- 
logus 44, 1885 


The Sources, Text and Translation 9 


J.S. Traill, Persons of Ancient Athens, Toronto 1994— 
H.W. Parke-D.E.Wormell, The Delphic Oracle, 2 vols., 
Oxford 1956 

R. Kassel-C. Austin, Poetae Comici Graeci, 8 vols., Ber- 
lin 1983-2001 

R. Pfeiffer, Callimachus, 2 vols., Oxford 1949/1953 
Papyri Herculanenses 

D.L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci, Oxford 1962 
Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. B.P. Grenfell, A.S. Hunt et al., 
London 1898— 

La Parola del Passato. Rivista di studi Classici, 1946- 
A. Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, Real-Encyclopddie der 
klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 1. Reihe 47 Halb- 
bande; 2. Reihe 19 Halbbande; 15 Supplementbande;: 
Stuttgart 1893-1978 

H. Diels, Reiskiit animadversiones in Laertium Dioge- 
nem, Hermes 24 (1889), 302—25 

Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie, 1842- 

H. Richards, Laertiana, CR 18 (1904), 340—46 


E. Rohde, Psyche. Seelencult und Unsterblichkeits- 
glaube der Griechen, 2 vols., Freiburg, Leipzig “1898 
(repr. Darmstadt 1991) 

Valentin Rose, Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus, Leipzig 
1863 

Valentin Rose, Aristotelis gui ferebantur librorum frag- 
menta, Berlin 1886 (repr. Stuttgart 1966) 

W.W. Fortenbaugh (ed.), Rutgers University Studies in 
Classical Humanities, New Brunswick-London (Trans- 
action), Demetrius of Phalerum, vol. 9, 2000; Dicaear- 
chus of Messana, vol. 10, 2001; Lyco of Troas and 
Hieronymus of Rhodes, vol. 12, 2003 

H. Schrader, Heraclidea. Ein beitrag zur beurtheilung 
der schriftstellerischen thatigkeit des (alteren) Pontikers 
Herakleides und des Herakleides Lembos, Philologus 44 
(1885) 236-61 


Schutrumpf-Gehrke E. Schiitrumpf-H.-J. Gehrke, Aristoteles Politik Buch 


IV—VI, tibersetzt und eingeleitet, in: Aristoteles Werke in 
Deutscher Ubersetzung Bd. 9, Teil III, Berlin-Darmstadt 
1996 


10 Heraclides of Pontus 


Schitrumpf, vol. 4 E. Schtitrumpf, Aristoteles Politik Buch VII-VIII, iiber- 


E. Schwartz, 
Hermes 44 (1909) 
SdA 


SFOD 


SGLG 

F. Susemihl., 
BPhW 1898 
SVF 


1rGF 


Voss 


Us. 
Welcker 


Wehrli, W 


Wilamowitz, Glau- 
be der Hellenen 


setzt und erlautert, in: Aristoteles Werke in Deutscher 
Ubersetzung Bd. 9, Teil IV, Berlin — Darmstadt 2005 

E. Schwartz, Die Zeit des Ephoros, Hermes 44 (1909), 
481-502 

F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, Texte und Kom- 
mentar, 10 vols., Basel *1967—1969: Aristoxenos, Heft 
II; Klearchus, Heft ΠῚ; Lykon und Ariston von Keos, 
Heft VI; Herakleides Pontikos, Heft VII; Phainias von 
Eresos. Chamaileon. Praxiphanes, Heft 1X; Hieronymos 
von Rhodos. Kritolaos und seine Schiiler, Heft X; Her- 
mippos der Kallimacheer, Suppl. Bd. 1; Sotion, Suppl. 
Bd. 2 

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sen, Lyco of Troas, in: W.W. Fortenbaugh-S. A. White 
(eds.), Lyco of Troas and Hieronymus of Rhodes: Text, 
Translation, and Discussion, RUSCH vol. XII, pp. 1-78, 
2003 

Sammlung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker, 
Berlin 

F. Susemihl, BPhW 26. Februar 1898, 18. Jahrg., No 9, 
pp. 257-68 (review of Voss) 

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-1986) 

OQ. Voss, De Heraclidis Pontici Vita et Scriptis, Phil. 
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H. Usener, Epicurea, Leipzig 1887 (repr. 1966) 

F.G. Welcker, Die griechischen Tragoddien mit Riicksicht 
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Abt., Bonn 1841 

F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, Texte und Kom- 
mentar, Heft VII, Herakleides Pontikos, Basel 71969 
U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Der Glaube der Helle- 
nen, 2 vols. Berlin 1931-1932 (1959) 


Ael. 


Alex. Aphr. 


Anecd. Bekk. 


Anonym. 


in Arist. Eth. 


Nic. 


Vitae Hom. 


et Hes. 


Antig. Caryst. 


Antim. 
Apollodor. 


Aristeas 
Aristocl. 


Aristo Ceus 
Ar. Byz. 


Arist. 


Aristox. 


Ath. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 11 


EDITIONS 


M.R. Dilts, Claudii Aeliani Varia Historia, Leipzig 1974 
(BY) 

M. Wallies, Alexandri Aphrodisiensis in Aristotelis Topt- 
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Berlin 1891 

I. Bekker, Anecdota Graeca, vol. 1, Lexica Segueriana, 
Berlin 1814 (repr. Graz 1965) 


G. Heylbut, Eustratii et Michaelis et anonyma in Ethi- 
ca Nicomachea Commentaria, CAG vol. 20, Berlin 1892 
U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Vitae Homeri et Hesi- 
odi, in usum scholarum, Bonn 1916 (repr. 1929) 

U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos von Karys- 
tos, Berlin 1881 (Philol. Untersuchungen H. 4) 

OQ. Musso, /Antigonus Carystius], Rerum Mirabilium 
Collectio, Naples 1985 

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Leipzig 1904 (repr. 1969) (BT) 

A. Hilgard, Theodosii Alexandrini Canones, Georgii 
Choerobosci Scholia, Sophronti Patriarchae Alexandrini 
excerpta, recensuit et apparatum criticum indicesque 
adiecit, Leipzig 1894 (GG pars 4, vol. 1) (repr. 1965) 
W.W. Fortenbaugh-P.M. Huby-R.W.Sharples & D. Gutas, 
Theophrastus of Eresus. Sources for his life, writings, 
thought and influence, 2 vols., Leiden 1992 (= FHS&G) 
H. Erbse, Theosophorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Stutt- 
gart-Leipzig “1995 (BT) 

A. Nauck, 7ragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Leipzig 
“1889 


22 Heraclides of Pontus 


TrGE 


Val. Max. 


Varro 


Xenocr. 


Zonar. 


B. Snell-R. Kannicht-St. Radt, 7ragicorum Graeco- 
rum Fragmenta, 5 vols., Gottingen 1971-2004 (vol. 1. 
-1986) 

J. Briscoe, Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memora- 
bilia, 2 vols., Stuttgart-Leipzig 1998 (BT) 

W.A. Krenkel, Marcus Terentius Varro Saturae Menip- 
peae, herausgegeben, tbersetzt und kommentiert, 4 
vols., St. Katharinen 2002 

M. Isnardi Parente, Senocrate—Ermodoro. Frammenti. 
Edizione, traduzione e commento, Naples 1982 

J.A.H. Tittmann, Johannis Zonarae lexicon, 2 vols., 
Leipzig 1808 (repr. Amsterdam 1967) 


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littera in papyro a librario expuncta 

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24 


4 


ὃ6 3W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


I. VITA 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.86—94 (BT't. 1, p.368.3— 
374.15 Marcovich) 


HPAKAEIAH®> 


Ἡρακλείδης Εὐθύφρονος Ηρακλεώτης τοῦ Πόντου. 
ἀνὴρ πλούσιος. Αθήνησι δὲ παρέβαλε πρῶτον μὲν Σπευσίπ- 
Tw ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν Πυθαγορείων διήκουσε καὶ τὰ Πλάτω- 
νος ἐζηλώκει: καὶ ὕστερον ἤκουσεν Αριστοτέλους, ὥς φησι 
Σωτίων ἐν Διαδοχαῖς. οὗτος ἐσθῆτί te μαλακῆ ἐχρῆτο καὶ 


2-ὸ Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant. (1.2, p.259.10-13 Marcovich) Ἡρακλείδης 
ὁ ἐξ Ἡρακλείας tod Πόντου ἐσθῆτί te μαλακῇ ἐχρῆτο καὶ ὑπέρογκος 
ἣν τὸ σῶμα, ὥστε αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν μὴ Ποντικὸν ἀλλὰ Πομπικὸν 
καλεῖσθαι. 2-6 Sotion SdA (Suppl. t.2) fr. 17 3--4 Speus. T 36 Tardn 
4—5 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. 2; 3; 6; 7; 9; 30; 72; 85: 
117A 


| tit. P?F? in mg (v.2 ἡρακλείδης omisso) 4πυθαγορίωνρἀὀε 4-5 tHV 
Πυθαγορείων - ἐζηλώκει Postea inserta esse suspicatur Schwartz, Hermes 
44 (1909), 481 adn. I, cf. Voss p.12—3 6 te om. F 


The Sources, Text and Translation 25 


I. LIFE 


1 Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.86—94 (BT v.1, 


86 


p.368.3—374.15 Marcovich) 


HERACLIDES 


Heraclides son of Euthyphron’ (was) a citizen of Heraclea 
on (the coast of) the Black Sea (Pontus): he was a wealthy 
man. In Athens he first attached himself to Speusippus,’ but he 
also attended lectures by the Pythagoreans and had zealously 
embraced (the teaching of) Plato. And later he heard Aristo- 
tle lecture,” as Sotion’ says in (the) Successions. He wore soft 


' According to 3 he was the son of Euphron. However, the name Euthyphron 
found here is given by Hermippus as well (below §91) and is supported by 4: 
Heraclides’ son had the name Euthyphron, like his grandfather, as was ancient 
Greek custom. 

> “Of Heraclea on (the coast of) the Black Sea” is in Greek Ἡρακλεώτης 
τοῦ Πόντου. Hicks (1925) translates: “born at Heraclea in the Pontus.” But 
Heraclea was situated in the region of Bithynia. A kingdom ‘Pontus’ was 
established by the Macedonians (Strabo 12.1.4; 3.1) and gained influence 
through Mithridates Ktistes (“The Founder’) in the early 3rd century B.C. 
‘Pontus’ must here mean “Black Sea”; correctly Jacoby, #GrH Dritter Teil, p. 
325, XXIV: “Herakleia am Pontus,” cp. Chr. M. Danoff, “Pontos Euxeinos,” 
RE Suppl. ΙΧ (1962) 951; 954. 

’ Speusippus, ca. 407-339 B.C., was an Athenian philosopher, a member of 
Plato’s Academy and successor of Plato as head of the Academy in the years 
347-339 B.C. The statement that Heraclides was first a student of Speusippus, 
and not of Plato, is best explained by the fact that Heraclides arrived in Athens 
when Plato was away for his second journey to Sicily (367/6), see Susemihl, 
BPhW 18, 1898, 258. The fragments of Speusippus’ writings are collected in 
L. Taran, Speusippos of Athens. A critical study with a collection of the related 
texts and commentary, Leiden 1981 (= Philosophia Antiqua, 39). 

* Since Heraclides Ponticus left Athens after the death of Speusippus (10) 
when Aristotle was no longer living in Athens, Sotion must have referred to 
lectures of Aristotle while he was still a member of the Academy, see U. ν. 
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen, Berlin 1893, vol. 1, p. 341; 
Wehrli, SdA Suppl. vol. 2, p. 50. The place of the Life of Heraclides Ponticus 
in Diog. Laert. book 5, which contains the lives of members of the Peripatos, 
shows that the affiliation of Heraclides Ponticus with the Peripatos was part 
of the tradition, cp. Wehrli p. 61. In 79, Heraclides is mentioned in a list of 
Peripatetics after Aristotle and Theophrastus, cp. 106. However, according to 


δ 


26 


22 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


ὑπέρογχος ἣν TO σῶμα, ὥστε αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν μὴ 
Ποντικὸν ἀλλὰ Πομπικὸν καλεῖσθαι. πρᾶός τε ἣν τὸ βά- 
OLOUG καὶ σεμνός. φέρεται δ᾽ αὑτοῦ συγγράμματα κάλλιστά 
τε καὶ ἄριστα: + διάλογοι +, ὧν 

ἠθικὰ μὲν 


48-51 W Περὶ δικαιοσύνης γ΄ 


52 W 


ἕν δὲ Περὶ σωφροσύνης 


46-7 W Περί te εὐσεβείας α΄ 


53 W 
54 W 
44 W 


καὶ Περὶ ἀνὸρείας α΄ 
κοινῶς τε Περὶ ἀρετῆς α΄ 
καὶ ἄλλο Περὶ εὐδαιμονίας α΄ 


144-5 W Ileot te ἀρχῆς α΄ 
146-50W κχαὶ Νόμων α΄ χαὶ τῶν συγγενῶν τούτοις 


164 W 
151 W 
63 W 


IleQt ὀνομάτων α΄ 
LVVONXOL α΄ 
Ακούσιος α΄ 


7 σῶμα ΒΡΕΦ: σχῆμα Hemsterhuis 8—9 βάδισμα BPF, fort. recte, cf. 
Arist. Eth. Nic. 5.8, 1125al2—3 de motu viri magnanimi: βλέμμα Cobet 
Wehrli - an καὶ ante τὸ βάδισμα transferendum? 10 ante ἄριστα addunt 
τά te BP’: expunxit ΡΖ + + indicavi: διάλογοι del. Hirzel 1895, 1.1, p.322 
adn.1: καὶ ante διάλογοι add. Schrader, Philologus 44 (1885), 239 adn. 7: 
συγγράμματα κάλλιστά TE καὶ «πλεῖστα;- τά TE ἄριστα διάλογοι Voss 
Ρ.20 - an aliquid post διάλογοι excidit? De tabula titulorum perturbata et 
mutilata vid. Wehrli p.65 14 περί T εὐσεβείας ε΄ Cobet (Wehrli fr. 46, 
Ρ.19, sed α΄ ibid. fr. 22), at vid. infra v. 66 τὸ Περὶ εὐσεβείας 15 avdetac 
P17 post ἄλλο distinxerunt Cobet Long 18 te BPF: τῆς Huebner (6 
Menagiana), Cobet, at vid. Diog. Laert. 1.94 (= 28) ἐν τῷ Ilegtaeyfs 19 
α΄ post τούτοις transtulit Marcovich χαὶ τῶν συγγενῶν τούτοις addita- 
mentum ad duo libros sequentes esse putat Voss p.29 adn. I 


10 


15 


20 


8 / 


The Sources, Text and Translation 27 


clothing and his figure was excessively large, with the result that 
the inhabitants of Attica called him not Ponticus but Pompicus 
(Pompous). He was both gentle in his gait and dignified. There 
are in circulation writings of his of the greatest beauty and high- 
est quality. (There are) +dialogues+, of which 
ethical (writings® are) 

On Justice, three books = 17 (1) 

and one On Self-control = 17 (2) 

and On Piety, one book = 17 (3) 

and On Courage, one book = 17 (4) 

and On Virtue in general,’ one book = 17 (5) 

and another On Happiness, one book = 17 (6) 

On Governance, one book = 17 (6) 

and one book of Laws = 17 (8a) and of related subjects 

On Names, one book = 17 (9) 

Contracts, one book = 17 (10) 

Involuntary, one book = 17 (11) 


Wilamowiltz, Antigonos von Karystos, 1881, p. 46 (cp. p. 329 n. 14), this was 


a mistake of Diog. Laert. The Life of Heraclides should have found its place in 
book 4. See, however, Voss p. 13. 

> Sotion was the author of an influential work on the Successions of Philo- 
sophers (Διαδοχαὶ TOV φιλοσόφων) in at least 23 books (Diog. Laert. 1.1; 7), 
written between 200 and 170 B.C. 

° The grammatical gender of “ethical” (ἠθικά) agrees with “writings” (ovy- 
γράμματα), not with preceding “dialogues” (διάλογοι). “Dialogues” is either 
an interpolation, or something 15 missing in this list (cp. the conjectures of 
Schrader and Voss). This assumption 15 the more likely since the titles “Expo- 
sitions of Heraclitus, four books” [below §88 = 17 (41)] and “Expositions in 
Reply to Democritus, one book” [below §88 = 17 (42)] are listed under the 
heading “musical” to which they hardly belong. 

’ By capitalizing “In general” (Κοινῶς) and writing περὶ in lower case, 
Marcovich (BT p.368.19) understands “in general” as part of a title Generally 
on Virtue, not as the description of the content of the work by the compiler of 
the list as is clearly the case with “in a separate treatise” below = 17 (16); Voss 
p. 29; see next note. Particularly at the beginning of the catalogue it 1s obvious 
that the compiler attempts more than just listing titles in a schematic way. He 
attempts stylistic variety (cp. ἕν de Περὶ σωφροσύνης after Περὶ δικαιοσύνης 
γ΄), he uses connecting particles, again applying variety (δέ; καί; Te, no longer 
found after 1. 29). Only here there are comments added concerning the con- 
tents of individual works (συγγενῶν, |. 19) or the relationship to other works 
in the list (καὶ ἄλλο. 1. 17; καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν 1. 27, see next note). The word “in 
general” (κοινῶς) understood as an addition by the compiler of the list is in 
character with similar features the list exhibits at its beginning. 


88 


28 


Heraclides of Pontus 


62,64-6W ἘΒΕρωτικὸς ἢ Κλεινίας α΄. 


φυσικὰ δὲ 


43 W ΠΕερὶ vot 

90 - Περὶ ψυχῆς 

103 W καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν Περὶ ψυχῆς 

118 - καὶ Περὶ φύσεως 

123 W καὶ Περὶ εἰδώλων 

36 W Πρὸς Δημόκριτον 

104-17 W Περὶ τῶν «ἐν» οὐρανῷ α΄ 

71-2 W Περὶ τῶν ἐν Αἰιδου 

45 W Περὶ βίων α΄ β΄ 

76-89 W Αἰτίαι περὶ νόσων α΄ 

42 W Περὶ τἀγαθοῦ α΄ 

34 W Tleog τὰ Ζήνωνος α΄ 

35 W Πρὸς τὰ Μήτρωνος α΄. 
γραμματικὰ O€ 


176-7 W Περὶ τῆς Ὁμήρου καὶ Ἡσιόδου ἡλικίας α΄ β΄ 


178 W 


180 W 
157 W 
171 W 
28 W 

179 W 
165 W 
166 W 
31 W 

142 W 


Περὶ Αρχιλόχου καὶ Ὁμήρου α΄ β΄. 
καὶ μουσικὰ δὲ 

Περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ Εὐριπίδῃ καὶ Σοφοκλεῖ α΄ β΄ γ΄ 

Περὶ μουσικῆς α΄ β΄ 

Λύσεων Ὁμηρικῶν α΄ β΄ 

Θεωρηματικὸν α΄ 

Περὶ τῶν τριῶν TOAYMOOTOLMV α΄ 

Χαρακχτῆρες α΄ 

IIe Qt ποιητικῆς καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν α΄ 

ΠῸερὶ στοχασμοῦ α΄ 

ΠῸροοπτικῶν α΄ 


46 I.e. Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, cf. Satyr. T 3a (p. 79) Schorn Σατύρου 
Βίων ἀναγ«ερ»αφῆς ς ΄ Αἰσχύλου, Σοφοκλέους, Εὐριτίδου; Dion. Hal. 
De imitat. 2.6.10; Cic. De orat. 3.7.27 


23 α΄ post Ἐρωτικὸς inseruit Marcovich, distinguens Κλεινίας α΄ titulum 
suiiuris Gigante 1976, t.2, p.521 adn. 188: καὶ BPF — 25-6 Ilegt νοῦ 
«καὶ» περὶ ψυχῆς, Reiske, Hermes 24 (1889) 313, cf. Voss pp.30-1 30 Post 
Δημόκριτον distinxerunt Huebner Marcovich: 30-1 unus titulus in BPF, at 
cf. titulum infra v. 32 = 17 (22) Περὶ τῶν ἐν Αιδου 31 τῶν «ἐν» οὐρανῷ 
Stephanus: TOV οὐρανῶν BPF 33a 0m. F 36 et 37 τὰ Stephanus : τὸ 


BPF 37Q@ F:0m.BP 39et40w 0om.F 4lom.F 43 yw add. Meursius 
5 5 5 πῇν 


25 


30 


35 


40 


45 


οὐ 


88 


The Sources, Text and Translation 29 


(Dialogue) concerning Love or Clinias, one book = 17 (12) 
and (writings) on physics (are) 

On Mind = 17 (14) 

On Soul = 17 (15) 

and On Soul in a separate treatise® = 17 (16) 

and On Nature = 17 (17) 

and On Images = 17 (19) 

In Reply to Democritus 17 (20) 

On the Things <in> Heaven, one book = 17 (21) 

On the Things in the Underworld = 17 (22) 

On Lives, books 1, 2 = 17 (23) 

Causes relating to Diseases, one book = 17 (24a) 

On the Good, one book = 17 (25) 

In Reply to the (doctrines) of Zeno, one book = 17 (26) 

In Reply to the (doctrines) of Metron,’ one book = 17 (27) 
and grammatical (writings are) 

On the Age of Homer and Hesiod, books 1, 2 = 17 (28) 

On Archilochus and Homer, books 1, 2 = 17 (29) 
and musical (writings are) 

On Issues in Euripides and Sophocles, books 1,2,3=17 (31) 

On Music, books 1, 2 = 17 (33a) 

Solutions to Homeric (Questions), books 1, 2 = 17 (34) 

Theoretic, one book = 17 (35) 

On the Three Tragic Poets, one book = 17 (36) 

Characters, one book = 17 (37) 

On Poetics and the Poets, one book = 17 (38) 

On Conjecture, one book = 17 (39) 

Foreseeings, one book = 17 (40) 


5 “Tn a separate treatise” (καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν), See previous note. For the form 
of distinction of two works by the same author on a related subject, cp. Clic. 
De leg. 2.14: “Plato, qui princeps de re publica conscripsit idemque separatim 
de legibus elus.” 

“ Metron is otherwise unknown, see Wehrli p. 69. 


coll. Ath. 10.82 455C (= 113) et 14.19624C (Ξ- 14) 43et44q 0m.F 45 


OewmonuatixovF 46toWWvom.F 47 χαραχτῆρες P: yaoaxtno BF 
4δ τῶν ss. ΞΖ 50 προοπτικῶν BP: προοπτικὸν F Cobet 


89 


30 MHeraclides of Pontus 

39 W Ἡρακλείτου ἐξηγήσεις δ΄ 

37 W Πρὸς τὸν Δημόκριτον ἐξηγήσεις α΄ 

32 W Λύσεων ἐριστικῶν α΄ β΄ 

30 W Αξίωμα α΄ 

29 W Περὶ εἰδῶν α΄ 

118-23 W Λύσεις α΄ 

67 W "Υποθῆχαι α΄ 

38 W Πρὸς Διονύσιον α΄. 
ὁητορικὰ δὲ 

33 W Περὶ τοῦ ῥητορεύειν ἢ ΠΟωταγόρας. 
ἱστορικά: 

40-1 W Περὶ τῶν Πυυθαγορξίων 

152 W καὶ Περὶ εὑρημάτων. 

22W τούτων τὰ μὲν κωμικῶς πέπλαχεν, ὡς τὸ Περὶ ἡἠδο- 


νῆς καὶ Περὶ σωφροσύνης: τὰ δὲ τραγικῶς, ὡς τὸ Περὶ 


6210 τῶν καθ᾽ Αἰδην καὶ τὸ Περὶ εὐσεβείας καὶ τὸ Περὶ ἐξου- 


25 W 


11 W 


σίας. 

ἔστι δ᾽ αὐτῷ χαὶ μεσότης τις OWANTLXN φιλοσόφων 
τε XAL στρατηγικῶν καὶ πολιτικῶὼν ἀνδρῶν πρὸς GAAN- 
λους διαλεγομένων. ἀλλὰ χκαὶ γεωμετρικὰ ἔστιν αὐτοῦ χαὶ 
διαλεχτικά. ἄλλως TE EV ἅπασι ποικίλος TE καὶ διηομένος 
τὴν λέξιν ἐστὶ καὶ ψυχαγωγεῖν ἱκανῶς ὀυνάμξδνος. 

δοχεῖ δὲ χαὶ τὴν πατρίδα τυραννουμένην ἐλευθερῶ- 
σαι, τὸν μόναρχον χτείνας, WC φησι Δημήτριος ὁ Μάγνης 


55 Cf. eandem inscriptionem operis [heophrasti fr. 1 ν.] 0 FHS&G 73- 
84; 90 Demetr. Magn. fr. 18 Mejer, Hermes 109 (1981) 463 73-90 Hip- 
pobot. fr. 7 Gigante 


52 Iloocg tov editio Frobeniana: πρὸς D: πρῶτον BP: πρώτων F 
Onuoxoitiov F 53a 0m.F 540m. F 6lom.F 62TOVOM. P 
et editio Frobeniana 65 τὸ ante περὶ σωφροσύνης add. Voss p.21 65-6 
περὶ TOV καθάδην B70 ἔστιν scripsi: ἔστιν editores 


55 


60 


65 


70 


89 


The Sources, Text and Translation 31 


Expositions of Heraclitus, four books'’ = 17 (41) 
Expositions in Reply to Democritus, one book = 17 (42) 
Solutions to Eristic (Arguments), books 1, 2 = 17 (43) 
Axiom, one book = 17 (44) 
On Forms, one book = 17 (45) 
Solutions, one book = 17 (46) 
Instructions, one book = 17 (47) 
In Reply to Dionysius, one book = 17 (48) 
and rhetorical (writings are) 
On Public Speaking or Protagoras = 17 (49) 
historical (writings are) 
On the Pythagoreans = 17 (50) 
and On Discoveries = 17 (51) 


Of these writings he has composed some in a comic manner, 
such as the one On Pleasure |= 17 (13)] and (the one) On Self- 
control |= 17 (2)], and others in a tragic manner, such as the one 
On the Things in the Underworld |= 17 (22)]| and the one On 
Piety |= 17 (3)] and the one On Power |= 17 (52)}. 

He has as well a certain middle style of conversation, repre- 
senting philosophers and generals and statesmen in discussion 
with each other. But there are also writings on geometry from 
him and dialectical writings. And otherwise in all his writings he 
is varied and lofty in his style and sufficiently able to capture the 
mind. 


He (Heraclides) is believed to have liberated his country from 
tyranny by killing the monarch,'’ as Demetrius of Magnesia‘ 


Ὁ For this and the following title, see above ἢ. 6. 

'' This act of tyrannicide is falsely attributed to Heraclides Ponticus. Clear- 
chus, tyrant of Heraclea, was killed in 352 B.C. by a student of Plato, Chion of 
Heraclea (Philodemus, History of the Philosophers, PHerc. 1021 col. VI, ed. 
Dorandi 1991, p.135), and others (cp. RE XI 1,578; Burstein p. 64 with n. 126; 
127 on p. 134), without the involvement of Heraclides Ponticus. The account 
by Demetrius of Magnesia must contain a confusion with Heraclides of Ainos 
(Daebritz RE VIII 1, 473), a student of Plato as well (Diog. Laert. 3.46 = 6), 
who, together with his brother Python, murdered the king of the Odryses, Cotys 
I, in 359 B.C. See Arist. Pol. 5.10, 1311b20-—2 with Schititrumpf-Gehrke, note 
on 1311620; Plut. Adv. Colot. 32 1126C; K. Trampedach, Platon. Die Akademie 
und die zeitgendssische Politik, Hermes EZ 66, Stuttgart 1994, 90-2. 

'* Demetrius of Magnesia, Ist century B.C., friend of Atticus, wrote on Cif- 


90 


32 


16 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Ev Ὁμωνύμοις. ὃς καὶ TOLOVSE ἱστορεῖ περὶ AUTOD: θρέψαι 
αὐτὸν OOGXOVTG EX νέου καὶ αὐξηθέντα: ἐπεὶ <OE> τελευ- 


τῶν ἔμελλε, κελεῦσαί τινι τῶν πιστῶν αὑτοῦ τὸ σῶμα χα- 
TAXOVWAL, τὸν δὲ ὁράκχκοντα ἐπὶ τῆς χλίνης θεῖναι, ἵνα 


δόξειεν εἰς θεοὺς μεταβεβηκέναι. ἐγένετο δὲ πάντα. χαὶ 
μεταξὺ παραπεμπόντων τὸν HoaxdAelOnv τῶν πολιτῶν χαὶ 
εὐφημούντων, ὁ ὁράκων ἀκούσας τῆς ἐπιβοῆς ἐξέοδυ τῶν 
ἱματίων καὶ διετάραξε τοὺς πλείστους. ὕστερον μέντοι ἐξ- 
ἐχαλύφθη πάντα καὶ ὥφθη Ἡρακλείδης οὐχ οἷος ἐδόκει, 
ἀλλ᾽ οἷος ἢν. 
καὶ ἔστιν ἡμῶν εἰς αὑτὸν οὕτως ἔχον: 
ἤθελες ἀνθρώποισι λιτεῖν φάτιν, Ηρακλείδη. 
ὥς ῥα θανὼν ἐγένου ζωὸς ἅπασι ὁράκων. 
ἀλλὰ διεψεύσθης, σεσοφισμένε: δὴ γὰρ ὁ μὲν θὴρ 
Ne δράκων, σὺ δὲ ONO, οὐ σοφὸς Hv ἑάλως. 
ταῦτα δέ φησι καὶ Ἱππόβοτος. 


75-84 Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant. (1.2, p.259.13—21 Marcovich) οὗτος 
ἔθρεψε δὁράχοντα EX νέου καὶ αὐξηθέντα: ἐπειδὴ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλεν, 
ἐκέλευσέ τινι τῶν πιστῶν αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα κατακρύψαι, κτλ. ad οἷος ἣν 
sine mutatione verborum.— 259.13 αὐξηθέντα BPF: αὐξηθέντος Marco- 
vich, falso, vid. app. crit. ad v. 76 δ6--ὃ-9 = Anth. Pal. 7.114 


765 αὐξηθέντος P ἐπειδὴ codd.: ἐπεὶ δὲ vel ἐπειδὴ δὲ CONieci 77 
τινι ΒΡΦ: τινὰ F αὑτοῦ Huebner: αὑτοῦ BPF@P 79 πάντα BPP 
Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant. (1.2, p.259.17 Marcovich): ταῦτα F 82 


διετάραξε BP: ἐτάραξε F τοὺς πλείους P 86 ἤλυθες Pal.’ δ87 
ἅπασι BPF et Pal.: ἁπαρτί Reiske, Hermes 24 (1889)318 =90 tatta BPF 
(cf. Diog. Laert. 9.5 τοῦτο δὲ καὶ Ἱππόβοτός φησι): ταὐτὰ Wilamowitz, 
Antigonos von Karystos, [δδ], p.46 adn. 3; Gigante (ad Hippobotum fr. 7), 
coll. Diog. Laert. 9.40 


75 


85 


90 


90 


The Sources, Text and Translation 33 


says in (his) (Authors) of the Same Name. He (Demetrius) tells 
also something like this about him: he raised a snake from the 
time when it was young and after it had grown up, <and>'’ when 
he was about to die, he told one of his trusted attendants to con- 
ceal his own body and to put the snake on the bier, so that he 
would appear to have passed over to the company of the gods. 
And all these things took place. And when the citizens were in 
the middle of escorting him to the grave and were speaking his 
praise, the snake heard the shouting, came out from the funer- 
ary attire, and scared most of the crowd. Later, however, all was 
revealed, and Heraclides was seen not as he was thought to be, 
but as he was. 
And we have written something for him like this: 

You wanted to leave a reputation to mankind, Heraclides, 

that after death you became alive to all as a snake, 

but you were deceived, you subtle schemer. For, indeed, 

the beast 
was a Snake, and you were found out to be a beast, not a 
smart person. 
And Hippobotus™ also says these things. 


ies with the same Name (Περὶ ὁμωνύμων πόλεων) and On Poets and Authors 


of the same Name (Περὶ ὁμωνύμων ποιητῶν καὶ συγγραφέων). See J. Mejer, 
“Demetrius of Magnesia. On poets and authors of the same name,” Hermes 
109 (1981) 447-72; DPhA 2 D 52. 

‘5 Since the snake Heraclides had raised was young (θρέψαι ... ἐκ νέου, 
see Menagius; cp. about raising young animals ἐκ νέων λαμβάνοντες ὥσπερ 
λέοντας Plat. Gorg. 483E5—6), the following remark about “having grown up” 
must refer to the snake as well (cp. codd. Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant., v. 2, p. 
259.13 Marcovich). The particle kai connects, therefore, only these statements 
about the age of the snake. A particle 1s needed that connects the two infinitives 
θρέψαι and κελεῦσαι, see app. crit. 

'* Hippobotus, late 3rd century B.C., historian of philosophy, wrote On the 
Schools of Philosophy and List of Philosophers. The fragments are collected in 
M. Gigante, “Frammenti di Ippoboto. Contributo alla storia della storiografia 
filosofica,” in: A. Mastrocinque (ed.), Omaggio a Piero Treves, Universita di 
Venezia, Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, Padova 1983; cp. DPhA 3 H 148. 


34 


9] i4aw 


QO? 181 W 
176 W 


48 W 
l3a W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Ἕρμιππος δὲ λιμοῦ κατασχόντος τὴν χώραν φησὶν αἰτεῖν 
τοὺς Ηραχλεώτας τὴν Πυθίαν λύσιν. τὸν δὲ Hoaxdet- 
ONV διαφθεῖραι χρήμασι τούς τε θεωροὺς χαὶ τὴν προειρη- 
μένην, ὥστ᾽ ἀνελεῖν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν, εἰ ζῶν 
μὲν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Εὐθύφρονος χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ στεφα- 
νωθείη πρὸς αὐτῶν, ἀποθανὼν δὲ ὡς ἥρως τιμῷτο. 
ἐκομίσθη ὁ δῆθεν χρησμὸς χαὶ οὐδὲν ὥναντο οἱ πλάσαν- 
τες αὐτόν. αὐτίκα γὰρ EV τῷ θεάτρῳ στεφανούμενος ὁ 
Ἡρακλείδης ἀπόπληκτος ἐγένετο, οἵ τε θεωροὶ χκαταλευ- 
σθέντες διεφθάρησαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ Πυθία τὴν αὐτὴν ὥραν 
κατιοῦσα ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον καὶ ἐπιστᾶσα ἑνὶ τῶν ὁρακόντων 
δηχθεῖσα παραχρῆμα ἀπέπνευσε. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν θά- 
VATOV αὑτοῦ τοσαῦτα. 

φησὶ δ᾽ Αριστόξενος ὁ μουσικὸς καὶ τραγῳδίας αὐὖ- 
τὸν ποιεῖν καὶ Θέσπιδος αὐτὰς ἐπιγράφειν. Χαμαιλέων TE 
τὰ παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ φησι χλέψαντα αὐτὸν τὰ περὶ Ησιόδου καὶ 
Ὁμήρου γράψαι: ἀλλὰ καὶ Αντίδωρος «ὁ» Ἐπικούρειος 
ἐπιτιμᾷ αὐτῷ. τοῖς Περὶ δικαιοσύνης ἀντιλέγων. ETL καὶ 


91--Τ02 Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant. (1.2, p.259.22—260.5 Marcovich) Twec¢ 
δέ φασιν ὡς λιμοῦ τοὺς Ηρακχκλεώτας κατασχόντος ὁ HoaxAeidnc 
χρήμασι διαφθείρας τῆν τε IIvOiav καὶ τοὺς θεωροὺς ἕπεισεν εἰπεῖν 
ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν, εἰ COV μὲν Ἡρακλείδης χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ 
στεφανωθείη πρὸς αὐτῶν, ἀποθανὼν δὲ ὡς NOWS τιμῷτο. ἐκομίσθη 
ὁ δῆθεν χρησμὸς καὶ οὐδὲν ὥναντο οἱ πλάσαντες αὐτόν, xTA. ad 
ἀπέπνευσε, SOluM ἐπιστᾶσα Omisso.- 259.22—3 κατασχόντας Marcovich, 
vix recte, cf. Diog. Laert. κατασχόντος 91-103 Hermipp. SdA (Suppl. 
1) fr. 42; FGrH (IVA, fasc. 3) F 71 Bollansée 104—5 Aristox. SdA (1.2) fr. 
114; IrGF (t.1, p.263) no. 93 (“Heraclides Ponticus?”’ ) 105—7 Chamael. 
SdA (t.9) fr. 46; fr.47 Giordano 106--7 De Hesiodo et Homero, vid. ἽΥ (28) 
107 nomen Antidori corruptum arbitratur Wehrli (fr. 48 et adn. p.75), cum 
Antidorus, cuius in Diog. Laert. 10.8 (= Epicur. fr. 238 Us.) mentio fit, non 
in numero Epicureorum referatur, sed philosophus sit, contra quem Epicurus 
libros scripserit (Diog. Laert. 10.28 = Epicur. fr. 3, p.92.13—21 Us.). At duo 
philosophi eiusdem nominis existisse videntur, unus Epicureus et alter “nescio 
culus sectae et ab Epicuro duobus libris impugnatus et a Colote” (Usener 


p.400, cf. p.93.7), vid. B.A. Miiller, RE Suppl. t. Il, col.120-1 


91 λιμοῦ PF®: λοιμοῦ B 94 ἀνελεῖν Richards, CR 18 (1904), 345: 
ἀνειπεῖν BPF: εἰπεῖν ᾧ τῶν κακῶν BPP: τοῦ κακοῦ F 95-6 
στεφανωθείη P®: στεφανωθῇ BF 99-100 καταλευσθέντες Kuehn: 
κατακυλισθέντες BPFP 106 ἑαυτῷ codd.: ἑαυτοῦ Cobet 107 


95 


100 


105 


9] 


92 


The Sources, Text and Translation 35 


Hermippus!’’ says that when a famine seized the land, the 
citizens of Heraclea asked the Pythia for relief. But (according 
to Hermippus) Heraclides bribed both the sacred envoys and the 
said Pythia, so as to make her reply that they would be released 
from their distress 1f they would crown Heraclides, son of Euthy- 
phron, with a golden crown while alive,’® and when dead honor 
him as a demi-god (hérds). The (pretended) oracle was brought 
home, but those who forged it gained nothing. For immediately 
on being crowned in the theater, Heraclides was struck with para- 
lysis, and the envoys to the oracle were stoned to death. But also 
the Pythia in the same hour, as she went down into the innermost 
shrine (adyton) and stepped upon one of the snakes, was bitten 
and breathed her last on the spot. And so much about his death. 

Aristoxenus the musician says that he (Heraclides) also wrote 
tragedies and ascribed them to Thespis.'’ And Chamaeleon'® says 
that Heraclides wrote his books about Hesiod and Homer after 
stealing the material from him. But Antidorus the Epicurean too 
censures him (Heraclides), disputing his (books) On Justice.'” In 


'S Hermippus, of Smyrna (see 82), 3rd century B.C., was a student of Cal- 
limachus whose work he continued. His writings focused on biographies of 
famous men. The fragments are collected in J. Bollansée, Hermippos of Smyrna, 
in: FGrH Part 4, IV A, Fasc. 3, Leiden-Boston-K6olIn 1999; cp. DPhA 3 H 86. 

‘© For coronation see M. Blech, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen, 
Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, vol. 38, Berlin 1982, pp. 
153-61. 

'’ The first scholar to argue that the few preserved lines from plays ascri- 
bed to Thespis cannot come from his tragedies but must have been written by 
Heraclides Ponticus was R. Bentley, “Dissertation upon Phalaris,” now in: R. 
Bentley, The Works, ed. by A. Dyce (1836-1838), vol. 1, London 1836 (repr. 
Hildesheim-New York 1971), pp. 289-96. Bentley’s hypothesis, which has been 
rejected by some scholars, 1s supported by the fact that Heraclides 15 the only 
author we know of who wrote under the name of Thespis, see below 150-4. 

'® Chamaeleon, of Heraclea on the coast of the Black Sea, was a Peripatetic 
philosopher and younger contemporary of Heraclides. The fragments are col- 
lected in SdA vol. 9 and by Giordano; cp. DPhA 2 C 93. 

'° Or, reading τοῖς περὶ δικαιοσύνης: “his (views) on justice.” 


Αντίδωρος Menagius (coll. Diog. Laert. 10.8): ἀντόδωρος BPF: 


Αὐτόδωρος Stephanus (exempla nominis Antodori vel Autodori desunt, cum 
exempla nominis Antidori abundent, cf. LGPN t.2, p.35 et alib.) ὁ add. 
Cobet 


36 


93 


94 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Διονύσιος ὁ Metabéuevoc (ἢ Σπίνθαρος, ὡς EVLOL) γράψας 
τὸν Παρθενοπαῖον ἐπέγραψε Σοφοκλέους. ὁ δὲ πιστεύσας 
εἴς τι TOV ἰδίων συγγραμμάτων ἐχρῆτο μαρτυρίοις ὡς Σο- 
POXAEOUG. αἰσθόμενος δὴ ὁ Διονύσιος ἐμήνυσεν αὐτῷ τὸ 
γεγονός: τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρνουμένου XAL ἀπιστοῦντος ἐπέστειλεν 
ἰδεῖν τὴν παραστιχίδα: καὶ εἰχε ΠΑΓΚΑΛΟΣΣ οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν 
ἐρώμδνος Διονυσίου. ὡς δ᾽ ἔτι ἀπιστῶν ἔλεγε κατὰ τύχην 
ἐνδέχεσθαι οὕτως ἔχειν, πάλιν ἀντεπέστειλεν ὁ Διονύσιος 
OTL καὶ ταῦτα εὑρήσεις: 
— γέρων πίθηκος οὐχ ἁλίσκεται πάγῃ: 
— ἁλίσκεται μέν, μετὰ χρόνον O° ἁλίσκεται. 
καὶ πρὸς τούτοις: 
- Ἡρακλείδης γράμματα οὐκ ἐπίσταται. 
ὁ δ᾽ ἡσχύνθη. 
γεγόνασι δ᾽ ἩΗραλλεῖδαι τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα: πρῶτος 
αὐτὸς οὗτος: δεύτερος πολίτης αὐτοῦ, πυρρίχας καὶ φλυα- 
οίας συντεταγμένος: τρίτος Κυμαῖος, γεγραφὼς Περσικὰ 
ἐν πέντε βιβλίοις: τέταρτος Κυμαῖος, ONTWO τέχνας γεγρα- 


109-22 cf. Diog. Laert. Excerpt. Byzant. (1.2, ρ.260.6--ἰδ Marcovich) 
Διονύσιος (ἢ Στίνθαρος, ὡς ἕνιοι) yoawacg tov [Ιαρθενοπαῖον 
ἐπέγραψε Σοφοκλέους. ὁ δὲ Ηρακχλείδης πιστεύσας, κτλ. nullis verbis 
mutatis praeter ultima: Ἡρακλείδης γράμματα οὐκ ἐπίσταται καὶ ἐπὶ 
τούτοις OVX ἠσχύνθη. 109 Dionysius vid. 5; 11; Epicur. fr. 402; fr. 511 
(p.315.7-10) Us.; DPhA 2 D 82 (Denys d’ Heéraclée) 109-12 Dionysius 
IrGF (1.1, p.252) πο. 109-22 (ησχύνθη) = Dionysius SVF (1.1) no. 
425; Spintharus 1IrGF (1.1) no. 40 T 3 118-19 proverbium: Apostolius 
(CPG 1.2, p.343) 5.37; 37a (“ex Diog. Laert. 5.93 petita”); Suda 4 203 (5.ν. 
Ιέρων πίθηκος κτλ.) et IT 1580 (s.v. ΠΠίθηκος - om. πάγη); verbo ἀλώπῃξ 
pro πίθηκος substituto, I 202 (s.v. Γέρων ἀλώπηξ xth.); Zenobius Cent. 
2.90 (CPG t.1, p.55), cf. Ovid. Ars amator. 1.478: Capta vides sero Pergama, 
capta tamen 


112 δὴ ΒΦ: δὲ Suda IT 449 (s.v. Παραστιχίς = 11): δ᾽ P:0om.F ὁ om. 
ἔ 114παγκάλως Suda IT 449 (s.v. Παραστιχίς =11) 118 hunc ver- 
sum interrogationem esse mavult Voss p.17 121] γράμματ᾽ Voss p.17, Snell 
(1rGF 1.1, p.169) trimetrum restituens — 122 ὁ δ᾽ Nauck? (p.840 adn.) : οὐδ᾽ 
BPF 124-5 φλυαρίας codd.: φλύακας Wilamowitz 


110 


115 


120 


125 


93 


94 


The Sources, Text and Translation 37 


yet another example, Dionysius, the defector, or Spintharus,” as 
some say, wrote the Parthenopaeus-' and attributed it to Sopho- 
cles. And he (Heraclides), believing (it was genuine), used it in 
one of his own writings as testimony as if it were by Sophocles.” 
On finding him out, Dionysius revealed to him what had hap- 
pened. When Heraclides denied it and would not believe him, he 
told him to look at the acrostic: and this comprised (the name) 
PANKALOS [*All-beautiful’]: this individual was the beloved 
of Dionysius. When Heraclides was still unconvinced and said 
this could have happened by chance, Dionysius once again sent 
him back, saying ““you will find these (lines) as well: 

— An old monkey 15 not caught in a trap; 

— Caught he is, but he 1s caught after a time. 
And in addition to these lines: 

Heraclides does not know his letters.” 
Then he (Heraclides) felt ashamed. 

There have been fourteen men named Heraclides: first the one 
dealt with here: second his fellow citizen,*’? who has written war 
dances and foolish trifles; the third of Cyme, author of a work on 
Persian affairs in five books;** the fourth of Cyme, an orator who 


°° Since Spintharus made fun of the o/d Heraclides (“an old monkey ... is 
caught after a time’), therefore at some time in the second half of the fourth 
century, he cannot be the Spintharus who was vilified as a foreigner by Aris- 
tophanes, Birds 762 ({rGF vol. I no. 40 T 2 — he 15 assumed to be the same 
person as the tragedian Spintharus from Heraclea Pontica, cp. 7rGF vol. I 
no. 40 T 1) and belonged to the second half of the fifth century (born ca. 445, 
see F. Susemihl, RAM 49, 1894, 475-6), see Voss p. 17; Susemihl, BPhW 18, 
1898, 261. Kannicht (/rGF vol. I (2nd ed.), p. 349 note to p. 159.39 T 4) cites 
reasons why /rGF vol. I no. 40 T 4 should be removed from the testimonia for 
Spintharus. Hicks understands Spintharus (σπίνθαρος) as another nickname 
of Dionysius, 1.6... “the Spark.” 

“' Parthenopaeus was one of the “Seven against Thebes,” who tried to restore 
Oedipus’ son Polynices as king of Thebes. 

2 A short version of the account which starts here is found in Suda IT (Pi) 
449 = 11. 

°° Heraclides Ponticus “the younger’, 1st century A.D., grammarian, lived in 
Rome under Claudius and Nero, see Suda H (Eta) 463, v.2, p.582.1—9 (Adler); 
RE vol. VIII 1, no. 49, col. 487-8. 

** Heraclides of Cyme, probably from the mid-fourth century BC, wrote 
Persica, see kGrH 689 T 1, cp. 696 F 30. 


38 


Heraclides of Pontus 


φώς: πέμπτος Καλλατιανὸς ἢ Αλεξανὸρεύς, γεγραφὼς 
τὴν Διαδοχὴν ἐν €& βιβλίοις καὶ Λεμβευτικὸν λόγον, ὅθεν 
καὶ Λέμβος ἐκαλεῖτο: ἕχτος Αλεξανὸδὸρεύς, γεγραφὼς τὰ 
Περσικὰ ἰδιώματα: ἕβδομος διαλεκτικὸς Baoyvanitne, 
κατ᾽ Ἐπικούρου γεγραφώς: ὄγδοος ἰατρὸς τῶν ἀπὸ Ixeot- 
OU: ἔνατος ἰατρὸς Γαραντῖνος, ἐμπειρικός: δέκατος ποιητι- 
HOC, παραινέσεις γεγραφώς: ἑνδέκατος ἀνὸριαντοποιὸς 
Φωκαεύς: δωδέκατος ἐπιγραμμάτων ποιητὴς λιγυρός: 
τρισκαιδέκατος Μάγνης, Μιθραδατικὰ γεγραφώς: τεσσα- 
OEOXALOEXATOS ἀστρολογούμενα συγγεγραφώς. 


126 Heraclides Cymaeus, scripsit Persica: FGrH 689 T 1, saec. quart. a. 
Chr., cf. Fk GrH 696 F 30; RE t.VIIT 1, no. 42 (col. 469-70) 130 De Hera- 
Clide dialectico Barguleite, qui scripsit contra Epicurum, vid. RE t. VIII J, 
no. 39 (col. 469); de controversia inter Epicurum et dialecticos existente vid. 
Epicur. fr. 238 Us. (= Diog. Laert. 10.8); Vit. Epicuri 24 (p.368.15—369.1 Us.); 
31 (p.371.4 Us.) 


130 


135 


The Sources, Text and Translation 39 


wrote works on the art (of rhetoric); fifth (Heraclides) of Callatis 
or Alexandria, who wrote (the work) the Succession 1n six books 


and a treatise titled Lembeuticus whence he received the nick- 


name “Lembus”:* sixth a man from Alexandria, who wrote on 


matters peculiar to Persia;*° seventh the dialectician of Bargylia, 
who wrote against Epicurus; eighth a physician who belonged 
to the school of Hicesius;*’ ninth a physician of Tarentum,”* of 
the empirical school; tenth a poet, the author of pieces of advice; 
eleventh a sculptor of Phocaea;”’ twelfth a brilliant poet of epi- 
erams;”’ thirteenth a man from Magnesia,”’ who wrote a history 
of Mithradates; fourteenth the author of studies on astrology. 


25 Heraclides with the surname Lembus (which means: ‘fast boat’) was the 
son of Sarapion (Suda H (Eta) 462, v.2, p.581.25—27 Adler; Diog. Laert. 8.7) 
and belongs to the 2nd century B.C. He was author of an epitome of Sotion’s 
work on Successions of philosophers (ibid., and 5.79), see above ἢ. 5; Wehrli, 
SdA Suppl. 2, 1978, 8-14. He compiled as well excerpts of works by Hermip- 
pus and Satyrus, and of Aristotle’s collection of constitutions, cp. Bollansée, 
FGrH IV Ano. 1026 Comment. on T 5 (Fasc. 3, pp. 99-101), cp. DPhA 3 H 
61. The fragments are collected in FHG vol. 3, p. 167—71 and M.R. Dilts, Hera- 
Clidis Lembi Excerpta Politiarum, Durham (NC) 1971. 

°° He wrote on matters peculiar to Persia, see FGrH 696 F 30 — he might 
be identical with Heraclides no. 3 (above n. 24), cp. RE vol. VIII 1, no. 42, 
col. 470. 

“ About Heraclides the physician of the school of Hicesius nothing else is 
known, see RE vol. VIII 1, no. 56, col. 496. Hicesius belonged to the first cen- 
tury B.C.: Strabo 12.8.20. 

°° Heraclides of Tarentum, Ist century B.C., was an important physician and 
commentator on Hippocrates’ works, see A. Guardasole, Eraclide di Taranto, 
Napoli 1997; DPhA 3 H 58. See below 16; RE vol. VIII 1, no. 54 (col. 493-6). 

“Ὁ RE vol. VII 1, no. 60, col. 497. 

°° An epigram of a certain Heraclides of Sinope is preserved in the Anthologia 
Graeca 7.392, cp. perhaps by the same author no. 281 (and 4657). 

°*' Of the history on Mithradates by Heraclides of Magnesia only the title 
survives (/GrH 187 T 1). He wrote probaby in the era of Sulla, see Jacoby 
F'GrH 2. Teil (11 B 4), p. 614. 


40 


2 W 


18 W 


12 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Strabo, Geographica 12.3.1 541.1—3 (t.3, p.422 Radt) 


προσεχτήσατο δ᾽ οὗτος (scil. Μιθριδάτης ὁ Εὐπάτωρ) 
καὶ τὴν μέχρι Ηρακχλείας παραλίαν ἐπὶ τὰ δυσμικὰ μέρη. 
τῆς Ηρακχλείδου τοῦ Πλατωνικοῦ πατρίδος. 


3 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. T ad 1 ν. 4..5 


Suda H 461 s.v. Ἡρακλείδης (LG t.2, p.581.16-19 Adler) 


Ἡρακλείδης, Εὔφρονος, φιλόσοφος, Ηρακχλείας τῆς 
Πόντου, τὸ δὲ γένος ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ Δάμιδος, ἑνὸς τῶν NYN- 
σαμένων τῆς εἰς Ηράκλειαν ἐκ Θηβῶν ἀποικίας, Πλάτω- 
νος γνώριμος: ἐκδημήσαντος δὲ Πλάτωνος εἰς Σικελίαν 
προξστάναι τῆς σχολῆς κατελείφθη ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 


3—4 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. T ad 1 ν. 4-5 4 De 
Platonis absentia vid. 147 


1 Εὔφρονος codd.: Εὐθύφρονος Diog. Laert. 5.86 (= 1), cf, Εὐθύφρων 
ibid. 1.107 (= 4) 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 1.107 (BT t.1, p.79.13- 
14 Marcovich) 


Εὐθύφρων δ᾽ ὁ ἩΗραχλείδου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ Kofta φη- 
σιν εἶναι (scil. τὸν Μύσωνο): Htelav γὰρ πόλιν εἶναι 
Κρήτης. 


Cf. Sosicrates fr. 9 Giannattasio; Hermippus (SdA Suppl. 1) fr. 14; ΓΟΥΗ 
1026 (Part 4, IV A, Fasc. 3) F 19 Bollansée 


| Euthyphron vid. FGrH IV A fasc. I, no. LOO7 T 1 (Schepens) 2 Μύσων 
‘Hteioc Steph. Byz. s.v. Httc 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 7.166 (BT t.1, p.544.2— 
ὃ Marcovich) 


Διονύσιος δὲ ὁ Μεταθέμενος τέλος εἰπε τὴν ἡδονὴν διὰ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 41 


2 Strabo, Geography 12.3.1 541.1-3 (v.3, p.422 Radt) 


And he (Mithridates Eupator)' acquired also the coastland 
toward the west as far as Heraclea, the native city of Heraclides, 
the Platonist. 


' Mithridates Eupator, i.e., Mithridates VI, 132-63 B.C. 


3 Suda H (Eta) 461 under “Heraclides” (LG v.2, p.581.16—19 
Adler) 


Heraclides, son of Euphron, was a philosopher from Heraclea 
on the Black Sea (Pontus). He was descended from Damis, one 
of those who led the colony of Heraclea from Thebes.’ He was a 
pupil of Plato, and when Plato travelled to Sicily,* he (Plato) left 
the leadership of the school to him (Heraclides). 


' On the Boeotian influence in the settlement of Heraclea on the Pontus, 
see D. Asheri, “Uber die Friihgeschichte von Herakleia Pontike,” Osterr. Ak. 
Wiss. Wien, Philos.-Histor. Kl., Bd. 106, 1972 (pp. 9-34), 24-8. 

- Plato’s third journey to Sicily in 361 B.C.: Wilamowitz, Antigonos von 
Karystos, 1881, p. 280; Leisegang RE XX, 2, col. 2355. 


4 Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 1.107 (BT v.1, 
p./79.13—14 Marcovich) 


Euthyphron, the son of Heraclides Ponticus, says that he 
(Myson') was a Cretan, for Eteia was a city on Crete. 


' Myson was at times (e.g., by Plato Prot. 343A; Hermippus FGrH 1026 F 
19 Bollansée; Sosicrates F ὃ Giannattasio Andria; Diog. Laert. 1.106—8) listed 
among the Seven Wise Men. 


Ὁ Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 7.166 (BT v.1, 
p.044.2—8 Marcovich) 


Dionysius the defector! declared pleasure (to be) the final 


42 Heraclides of Pontus 


περίστασιν ὀφθαλμίας: ἀλγῆσας YAO ἐπυτόνως WXVIOEV 
εἰπεῖν τὸν πόνον ἀδιάφορον. 

ἣν δὲ παῖς μὲν Θεοφάντου, πόλεως δ᾽ Ἡραλλείας. 
ἤκουσε δέ, καθά φησι Διοκλῆς, πρῶτον μὲν Ἡρακλείδου 
τοῦ πολίτου, ἔπειτα Αλεξίνου καὶ Μενεδήμου, τελευταῖον 
δὲ Ζήνωνος. 


| Dionysius = SVF (1.1). 422, vid. Diog. Laert. 7.37; Heraclid. Pont. 1 (93); 
11 1-4 = Diocles Carystius: Wilamowittz, Antigonos von Karystos, 1581, 
p.126 6 Alexinus: 1 δ] Doring 


6 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 3.46 (BT t.1, p.220. 
17—221.7 Marcovich) 


4w μαθηταὶ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ (scil. Πλάτωνος) Σπεύσιππος Αθη- 
ναῖος, Ξενοχράτης Καλχηδόνιος, Αριστοτέλης Σταγειρί- 
της, Φίλιτπος Οπούντιος, Ἑστιαῖος Περίνθιος, Δίων Συ- 
οακόσιος, Αμύκλας Ηρακλεώτης, Εραστος καὶ Κορίσκος 
Σ κήψιοι, Τιμόλαος Κυζικηνός, Εὐαίων Λαμψακηνός, Πύ- 
θων καὶ Ηραλλείδης Αἴνιοι, Ἱπποθάλης καὶ Κάλλιππος 
Αθηναῖοι, Δημήτριος Αμφιτολίτης, Ηρακλείδης Ποντικὸς 
καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους. 


1 = Speus. 1 5 Taran 2 Xenocrat. fr. 3 Isnardi Parente Arist.: Diog. 
Laert. 5.9; Dion. Hal. Ep. ad Amm. 5; deest in R° 6 Heraclides ex urbe 
Aeno, vid. adn. 11, ad Diog. Laert. 5.89 (= 1) 7 De Heraclide Pontico 
Platonis discipulo vid. T ad 1 v. 4—5 


4 Αμύκλας Marcovich: ἄμυκλος BPF’, at vid. 7 (col. vi v.1—2) 5—6 
Πύθων β΄ Phid. Historia philosophorum, PHerc. 1021 col. VI 15: πείθων 
PF’ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 43 


goal (i.e., highest good) (of everything) because of a painful 
condition of eye-disease. For, having suffered severe pain, he 
hesitated to declare pain (to be) a thing indifferent. 

He was the son of Theophantus, from the city of Heraclea. 
And he heard the lectures, as Diocles’ claims, first of his fel- 
low citizen Heraclides, then of Alexinus’ and Menedemus?* and 
finally of Zeno.° 


' Dionysius of Heraclea, the defector (see 11), lived during the last quar- 
ter of the 4th, and first half of the 3rd century B.C. Having fallen ill with a 
severe infection of the eye, he no longer subscribed to the Stoic tenet that pain 
belonged to the category of indifferent things; he gave up Stoicism and turned 
to hedonism. On Dionysius’ attempts to write poetry, see Diog. Laert. 7.167. 

- Diocles of Magnesia was a Hellenistic author of biographies of philoso- 
phers and of a compendium of their teachings; DPhA 2 D 115. 

> Alexinus of Elis was a member of the Megarian school of philosophers 
who lived around 300 B.C. The fragments of his work are collected by K. 
Doring, Die Megariker, 1972, 73-95; DPhA A 125. 

* Menedemus of Pyrrha, 4th century B.C., was a student of Plato, see 7; 
10; DPhA 4 M 117. 

> Zeno of Citium, 335—263, was the founder of the Stoic school. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 3.46 (BT v.1, 
p.220.17—221.7 Marcovich) 


His (Plato’s) pupils were Speusippus of Athens, Xenocrates 
of Calchedon,' Aristotle of Stagira, Philippus of Opus, Hesti- 
aeus of Perinthus,* Dion of Syracuse,’ Amyclas of Heraclea,* 
Erastus and Coriscus of Skepsis,’ Timolaus of Cyzicus, Euaeon 
of Lampsacus,° Python and Heraclides of Ainos,’ Hippothales® 
and Callippus of Athens, Demetrius of Amphipolis,’ Heraclides 
Ponticus, and several others. 


! Xenocrates of Calchedon, a student of Plato, was the successor of Speu- 
sippus (see 1 n. 3) as head of the Academy from 339-314 B.C., see 10. For 
the fragments, see M. Isnardi Parente, Senocrate-Ermodoro, Edizione, Tra- 
duzione e Commento, Naples 1982. 

“ Hestiaeus of Perinthus, 4th century B.C., was one of the students of Plato 
who attended, together with Heraclides Ponticus, Plato’s lecture On the Good 
and wrote it down, see 9: DPhA 3 H 111. 

> DPhA 2 Ὁ 167. 

* DPhA 1 A 148. 


4+ 


Heraclides of Pontus 


7 Philodemus, Historia philosophorum PHerc. 1021 col. V, 32-- 


VI, 10 (p. 134-5 Dorandi 1991) 


sw E TAatovog μί[αθη- 


τα]ὶ Holalv . .[------ 

ρα] 10... Ὄ0ᾧ{Ν1 -- ---- 

—— —|ITOC 

———|MOIC[.]. . 

Ss Ne 
———|C.A..]Q<——-—> 
δόνιος, Ηρακλλείδης Αμύντας 
Ἡρακλεῶται, Μενέδημος Πυρ- 
oaioc, Εστιαῖος Περίνθιος, Αρισ- 
τ[ο]τέλης Στα γι ρίτης. Χαίρων Πελληνεύς΄, Δίων Συ- 
ροακόσιος ὁ τὴν Διονυσίου 
τυραννίδα καθελών, Eo- 
μ[ό΄Ιδωρος (υρακόσιος ὁ καὶ πε- 
οἱ α[ὑ]ἱτοῦ γράψας καὶ τοὺς λό- 
γρυς εἰς (ικελίαν [μετ|αφέ- 
o[w]y, Ἔραστος καὶ... ὠ΄. 


= Xenocrat. fr. 1 Isnardi Parente 


35 Ἔρμιπ]πος Lasserre 35-8 (πεύσιχτ]πος |[Δθηναῖος ὁ τὸ] μουσ[ε]ῖ- 
oy [παρὰ TAata]vols διαδεξάϊμενος, Ξενοκράτης Χαλι![κ]η- Gaiser 


Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum commentarium 1.28C (BT {.1. 
p.90.21—4 Diehl) 


Ἡρακλείδης γοῦν ὁ Ποντικός φησιν, ὅτι τῶν Χοιρίλου 
τότε εὐδοκιμούντων Πλάτων ta Αντιμάχου προὐτίμησε 
καὶ αὐτὸν ἔπεισε τὸν Ἡρακχλείδην εἰς Κολοφῶνα ἐλθόντα 


35 


VI 


The Sources, Text and Translation 45 


- For these two students of Plato, see DPhA 2 C 187. 
6 DPhA 3 E 61. 

’ See 1n. 11: DPhA3 H55. 

> DPhA 3 H 158. 

? DphA 2 D 48. 


7 Philodemus, History of the Philosophers, PHerc. 1021 col. 
V,32—VI,10 (p.134—5 Dorandi 1991) 


Plato’s pupils were ... (col. VI) of ...]don,' Heraclides and 
Amyntas- (both) of Heraclea, Menedemus of Pyrrha,* Hestiaeus 
of Perinthus,* Aristotle of Stagira, Chaeron of Pellene, Dion of 
Syracuse, who brought down the tyranny of Dionysius, Hermo- 
dorus of Syracuse, who has also written about him (Plato) and 
brought his dialogues over to Sicily, Erastus and ... etc. 


! Gaiser’s supplement of col. V,35-8 reads: “... [Speusip]pus [of Athens, 
who took over the Mouseion from Plato, Xenocrates of Chalce]don.” 

* Amyntas of Heraclea, cp. Amyntas no. 23, RE vol.1 col. 2008; DPhA 1 
A 152. 

> For Menedemus of Pyrrha, see 5 n. 4. 

1 For Hestiaeus of Perinthus, see 6 n. 2. 


8 Proclus, Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus’ 1.28C (BT v.1, 
p.90.21—4 Diehl) 


Heraclides Ponticus, for one, says that Plato preferred the 
poetry of Antimachus over that of Choerilus, which at that time 
enjoyed great popularity, and that he persuaded Heraclides 
himself to go to Colophon and collect the poems of this man 


46 


ΤῊ 


10 


9 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


τὰ ποιήματα συλλέξαι τοῦ AVOOOG. 


1-4 Antimach. Colophon.: T 4 Matthews; Duris FGrH 76 F 83, cf. Plut. Lys. 
18.7-9 


2 ta CN: τὴν P 


Simplicius, In Aristotelis Physicorum libros commentaria 3.4 
(CAG t.9, p.453.27—30 Diels) 


καὶ TO μέγα δὲ καὶ TO μικρὸν ἀρχὰς τιθεὶς ἄπειρον εἰ- 
ναι ἔλεγεν ἐν τοῖς Περὶ τἀγαθοῦ λόγοις, οἷς Ἀριστοτέλης 
καὶ Ἡρακλείδης καὶ Ἑστιαῖος καὶ ἄλλοι τοῦ Πλάτωνος 
ἑταῖροι παραγενόμενοι ἀνεγράψαντο τὰ ῥηθέντα αἰνιγμα- 
τωδῶς,. ὡς ἐρρήθη. 


Comment. ad Arist. Phys. 3.4 202b36 lest. Plat. 23b (p.482 Gaiser); Por- 
phyr. Fragmenta Platonica 174 F. (A. Smith); cf. Simpl. In Arist. Phys. libros 
comment. 1.4 (CAG 1.9, p.lSI Diels) = Heraclid. Pont. fr. δ W, Speusippo 
Xenocrateque nomine nominatis, sed Heraclide omisso 2 Arist. fr. 28 
(p.41.20-25) R° 3 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. T αὐ Ἵ v. 
4—5; de Heraclide Pontico auctore libri De bono vid. 17 (25) 


Ι ἄπεραα 2οϊςδα 3832ἄλλοι οηϊ. Ε 


Philodemus, Historia philosophorum PHerc. 1021 col. VI, 41-- 
VII, 10 (p.136—7 Dorandi 1991) 


OL O[€] νεανίσκοι ψηφ[ο!φορή- 
σαντες ὅστις αὑτῶν NYYN{O}- 
σεται ι}] =evoxEaty[v] εἵλοντο 
τὸν [Κα]λχηδόνιον. Αριστο- 
τέλους μὲν ἀποδεδημη- 

κότος εἰς Maxedoviav, Me- 
νεδήμου δὲ τοῦ Πυρραίου 

καὶ Ηρακλείδου τοῦ Ἡραχλε- 
(TOU παρ᾽ ὀλίγας ψήφους ἣτ- 
τηθέντων. [ὁ] μὲν οὖν [Ἢ]ρα- 
xhetons ourh|olev εἰ[ἰς τ|ὸν 
Πόντον, ὁ δὲ [Μενέδημος ἕ- 


v1 41 


Vil 


10 


The Sources, Text and Translation 47 


(Antimachus).? 


' Commenting on Plato, Timaeus 21B7-D3. 

* Antimachus of Colophon was a writer of epic and elegiac poems of the 5th 
century B.C., cp. V.J. Matthews, Antimachus of Colophon. Text and Commen- 
tary (= Mnemosyne Suppl. 155), Leiden 1996. 


Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle's Physics 3.4 (CAG v.9, 
p.453.27—30 Diels) 


And positing the great and the small as first principles he 
(Plato) said in his lectures On the good that it is unlimited. Aris- 
totle and Heraclides and Hestiaeus' and others of Plato’s pupils 
were present (at these lectures) and wrote up what he said in an 
enigmatic fashion, as it was 5416." 


! For Hestiaeus of Perinthus, see 6 n. 2. 

* Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics I 4 p.151 Diels (= Hera- 
clid. Pont. 8 W) mentions “Speusippus and Xenocrates and the others,” but not 
Heraclides, as “present at Plato’s teaching about the Good,” who “wrote up 
and preserved his belief” that “the first principles of all things and of the Ideas 
themselves are the One and the Unlimited Dyad, which he said 15 the great 
and the small,” as Aristotle too mentions in his writings about the Good. 


Philodemus, History of the Philosophers, PHerc. 1021 col. 
VI,41-—VII,10 (p.136—7 Dorandi 1991) 


The young men decided by vote who of them would lead! 
and chose Xenocrates* of Calchedon. Aristotle was away in 
Macedon, and Menedemus of Pyrrha’ and Heraclides of Hera- 
clea lost by a few votes. Heraclides then departed to the Black 
Sea (Pontus), whereas Menedemus established another Peripa- 
tos and philosophical school. 


| This account refers to 339 B.C., after the death of Speusippus, see 6 n. 1. 
2 For Xenocrates of Calchedon, see 6 n. 1. 
> For Menedemus of Pyrrha, see 5 n. 4. 


48 


11 


Heraclides of Pontus 


τερον περίπατον καὶ [OL]a- 
τροιρὴν κατε[σ]κευάσατο. 


Speus. T 2 Taran; Xenocrat. fr. 1 Isnardi Parente; T 3 Diiring 1957 


vul 7 Spengel et Buecheler ὃ Gomperz [10 Buecheler 


Suda [1 449 s.v. ΠΠαραστιχίς (LG t.4, p.43.1-4 Adler) 


3bw Παραστιχίς. Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς εἴς τι τῶν ἰδίων 


12 


14b W 


συγγραμμάτων ἐχρῆτο μαρτυρίοις, ὡς Σοφοκλέους. Al- 
σθόμενος δὲ ὁ Διονύσιος ἐμήνυσεν αὐτῷ τὸ γεγονός. τοῦ 
δὲ ἀρνουμένου καὶ ἀπιστοῦντος, ἐπέστειλεν ἰδεῖν τὴν πα- 
ραστιχίδα: καὶ εἶχε παγκάλως. 


Diog. Laert. 5.92-3 (= 1) 3 Dionysius vid. 5 


2 Σοφοκλῆς F STWAPKAAO® Diog. Laert. 5.93 (= 1) 


Philodemus, Historia philosophorum PHerc. 1021 col. IX,l- 
X,14 (p.139-41 Dorandi 1991) 


ἐνόν} ΤῸ teyvix[Oc¢ o]utoc ἦν [---- --Ἰ 
NAC - τινὲς δ᾽ ὡς καὶ γραμμα- 
τοδιδάσκαλ[ο]ς Ἡρακλείδης {ἣν καὶ Ἡράκλειτος). 
ἔστιν δὲ ταὐτὰ τῆι δυνά- 

ιιδι — , διότι «τῆς χώρας τῶν H- 
ρακλε[ω]τῶν OLA τινας αὖχ- 

μοὺς συνεχεῖς καὶ ἐπομ- 

Bolas ἀκαίρους στειρωθείσης. 
[σ]υνέβη λι[μὸν π]ερὶ H[od]xAet[av] 
γενέσθαι παρὰ πάμπολ;]λ᾽ ἔ- 

τη. ψηφισα[μένων δὲ τῶν] Η- 
OAXAEWTH[V αἰτεῖν, ὥσ!]πε[ο 

φ]ασί, Τί.1(ΟἹ...««««ννς Κη- 
φιϊ]σογένους τὴν [{ΠΠυθί]ᾳν 


11 


12 


The Sources, Text and Translation 49 


Suda 11 (Pi) 449! under “Acrostic” (LG v.4, p.43.1—4 Adler) 


Acrostic: For one of his own writings Heraclides Ponticus 
used testimony as if it were that of Sophocles. On finding it 
out, Dionysius revealed to him what had happened. When Hera- 
clides denied it and would not believe him, he told him to look 
at the acrostic: this comprised (the word) pankalos (“in an all- 
beautiful manner’’).” 


! This is an abridged version of the account presented in Diog. Laert. 5.92- 
3 = 1: see there n. 22. 

2 The text in the Suda differs from that in Dio σι Laert. 5.93 (1.114) in that it 
has an adverb παγκαλῶς (“in an all-beautiful manner’) instead of a masculine 
nominative singular πάγκαλος (“All-beautiful’). 


Philodemus, History of the Philosophers, PHerc. 1021 col. 
[X,1—X,14 (p.139-41 Dorandi 1991) 


(He says) that he (Heraclides) was skilled ... — Some (say) 
that Heraclides taught reading and writing {as did Heraclitus}, 
which is the same in substance —, that:' ““when the land of the 
people of Heraclea became barren because of persisting droughts 
and untimely heavy rains, a famine occurred in the area of Hera- 
clea which lasted for many years. (11) And after the citizens of 
Heraclea had decided to ask (the Pythia) as they say ... 

(13-14) ... Cephisogenes the Pythia ... 


50 


15 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


[.. JAY T].|] taoyov[t] . TO 
.....JON[...... JOM .NT[... 


JOC [..........0.0. ]. EIZA A 
la dw tewevaa JON[.I[T]vOtal. . . 
ΝΥ | WEICEOATII. .. 
Lees JELIN.A[........] 


O.[. .JQINII[...... JCECTAK].]. [.] 


AN[.]..[...... Hoa|xAetol. . . .] 
TON [....]. H[....... | ἑαυτοῦ 


ΝΕ JEPETO. [.] 
H[--- 

~——]HC 

|---]AHC 

[——-|NT[.JYC. . .] 


.[....] N[...... JONH]...]. ΠΟΙ.. 


. |PATIO...[. τῶ]ν [ HolaxAe[te 


O|v TAPO[.JH...A.. QI. HI... 


JI. γινομένης δὲ τ[ῆ]ς avaly- 
νώ] σεως, πεσὼν KAI.. .1[ὀΡΑ!.. 
. JO... .JOL. JHA. JCOHI. . .] 
ΕἼ------ἰΝ χαὶ |. . 

.. JQANAKATI-— -] 

τῆς χερκίδος OMGAAETA[L] καὶ 
φερόμενος EWC εἰς μέσον 

τὸ θέατρον χαὶ ὑπὸ βάθρου 
πληγεὶς συνετρίβη τὴν 
χκεφαλῆν, WOTE μετ᾽ ὀλίγον 
τοῦ διαφθείροντος ἐχπίν]ξῦ- 
σαι. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὴ[ν προ-] 
φῆτιν εἰς τὸν νεὼν EVXAL[ OWS 
πορ]ξυομένην ἐπ[ι|ρῆν[αι 
ὁράϊ]χοντι καὶ δηχθεῖσαίν)! 
ἀποθανεῖν». λέ[γει} δ᾽ ἅν- 


20 


25 


30 


35 


40 


The Sources, Text and Translation 51 


(37-38) While (the response) was being read Cephisogenes, 
having fallen down ... 

(X,1) He (Heraclides) lost his footing from his block of seats 
(in the auditorium) and falling all the way to the middle of the 
theater, hit a step and shattered his skull, with the result that he 
breathed his last shortly after the man who tried to corrupt (the 
Pythia). And it happened also that the prophetess who was just 
then coming into the temple stepped on a snake, was bitten, and 
died.” (11) And this fellow (Demochares) says that there has 


52 


19 


17 W 


14 


Heraclides of Pontus 


θρωπος χαὶ βελτίονα μαθη- 
τήν [τ|8 καὶ πολίτην γεγο- 
vié}var[. . YAEN [..].OC[..... 


ix 1 sq. .. τις τε[χ]γικ[ός] mac? ἣν [κατά tt]lva[c Mekler: “μάν]τις 
τεχγιχ[ὸς ο]Ἱῦτος ἣν, [ot] UaL” Gaiser 3D, {Ἡρακλείδης} ἣν καθ᾽ 
Ἡράκλειτον΄ Gaiser 9 Gaiser: λιμόν] Buecheler 10 Gaiser: καὶ ἀνὰ 
πόλ]λ᾽ Mekler 11 54. Gaiser: ψηφισαμίένοις δὲ τοῖς] H[olaxAewmt[atc 
Mekler 12-13, 14-15 Gatiser 35 sq. Gaiser: [| HolaxAem{v'i[ta]v 
Buecheler et Mekler 37 sq. Mekler 38 Gaiser x 7 sq. Mekler et 
Gaiser ὃ Gaiser: av[O]we[t Mekler Ὁ Buecheler 10 Spengel — Post 
Οαστοθανεῖν spatium 11-12 Mekler 14 o]vdéevi[a Buecheler et Mekler: 
[το] δ᾽ ἐν [φι]λοσ[ζόφοις Gaiser 


Suda Η 461] s.v. Ηρακλείδης (LG t.2, ρ.581.20--4 Adler) 


Ἡρακλείδης ... οὗτος καὶ δράκοντα ἔθρεψε χαὶ 
ἡμέρωσε χαὶ εἰχε συνδιαιτώμενον αὐτῷ καὶ συγκαθεύ- 
δοντα: ὃς καὶ μόνος ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης εὑρέθη. τοῦ Ηραλλεί- 
ὃου XATAXMLBEVTOS μὲν ὑγιοῦς, οὐχ εὑρεθέντος OE. καὶ ἄλ- 
λοι μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπηθανατίσθαι ἐνόμισαν, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐν φρέα- 
τι αὑτὸν ἐμβεβληκέναι, ὡς ἂν δόξῃ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπ- 
ηθανατίσθαι. ἔγραψε πολλά. 


Diog. Laert. 5.89 (= 1) 


3 μόνον Υ 5 ἀπηθανατεῖσθαι αὐτὸν V: αὑτὸν ἀπηθανατίσθαι ὦ] 6- 
7 ἀπηθανατίσθαι GIV: ἀπηθανατεῖσθαι ΤΕΜ 


Philodemus, De libertate dicendi, PHerc. 1471, fr. 20 (BI 
p.10.20—11.10 Olivieri) 


POVELLS μετρίαις 
θεραπεύων, OLA δὲ TH[V προ- 
θυμία!ν αὑτῶν χαὶ τῆν, [εἴ γ᾽ ε-] 
δυνήθησαν, ὠφελίαν ἡ- 
μῶν. ἔτι δὲ τὴ[ν] μξεριζο- 
μένην συνγ[ν]ώ μίην ἐν οἷς 
διέπεσον. ὡς ἔν τε τοῖς 
πρὸς Δημόκριτον ἵστα- 
ται διὰ τέλους ὁ Ἐπίκουρος 


13 


14 


The Sources, Text and Translation 53 


even been a better pupil and citizen (than Heraclides) ... 


! διότι “introduce un estratto letterale dalla fonte” (Dorandi 1991, p. 231). 


Suda H (Eta) 461 under “Heraclides” (LG v.2, p.581.20-4 
Adler) 


Heraclides ...' this man raised a snake and tamed it, and he let 
it live and sleep with him. This snake was in fact found alone in 
the bed, whereas Heraclides, who had gone to bed healthy, was 
not found. And some people believed he had become immortal, 
while others thought he had thrown himself in a well so that 
people would think he had become immortal. He wrote many 
works. 


! 3 precedes. 


Philodemus, On Frank Speech, PHerc. 1471, F 20 (BT p.10.20 
—11.10 Olivieri)’ 


Treating (the pupils) with moderate words, and on account of 
their eagerness and usefulness to us, at least if they were capa- 
ble, and furthermore the forgiveness imparted for their errors, as 
Epicurus consistently asserts in his (writings) in reply to Demo- 


54 


15 


20 W 


16 


21 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


x[atmo0c] HoaxdAetonv ἐν 10 


= Epicur. fr. 16 Us. De Epicureis Heraclidem impugnantibus vid. 1 (93): 
15: 72 


Plutarchus, Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum 2 
LO86E-F (BI t.6, fasc. 2, p.125.7—17 Pohlenz-Westmann) 


καὶ ὁ Θέων ‘eit’? οὐκ ἔλεγες᾽ eimev “ὅτι τοῖς ἐκείνων 
(scil. Ἐπικούρου καὶ Μητροδώρου λόγοις) ὁ Κωλώτης 
παραβαλλόμδνος εὐφημότατος ἀνδρῶν φαίνεται; τὰ γὰρ 
ἐν ἀνθρώποις αἴσχιστα ῥήματα, βωμολοχίας ληκυθισμοὺς 
ἀλαζονείας ἑταιρῆσεις ἀνὸροφονίας, βαρυστόνους πολυ- 5 
φθόρους βαρυεγχεφάλους συναγαγόντες Αριστοτέλους 
καὶ Σωκράτους καὶ ΠΠυϑθαγόρου καὶ Πρωταγόρου καὶ Θεο- 
φράστου καὶ Ἡρακλείδου καὶ Ἱππαρχίας καὶ τίνος γὰρ 
οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν κατεσχέδασαν, ὥστ᾽, εἰ καὶ τάλλα 
πάντα σοφῶς εἶχεν αὐτοῖς, διὰ τὰς βλασφημίας ταύτας 10 
καὶ κατηγορίας πορρωτάτω σοφίας ἂν εἴργεσθαι. 


1-9 κατεσκέδασαν = Epicur. fr.237 Us. 5 Bagvotovous ν. Epicur. fr. 114 
(p.136.19) Us. 6 Aristoteles deest in [ν᾽ 7-8 Theophr. fr. 60 FHS&G 


3 εὐφημότατος: εὐφημότης g ἃ Innaoyiac: ἱππάρχου IT 


M. Terentius Varro, Saturarum Menippearum fragmenta, fr. 445 
(Quinquatrus 6) (t.3, p.824 Krenkel) 


qui larentinum tuum ad Heraclidem Ponticon contenderet. 
ex Nonio 4 (1.2, p.397.19-21 Lindsay) 


1 Ponticon Oehler : ponti codd.: ponto L’ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 55 


critus and (in those) in reply to Heraclides in... 


! See Dorandi, RUSCH vol. XV, chap. 1. 


15 Plutarch, That Epicurus Actually Makes a Pleasant Life 
Impossible 2 \1O86E-F (BT v.6, fasc.2, p.125.7—17 Pohlenz- 
Westmann) 


And Theon said: “Yet didn’t you say that by comparison to 
their (Epicurus’ and Metrodorus’') writings Colotes appears to 
be the most polite of men in his speech? For they collected the 
ugliest expressions among humans — ‘coarse jestings,’ ‘hol- 
low bellowings,’ “impostures,’ ‘prostitutions,’ “murder(er)s,’ 
‘heavy groanings, ‘destroyers of many, “inflated heads’ — and 
showered (these) on Aristotle, Socrates, Pythagoras, Protago- 
ras, Theophrastus, Heraclides, Hipparchia,* indeed, whom 
of the eminent figures did they spare? The result is that, even 
if there had been nothing but wisdom in everything else that 
they uttered, on account of these blasphemies and slanders they 
would be removed from wisdom by the greatest possible dis- 
tance. 


' Metrodorus of Lampsacus, ca. 330-278 B.C., Epicurean philosopher, 
was one of the closest friends of Epicurus, who had the highest opinion of 
Metrodorus, cp. fr. 146; 241 Usener; DPhA 4 M 152. 

* Hipparchia was a Cynic philosopher of the 3rd century B.C.; DPhA 3 H 
138. 


16 M. Terentius Varro, Fragments of Menippean Satires, fr.445 
(Quinquatrus 6) (v.3, p.824 Krenkel) 


who compared your Tarentinian’ with Heraclides Ponticus. 


l See 1 n. 28. 


56 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De vita et studiis Heraclidis 

vid. 49, quo loco Plutarchus (Camillus 22.2) Heraclidem non 
multum a temporibus proelii ad Alliam commissi (1.e. anno 388 
ante Chr.) afuisse scripsit 

Vid. 26A, quo loco Strabo (8.7.2) destructionem Helices (anno 
373 ante Chr.) Heraclide vivo factam esse enarrat 

Vid. 1, quo loco Diogenes Laertius (5.86) Heraclidem Ponticum 
doctrinam Platonis aemulavisse dicit 

Vid. 2, quo loco Strabo (12.3.1) Heraclidem Platonicum appel- 
lat 

Vid. 3, quo loco Suda (H 461 s.v. Ἡρακλείδης) Heraclidem 
Platonis familiarem appellat 

Vid. 30, quo loco Cicero (De legibus 3.6.14) Heraclidem Ponti- 
cum a Platone profectum esse profitetur 

Vid. 72, quo loco (Cicero, De natura deorum 1.13.34) Velleius 
Heraclidem Ponticum e Platonis schola provenisse dicit 

Vid. 85 et 117A, quibus locis a Cicerone (Tusculanae disputa- 
tiones 5.3.8; De divinatione 1.23.46) Heraclides Ponticus aud1- 
tor Platonis dicitur 

Vid. autem 66, quo loco Proclus (Commentarium in Platonis 
Timaeum 4.281E) Heraclidem Ponticum Platonis discipulum 
fuisse negat 


The Sources, Text and Translation 57 


For the life and works of Heraclides 

see 49, where Plutarch (Camillus 22.2—4) writes that Heraclides 
did not live much later than the time of the battle at the river 
Allia (7.e., 388 B.C.). 

See 26A, where Strabo (8.7.2) says that the destruction of 
Helike (373 B.C.) took place during Heraclides’ lifetime. 

See 1, where Diogenes Laertius (5.86) says that Heraclides Pon- 
ticus zealously embraced (the teaching of) Plato. 

See 2, where Strabo (12.3.1) calls Heraclides a Platonist. 

See 3, where the Suda (H 461 under “Heraclides’’) calls Heracli- 
des a pupil of Plato. 

See 30, where Cicero (On Laws 3.6.14) states that Heraclides 
Ponticus got his start from Plato. 

See 72, where Velleius says that Heraclides Ponticus came 
from the school of Plato (Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 
1.13.34). 

See 85 and 117A, where Heraclides Ponticus is said to be a 
pupil of Plato by Cicero (Jusculan Disputations 5.3.8—9; On 
Divination 1.23.46). 

See, however, 66, where Proclus (Commentary on Plato’s 
Timaeus 4.281E) denies that Heraclides Ponticus was a pupil of 
Plato. 


5$ Heraclides of Pontus 


Il. SCRIPTA 


Libri a Heraclide Conscripti 


1/7 ‘Tabula inscriptionum 


| 


Περὶ δικαιοσύνης γ΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosoph- 
orum 5.86 = 1; ibid. 5.92 = 1 (τοῖς Περὶ δικαιοσύνης): 
Athe-naeus, Deipnosophistae 12.21 521E (BIT t.3, p.151.21 
Kaibel) = 22 (ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης); Ps.-Eratosthenes, 
Cataste-rismi 29 Ototot (35.17-8 Olivieri 1897) = 24A 
(ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης); id. Catasterismorum fragmenta 
Vaticana codex T = Vaticanus Graecus 1087 (RhM 67, 1912. 
p.418 Rehm) = 24B (ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης): Athenaeus, 
Deipnosophistae 12.26 523F (BT t.3, p.156.2—3 Kaibel) = 
23 (ἐν δευτέρῳ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης); Commentariorum in 
Aratum Reliquiae (242.10--11 Maass) = 240 (Heraclidis 
Pontici in quo propter iustitiam) 


Περὶ σωφροσύνης Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.86 = 1 (€v Ileol σωφροσύνης); ibid. 5.88 = 1 (leo 
σωφροσύνης) 


Περὶ εὐσεβείας α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.86 = 1; ibid. 5.88 = 1 (Περὶ εὐσεβείας) 


Περὶ ἀνὸρείας α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.86 = 1 


Περὶ ἀρετῆς α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.87 = 1 (κοινῶς Περὶ ἀρετῆς a’) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 59 


Il. WRITINGS 


Books Written by Heraclides 


1/7 Lust of Titles 


| On Justice, three books] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.86 = 1; ibid. 5.92 = 1 (“hist (books) On Jus- 
tice’); Athenaeus, The Sophists at Dinner 12.21 521E (BT 
v.3, p.151.21 Kaibel) = 22 (“in his? (treatise) On Justice’’); 
Ps.-Eratosthenes, Conversions into Stars 29 “Of the Arrow” 
(35.17-18 Olivieri 1897) = 24A (“in his (work) On Jus- 
tice’); id., Conversions into Stars, Vatican Fragments, codex 
T = Vatican Greek 1087 (RAM 67, 1912, p.418 Rehm) = 
24B (“in his (work) On Justice’); Athenaeus, The Sophists 
at Dinner 12.26 523F (BT v.3, p.156.2—3 Kaibel) = 23 (“in 
the second book of On Justice”); Remains of the Commen- 
taries on Aratus (242.10—11 Maass) = 240 (οἵ Heraclides 
Ponticus, in what (he wrote) about justice’’)” 

2 On Self-control| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philoso- 
phers 5.86 = 1 (“one On Self-control’); ibid. 5.88 = 1 (“On 
Self-control’) 

3 On Piety, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.86 = 1; ibid. 5.88 = 1 (‘On Piety”) 

4 On Courage, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.86 = 1 

5 On Virtue, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 (“On Virtue in general, one book’) 


| Instead of the possessive pronoun “his” the Greek text has the definite 
article (τοῖς Περὶ δικαιοσύνης), but the translation is justified since Diog. 
Laert. lists the works of Heraclides Ponticus. For the Greek article being used 
for a possessive pronoun, see Κα. Ktihner-B. Gerth, Ausfiihrliche Grammatik 
der Griechischen Sprache, Part 2, Satzlehre, 3rd ed. 1898 (repr. Darmstadt 
1966), vol. 1, p. 593.2. 

* Instead of the possessive pronoun “his” the Greek text has the definite 
article (ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης), cp. previous note. 

> In Diog. Laert. 5.86 the first twelve titles are listed under the heading 
“Ethical.” 


60 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Sa 


8b 


10 


11 


12 


12 


Περὶ εὐδαιμονίας α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosoph- 
orum 5.87 = 1 (ἄλλο Περὶ εὐδαιμονίας a’) 


Περὶ ἀρχῆς α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.87 = 1; ibid. 1.94 = 28 (ἐν τῷ ΠΙΕρὶ ἀρχῆς) 


Νόμοι α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1 
(Νόμων! a καὶ TOV συγγενῶν τούτοις) 


ΠῸΕερὶ νόμων] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 9.50 
= 31 (ἐν τοῖς Ileot νόμων) 


Περὶ ὀνομάτων α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.87 = 1 


Συνθῆκαι α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
=1 


Axowvotoc α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
=1 


Ἐρωτικὸς ἢ (καὶ codd.) Κλεινίας α΄] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1; Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 
13.78 602B (BT t.3, p.328.2—3 Kaibel) = 37 (ἐν τῷ []ερὶ 
ἐρωτικῶν) 


Περὶ ἡδονῆς! Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 
= 1 (to Περὶ ἡδονῆς); Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.5 
512A (BT t.3, p.130.8 Kaibel) = 39 (ἐν τῷ ΠΕερὶ noovis): 


' Cf. inscriptiones Aristotelis Νόμων ἃ β γ ὃ ap. Diog. Laert. Vitae philoso- 
phorum 5.26 (= p.8.140 R°) et Theophrasti Θεόφραστος ἐν δ΄ Νόμων: 
Theophr. FHS&G fr. 635, cf. 653. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 61 


6 On Happiness, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the 
Philosophers 5.87 = 1 (“another On Happiness, one book’’) 

7 On Governance,* one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the 
Philosophers 5.87 = 1; ibid. 1.94 = 28 (“in his (work) On 
Governance’) 

8a Laws, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 
5.87 = 1 (“one book of Laws? and of related subjects®”) 

8b On Laws] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 9.50 
= 31 (“in his (writings) On Laws’’) 

9 On Names, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

10 Contracts, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

11 Involuntary, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

12 (Dialogue) concerning Love or (and mss.)' Clinias, one book] 
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1; Athe- 
naeus, /he Sophists at Dinner 13.78 602B (BT v.3, p.328.2- 
3 Kaibel) = 37 (“in his (work) On Matters of Love’’) 

13 On Pleasure| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 
5.88 = 1 (“the one On Pleasure’’);> Athenaeus, The Sophists 


+ Ts this work identical with 17 (52) “On Power’? See RUSCH vol. XV, 
chap. 4. The same title Περὶ ἀρχῆς 15 found in the list of titles of Aristotle’s 
works in Diog. Laert. 5.23 (= p.4.41 R°). 

> Marcovich transposes α΄ after καὶ TOV συγγενῶν τούτοις. However, this 
second topic 1s obviously not part of the original title, but a description of 
the contents of this work by the compiler of the list. Wehrli, on the other 
hand, in the Greek text of his fr. 22, marked off “and of related subjects” (τῶν 
συγγενῶν τοῦτοις) With a semicolon, which makes “related subjects” a sepa- 
rate book title. But “related subjects” cannot in itself be a book title. 

© What these topics might be one could gather from a work by Antisthenes 
in Diog. Laert. 6.16 “On Law or what is noble and just,’ Περὶ νόμου ἢ περὶ 
καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου. 

’ One way to understand the καὶ of the manuscripts would be that it intro- 
duces the following “Clinias” as a separate title, so Marcovich who has to add 
here the number of books of the “Clinias” (he speculates this to be one ((α )) 
since all other titles in the section “Ethical” provide this information. For the 
form of the title as restored by Gigante’s conjecture, cp. 17 (49) “On Public 
Speaking or Protagoras.” 

> This work is omitted by Diog. Laert. 5.86—-8 in his list of Heraclides’ 
works, but it is mentioned in his comments on the style of some of them, see 


62 


Heraclides of Pontus 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


21 


22 


ibid. 12.30 525F (BT t.3, p.160.14 Kaibel) = 41 (ἐν τῷ 
Περὶ ἡδονῆς); ibid. 12.45 533C (BT t.3, p.176.10 Kaibel) = 
43 (ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς); ibid. 12.52 536F (BT t.3, p.183.14 
Kaibel) = 42 (ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς); ibid. 12.77 552F (BT 
t.3, p.219.15 Kaibel) = 44 (ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς); ibid. 12.81 
554E (BT t.3, p.223.27-224.1 Kaibel) = 40 (ἐν τῷ Περὶ 
ἡδονῆς) 


ΠΕερὶ νοῦ] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1 


Ileot ψυχῆς] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
= 1; Plutarchus, Camillus 22.24 (BT t.1, fase. 1, p.221.17— 
19 Ziegler) = 49 (ev τῷ leat ψυχῆς συντάγματι) 


Περὶ ψυχῆς] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
= 1 (κατ᾽ ἰδίαν Περὶ ψυχῆς) 


ΠῸΕερὶ φύσεως! Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
= 1 


Περὶ TOV φυσικῶς ἀπορουμένων] Plutarchus, Adversus 
Colotem 14 11154 (BI t.6. fasc. 2, p.189.16 Pohlenz-West- 
mann) = 79 (τὸ Ileet τῶν φυσικῶς ἀπορουμένων) 


Περὶ εἰδώλων] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 
= 1 


Πρὸς Δημόκριτον] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.87 = 1 


Περὶ τῶν «ἐν» οὐρανῷ α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae phi- 
losophorum 5.87 = 1 


Περὶ τῶν ἐν Atoov] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.87 = 1; Plutarchus, De libidine et aegritudine 5 (BT 
t.6, fasc. 3, p.43.13-14 Ziegler-Pohlenz) = 80 (to Ileot τῶν 
ἐν Atoov βιβλίον ἐπιγραφόμενον): id. Adversus Colotem 


The Sources, Text and Translation 63 


at Dinner 12.5 512A (BT v.3, p.130.8 Kaibel) = 39 (“in his 
(work) On Pleasure’); ibid. 12.30 525F (BT v.3, p.160.14 
Kaibel) = 41 (‘in his (work) On Pleasure”); ibid. 12.45 
533C (BT v.3, p.176.10 Kaibel) = 43 (“in his (work) On 
Pleasure’); ibid. 12.52 536F (BT v.3, p.183.14 Kaibel) = 
42 (“in his (work) On Pleasure’); ibid. 12.77 552F (BT v.3, 
p.219.15 Kaibel) = 44 (“in his (work) On Pleasure”); ibid. 
12.81 554E (BT v.3, p.223.27—224.1 Kaibel) = 40 (“in his 
(work) On Pleasure’) 

14 On Mind| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 
- 1 

15 On Soul| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 
= 1; Plutarch, Camillus 22.24 (BT v.1, fasce.1, p. 221.15—27 
Ziegler) = 49 (“in his work On Soul’) 

16 On Soul] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 
1 (“On Soul in a separate treatise’) 

17 On Nature| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 
5.87 = 1 

18 On Problems in Natural Philosophy| Plutarch, In Reply to 
Colotes 14 1115A (BT v.6, fasc.2, p.189.16 Pohlenz-West- 


mann) = 79 (“Heraclides’ ... On Problems in Natural 
Philosophy”) 

19 On Images| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 
5.87 = 1 


20 In Reply to Democritus| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

21 On the Things <in> Heaven, one book] Diogenes Laertius, 
Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1 

22 On the Things in the Underworld| Diogenes Laertius, Lives 
of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1; Plutarch, Whether Desire and 
Grief Belong to Mind or Body 5 (BT v.6, fasc.3, p.43.13- 
14 Ziegler-Pohlenz) = 80 (“the book with the title On the 
Things in the Underworld’); id., In Reply to Colotes 14 


RUSCH vol. XV, chap. 4. This fact 1s an additional indication that the list 1s 
not in order, cp. app. crit. to 1.10. Omitted in this list as well are titles 17 (18), 
(30), (32), (53) to (57). 

? In Diog. Laert. 5.87 titles 17 (14) to (27) are listed under the heading 
“physical.” 


64 


Heraclides of Pontus 


23 


14 LIISA (Β΄ 1 1.6, fasc.2, p.189.15—16 Pohlenz-Westmann) = 
79 (τὸ Περὶ τῶν ἐν Atdov); Diogenes Laertius, Vitae phi- 
losophorum 5.88 = 1 (Περὶ τῶν καθ᾽ Atdonv) 


Περὶ βίων α΄ β΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.87 =1 


24a Αἰτίαι περὶ νόσων a | Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 


rum 5.87 = 1 


240 IIleot νόσων! Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.51 


= 82 (ev τῷ Heol νόσων); ibid. 8.60 = 87 (ἐν τῷ Ileot 
νόσων) 


24c Ileot τῆς ἄπνου] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum, 


25 


26 


2/ 


28 


29 


Prooem. 12 = 84 (ev τῇ Ileet τῆς ἀπνου); Galenus, De locis 
affectis 6.5 (t.8, p.415 Kiihn) = 89 (ἐπιγέγραπται τὸ BiBALOV 
ἄπνους): id., De difficultate respirationis 1.8 (t.7, p.773 Kiihn) 
= 90 (ἣν ἄπνουν ἔγραψεν) 


Περὶ τἀγαθοῦ α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.87 = 1 


Πρὸς ta Ζήνωνος α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.87= 1 


Πρὸς ta Μήτρωνος α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philoso- 
phorum 5.87 = 1 


Περὶ τῆς Ὁμήρου καὶ Ἡσιόδου ἡλικίας α΄ β΄] Diogenes 
Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1 


Περὶ Αρχιλόχου καὶ Ὁμήρου a’ βΊ] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1 


23 


The Sources, Text and Translation 65 


LLISA (BT v.6, fasc.2, p.189.15-16 Pohlenz-Westmann) = 
79 (“Heraclides’ ... On the Things in the Underworld ”’); 
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 (“On 
the Things in the Underworld’) 

On Lives, books |, 2| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 


24a Causes relating to Diseases, one book| Diogenes Laertius, 


Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1 


24b On Diseases| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 


8.51 = 82 (“in his (work) On Diseases’); ibid. 8.60 = 87 
(“in his (work) On Diseases’) 


24c On the Woman not Breathing| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of 


25 


26 


2/ 


28 


29 


the Philosophers, Preface 12 = 84 (“in his (treatise) On the 
Woman not Breathing’); Galen, On affected Areas 6.5 (v.8, 
p.415 Kiihn) = 89 (“the work is entitled The Woman not 
Breathing’); id., On difficulty of Breathing 1.8 (v.7, p.773 
Kiihn) = 90 (“whom [Heraclides Ponticus] wrote about as 
The Woman not Breathing’’)'® 

On the Good, one book| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

In Reply to the (doctrines) of Zeno,"' one book] Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1 

In Reply to the (doctrines) of Metron, one book] Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1 

On the Age of Homer and Hesiod, books 1, 2]'* Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1° 

On Archilochus and Homer, books 1, 2] Diogenes Laertius, 
Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1 


10 From its contents, this title probably refers to the same work as 17 (24a) 


and (240). see Casaubonus on Diog. Laert. Prooem 12; Voss p. 69; Wehrli p. 
86; Gottschalk p. 14 who, on the other hand, points out that the title Causes 
relating to Diseases does not fit a dialogue, cp. p. 21 n. 22. 


ΕἸ This can only be the Pre-Socratic philosopher Zeno of Elea, 5th century 


B.C., not the founder of the Stoa, Zeno of Citium, see 5 n. 5. 


12 Most probably one book was dedicated to each poet (Wehrli p. 123) 


— the one on Homer is therefore not identical with 17 (30), where “‘in his first 
book On Homer” suggests more than one book on Homer. 


13 Tp Diog. Laert. 5.87 titles 17 (28); (29) are listed under the heading 


“grammatical.” 


66 


Heraclides of Pontus 


30 Περὶ Ὁμήρου] Anonymus, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea 
Commentarium 3.2 (CAG 20, p.145.27 Heylbut) = 97 (ἕν τῷ 
προώτῳ Περὶ Ὁμήρου) 


31 Περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ Εὐριτίδῃ καὶ Σοφοκλεῖ α΄ β΄ γ΄] Diogenes 
Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.87 = 1 


32 Συναγωγὴ τῶν EV μουσικῇ] Pseudo-Plutarchus, De Musica 
3 1131F (BT t.6, fasc.3, p.3.1 Ziegler-Pohlenz) = 109 (ἕν τῇ 
LUVAYWYT] TOV EV LOVOLXN) 


338 Περὶ μουσικῆς α΄ β΄]: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philoso- 
phorum 5.87 = 1 


330 Περὶ μουσικῆς a β΄ γ] Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 
10.82 455C (ΒΤ 12, p. 490.7 Kaibel) = 113 (ἐν τρίτῳ Περὶ 
μουσικῆς); ibid. 14.19 624C (BT t.3, p.377.1-2 Kaibel) = 
114 (ἐν τρίτῳ Περὶ μουσικῆς) 


34 Λύσεις Ὁμηοικαὶ α΄ β΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae phi- 
losophorum 5.88 = 1 (Λύσεων Ὁμηοικῶν α΄ β΄) 


35 Θεωρηματικὸν α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.88 = 1 


36 Περὶ τῶν τριῶν τραγῳδοποιῶν α΄] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 1 


37 Xaoaxthoes α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 


38 Περὶ ποιητικῆς καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν α΄] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 1 


39 Περὶ στοχασμοῦ a | Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.88 = 1 


| vid. app. crit. ad Diog. Laert. Vitae philosophorum 5.87 (= 1 v.43) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 67 


0 On Homer| Anonymous, Commentary on Aristotle's Nico- 
machean Ethics 3.2 (CAG 20, p.145.27 Heylbut) = 97 (“in 
his first book On Homer’) 

31 On Issues in Euripides and Sophocles, books 1, 2, 2] Dio- 
genes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.87 = 1" 

32 Collection (of Tenets) of (Experts) in Music| Pseudo-Plu- 
tarch, On Music 3 1131 (BT v.6, fasc.3, p.3.1 Ziegler- 
Pohlenz) = 109 (“in his Collection (of Tenets) of (Experts) 
in Music’’)» 

33a On Music, books 1, 2| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.87 = 1 

33b On Music, books 1,2,3| Athenaeus, 7he Sophists at Dinner 
10.82 455C (BT v.2, p.490.7 Kaibel) = 113 (“in the third 
book of On Music’); τρια. 14.19 624C (BT v.3, p.377.1-2 
Kaibel) = 114 (“‘in the third book On Music’’)'® 

34 Solutions to Homeric (Questions), books 1, 2] Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

35, Theoretic, one book]| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philos- 
ophers 5.88 = 1 

36 On the Three Tragic Poets, one book| Diogenes Laertius, 
Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

37 Characters,'' one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.88 = 1 

38 On Poetics and the Poets, one book| Diogenes Laertius, 
Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

39 On Conjecture, one book| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the 
Philosophers 5.88 = 1 


4 Tn Diog. Laert. 5.87-88 titles 17 (31); (33a) and (34) to (48) are listed 
under the heading “musical.” 

15 This must have been a different work from On Music (33a), unless it is one 
section of that work, cp. Gottschalk p. 133 n. 21. 

16 The difference between the number of books attested for 17 (33a) and 
(930) respectively could be due to a mistake in transmission (see the conjec- 
ture by Meursius in 1 app. crit. 1. 43), or be explained by the fact that the same 
material was distributed in different editions over either two or three books 
or, finally, that to a work On Music in two books a different work 1n one book, 
e.g. 17 (32), was attached. 

!7 Most probably Characters of style, cp. the title On Style or on Charac- 
ters in the list of the works of Antisthenes in Diog. Laert. 6.15, see Wehrli p. 
119 (note on fr. 165 W). 


68 


Heraclides of Pontus 


40 


4] 


42 


43 


1 


45 


46 


47 


4S 


49 


50 


5] 


Προοπτικὰ α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 (Προοπτικῶν a’) 


Ἡρακλείτου ἐξηγήσεις δ΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae phi- 
losophorum 5.88 = 1 


Πρὸς τὸν Δημόκριτον ἐξηγήσεις α΄] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 1 


Λύσεις ἐριστικαὶ a β΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philoso- 
phorum 5.88 = 1 (AvoEewv ἐριστικῶν α΄ β΄) 


Αξίωμα a | Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 


1 
Περὶ εἰδῶν α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 


Λύσεις a | Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 
1 


Ὑποθῆκαι α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 


Πρὸς Διονύσιον α΄] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosopho- 
rum 5.88 = 1 


Ileot τοῦ ONtoOOoEvVELV ἣ Tlowtayooac] Diogenes Laertius, 
Vitae philosophorum 5.88 = 1 


Περὶ τῶν IlvOayoeeiwv| Diogenes Laertius, Vitae phi- 
losophorum 5.88 = 1 


Περὶ εὑρημάτων] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 


The Sources, Text and Translation 69 


40 Foreseeings, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.88 = 1 

41 Expositions of Heraclitus, four books] Diogenes Laertius, 
Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

42 Expositions in Reply to Democritus, one book| Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

43 Solutions to Eristic (Arguments),‘* books 1, 2] Diogenes 
Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

44 Axiom, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philo- 
sophers 5.88 = 1 

45 On Forms,’’ one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.88 = 1 

46 Solutions, one book| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philo- 
sophers 5.88 = 1 

47 Instructions, one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.88 = 1 

48 In Reply to Dionysius,” one book] Diogenes Laertius, Lives 
of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1 

49 On Public Speaking or Protagoras| Diogenes Laertius, Lives 
of the Philosophers 5.88 = 1°' 

50 On the Pythagoreans| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Phi- 
losophers 5.88 = 1 

51 On Discoveries| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philoso- 
phers 5.88 = 1 


8 Cp. the title of a work by Aristotle in Diog. Laert. 5.22 (= p.4.28 R°) 
Λύσεις ἐριστικαὶ O . 

12 This would probably be a treatise dealing with Plato’s theory of forms. 
Hicks (1925) translates “Of Species,” which suggests divisions in the tradi- 
tion of Plato’s later dialogues, e.g. Politicus 262B ff. Cp. the title of a work by 
Aristotle in Diog. Laert. 5.22 (= p.4.31 Ε΄) Περὶ εἰδῶν καὶ γενῶν (α΄). 

-° Most probably this is Dionysius, the student of Heraclides, the “defector,” 
since this title 15 grouped under Heraclides’ musical works and the interaction 
with Dionysius included issues of literature (see 5; 11). The phrasing of the 
title “In Reply to ...” suggests that Heraclides responded to philosophers (cp. 
17 (20)), not that he took issue with the tyrant Dionysius II of Syracuse. 

1 Th Diog. Laert. 5.88 (1 1. 60) this is the only work listed under the hea- 
ding “rhetorical.” For the form of the book-title, cp. above n. 7. 

-* In Diog. Laert. 5.88 this and the following title are listed under the head- 
ing “historical.” The same title Περὶ τῶν Πυθαγορείων α΄ is found in the list 
of titles of Aristotle’s works in Diog. Laert. 5.25 (= p.7.101 R°). 


70 Heraclides of Pontus 


52 [Περὶ ἐξουσίας! Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 
5.88 = 1 (πέπλακεν ... TA δὲ τραγικῶς, ὡς ... TO Περὶ 
ἐξουσίας) 


53. Ileot νήσων] Aelius Herodianus et Ps.-Herodianus, De 
prosodia catholica (GG pars 3, v.1, t.1, p.194.5) = 133 (ἐν 
τῷ [leet vyowv); Harpocration, Lexicon in decem oratores 
Atticos (2 48) Στρύμη (p.242 Keaney) = 134 (ἐν τῷ Ileot 
VNOWV) 


54a Ileot χρηστηρίων] Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata 1.21 
108.3 ((1, p.69.25 Stahlin-Friichtel) = 119 (ἐν τῷ [Περὶ 
χρηστηρίων); Scholion in Hesiodi Scutum 70 (p.26—7 
Ranke) = 122A (ἐν τῷ [ΠΙερὶ χρηστηρίων); Etymologi- 
con Magnum s.v. Ilayaoatoc (646.39-41 Gaisford) cum 
additamento codicis Laurentiani 304 B St. Marci (E. Miller, 
Mélanges de Littérature Grecque, Paris 1868, p.233) = 122B 
(ev τῷ ΠΙερὶ χρηστηρίων) 


540 Ileot χρησμῶν] Scholion in Pindari Olympionicas 6.119 
(t.1, p.180.6 Drachmann) = 121 (€v τῷ [Περὶ χρησμῶν): 
Aelius Herodianus et Ps.-Herodianus, De declinatione nom1- 
num (GG pars 3, t.2, fasc. post. p.690.8) = 123 (ἐν τοῖς Περὶ 


χρησμῶν) 


55 Κτίσεις ἱδρῶν] Clemens Alexandrinus, Protrepticus 2.39.8 
(p.62.36 Marcovich) = 141 (ἐν Κτίσεσιν ἱερῶν) 


56 Ζωροάστθρῃς] Plutarchus, Adversus Colotem 14 1115A (BT 
t.6, fasc.2,p.189.15 Pohlenz-Westmann)=79 (und ἀναλάβῃς 
εἰς χεῖρας ... HoaxdAeldou δὲ τὸν Ζωροάστρην) 


57a Αβαρις] Plutarchus, De audiendis poetis 1 14Ε (BT 
t.1, p.28.9-10 Paton-Wegehaupt-Gartner) = 130 (xal 
tov Αβαριν τὸν Ἡρακλείδου xai τὸν Λύκωνα TOV 
Αρίστωνος διερχόμενοι) 


570 Τὰ εἰς τὸν Αᾶβαριν ἀναφερόμενα] Lexica Segueriana, 
De syntacticis (Anecdota Graeca, {.1, p.178.27—8 Bek- 


The Sources, Text and Translation 71 


52 On Power~’| Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the philosophers 
5.88 = 1 (“he has composed ... others in a tragic manner, 
such as ... the one On Power’’) 

53 On Islands| Aelius Herodianus and Ps.-Herodianus, On Uni- 
versal Prosody (GG part 3, v.1, t.1, p.194.5) = 133 (“in his 
(treatise) On Islands”); Harpocration, Lexicon on the Ten 
Attic Orators (Σ 48) under “Stryma’” (p.242 Keaney) = 134 
(“in the (treatise) On Islands’) 

54a On Oracles| Clement of Alexandria, Patchwork 1.21 108.3 
(v.1, p.69.25 Stahlin-Friichtel) = 119 (“‘in his (treatise) On 
Oracles’); Scholion on Hesiod, Shield of Heracles 70 (p.26— 
27 Ranke) = 122A (“in his (treatise) On Oracles’); Great 
Etymological Lexicon under “Pagasaean” (646.39-41 Gais- 
ford) with a supplement from the Laurentian codex 304 B 
of St. Marcus (KE. Miller, Mélanges de Littérature Grecque, 
Paris 1868, p.233) = 122B (“in his (treatise) On Oracles’’) 

540 On Oracles| Scholion on Pindar, Olympian 6.119 (v.1, 
p.180.6 Drachmann) = 121 (“in his treatise On Oracles”’); 
Aelius Herodianus and Ps.-Herodianus, On declension of 
nouns (GG part 3, v.2, fasc. post. p.690.8) = 123 (“in his 
(treatise) On Oracles’) 

55 Foundations of Sanctuaries| Clement of Alexandria, Pro- 
treptic to the Greeks 2.39.8 (p.62.36 Marcovich) = 141 (“in 
Foundations of Sanctuaries’) 

56 Zoroaster| Plutarch, In Reply to Colotes 14 1115A (BT v.6, 
fasc.2, p.189.15 Pohlenz-Westmann) = 79 (“that ... you 
could not pick up ... and Heraclides’ Zoroaster’ ) 

57a Abaris| Plutarch, How the Young Man Should Study Poetry 
1 14E (BT v.1, p.28.9-10 Paton-Wegehaupt-Gartner) = 
130” (“reading through ... Heraclides’ Abaris and Ariston’s 
Lyco’’) 

57b What is attributed to Abaris| Seguerian Lexica, On Com- 
position (Anecdota Graeca v.1, p.178.27—8 Bekker) = 131 


23 See above n. 4. 

24 Since the Abaris is not mentioned in the list of Heraclides’ works in 
Diog. Laert., attempts have been made to consider this as an alternative title 
for works we know of, either On Justice (17 (1)) or On the Things in the 
Underworld (ΤΥ (22)); see however Gottschalk pp. 121-3. 


72 Heraclides of Pontus 


ker) = 131 (ἐκ τοῦ δευτέρου λόγου τῶν εἰς TOV Αβαοριν 
ἀναφερομδνων); Lexica Segueriana, De syntacticis (Anec- 
dota Graeca, t.l, p.145. 22-23 Bekker) = 132 (τῶν εἰς 
Αβαριν ἀναφερομένων) 


INCERTA 


58 Suda © 282 s.v. Thespis (LG t.2, p.711.11—13 Adler) = 150 


Tragoediae 
58a Αθλα Πελίου ἢ Φόρβας 


580 Ἱερεῖς 
58c Ηἴΐθεοι 


58d Πενθεύς; Pollux, Onomasticon 7.45 (t.2, p.64.14-15 Bethe) 
= 151 (Θέσπις ἐν τῷ Tevet) 


18 Proclus, Commentarium in Platonis Parmenidem, liber 1 (OCT 
p.46—7 659.14—17 Steel) 


23w τὸ OF παντελῶς ἀλλότρια τὰ προοίμια τῶν ἑπομένων 
εἶναι, καθάπερ τὰ τῶν Ἡρακλείδου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ καὶ Θεο- 
φράστου διαλόγων, πᾶσαν ἀνιᾷ χρίσεως μετέχουσαν 
ἀκοήν. 


Arist. fr. I (p.23.3-7) R’; Theophr. fr. 44 FHS&G 


19A Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 13.19.3—-4 (t.5, 326, p.210 3.44.2 
Shackleton Bailey) 


24aw... absolvi nescio quam bene, sed ita accurate ut nihil posset 
supra, Academicam omnem quaestionem libris quattuor. in 
els quae erant contra ἀκαταληψίαν praeclare collecta ab An- 
tiocho Varroni dedi. ad ea ipse respondeo; tu es tertius in 


18 


19A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 73 


(“From the second book of What is attributed to Abaris’); 
Seguerian Lexica, On Composition (Anecdota Graeca ν.]. 
p.145.22—23 Bekker) = 132 (“From What is attributed to 
Abaris’’) 


UNCERTAIN 


58 Suda © (Theta) 282, under “Thespis” (v.2, p.711.11-13 
Adler) = 150 


Tragedies 
58a The Funerary Games of Pelias or Phorbas 


58b Priests 
ὅς Young Men 


58d Pentheus; Pollux, Nomenclature 7.45 (v.2, p.64.14—5 Bethe) 
= 151 (“Thespis ... in his Pentheus”) 


Proclus, Commentary on Plato’s Parmenides, Book 1 (OCT 
p.46—7 659.14—17 Steel) 


The fact that the introductions are completely different from 
what follows, as in the dialogues of Heraclides Ponticus and 
Theophrastus, distresses every ear that partakes of good judg- 
ment. 


Cicero, Letter to Atticus 13.19.3-4 (v.5, 326, p.210 3.44.2 
Shackleton Bailey) 


... | have finished the whole question of Academic philosophy 
in four books,’ I am not certain how well, but as carefully as 
it could be done within that scope. I have assigned to Varro 
the arguments that have been so well assembled by Antiochus” 
against “the denial of certainty.’* To these I respond myself, and 


74 Heraclides of Pontus 


sermone nostro. si Cottam et Varronem fecissem inter se 
disputantis, ut a te proximis litteris admoneor, meum κωφὸν 
4 πρόσωπον esset. hoc in antiquis personis suaviter fit, ut et 


Heraclides in multis et nos in sex de re publica libris fe- 
cimus. 


1 possit Kayser 5 si... fecissem PA: set ... fecisse R 6utR: om. 4 
7 esset G : esse RA utet MBM: utERds 8 in VI Schiitz: n ER: VI Mm 
(videre .P. M) sex δ: om. ds 


19B Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 3.5.1 (25, p.92.11—16 
Shackleton Bailey) 


240} 11 libri cum in Tusculo mihi legerentur audiente Sal- 
lustio, admonitus sum ab illo multo maiore auctoritate 1il- 
lis de rebus dici posse si ipse loquerer de τ publica, 
praesertim cum essem non Heraclides Ponticus sed consula- 
ris et 15 qui in maximis versatus in re publica rebus essem. 5 


19B 


The Sources, Text and Translation 75 


you are the third in our conversation. If I had presented Cotta? 
and Varro arguing between themselves, as you advise me in 
your most recent letter, | would have been a mute character. This 
works nicely in the case of ancient persons, as both Heraclides 
has done in many of his dialogues and I in my six books About 
the Republic.® 


! Cicero’s Academica in four books, written in 45 B.C. The remark here 
refers to the revised edition in which the original two books were expanded to 
four: Cicero, Letter to Atticus 13.13.1. 

- M. Terentius Varro, 116—28 B.C., Roman scholar with a wide range of 
interests. Of his work only major parts of On Agriculture and On the Latin 
Language survive. 

> Antiochus of Ascalon, who lived at the end of the second or beginning 
of the first century B.C., abandoned the scepticism of the Middle and New 
Academy in order to return to the teaching of the Old Academy. He became a 
close friend of Cicero, cp. DPhA 1 A 200. 

* The impossibility of direct apprehension (&KataAnwic), that is the scep- 
tic position which rejects the Stoic doctrine of impressions that carry certainty 
of their truth. 

> C. Aurelius Cotta, consul in 75 B.C. He was interlocutor in Cicero’s De 
oratore and De natura deorum, cp. DPhA 2 C 193. 

° De Republica in six books; at a previous stage Cicero had planned nine 
books: Letters to Quintus 3.5.1. 


Cicero, Letter to Brother Quintus 3.5.1 (25, p.92.11—16 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


When these books (De Republica) were read out to me’ in 
Tusculum in the presence of Sallustius,* he advised me that 
these issues could be discussed with much more authority if | 
myself were to speak about the republic, especially since I am 
not a Heraclides Ponticus, but a former consul, and one who has 
been involved in the greatest affairs in the state. 


' Dionysios (see RE 5.1, col. 914: Dionysios 76) was one of the slaves of 
Cicero who read texts to him (and stole some of his manuscripts). 

- Cn. Sallustius was a close friend of Cicero. He is not to be confused with 
the historian C. Sallustius Crispus. 


76 Heraclides of Pontus 


20 Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae 8, fr. XV (OCT t.1, p.276.18-19 
Marshall) 


2ow historia ex libris Heraclidae Pontici 1ucunda memoratu et 
miranda. 


Prisc. 6.61 (GLK 1.2, p.246.6—8 Hertz): “Agellius noctium Atticarum VIII” 
(VIII H et Darmstadini“ et‘: VIII rell.) 


21A Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 15.27.2 (t.6, 406, p.132.6—7 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


27aW ~—« Librum tibi celeriter mittam ‘De gloria’ .excudam aliquid Ho α- 
κλείδειον quod lateat in thesauris tuis. 


1 mittam ORMc: -am tibiEd 1-2 Ἡρακλείδειον C: APHKAEIAEOIN 
vel sim. RMm 


21B Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 16.2.6 (t.6, 412, p.164.5—6 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


27. Ηραλχλείδειον, si Brundisium salvi, adoriemur. ‘De gloria’ 
misi [10]. 


1 ἩΗρακχλείδειον ¢: -EIAION vel sim. ERA 


21C Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 15.4.3 (t.6, 381, p.82.6—8 Shackle- 
ton Bailey) 


270 ‘at’ inquis ‘ HoaxAetdevov aliquod.’ non recuso id quidem, 
sed et componendum argumentum est et scribendi expectandum 
tempus maturius. 


1 ἩΗρακλλείδειον ¢: -AION A et sim. R 


21D Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 15.13.3 (t.6, 416, p.180.1—4 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


274w <non> improbo Hoaxdetdeiov, praesertim cum tu tanto- 


20 


21A 


21B 


21C 


21D 


The Sources, Text and Translation 77 


A. Gellius, Attic Nights 8, fr. XV (OCT v.1, p.276.18-19 Mar- 
shall) 


A story from the books of Heraclides Ponticus, agreeable to 
tell and marvelous. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 15.27.2 (v.6, 406, p.132.6—7 Shackle- 
ton Bailey) 


I shall very soon send you a book On Glory.’ I shall hammer 
out something Heraclidean which may lie hidden in your trea- 
sure chamber. 


' Cicero sent his work (De gloria) to Atticus on July 11, 44 B.C. (Letter to 
Atticus 16.2.6). It 1s lost. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 16.2.6 (v.6, 412, p.164.5—6 Shackleton 
Bailey) 


After I have made it safely to Brundisium I shall set to work 
on my Heraclidean piece. I have sent you On Glory. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 15.4.3 (v.6, 381, p.82.6—8 Shackleton 
Bailey) 


“Now, you say, “1 should write something Heraclidean.” | 


do not object to that, but I both need to compose the argument 
and I need to wait for a more opportune time for writing. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 15.13.3 (v.6, 416, p.180.1—4 Shackle- 
ton Bailey) 


Now | approve of the Heraclidean piece, especially since you 


78 


21E 


Heraclides of Pontus 


pere delectere; sed quale velis velim scire. quod ad te antea 
atque adeo prius scripsi (Sic enim mavis), ad scribendum, 
«91 licet> tibi vere dicere, fecisti me acriorem. 


1 non improbo Shackleton Bailey: improbo RAZ”: nec improbo δ΄: iam 
probo Manutius ἩΗραχλείδειον ¢: -είδιον ὃ: ELAEPONI RM 7 
delectere ὃ : -tare RM 4 si licet add. Shackleton Bailey, alii alia 


Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 16.11.3 (t.6, 420, p.190.1—3 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


27eW [Πεπλογραφίαν Varronis tibi probari non moleste fero; a 


quo adhuc HoaxdAetdetov illud non abstuli. quod me hortaris 
ad scribendum, amice tu quidem, sed me scito agere nihil aliud. 


2 -IAEION vel sim. RM: -ἴδιον ὁ 


21F Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum 16.12 (t.6, 421, p.196.10—-11 


Shackleton Bailey) 


271 «(6 Ηρακχλειδείῳ Varronis negotia salsa. me quidem nihil 


umquam sic delectavit. 


1 salsa me bs: salsam e- Μὲ: salsam me m: salsam d: salsam et RK: salsa mihi 
et P 


De Virtutibus, De Vita Beata (22—5) 


De tustitia, libri tres] 17 (1) 

De moderatione, liber unus] 17 (2) 
De fortitudine, liber unus]| 17 (4) 
De virtute, liber unus| 17 (5) 

De vita beata, liber unus]| 17 (6) 
Involuntarius, liber unus] 17 (11) 


21E 


21F 


The Sources, Text and Translation 79 


are so delighted by it, but I would like to know what sort of 
thing you want. As | wrote to you before, and, moreover, earlier 
(for you would prefer this word), you have made me keener to 
write, if | may tell you the truth. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 16.11.3 (v.6, 420, p.190.1—3 Shackle- 
ton Bailey) 


I do not find it troublesome that you approve of Varro’s “Lit- 
erary Embroideries.”’ I still have not gotten that Heraclidean 
work out of him. As far as you are urging me to write, that is 
kind of you, but know that I am doing nothing else. 


' Varro’s “Literary Embroideries,” Πεπλογραφία, 1.6., description of gar- 
ments, probably refers to Varro’s work /magines (Portraits), see H. Dahl- 
mann, RE Suppl. VI 1227. 


Cicero, Letters to Atticus 16.12 (v.6, 421, p.196.10—11 Shack- 
leton Bailey) 


Witty considerations concerning Varro’s Heraclidean work. 
Indeed nothing has ever amused me so much. 


Virtues, Happiness (22—95) 


On Justice, three books] 17 (1) 
On Self-control, one book] 17 (2) 
On Courage, one book] 17 (4) 
On Virtue, one book] 17 (5) 

On Happiness, one book] 17 (6)! 
Involuntary, one book] 17 (11) 


' For an additional fragment which could belong to this work, see 81 n. 1. 


80 


22 


49 W 


F 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De Epicureo philosopho quodam Heraclidem de tustitia impug- 
nante vid. Diogenem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 5.92 (= 1) 
De comico modo dicendi in libro Heraclidis De moderatione 
usitato vid. Diogenem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 (= 1) 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.21 521E—522A (BI t.3, p.151. 
21—152.5 Kaibel) 


Hoaxhetdyc δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιοσύνης φησίν: 
“Συβαρῖται τὴν Τἥλυος τυραννίδα καταλύσαντες τοὺς μετα- 
σχόντας τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναιροῦντες καὶ φονεύοντες ἐπὶ 
τῶν βωμῶν ἅπαντας lacuna καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς φόνοις τούτοις ἀσ- 
ἐστράφη μὲν τὸ τῆς ρας ἄγαλμα. τὸ δὲ ἔδαφος ἀνῆκε πη- 
γὴν αἵματος, ὥστε τὸν σύνεγγυς ἅπαντα τόπον κατεχάλκω- 
σαν θυρίσι, βουλόμενοι στῆσαι τὴν τοῦ αἵματος ἀναφοράν. 


522A διόπερ ἀνάστατοι ἐγένοντο χαὶ διεφθάρησαν ἅπαντες οἱ 


23 


SO W 


524A 


καὶ TOV TOV OdvuTtov TOV πάνυ ἀγῶνα ἀμαυρῶσαι ἐθελή.- 
σαντες: καθ᾽ ὃν γὰρ ἄγεται καιρὸν ἐπιτηρήσαντες ἄθλων 
ὑπερβολῇ ὡς αὑτοὺς καλεῖν ἐπεχείρουν τοὺς ἀθλητάς. 


Cf. Phylarch. ΓΟΥΗ͂ 81 F 45; Ael. Var. hist. 3.43. Aliter describit Sybaris 
destructionem Her. 5.44 ὃ 54η. De Sybaritarum studio Olympici certaminis 
diminuendi vid. Ath. 12.22 5221); Ps.-Scymnus GGM (t.1, p.210-1) 350-6; 
Dionysius Periegeta GGM (1.2, p.125) 372-4. Timaeus ΓΟΥΗ͂ 566 F 45 ean- 
dem memoriam eventus, at de Crotoniatis tradit 


4 lacunam ποίαν] Kaibel (qui ἅπαντας non satis idoneam emendationem pro 
ἅπαντες codd. arbitratur) 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.26 523F—524B (BTt.3, p.156.2- 
19 Kaibel) 


Ἡρακλείδης δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν δευτέρῳ Περὶ δικαιοσύ- 
νης φησίν: “ἣ Μιλησίων πόλις περιπέπτωχκεν ἀτυχίαις ὁιὰ 
TOVONV βίου καὶ πολιτικὰς ἔχθρας. OL τὸ ἐπιεικὲς οὐκ ἀγα- 
πῶντες EX ῥιζῶν ἀνεῖλον τοὺς ἐχθρούς. στασιαζόντων γὰρ 
τῶν τὰς οὐσίας ἐχόντων καὶ τῶν δημοτῶν, OVS ἐκεῖνοι 
Γέργιθας ἐκάλουν, πρῶτον μὲν κρατῆσας ὁ δῆμος καὶ τοὺς 


10 


22 


S22A 


23 


S24A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 81 


For Epicurean criticism of Heraclides’ views on justice, see 
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.92 (= 1). 
Concerning the comic mode of expression used in Heraclides’ 
On Self-control, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philoso- 
phers 5.88 (= 1). 


Athenaeus, 7he Sophists at Dinner 12.21 521E—522A (BT v.3, 
p.151.21—152.5 Kabel) 


Heraclides Ponticus says in his (treatise) On Justice: *“The 
Sybarites, having overthrown the tyranny of Telys,' were killing 
those who had taken part in his affairs and slaughtering them 
all on the altars ... [lacuna] ... and at this bloodshed the statue 
of Hera turned its face away and the ground shot forth a spurt 
of blood, as a consequence of which they blocked the whole 
area nearby with bronze doors, wishing to stop the spurting 
forth of the blood. Because of this they were driven from house 
and home and were destroyed, all of them who had wished to 
diminish the contest even of the great Olympian games: for they 
watched for the time when the games were held, and by offer- 
ing extravagant prizes they tried to lure the athletes to their own 
city.” 


Telys was tyrant in Sybaris ca. 510 B.C. (Hdt. 5.44). 


Athenaeus, 116 Sophists at Dinner 12.26 523F—524B (BT v.3, 
p.156.2—19 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus in the second book of On Justice says: 
“The city of the Milesians has fallen into misfortunes on account 
of luxurious living and animosities among citizens: they, not 
contenting themselves with decent behavior, uprooted their ene- 
mies in total destruction. For when there was civil strife between 
the wealthy and the commoners, whom they called Gergithai, 


82 


Heraclides of Pontus 


πλουσίους ἐκβαλὼν καὶ συναγαγὼν τὰ τέκνα TOV φυγόν- 
τῶν εἰς ἁλωνίας βοῦς εἰσαγαγόντες συνηλοίησαν καὶ παρα- 
νομωτάτῳ θανάτῳ διέφθειραν. τοιγάρτοι πάλιν οἱ πλούσιοι 
κρατήσαντες ἅπαντας ὧν κύριοι κατέστησαν μετὰ τῶν TEX- 
νῶν κατεπίττωσαν. ὧν καιομένων φασὶν ἄλλα τε πολλὰ γε- 
νέσθαι τέρατα καὶ ἐλαίαν ἱερὰν αὑτομάτην ἀναφθῆναι. OLO- 
περ ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπήλαυνεν αὐτοὺς τοῦ μαν- 
τείου καὶ ἐπερωτώντων διὰ τίνα αἰτίαν ἀπελαύνονται εἰπεν- 
καί μοι εργίθων τε φόνος μέλει ἀπτολεμίστων 
πισσήρων τε μόρος καὶ OEVOOEOV αἰὲν ἀθαλλές. 


Praecedit Arist. fr. 557 Μ΄. Cf. Heraclid. Pont.41 115-16 = Parke-Wormell 
no. 130 


3 πολιτικὰς codd. : πολιτικῆς Ath. Epit. t.2,2 p.81 Peppink 7 συναγαγόντες 
A Kaibel: συναγαγὼν E 13 αὐτοὺς τοῦ Musurus: av | tov A: 
ἀπηλαύνοντο τοῦ (mutata structura, ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ om.) E 16 TMLOONOWV 
codd. : πισσηρός τε E 


24A Ps.-Eratosthenes, Catasterismi 29 Ovotot (BT p.35.7—19 Oli- 


vierl 1897) 


slaw τοῦτο TO βέλος ἐστὶ τοξικόν, 6 φασιν εἶναι Ἀπόλλωνος. 


ὦ τε δὴ τοὺς Κύκλωπας «τοὺς; τῷ Διὶ κεραυνὸν ἐργασαμέ- 
νους ἀπέκτεινε δι᾿ Ασχληπιόν-: ἔκρυψε δὲ αὐτὸ ἐν Ὕπερβο- 
θείοις, οὗ καὶ ὁ ναὸς ὁ πτέρινος. λέγεται δὲ πρότερον ἀπε- 
γηνέχθαι ὅτε τοῦ φόνου αὐτὸν ὁ Ζεὺς ἀπέλυσε καὶ ἐπαύσα- 
TO τῆς παρὰ Ἀδμήτῳ λατρείας, περὶ ἧς λέγει Εὐριπίδης ἐν 
τῇ Αλκήστιδι. δοκεῖ δὲ τότε ἀνακομισθῆναι ὁ ὀιστὸς μετὰ 
τῆς καρποφόρου Δήμητρος διὰ τοῦ ἀέρος: NV δὲ ὑπερμδγέ- 
θης, ὡς Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικός φησιν ἐν τῷ Περὶ δικαιο- 
σύνης. ὅθεν εἰς τὰ ἄστρα τέθεικε τὸ βέλος ὁ Απόλλων 
εἰς ὑπόμνημα τῆς EAVTOD μάχης καταστερίσας. 


Cf. Hyg. De astronom. 2.15 (p.51.677—83) Viré 2,11)6 Cyclopibus Tovis ful- 
men conficientibus vid. Hes. Theog. 139-41 6--7 Eur. Alc. 1-6 


2 ᾧ te Heyne: w Robert: ὅτε C τοὺς suppl. Rehm, RhM 67 (1912), 419 
TOV ante “xEQauvVOV suppl. Rehm, RhM 67 (1912), 419 4-5 λέγεται δὲ 
πρότερον ἀπενηνέχθαι expunxit Voss, probante Rehm, RhM 67 (1912), 419 
πρότερον : ὕστερον Heyne 


10 


15 


10 


24A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 83 


at first the people had the upper hand and expelled the wealthy 
citizens and collected the children of the exiles onto the threshing 
floors, where they brought τη bulls and had the children trampled 
to pieces, killing them with a hideously lawless death. Accord- 
ingly, when the wealthy regained control, they took everyone 
whom they got hold of, with their children, and tarred them (and 
set them on fire). While these were burning, as the story goes, 
many other portents occurred and in particular a sacred olive tree 
burst into flame spontaneously. For this reason the god for a long 
period of time drove them away from his oracle, and when they 
asked why they were being driven away, he said: 

] too care about the murder of the Gergithai, unsuited for war, 

and about the doom of the tarred ones, and the tree forever 

without bloom.”? 


' For the civil war in Miletus, cp. Hdt. 5.28; Plutarch, The Greek Questions 
32 298C-D. 


Ps.-Eratosthenes, Conversions into Stars 29 “Of the Arrow” (BT 
p.35.7—19 Olivieri 1897) 


This (the arrow) is the missile propelled by the bow, which 
they say belongs to Apollo. With it he killed the Cyclopes, who 
had made the thunderbolt for Zeus, because of Asclepius.’ And he 
hid it in the land of the Hyporboreans,* where also the feathered 
temple (is located). They say that it was brought back earlier,’ 
When Zeus had cleared him of the murder and he had ended his 
servitude with Admetus, which Euripides mentions in his Alces- 
tis. [he arrow seems to have been brought back at that time, with 
Demeter bearer of fruit, through mid-air. And it was extremely 
large, as Heraclides Ponticus says 1n his (work) On Justice, and 
for this reason Apollo has placed this missile among the stars and 
made it into a constellation in commemoration of his own battle. 


' Asclepius was the son of Apollo, the god of healing; when he restored 
mortals to life, Zeus struck him with a thunderbolt made by the Cyclopes. In 
his anger Apollo killed the Cyclopes. Zeus punished Apollo by making him 
serve Admetus, king of Pherae, whose wife Alcestis offers to die for him. This 
is the subject of the play by Euripides, mentioned here. 

- The Hyperboreans were inhabitants of an imaginary land in the North. 

> Heyne’s conjecture ὕστερον would give “later.” 


δά 


Heraclides of Pontus 


24B Eratosthenes, Catasterismorum Fragmenta Vaticana, codex T = 


Vaticanus Graecus 1087 (RhM 67, 1912, p.418 Rehm) 


SleW Οὗτος (sc. ὁ ὀιστός) Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν, ὃν ἔκρυψεν Ὕπερ- 


240 


βορίοις, οὗ καὶ ναὸς γίνεται ὁ πτέρινος, ὅτε τοὺς Κύκλωπας 
ἀνεῖλξ ---ε-ς τοὺς τὸν κεραυνὸν ποιήσαντας: ὅτε ἐπαύσατό TE 
καὶ ὀιστὸς ἀνεκομίσθη μετὰ τῆς καρποφόρου Δήμητρος. ἣν 
δὲ ὑπερμεγέθης. Ηραλλείδης δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ὃι- 
καιοσύνης καὶ ἐπὶ τούτου Αβαρίν τινα φερόμενον ἐλθεῖν. 
ὅθεν ὑπόμνημα τῆς αὐτοῦ μάχης Απόλλων κατηστέρισεν 
αὐτόν. 


6 De Abaride vid. Hdt. 4.36; Pind. fr. 270 Snell-Maehler; Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 
29; Iambl. Vit. Pyth. 91; 136; Heraclid. Pont. 1f (57a), (570); 55; 130-2: 
149A: B 


1 fort. ἐν ante Ὑπερβορίοις Schiitrumpf 3 xxx spatium quindecim lit- 
terarum 6 ABaolv τινα φερόμενον Rehm: κέβαριν τινὰ φερομένην 
cod. 


Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae, IV Anonymus II, Aratus 
Latinus cum scholus (241.15—242.10 Maass) 


sibw hoc es iaculum, quod per arcum mittitur, quem d1- 


25 


44 W 


cunt Apollinis, quando interfecit omnes cycnos, qui [ον]! 
fulmen furaverant. quos interemit per Asclepium. quem et 
abdidit ad aquilonem. et quando cessavit. tunc et iaculum 
adsumptum est cum fructiferam Cererem. erat autem super 
magnitudine Heraclidis Pontici in quo propter iustitiam. 


inter annos A.D. 630—730 scriptum, vid. Maass, 1.1. p. XLII 


2 cicinos B: cycynos P (= Κύκλωπας) 3 interimit B has dipium δ: 


ascliplum P 4abdidit: absconditP — cessavit: cessabitB 5 Cererem: 
ceteram B 6 Heraclidis edd. : Herculis codd. punctici P —iusticiam B 


Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata 2.21 130.3 (t.1, p.184.8—-L0 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


Πυθαγόραν δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς Hoaxdetdnc ἱστορεῖ τὴν ἐπι- 


24B 


24C 


25 


The Sources, Text and Translation 85 


Eratosthenes, Conversions into Stars,Vatican Fragments, codex 
T= Vatican Greek 1087 (RAM 67, 1912, p.418 Rehm) 


This (arrow) 15 Apollo’s, which he hid with the Hyperboreans, 
Where also the feathered temple is located, when he killed the 
Cyclopes — [space of fifteen letters| —, the ones who had made 
the thunderbolt: when he stopped and the arrow was brought 
back with Demeter bearer of fruit. It was extremely large. Hera- 
clides Ponticus in his (work) On Justice (says) that a certain 
Abaris' came, being borne along on it. Wherefore Apollo made 
this a constellation in memory of his battle. 


' Abaris was a legendary figure, a priest of Apollo, from the land of the 
Hyperboreans; he carried with him the golden arrow, the symbol of Apollo, 
cp. DPhA 1 A3. 


Remains of the Commentaries on Aratus, 1V Anonymous 1]. 
Latin Aratus with scholia (241.15—242.10 Maass) 


This is the arrow that is shot with the bow, which they say 
belonged to Apollo when he killed all the swans who had stolen 
the thunderbolt of Jupiter. He killed them on account of Ascle- 
pius. And he hid it in the north. And when he stopped. Then 
also the arrow was brought back with fruit-bearing Ceres. But it 
was extremely large’ (as is the report) of Heraclides Ponticus, in 
what (he wrote) about justice. 

' erat autem super magnitudine appears to be an attempt to render the 
Greek ἦν δὲ ὑπερμεγέθης “it was extremely large” of 24B.4—5; cp. 24A.8-9. 
Or does it mean: “But there was regarding (its) largeness (a statement) of 
Heraclides Ponticus, τη what ...’”? 


Clement of Alexandria, Patchwork 2.21 130.3 (v.1, p.184.8—10 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


Heraclides Ponticus relates that Pythagoras’ has handed down 


86 


26A 


Heraclides of Pontus 

στήμην τῆς τελειότητος τῶν ἀριθμῶν τῆς ψυχῆς EVOALUOVI- 
αν εἰναι παραδεδωκέναι. 

Cf. [heodoret. Graec. affect. curatio 11.8 


2 τῆς τελειότητος codd.: τὴν τελειότητα Hoyer ἀριθμῶν Potter : 
ἀρετῶν codd. 


De religione (26-7) 


De pietate, liber unus| 17 (3) 
De tragico modo dicendi in libro Heraclidis De pietate usitato vid. 
Diogenem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 (= 1) 


Strabo, Geographica 8.7.2 384.29-30, 33-385.9 (t.2, p.528—30 
Radt) 


soaw χατεχλύσθη δ᾽ ἡ Ελίκη δυσὶν ἔτεσι πρὸ τῶν Λευκτρι- 


385 


κῶν .... Ἡρακλείδης δέ φησι καθ᾽ αὑτὸν γενέσθαι TO πάθος 
νύκτωρ δώδεκα σταδίους διεχούσης τῆς πόλεως ἀπὸ θαλάτ- 
τῆς καὶ τούτου τοῦ χωρίου παντὸς σὺν τῇ πόλει καλυφθέν- 


τος, δισχιλίους δὲ παρὰ τῶν Αχαιῶν πεμφθέντας ἀνελέσθαι 5 


μὲν τοὺς νεχροὺς μὴ δύνασθαι, τοῖς δ᾽ ὁμόροις νεῖμαι τὴν 
χώραν. συμβῆναι δὲ τὸ πάθος κατὰ μῆνιν ΠΟσειδῶνος: τοὺς 
γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ελίκης ἐκπεσόντας Ιωνας αἰτεῖν πέμψαντας πα- 
οὰ τῶν Ἐλικέων μάλιστα μὲν τὸ βρέτας τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος, εἰ 
δὲ UN, τοῦ γε ἱεροῦ τὴν ἀφίδρυσιν. OV δόντων δὲ πέμψαι 
πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Αχαιῶν. τῶν δὲ ψηφισαμένων οὐδ᾽ ὡς 
ὑπακοῦσαι, τῷ ὃ᾽ ἑξῆς χειμῶνι συμβῆναι τὸ πάθος, τοὺς 
δ᾽ Αχαιοὺς ὕστερον δοῦναι τὴν ἀφίδρυσιν τοῖς [Ιωσιν. 


De destructione Helices vid. Ephor. ΓΟΥΗ͂ 70 F 212, Paus. 7.24.6—12; Plin. 
Nat. hist. 2.92.206; Ael. De nat. anim. 11.19 


2 καθ᾽ eautov Pletho: κατ᾽ αὐτὸν a (manus duae a quibus suppleta sunt 
quae in A deperierunt) 


10 


26A 


385 


The Sources, Text and Translation 87 


the tradition that happiness 15 the knowledge of the perfection of 
the numbers of the soul.’ 


' Pythagoras of Samos, a philosopher, lived ca. 570-480 B.C.; he emigrated 
to Croton (Southern Italy), where he established a religious society, devoted to 
the cult of Apollo; he died in Metapontium. 

- A different translation is possible as well: “happiness of the soul is the 
knowledge of the perfection of the numbers”, cp. Gottschalk pp. 113-4; see, 
however, Wehrli, p. 71 ad loc. 


On Religious Observance (26-7) 


On Piety, one book] 17 (3) 
Concerning the tragic mode of expression used in Heraclides’ 
On Piety, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 


(= 1). 


Strabo, Geography 8.7.2 384.29-30, 33-385.9 (v.2, p.528—30 
Radt) 


Helike' was flooded two years before the battle of Leuctra,- 
.... Heraclides says that the disaster occurred in his own time, at 
night, the city being located twelve stades from the sea and this 
whole area being covered (with water) along with the city, and 
that two thousand men were sent from the Achaeans and were 
not able to recover the corpses, but divided the land among the 
bordering peoples. And that the disaster happened on account of 
the anger of Poseidon, for when the Ionians were expelled from 
Helike, they sent messengers to the Helikans and asked espe- 
cially for the wooden statue of Poseidon, but 1f not that, then at 
the least (permission to) found a copy of the sanctuary. When 
the Helikans refused (Heraclides continues), the lonians sent 
messengers to the federation of the Achaeans, and, when these 
had voted (in favor of the request), the Helikans even so did not 
obey. And in the following winter the disaster happened, and the 
Achaeans gave (permission to) found a copy of the sanctuary. 


' Helike was a city in Achaea, Northern Peloponnesus. 
- At Leuctra in Boeotia the Spartans were defeated by the Thebans in 371 
B.C. 


83 


Heraclides of Pontus 


26B Diodorus, Bibliotheca Historica 15.48.4-49.6 (p.61.3-62.27 


Vial) 


46oW περὶ δὲ τῶν συμπτωμάτων (scil. destructionis Helices et 


49.1 


Burae) μδγάλης οὔσης ζητήσεως, OL μὲν φυσικοὶ πειρῶνται 
τὰς αἰτίας τῶν τοιούτων παθῶν OVX εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἀναφέθρξιν 
ἀλλ᾽ εἰς φυσικάς τινας καὶ κατηναγκασμένας περιστάσεις. οἱ 
δ᾽ εὐσεβῶς ὀιακείμενοι πρὸς τὸ θεῖον πιθανάς τινας αἰτίας 
ἀποδιδοῦσι τοῦ συμβάντος, ὡς OLA θεῶν μῆνιν γεγενημένης 
τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἀσεβήσασι: περὶ ὧν xa 
ἡμεῖς ἀκριρῶς ἀναγράψαι πειρασόμεθα τῇ κατὰ μέρος 
ἱστορίᾳ. 

κατὰ τὴν Ιωνίαν ἐννέα πόλεις εἰώθεσαν κοινὴν ποι- 
εἶἴσθαι σύνοδον τὴν τῶν Πανιωνίων καὶ θυσίας συνθύειν 
ἀρχαίας καὶ μεγάλας Ποσειδῶνι περὶ τὴν ὀνομαζομένην 
Μυκάλην ἐν ἐρήμῳ τόπῳ. ὕστερον δὲ πολέμων γενομένων 
περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους οὐ δυνάμενοι ποιξῖν τὰ Πανιώνια. 
μετέθεσαν τὴν πανήγυριν εἰς ἀσφαλῆ τόπον, ὃς ἣν πλησίον 
τῆς Εφέσου. πέμψαντες δὲ θεωροὺς Πυθώδε, χρησμοὺς ἔλα- 
ῦον ἀφιὸρύματα λαβεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων καὶ προγονικῶν 
αὐτοῖς βωμῶν ἐξ Ἑλίκης τῆς ἐν τῇ τότε μὲν Ἰωνίᾳ, νῦν δὲ 


2 Ἀχαίᾳ καλουμένῃ. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν 


ἔπεμψαν εἰς Ἀχαίαν τοὺς ληψομένους τὰ ἀφιδρύματα: οὗτοι 
δὲ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Αχαιῶν διαλεχθέντες ἔπεισαν διδό- 
ναι τὰ ἀξιούμενα. οἱ δὲ τὴν Ελίκην οἰκοῦντες, ἔχοντες πα- 
λαιὸν λόγιον ὅτι τότε κινδυνεύσουσιν, ὅταν Ἴωνες ἐπὶ τοῦ 
βωμοῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος θύσωσιν, ἀναλογιζόμενοι τὸν 
χρησμὸν ἀντέλεγον τοῖς IWOL περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων, λέ- 
γοντες μὴ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἴδιον αὑτῶν εἶναι τὸ 
τέμενος: συνέπραττον O€ τούτοις χαὶ οἱ τὴν Βοῦραν 
οἰκοῦντες. TOV δὲ Αχαιῶν κοινῷ δόγματι συγχωρησάντων, 
οἱ μὲν Ἴωνες ἔθυσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος κατὰ 
τὸν χρησμόν, οἱ δ᾽ Ελικεῖς τὰ χρήματα διαρρίψαντες τῶν 
Ἰώνων τούς τε θεωροὺς συνήοπασαν ἠσέβησάν τε εἰς τὸ θεῖ- 
ον. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν φασι μηνίσαντα τὸν Ποσειδῶνα διὰ τοῦ σει- 
σμοῦ καὶ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ τὰς ἀσεβούσας πόλεις λυ- 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


The Sources, Text and Translation 89 


26B Diodorus, The Library of History 15.48.4-49.6 (p.61.3-62.27 


49.1 


Vial) 


Concerning the disasters (sc. the destructions of Helike and 
Boura) there has been great inquiry. The physicists attempt to 
attribute the causes of these kinds of calamity not to the divine, 
but to certain physical causes and necessary circumstances, while 
those piously inclined toward the divine’ give quite plausible rea- 
sons for the occurrence: namely, that the catastrophe had occurred 
because of the wrath of the gods against those who had offended 
the divine. I also shall attempt to write accurately about these 
things in my history dealing with each event. 

Throughout Ionia nine cities were accustomed to hold a 
national assembly of the Panionians and together they used to 
make great ancient sacrifices to Poseidon in a remote spot in the 
area called Mykale. Later, when wars broke out in these regions 
and they were not able to hold the Panionia (there), they moved 
the common assembly to a safe location, which was near Ephe- 
sus. They sent sacred envoys to Delphi and received oracular 
responses instructing them to take copies of their ancient heredi- 
tary altars from Helike, in the region then called lonia but now 
called Achaea. Therefore the Ionians, in accordance with the 
oracle, sent men to Achaea in order to take the copies. And they 
addressed (their request) to the common body of the Achaeans 
and persuaded them to grant what was asked. But the residents 
of Helike, who possessed an ancient oracle that when lIonians 
made sacrifices on the altar of Poseidon, they would be in dan- 
ger, thought over the oracle and denied the request of the lonians 
concerning the copies, saying that the sanctuary did not belong 
to all the Achaeans, but was their own private property. [he resi- 
dents of Boura took part with them in this refusal. But because 
the Achaeans had consented tn a decision of all, the lonians made 
a sacrifice on the altar of Poseidon in accordance with the ora- 
cle, while the Helikans scattered the possessions of the Ionians 
and arrested their sacred envoys, and they committed sacrilege 
against the divine. In response to this behavior, they (the piously 
inclined investigators) say, Poseidon became angry and ruined the 
offending cities through the earthquake and the flood. And they 
say that there are clear proofs that the wrath against the cities had 


90 


27 


47 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


μήνασθαι. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος γεγονέναι τὴν μῆνιν ταῖς 
πόλεσί φασιν ἐμφανεῖς ἀποὸδείξεις ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὸ τῶν 
σεισμῶν καὶ TOV κατακλυσμῶν τοῦτον τὸν θεὸν ἔχειν OLEL- 
λῆφθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ OLA τὸ δοκεῖν τὸ παλαιὸν τὴν [1ε- 
λοπόννησον οἰκητήριον γεγονέναι Ποσειδῶνος καὶ τὴν χώ- 
OAV ταύτην ὥσπερ ἱερὰν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος νομίζεσθαι καὶ 
τὸ σύνολον πάσας τὰς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεις μάλιστα 
τῶν ἀθανάτων τὸν θεὸν τιμᾶν τοῦτον. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν 
Πελοπόννησον κατὰ βάθους ἔχειν μεγάλα κοιλώματα καὶ 
συστάσεις ὑδάτων ναματιαίων μεγάλας. εἶναι γὰρ ἐν αὐτῇ 
OVO ποταμοὺς φανεροὺς ῥέοντας ὑπὸ γῆν: ὅ τε γὰρ περὶ Φέ- 
VEOV ποταμὸς εἰς τὴν γὴν καταδυόμενος ἐν τοῖς προτέροις 
χρόνοις ἠφανίζετο, TOV κατὰ γῆς ἄντρων αὐτὸν ὑποδεχομέ- 
νῶν, ὅ TE περὶ [TO] Στύμφαλον εἴς τι χάσμα καταδυόμενος 
ἐπὶ διακοσίους σταδίους φέρεται κεκρυμμένος κατὰ γῆς 
καὶ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Αργείων πόλιν ἐξίησιν. πρὸς δὲ τοῖς εἰρη- 
μένοις λέγουσιν. ὅτι πλὴν τῶν AOEBNOAVTWV οὐδεὶς ἄλλος 
περιέπεσε τῇ συμφορᾷ. 


De naturalibus causis, quibus terra concutitur atque Helice et Bura destructae 
sunt, vid. Callisthen. FGrH 124 F 19; Arist. Meteor. 2.8.366a23—7 (exemplum: 
Achaia); Ps.-Arist. De mundo 4.396al7—21 8 ἡμεῖς Diod. 16.61—-4 


7 τοῖς om. P ἀσεβήῆσασι MFX: ἀσεβήμασι P 8 ἀχριβῶς om. 
P 18-1|9 ἐν Tf... Τωνίᾳ ... Ayata καλουμένῃ Madvig: ἐν τῷ ... Τωνίας 
ως Αχαίας καλουμένης codd. Vial 30 χρήματα codd. retenuit Vogel 
(coll. Diod. 15.82.1), cf. Ael. Var. hist. 1.1.20: θύματα Dindorf 252 φασι 
Stephanus : φησίν PXM 47 τὸ PMF: del. Vogel Στύμφηλον Vogel: 
Στύμφαλον Vial: Στύμφην PXM: Στύμφιον "'΄ τι Dindorf: to codd. 


Plutarchus, Pericles 35.1—5 (BIT t.l, fasc.2, p.41.20-42.22 
Ziegler-Gartner) 


ταῦτα βουλόμενος ἰᾶσθαι (scil. Περικλῆς) καί τι παραλυ- 
πεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα ναῦς ἐπλήρου. 
καὶ πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ὁπλίτας καὶ ὑτπεῖς ἀναβιβασάμε- 
νος ἔμξλλεν ἀνάγεσθαι, μεγάλην ἐλπίδα τοῖς πολίταις χαὶ 
φόβον οὐκ ἐλάττω τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπὸ τοσαύτης ἰσχύος πα- 
ρασχῶν. ἤδη δὲ πεπληρωμένων τῶν νεῶν χαὶ τοῦ Περιχλέ- 


35 


40 


45 


SO 


27 


The Sources, Text and Translation 91 


come from Poseidon, since this god is distinguished for having 
command over earthquakes and floods, and because of the belief 
that in ancient times the Peloponnesus had become a home of 
Poseidon, and this region is believed to be, as it were, sacred to 
Poseidon, and in general all the cities in the Peloponnesus honor 
this god most of the immortals. In addition to these indications, 
they say that the Peloponnesus has large underground caverns 
and large accumulations of running waters. For there are on 
the Peloponnesus two rivers clearly flowing underground: one 
river, in the area of Pheneus,” diving into the ground, became 
invisible in earlier times, since underground caves absorb it, and 
the other, in the area of Stymphalus, plunges into a chasm, runs 
hidden under the earth for two hundred stades, and comes to the 
surface near the city of the Argives. In addition to the arguments 
given, they say that nobody other than those who had committed 
sacrilege experienced the disaster. 


' “Diously inclined toward the divine’: contrary to contemporary authors 
(cp. Test. on 26A), Heraclides attributed the cause for the destruction of 
Helike to the anger of Apollo (26A). This makes it most likely that Diodorus 
(26B), who refers to this sort of cause, used Heraclides’ account, and further- 
more that Heraclides treated this event in his book On Piety (cp. Voss p. 44). 
Gottschalk p. 95 considers the alternative that this passage comes from On 
Oracles [17 (54)]. 

- The Pheneus is located in the northern Peloponnese. 


Plutarch, Pericles 35.1—5 (BT v.1, fasc.2, p.41.20—42.22 Ziegler- 
Gartner) 


And wishing to cure these problems (the opposition against 
him arising from the plague) and to inflict some grief on his 
enemies, he (Pericles) manned one hundred and fifty ships, and 
after putting on board many good hoplites and cavalry he was 
ready to set sail, providing great hope to the citizens and no less 
fear to the enemy from such a great show of force. And when 
the ships had already been manned and Pericles had boarded his 


92 


Heraclides of Pontus 


ους ἀναβεβηκότος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ TOLNON TOV μὲν ἥλιον ἐχ- 
λυτεῖν συνέβη καὶ γενέσθαι σκότος, ἐκπλαγῆναι δὲ πάντας 
ὡς πρὸς μέγα σημεῖον. ὁρῶν οὖν ὁ Περικλῆς περίφοβον 
τὸν κυβερνήτην καὶ διηπορημένον ἀνέσχε τὴν χλαμύδα 
πρὸ τῶν ὄψεων αὐτοῦ καὶ παραχκαλύψας ἠρώτησε, UN 
τι δεινὸν ἢ OELVOD τινος οἴεται σημεῖον: ὡς δ᾽ OVX ἔφη: 
τί οὐν᾽, εἶπεν, ᾿ἐχεῖνο τούτου διαφέρει, πλὴν ὅτι μεῖζόν 
τι τῆς χλαμύδος ἐστὶ τὸ πεποιηκὸς τὴν ἐπισκότησιν:᾽ 
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς λέγεται τῶν φιλοσόφων. 

ἐχπλεύσας δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Περικλῆς οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο τι δοκεῖ τῆς πα- 
οασκευῆς ἄξιον ὃρᾶσαι, πολιορκῆσας τε τὴν ἱερὰν Ent- 
OAVOOV ἐλπίδα παρασχοῦσαν ὡς ἁλωσομένην ἀπέτυχε διὰ 
τὴν νόσον. ἐπιγενομένη γὰρ οὐκ αὐτοὺς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
τοὺς ὁπωσοῦν τῇ στρατιᾷ συμμείξαντας προσδιέφθειθρεν. ἐκ 
τούτου χαλεπῶς διακειμένους τοὺς Αθηναίους πρὸς αὐτὸν 
(scil. Περικλέα) ἐπειρᾶτο παρηγορεῖν καὶ ἀναθαρρύνειν. οὐ 
μὴν παρέλυσε τῆς ὀργῆς οὐδὲ μετέπεισε πρότερον, ἢ τὰς 
ψήφους λαβόντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας καὶ γενομένους 
κυρίους ἀφελέσθαι τὴν στρατηγίαν καὶ ζημιῶσαι χρήμασιν. 
ὧν ἀριθμὸν οἱ τὸν ἐλάχιστον πεντεκαίδεκα τάλαντα, πεντή- 
κοντα ὃ᾽ οἱ τὸν πλεῖστον γράφουσιν. ἐπεγράφη O€ τῇ ὀίχῃ 
κατήγορος, ὡς μὲν Ἰδομενεὺς λέγει, Κλέων. ὡς δὲ Θεόφρα- 
στος, Σιμμίας: ὁ δὲ Ποντικὸς Ηρακχλείδης Λακχρατείδην εἴ- 


ONXE. 
1-6 cf. Thuc. 2.56.1—2; Diod. [2.45.3 6 54. Thuc. 2.28; Cic. De rep. 
1.16.25 16-19 Thuc. 2.56.4—5 20 sqq. cf. Thuc. 2.65.1—3; Diod. 


12.45.4—5; Dem. 26.6 28 sq. Idomeneus Lampsacenus FGrH 338 F 9 
LTheophr. fr. 616 FHS&G 29 Simmias: PA 12664; de Simmia vid. Plut. 
Praec. ger. reipubl. [Ὁ S805 C Lacratides: PA 8968; PAA (1.15) 600850; 
LGPN (t.2) p. 278 


5 ἐλάττω : ἔλαττον Y 11 τῶν ὄψεων S: τῆς ὄψεως Y 14 τι 071. S 


23 τῆς οργῆς Blass (coll. Thuc. 2.65.1): τὴν οργὴν codd. μετέπεισεξ] YO 
κατέπαυσε S” (m1) 29 haxeattoav codd. Wehrli: emend. Kaiser 


Politica (28-35) 


De regimine, liber unus] 17 (7) 
Leges, liber unus] 17 (8a) 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


The Sources, Text and Translation 93 


own trireme, a solar eclipse happened to occur’ and darkness fell, 
and everyone began to panic as if at a great portent. Therefore 
Pericles, seeing that the pilot was overcome by fear and quite at 
a loss, held his cloak up in front of the pilot’s eyes and covered 
them, then asked whether he thought it was anything terrifying or 
a sign of anything terrifying. When the pilot said it was not, Peri- 
cles said, “In what, then, does this differ from that, except that 
What has created the darkness is larger than the cloak?” Indeed 
these things are said in the schools of the philosophers. 

Pericles, in any case, then sailed out and seems to have done 
nothing else worthy of this preparation, though he did besiege 
sacred Epidaurus, which offered the hope that it would be taken, 
but then failed due to the plague. For coming upon them, it (the 
plague) destroyed not only them, but also those who engaged 
with the army in any way. When the Athenians were angry at 
him (Pericles) after this, he tried to console and encourage them. 
But before he could dissolve their anger or persuade them to 
change, they took into their hands voting ballots against him, 
gained the authority, and took away his generalship and fined 
him. The amount of the fine was fifteen talents according to 
those writers who give the lowest figure and fifty according 
to those who give the highest. The prosecutor recorded for the 
case, as Idomeneus~ says, was Cleon, or, as Theophrastus says, 
Simmias. But Heraclides Ponticus has said it was Lacratides. 


' Thucydides 2.28 dates this solar eclipse in the year 431. 

- Idomeneus of Lampsacus, who lived in the middle of the 4th century to 
the first quarter of 3rd century B.C., was a politican and author of biographical 
works. The fragments of his works are collected in FGrH 338. 


Politics (28—35) 


On Governance, one book] 17 (7) 
Laws, one book] 17 (8a) 


94 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De legibus] 17 (8b) 
Pacta, liber unus] 17 (10) 
De potestate] 17 (52) 


De tragico modo dicendi in libro Heraclidis De potestate usitato 
vid. Diogenem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 (= 1) 

Vide etiam 155 (POxy. 66443544), reliquias dialogi in quo de 
tyranno Pisistrato agebatur 


28 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 1.94 (BT t.1, p.67.12- 


68.6 Marcovich) 


44w Περίανδρος Κυψέλου Κορίνθιος ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν Hoaxaet- 


δῶν γένους. οὗτος γήμας Λυσιδίκην, ἣν αὐτὸς Μέλισσαν 
ἐκάλει, τὴν Προκλέους τοῦ Ἐπιδαυρίων τυράννου καὶ Eot- 
σθενείας τῆς Αριστοκράτους παιδός, ἀδελφῆς δὲ Αριστο- 
μήδους θυγατέρα. οἱ σχεδὸν πάσης ΔΑρχκαδίας ἐπῆρξαν, ὥς 
φησιν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἀρχῆς, παῖδας 
ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐποίησε OVO, Κύψελον καὶ Λυκόφρονα, τὸν μὲν 
νεώτερον συνετόν, τὸν δὲ πρεσρύτερον ἄφρονα. 


2 Melissa: Hdt. 5.9 2η 3 Filia Proclis: Hdt. 3.50; Pythainetos FGrH 299 F 
3; Paus. 2.52.2; Ath. 13.56 589 F 6-8 De duobus fratribus vid. Her. 3.51 


2 Λυσιδίκην Reiske, Hermes 24 (1889), 307: Avotonv BPF’ 4--5 
ἀριστομήδους ΒΡΊΟΥ: ἀριστοδήμου F’°P*H 5 ἀρχαδίας ΒΙΡΉ: 
ἠρακλείας ΡΓΟΥΗ mg 


29 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 1.98 (BT t.1, p.71.11- 


14 Marcovich) 


4s5w Σωτίων δὲ χαὶ Ἡρακλείδης καὶ Παμφίλη ἐν τῷ πέμπτῳ 


τῶν Ὑπομνημάτων δύο φασὶ Περιάνδρους γεγονέναι, τὸν 
μὲν τύραννον, τὸν δὲ σοφὸν καὶ Αμβρακιώτην. τοῦτο χαὶ 
Νεάνθης φησὶν ὁ Κυζικηνός, ἀνεψιούς τε εἰναι ἀλλήλοις. 


= Neanthes FGrH δά F 19; 1-3 = Arist. fr. 517 R° 


28 


29 


The Sources, Text and Translation 95 


On Laws| 17 (8b) 
Contracts, one book] 17 (10) 
On Power] 17 (52) 


Concerning the tragic mode of expression used in Heraclides’ 
On Power see Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 5.88 
(= 1). 

See also 199 (POxy. 66443544), the remains of a dialogue, in 
which Pisistratus is dealt with. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 1.94 (BT v.1, 
p.67.12—68.6 Marcovich) 


Periander the Corinthian,’ son of Cypselus,* was from the 
line of the Heraclidae. He married Lysidice, whom he himself 
called Melissa, the daughter of Procles, the tyrant of the Epi- 
daurians, and of Eristheneia, the daughter of Aristocrates and 
sister of Aristomedes. These in-laws ruled almost all of Arcadia, 
as Heraclides Ponticus says in his (work) On Governance. By 
her he had two sons, Cypselus and Lycophron; the younger’ was 
clever but the elder was dimwitted. 


' Periander was tyrant of Corinth, ca. 625-585 B.C. 

- Son of Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth ca. 657-625 B.C. See Schiitrumpf- 
Gehrke 1996, v. 3, note on Aristotle, Politics 5.12, 1315b22. 

* Lycophron was the younger son. According to Hdt. 3.53 Periander wanted 
him to become his successor as tyrant. He was murdered on Corcyra. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 1.98 (BT v.1, 
p.71.11—14 Marcovich) 


Sotion'’ and Heraclides and Pamphila’ in the fifth book of the 
Recollections say that there have been two (famous men with 
the name) Periander, one the tyrant,’ but the other a wise man 
from Ambracia.* Neanthes of Cyzicus? also says this, and that 
they were cousins.°® 


! Sotion, see 1 n. 5. 


96 


Heraclides of Pontus 


1 Sotion SdA (Suppl. t.2) fr.2.— Pamphile fr.5 Cagnazzi. 2,1)6 duobus viris 
nomine Pertandri notatis cf. Ael. Var. hist. 12.35 3 De Periandro tyranno 
Ambraciam regente vid. Arist. Pol. 5.10 1311a39; Schiitrumpf-Gehrke com- 
ment. ad 5.3.1303a23 De Periandro sapiente vid. 10.1 (t.1, p.61.21;24;28) 
DK; 3 C (t.1, p.65.15—66.3) DK 4 Neanthes FGrH δά F 19 


30 Cicero, De legibus 3.6.14 (p.95.8—20 Ziegler-Gorler) 


143W nam veteres verbo tenus acute 11] quidem, sed non ad 


31 


hunc usum popularem atque civilem, de re publica dissere- 
bant. Ab hac familia ista manarunt Platone principe. Post 
Aristoteles inlustravit omnem hunc civilem in disputando 
locum, Heraclidesque Ponticus profectus ab eodem Platone. 
Theophrastus vero institutus ab Aristotele habitavit ut scitis 
in 60 genere rerum, ab eodemque Aristotele doctus Dicae- 
archus huic rationi studiogue non defuit. Post a Theophra- 
sto Phalereus ille Demetrius, de quo feci supra mentionem, 
mirabiliter doctrinam ex umbraculis eruditorum otioque 
non modo in solem atque in pulverem, sed in ipsum discri- 
men aciemque produxit. 


5 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. T ad 1 v. 4-5 6 Lheophr. 
fr. 591 FHS&G 7-8 Dicaearch. fr.S6 Mirhady 09 Demetr. Phaler. fr. 57 
SOD 


3 ab hac familia de?t.: ab hanc familia V: ab Academia Haupt Ziegler 10 
eruditorum quaeodioque (corr. in hodieque 42) V, corr. edd. 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 9.50 (BT t.1, p.667.4— 
7 Marcovich) 


32 


iow Πρωταγόρας Αρτέμωνος ἤ, ὡς Απολλόδωρος καὶ Δί- 


10 


30 


31 


The Sources, Text and Translation 97 


- Pamphila of Epidaurus was a philologist and author of the Ist century 
A.D.; one of her works was Historical Recollections (Ἰστορικὰ vrouvn- 
ματα) in 33 books, from which this text comes. 

> Periander was tyrant of Ambracia: Aristotle, Politics 5.10 1311a39. See 
Schitrumpf-Gehrke on 5.3 1303a23. 

* Periander was considered one of the Seven Wise Men: DK 10.1 (I p. 61, 
21; 24; 28); 3 C (p. 65.15--66.3). 

> Neanthes of Cyzicus. Most probably there were two authors with this 
name. One was the orator who lived around 300 B.C. and the other was the 
historian who belonged to the end of the 3rd and maybe the beginning of the 
2nd century B.C. See Jacoby, /GrH 2. Teil, C, Comm. on no. 84, p. 144—5. 

° O. Regenbogen, RE XVIII 3, col. 314, considers it likely on the basis of 
the three names cited that Pamphila used Heraclides Lembus (see 1 n. 25), 
not Heraclides Ponticus. 


Cicero, On Laws 3.6.14 (p.95.8—20 Ziegler-Gorler) 


For the ancients discussed the state incisively indeed, 1n so 
far as theory goes, but not with a view toward usefulness to 
people and citizens. These (discussions) spread more from that 
school of thought where Plato was the leader (of these debates), 
and later Aristotle elucidated this whole topic of politics in 
debate, as did Heraclides Ponticus,' who likewise got his start 
from Plato.” Theophrastus indeed, educated by Aristotle, was 
at home, as you know, in this sort of subject. And Dicaearchus, 
instructed by the same Aristotle, did not neglect this field of 
thought and study. Later a pupil of Theophrastus, that Deme- 
trius of Phaleron of whom I made mention above, brought the 
teaching in astonishing fashion from the shadows and armchairs 
of the learned not only into the sun and arena, but into the very 
front line and heat of battle. 


' Cicero writes in general terms about Heraclides’ interest in political phi- 
losophy. It is not clear whether he had any particular work of Heraclides in 
mind [cp. 17 (7); (8a, Ὁ); (52)]. 

- Cp. testimonia on 1.4—5. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 9.50 (BT v.1, 
p.667.4—7 Marcovich) 


Protagoras’ son of Artemon, or, according to Apollodorus” 


98 


Heraclides of Pontus 


νῶν ἐν Περσικῶν ςε΄, Μαιανδρίου, Αβδηρίτης, καθά φησιν 
Ἡραλλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τοῖς Περὶ νόμων, ὃς καὶ Θουρί- 
οις νόμους γράψαι φησὶν αὑτόν. 


= SOA I (1.2, p.253) DK 1 Apollodor. ΓΟΥΗ͂ 244 F 70 1-- Dino FGrH 
690 F 6 


1-2 Atvov sive Δείνων Menagius: δίων BPFD 2 Περσικῶν ε΄ Diels 
app. crit. ad 80 A I (1.2, p.253) DK: περσικῶν ὃν P'Q: περσικοῖς ὃν 
BD: περσικοῖς FP* uctavogtou PF: μεανὸρίου BD: μαιανὸρίδου ἢ 
veavootou Suda (IT 2958 s.v. Πρωταγόρας): πατὴρ ... Μαίανδρος Phi- 
lostr. VS 1.10 


32 Plutarchus, Solon 22.4 (BT t.1, fasc.1, p.109.21—8 Ziegler) 


[46 ExXELVO O’ NON σφοὸρότερον (scil. EV τοῖς Σόλωνος νόμοις). 


TO μηδὲ τοῖς EE ἑταίρας γενομένοις ἐπάναγκες εἰναι τοὺς 
πατέρας τρέφειν, ὡς Ἡρακλείδης ἱστόρηκεν ὁ Ποντικός. 
ὁ γὰρ EV γάμῳ παρορῶν τὸ καλὸν OV τέκνων ἕνεκα δῆλός 
ἐστιν ἀλλ᾽ ἡδονῆς ἀγόμδνος γυναῖκα, τόν τε μισθὸν ἀπέχει 
καὶ παρρησίαν αὑτῷ πρὸς τοὺς γενομένους οὐκ ἀπολέλοι- 
πεν, οἷς αὐτὸ τὸ γενέσθαι πεποίηκεν ὄνειδος. 


1 Solon fr. 56 Ruschenbusch 


6 vevvwuevous Coraes Richards 


33 Plutarchus, Solon 1.3-4 (BT t.1, fasc.1, p.82.8—-14 Ziegler) 


47 τὴν δὲ μητέρα τοῦ Σόλωνος Ηραχλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς 


4 


ἱστορξῖ, τῆς [Πεισιστράτου μητρὸς ἀνεψιὰν γενέσθαι, καὶ 
φιλία τὸ πρῶτον ἦν αὐτοῖς πολλὴ μὲν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν. 
πολλὴ O€ διὰ τὴν εὐφυίαν καὶ ὥραν, ὡς ἔνιοί φασιν ἐρωτικῶς 
τὸν [Πεισίστρατον ἀσπαζομένου τοῦ Σόλωνος. 


3 διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, cf. Diog. Laert. 1.49 4—5 De amore, qui fertur 
inter Solonem et Pisistratum exstitisse, vid. Arist. Ath. Pol. 17.2; Ael. Var. hist. 
S.16 


32 


33 


The Sources, Text and Translation 99 


and Dinon? in the fifth book of his Persian Affairs, son of Mai- 
andrios, was a native of Abdera, according to what Heraclides 
Ponticus says in his (writings) On Laws,* and Heraclides also 
says he wrote the laws for ‘Thuru. 


' For Protagoras of Abdera, see 17 (49). 

* Apollodorus FGrH 244. 

* Dinon of Colophon, historian, 4th century B.C., wrote on Persian Affairs 
(Περσικὰ) down to the events of the year 343 B.C. The fragments are col- 
lected in FGrH 690. 

* 17 (8b). 


Plutarch, Solon 22.4 (BT v.1, fasc.1, p.109.21—8 Ziegler) 


But this is yet more extreme (in Solon’s laws), that it was 
not even required for sons born from a hetaira to support their 
fathers, as Heraclides Ponticus has related. For someone who 
disregards the honorable in his marriage clearly has taken a wife 
not for the sake of children, but for the sake of pleasure, and he 
receives in full his due and he has not left himself the right of 
scolding his children, for whom he has made the very fact of 
having been born a matter of shame. 


Plutarch, Solon 1.3—-4 (BT v.1, fasc.1, p.82.8—14 Ziegler) 


Heraclides Ponticus relates that Solon’s mother was the cousin 
of the mother of Pisistratus.' And at first there was a close friend- 
ship between them, first because of their blood relationship, and 
also because of natural beauty and youth, and there are some 
who say that Solon had an erotic affection for Pisistratus.7 


' For what is known about the connections between the families of Solon 
and Pisistratus, cp. Davies APF 8792, I, p. 322-3; 11793, Il, p. 445. The name 
of the mother of Pisistratus — or of her cousin — 1s not known: Schacher- 
meyer, RE XIX 1, col. 156. 

- Wehrli p. 109 argues that Heraclides bases the friendship between Solon 
and Pisistratus on their family relations and that it 1s, therefore, unlikely that 
the erotic relationship was part of his account. For chronological reasons, it 1s 
rejected by Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 17.2. 


100 Heraclides of Pontus 


34 Plutarchus, Solon 32.3 (BT t.1, fasc.1, p.123.14-17 Ziegler) 


sw ἐπεβίωσε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Σόλων ἀρξαμένου τοῦ Πεισιστράτου 
τυραννεῖν, ὡς μὲν Ηραλκλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἱστορεῖ, συχνὸν 
χρόνον, ὡς δὲ Φανίας ὁ Ἐρέσιος ἐλάττονα δυοῖν ἐτῶν. 


3 Phanias: SdA (1.9) fr. 21, FGrH IVA fasc.l 1012 F 15 


Ι οὖν ὁ Σόλων om. S συχνὸνΥ: πολὺν ὁ 


90 Plutarchus, Solon 31.2—5 (BT {.1, fasc.1, p.122.5—21 Ziegler) 


49w Ov μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Πεισίστρατος ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος τῶν 

πραγμάτων οὕτως ἐξεθεράπευσε τὸν Σόλωνα τιμῶν χαὶ 

φιλοφρονούμενος χαὶ μεταπεμπόμενος, ὥστε χαὶ σύμ- 
3. βοῦλον eivat καὶ πολλὰ TOV πρασσομένων ἐπαινεῖν. καὶ 
γὰρ ἐφύλαττε τοὺς πλείστους νόμους τῶν Σόλωνος. 
ἐμμένων πρῶτος αὐτὸς καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀναγκάζων: ὅς γε 
καὶ φόνου προσχληθεὶς εἰς Ἄρειον πάγον ἤδη τυραννῶν. 
ἀπήντησε κοσμίως ἀπολογησόμενος, ὁ δὲ κατήγορος οὐχ 
ὑπήκουσε: καὶ νόμους αὐτὸς ἑτέρους ἔγραψεν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ 
O τοὺς πηρωθέντας ἐν πολέμῳ δημοσίᾳ τρέφεσθαι χελεύ- 
4 WV. τοῦτο δέ φησιν Ἡρακλείδης καὶ πρότερον ἐπὶ Θερσίπ- 
πῳ πηρωθέντι τοῦ Σόλωνος ψηφισαμένου μιμήσασθαι τὸν 
5 Πεισίστρατον. ὡς δ᾽ ὁ Θεόφραστος ἱστόρηκε, καὶ τὸν τῆς 
ἀργίας νόμον οὐ Σόλων ἔθηκεν, ἀλλὰ Πεισίστρατος, ᾧ τήν 
TE χῶραν ἐνεργοτέραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἠρεμαιοτέραν ἐποί- 
ησεν. 


5 ἐφύλαττε ... ὃ (ἀπολογησόμενος): Arist. Ath. Pol. 16.8 6--ὃ Arist. Pol. 
5.12 [315021--2 11-12 Thersippus: PA 7196; PAA (1.9) 512980 12 
Solon fr. 146 Ruschenbusch 13 Lheophr. fr. 608 FHS&G De lege 
Solonis de inertia vid. Plut. Sol. 22.3 


5 τῶν Lindskog : tov codd. 13 δ᾽ ὁ δ: δὲ Y 15 ἐνεργοτέραν Lind- 
“Κορ : EVEOVEOTEOQAY Y et superscriptum S 


The Sources, Text and Translation 101 


34 Plutarch, Solon 32.3 (BT v.1, fasc.1, p.123.14-17 Ziegler) 


35 


At any rate, after Pisistratus had begun to rule as tyrant, 
Solon continued to live, according to Heraclides Ponticus for a 
considerable time, but according to Phanias of Eresus' for less 
than two years. 


' Phanias (alternative spelling Phainias: Wehrli SdA v. 9, 27; FGrH 1012) 
of Eresus (on Lesbos) was a contemporary of Theophrastus (see Theophras- 
tus’ letter fr. 374 FHS&G). The date given for Solon’s death by Phanias might 
be based on Aristotle, whereas Heraclides’ vague dating might be intended 
to allow the possibility of Solon meeting Croesus: Davies APF 8792, II (p. 
323-4). 


Plutarch, Solon 31.2—5 (BT v.1, fase.1, p.122.5—21 Ziegler) 


However, Pisistratus, after he took control of things, so much 
cultivated Solon by honoring him, treating him kindly, and sum- 
moning him that he (Pisistratus) actually became his (Solon’s) 
advisor and praised much of what he did. For he (Pisistratus) 
preserved the majority of Solon’s laws, observing them himself 
in the first instance and forcing his friends to do so. He was even 
summoned before the Areopagus on a charge of murder, when 
already a tyrant, and showed up for his defence ready to argue as 
was fit and due, but the prosecutor did not appear. And he him- 
self wrote other laws, among which 1s also the one commanding 
that those incapacitated in war be supported at public expense. 
But Heraclides says that even earlier Solon had sponsored such 
a decree 1n the case of Thersippus, who had been incapacitated, 
and that Pisistratus followed his example. As Theophrastus 
has reported, the law about idleness' too was not established 
by Solon, but by Pisistratus, who thereby made the countryside 
more productive and the city quieter. 


' Herodotus 2.177.1—2 claims that Solon took over this law from the Egyp- 
tian king Amasis, but this 1s chronologically improbable since Solon’s travels 
took place after his legislation in Athens: Hdt. 1.29.1—30.1. A law about idle- 
ness had been attributed as well to Draco (Plut. Sol. 17.2), see R.W. Wallace, 
The Areopagus Council, to 307 B.C., Baltimore-London 1985, 62-4; 244 n. 
60. 


102 


36 


64 W 


37 


65 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De Amore, De Voluptate (36-45) 


Amatorius vel Clinias, liber unus] 17 (12) 
De voluptate| 17 (13) 


De comico modo dicendi in libro De voluptate usitato vid. Dioge- 
nem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 5.88 (= 1) 


Hermias, Scholia in Platonis Phaedrum 230E (p.33.11—12; 17-- 
19 Couvreur-Zintzen) 


οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑπέλαβον ἁπλῶς φαῦλον TO ἐρᾶν ὡς Ent- 
κουρος ... οἱ δὲ ἁπλῶς ἀστεῖον ὡς Ἡρακλείδης, φιλίας λέ- 
γῶν εἶναι τὸν ἔρωτα xal οὐκ ἄλλου τινός, κατὰ συμβεβη- 
κὸς OE τινας ἐχπίπτειν εἰς ἀφροόδίσια. 


1—2 Epicur. fr. 453 Us. 2 aotetov cf. Alex. Aphr. In Arist. Top. libros 
octo comment. IT 2, p.139.21 (CAG 1.2, pars 2) TO OTL οὐδεὶς ἔρως ἀστεῖον 
πρόβλημα, cf. Suda E 3070 s.v. Ἔρως (1.2, p.417.14) Adler 2-3 φιλίας 
ὡς εἶναι TOV ἔρωτα, cf. Plat. Symp. 195C5-6 εἰ Ἔρως ἐν αὐτοῖς ἦν. ... φιλί 


καὶ εἰρήνη (ἂν ἐγίγνοντο) > 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 13.78 602A—C (BIt.3, p. 327.16- 
20; 25—328.16 Kaibel) 


Ἱερώνυμος δ᾽ ὁ Περιπατητικὸς περισπουδάστους φησὶν 


36 


37 


The Sources, Text and Translation 103 


Eros, Pleasure (36—45) 


(Dialogue) concerning Love or Clinias,' one book] 17 (12) 
On Pleasure|? 17 (13) 


Concerning the comic mode of expression used in Heraclides’ 
On Pleasure see Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 
5.88 (= 1). 


' Clinias. This could be either Clinias II, the son of Axiochus (Davies APF 
600, VI (B), p. 17). Clinias II 1s an interlocutor in conversations with Socrates 
in Plato (Euthyd. 273A5; 275A10—B1) and Xenophon (Symp. 4.12f.; 23); he 
is the lover of the Athenian Critobulus (Plato, Euthyd. 271B) of the deme 
Alopece. Or he could have been his cousin Clinias IV (Davies APF 600, VI 
(A), p. 16; VII, p. 17-18 — his father Clinias II was the brother of Axiochus) 
whom Heraclides had in mind (Wehrli, p. 81, prefers this identification). He 
was the younger brother of Alcibiades, the interlocutor of Socrates in Plato’s 
dialogue on love, the Symposium. In [Plat.] Alc. J 118E4 this Clinias 1s char- 
acterized as ‘““mad, insane” (μαινόμενον). 

- The fragments from the work On Pleasure (39-44) avoid hiatus: Voss 
p. 39-40. 


Hermias, Scholia on Plato's Phaedrus 230E (p.33.11—12; 17-19 
Couvreur-C. Zintzen) 


For some assumed that loving 15 simply vulgar, for example 
Epicurus, ..., but others, that 1t is simply fine, for example Hera- 
clides, who said that love aims at friendship and at nothing else, 
even though some people fall into sex by accident. 


2 aotetov A*: ἀστεῖαν vel aoteiow Μ: ἀστεῖον Ast Ἡραλλείδης 


BCEM: ὁ Εὐκλείδης A’ φιλίας codd.: φιλίαν Ast 3 ἄλλου τινός 
«παρασκχευαστικὸν;» Meineke ex Ath. 13.12 5616, αἱ ἔρωτα φιλίας Diog. 
Laert. 7.130 = Zeno SVE 1.5, fr. 716 (R. Hirzel, Untersuchungen zu Cicero's 
philosophischen Schriften, 1. II, Leipzig 1882, p.392 adn.3 [in p.397]), cf. Cic. 
Lusc. 4.33.70 quis enim est ille amor amicitiae? 


Athenaeus, 7he Sophists at Dinner 13.78 602A—-C (BT v.3, 
p.327.16—20; 25—328.16 Kaibel) 


Hieronymus the Peripatetic’ says that love affairs with boys 


104 Heraclides of Pontus 


γενέσθαι τοὺς τῶν παίδων ἔρωτας, OTL πολλάκις ἣ τῶν 
νέων ἀχμὴ χαὶ τὸ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἑταιρικὸν συμφρονῆσαν 
πολλὰς τυραννίδας καθεῖλεν. παιδικῶν γὰρ παρόντων 
ἐραστὴς πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ἕλοιτ᾽ ἂν παθεῖν ἢ δειλοῦ δόξαν ἀπεν- 
έγκασθαι παρὰ τοῖς παιδικοῖς. ἔργῳ γοῦν τοῦτο ἔδειξεν ... 
(exempla omittuntur) περὶ Σικελίαν δ᾽ ἐν Αχράγαντι ὁ Χα- 
Β ρίτωνος καὶ Μελανίππου «ἔρως». Μελάνιππος δ᾽ ἦν τὰ 
παιδικά, ὥς φησιν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ 
ἐρωτικῶν. οὗτοι φανέντες ἐπιβουλεύοντες Φαλάριδι καὶ 
ρβασανιζόμδνοι ἀναγκαζόμενοί τε λέγειν τοὺς συνειδότας 
οὐ μόνον οὐ χκατεῖπον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Φάλαριν αὐτὸν εἰς 
ἔλεον τῶν βασάνων ἤγαγον, ὡς ἀπολῦσαι αὐτοὺς πολλὰ 
ἐπαινέσαντα. διὸ καὶ ὁ Απόλλων ἡσθεὶς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀναβο- 
Atv τοῦ θανάτου τῷ PDAAGOLOL ἐχαρίσατο, τοῦτο ἐμφήῆνας 
τοῖς πυνθανομένοις τῆς [Πυθίας ὅπως αὐτῷ ἐπιθῶνται. 
ς ἔχρησεν O€ χαὶ περὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Χαρίτωνα. προτάξας τοῦ 
ἑξαμέτρου τὸ πεντάμετρον, καθάπερ ὕστερον χαὶ Διονύ- 
σιος ὁ Αθηναῖος ἐποίησε ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Χαλκοῦς ἐν τοῖς ἐλε- 
γείοις. ἐστὶν δὲ ὁ χρησμὸς δὸς: 
εὐδαίμων Χαρίτων καὶ Μελάνιυτπος ἔφυ. 
θείας ἁγητῆρες ἐφαμερίοις φιλότατος. 


| Hieronym. Rhod. fr. 35 White 4—6 vid. Plat. Symp. 178SD4—179A8; Xen. 
Symp. 8.32—3 7—22 De Charitone et Melanippo vide Ael. Var. hist. 2.4; 
ap. Plut. Amat. 16 760C Melanippus amator maior natu est 21-2 = no. 
327 (t.2, p.131) Parke-Wormell; Oenomaus fr. 12 Hammerstaedt (at v.2 θείας 
ἁγητῆρες EV ἀνθρώποις διχονοίας) 


3 ἑταιρικὸν glossema esse Suspicatus est Kaibel 4 παιδικῶν Schweighduser, 
coll. Plat. Symp. 179A3: παίδέων A 8 ἔρως add. Schweighduser 17 δὲ 
Wilamowitz: Te A 


38A Scholia in Germanici Aratea BP p.102 (p.194.1—15 Eratosthe- 
nes, Catasterismorum Reliquiae, Robert) 


66a4W de quinque stellis, quas planetas vocant ob adsiduos ea- 
rum motus. quinque deis adsignaverunt. de his <primus> 
Phaenon, quem Heraclides Ponticus refert <a> Prometheo 
pulcherrmum fictum hominem. quem cum occulisset et 
Cupido eum lovi indicasset, misit <is> Mercurium, qui eum 


10 


15 


20 


38A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 105 


became much sought after because the prime age of the young 
men and their social relations with each other had often con- 
spired to destroy the rule of many tyrants. For in the presence of 
the beloved, a lover would choose to suffer any kind of hardship 
rather than gain a reputation for cowardice with his beloved. 
This at least was proved in fact ... in Agrigentum on Sicily by 
the love affair of Chariton and Melanippus. Melanippus was 
the beloved, as Heraclides Ponticus says in his (work) On Mat- 
ters of Love. Vhese two were discovered to be plotting against 
Phalaris,~ and when they were being forced under torture to state 
their fellow conspirators, not only did they not disclose them, 
but they even led Phalaris himself into pity for the torturing, 
with the result that he praised them highly and released them. 
For this reason Apollo, pleased at these developments, granted 
as a favor to Phalaris a postponement of his death, and revealed 
this to those who inquired of the Pythia how they should attack 
him. He gave a pronouncement also about Chariton and his cir- 
cle, setting the pentameter before the hexameter, just as later 
Dionysius the Athenian, the one called “Brazen’’,’ did too in his 
elegies. And this 15 the oracle: 
Happy were Chariton and Melanippus, 
Leaders for mortals in divine friendship.* 


' Hieronymus the Peripatetic came from Rhodes and belongs to the 3rd 
century. The fragments are collected by White, RUSCH vol. XII, see DPhA 
3H 129. 

- Phalaris was tyrant of Acragas (Sicily) ca. 570-555, see 117A. 

’ Dionysius belongs to the 5th century B.C. He recommended the introduc- 
tion of copper coinage in Athens, which gave rise to his nickname. 


* For ancient variations of this story, cp. Gottschalk p. 93 n. 18. 


Scholia on Germanicus’ Aratea BP p.102 (p.194.1—15 Erato- 
sthenes, Remains of Conversions into Stars, Robert) 


Concerning the five stars which people call planets on 
account of their constant motion: they have assigned these to 
five gods. The first of these is Phaenon, who, as Heraclides Pon- 
ticus reports, was made a most handsome man by Prometheus. 
After Prometheus had concealed him and Cupid had pointed 


106 


38B 


66b W 


39 


Heraclides of Pontus 


tamquam ad immortalitatem vocaret. qui non ante adnuit, 
quam potione accepta caelo receptus honoratus est. Ilovis 
est stella Phaenon. 


1—2 Ps.-Eratosthen. Catasterismi (p.51.5—8 Olivieri 1897); Achilles Com- 
ment. in Aratum reliqu. 17 ( p.43 Maass -1958) 7-8 lovis est stella Phae- 
non: differebat Ps.-Arist. De mundo 2. 392a24 ὁ τοῦ Φαέθοντος (xVxXAOG) 
Διὸς A€YOUEVOC 


1 quas Schaubach: quae BP — adsiduos: auctor commentarii Latini legit 
ἀιδίαν pro correcta lectione ἰδίαν ut monet Wilamowitz 2 deis €: dies 
BP 2--. de his <primus> Phaenon, quem Schaubach: de his hae non, quae 
BP (πρῶτον μὲν Διός, Paivovta, χτλ., Ps.-Eratosth. Catasterismi p.51.7—8 
Olivieri [897] 3 a add. Schaubach 5 eum ἴον! /: etuitivut BP 15 
add. β 


Hyginus, De astronomia 2.42.1 (BT p.91.1315—22 Viré) 


quarum (scil. quingue stellarum, quas planetas Graeci 
dixerunt) una est lovis, nomine Phaethon, quem Heraclides 
Ponticus ait, quo tempore Prometheus homines finxerit, 7 
in his et 7 hunc pulchritudine corporis reliquos praestantem 
fecisse eumque supprimere cogitare neque Iovi ut ceteros 
reddere et Cupidinem [ovi nuntiasse; quo facto missum 
Mercurium ad Phaethontem persuasisse ut ad lovem veniret 
et immortalis fleret; itaque eum inter astra collocatum. 


2 Photon M: Phoeton PW: Pheton M°”: Phaenon Bunte Le Bauffile quem 
om. ὃ : quam P:dequaLZ  Erachydes R: Eradides W: Eraclydes R°” 3 
Panticus R: Pontificus RE 4constituisseadd.anteinL  inhis et ex scho- 
liis: inisset SP: iniisset NE: in iis et M: finiiset A: om. M°°” RP°” FOZ Bunte, 
Le Beuffle 5 loviP°?": Ilovis RP om. M°” R°’” Fo Le Beuffle ut ceteros 
om. MM": ut certum R°’? FO 6 reddere et Le Beuffle: redderet codd. 7 
Phetonda NV: Photonta Μ΄: Phoetonta W: Phaenonta Bunte Le Baeuffle 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.5 512A—D (BT t.3, p.130.8- 
131.19 Kaibel) 


Ἡρακλείδης δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς τάδε λέ- 
VEL: “OL τύραννοι χαὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς πάντων ἀγαθῶν ὄντες χύ- 
OLOL καὶ πάντων εἰληφότες πεῖραν τὴν ἡδονὴν προχρίνου- 
σιν, μεγαλοψυχοτέρας ποιούσης τῆς ἡδονῆς τὰς τῶν ἀν- 


38B 


39 


The Sources, Text and Translation 107 


him out to Jupiter, he (Jupiter) sent Mercury to summon him as 
if it were to grant him immortality. Phaenon did not accept until 
he had been given a magic potion and was received into heaven 
and honored (there). Phaenon 15 the star of Jupiter. 


' Literally: “until a magic potion had been taken (by him).” Does this refer 
to ambrosia? In this case, the story 1s very similar to the arrangement of mar- 
riage between Cupid and Psyche in Apul. Met. 6.23.5: “et ilico (luppiter) per 
Mercurium arripi Psychen et in caelum perduci itubet et prorrecto ambrosiae 
poculo ‘sume’, inquit “Psyche, et immortalis esto’ ...”. (N. Lenski drew my 
attention to this passage). If there was no reference to a ‘potion,’ could potione 
be a mistaken reading for portione? That 1s: Phaenon did not accept until he 
had received a part (of the sky) by becoming a star. 


Hyginus, Astronomy 2.42.1 (BT p.91.1315—22 Viré) 


Of these (i.e., the five planet stars, which the Greeks have 
called ‘planets’) one 15 of Jupiter, Phaethon by name. Heraclides 
Ponticus said that at the ttme Prometheus created men, he made 
this man outstanding above the others in beauty of body, and 
When he was considering holding him back and not turning him 
over to Jupiter as he did with the others, Cupid brought word to 
Jupiter. As aresult Mercury was sent to Phaethon and persuaded 
him that he should come to Jupiter and be made immortal. And 
so they say he was placed among the stars. 


Athenaeus, 7he Sophists at Dinner 12.5 512A—D (BT v.3, 
p.130.8—131.19 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus in his (work) On Pleasure says the fol- 
lowing: “tyrants and kings, who have control over all the good 
things and have tried them all, judge pleasure the foremost good 
because pleasure makes the nature of humans more magnani- 


108 


Heraclides of Pontus 


θρώπων φύσεις. ἅπαντες γοῦν OL τὴν ἡδονὴν τιμῶντες καὶ 

τρυφᾶν προηρημένοι μεγαλόψυχοι καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεῖς εἰ- 

σιν, ὡς Πέρσαι xat Μῆδοι. μάλιστα γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων ἀν- 
θρώπων τὴν ἡδονὴν οὗτοι καὶ τὸ τουφᾶν τιμῶσιν, ἀνδρει- 
ότατοι καὶ μεγαλοψυχότατοι τῶν βαρβάρων ὄντες. ἐστὶ 
γὰρ τὸ μὲν ἥδεσθαι καὶ τὸ τουφᾶν ἐλευθέρων: ἀνίησι γὰρ 
τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ αὔξει, TO δὲ πονεῖν δούλων καὶ ταπεινῶν. 
διὸ καὶ συστέλλονται οὗτοι καὶ τὰς φύσεις. καὶ ἡ Αθηναίων 
πόλις, ἕως ἐτρύφα, μεγίστη τε ἦν καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτους 
ἔτρεφεν ἄνδρας. ἁλουργῆ μὲν γὰρ ἠμπίσχοντο ἱμάτια. ποι- 
κίλους δ᾽ ὑπέδυνον χιτῶνας, κορύμβους δ᾽ ἀναδούμενοι 
τῶν τροιχῶν χρυσοῦς τέττιγας περὶ τὸ μέτωπον καὶ τὰς 
κόρρας ἐφόρουν. ὀχλαδίας τε αὐτοῖς δίφρους ἔφερον οἱ 
παῖδες, ἵνα μὴ καθίζοιεν ὡς ἔτυχεν. καὶ τοιοῦτοι ἦσαν οἱ 
τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι νικήσαντες μάχην καὶ μόνοι τὴν τῆς Ασί- 
ας ἁπάσης δύναμιν χειρωσάμξδνοι. καὶ OL φρονιμώτατοι O€’, 
φησίν, καὶ μεγίστην OOSAV ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ ἔχοντες μέγιστον 
ἀγαθὸν τὴν ἡδονὴν εἶναι νομίζουσιν, Σιμωνίδης μὲν οὑτω- 
σὶ λέγων 

τίς γὰρ ἁδονᾶς ἄτερ θνα- 

τῶν βίος ποθεινὸς ἢ ποί- 

α τυραννίς: 

τᾶσο᾽ ἄτερ οὐδὲ θεῶν ζηλωτὸς αἰών. 

Πίνδαρος «δὲ» παραινῶν Ἱέρωνι τῷ Συρακοσίων ἄρχοντι 
μηδ᾽ ἀμαύρον᾽, φησί, τέρψιν EV βίῳ, πολύ TOL 
φέριστον ἀνὸρὶ τερπνὸς αἰώῶν΄. 

καὶ Ὅμηρος δὲ τὴν εὐφροσύνην χαὶ τὸ εὐφραίνεσθαι 


" τέλος᾽ φησὶν εἶναι ᾿ χαριέστερον᾽, ὅταν ᾿ δαιτυμόνες᾽ μὲν 


ἀοιδοῦ ἀκουάζωνται, παρὰ δὲ πλήθωσι τράχπεζαι᾽, τοὺς δὲ 
θεούς φησιν εἰναι ῥεῖα ζώοντας᾽ — τὸ δὲ ῥεῖά ἐστιν ἀπόνως 
-- ὥσπερ ἐνὸειχνύμενος ὅτι μέγιστόν ἐστι τῶν κακῶν N 
περὶ τὸ ζῆν ταλαιτωρία χαὶ ὁ πόνος. 


1-20 (yetowoauevot) Ael. Var. hist. 4.22; Socrates ibid. 10.14 22 Simo- 
nides PMG 584 28 Pind. fr.126 Maehler 31-34 Hom. Od. 9.5—8 ov yao 
Eva (i.e. Odysseus) γέ τί φημι τέλος χαριέστερον εἰναι / ἢ ὅτ᾽ EILMOEOObVN 
μὲν EXN κατὰ δῆμον ἅπαντα, / δαιτυμόνες δ᾽ ἀνὰ δώματ᾽ ἀκουάζωνται 
ἀοιδοῦ, / ἥμενοι ἑξείης, παρὰ δὲ πλήθωσι τράπεζαι / σίτου καὶ κρειῶν 
..., Cf. Plat. Rep. 3.390A10; Arist. Pol. 8.3 [35δα20--50; [Hes.] Cert. Hom. et 


Hes. 79-81; Ps.-Plut. De Hom. 150 (Kindstrand); Ps.- Heracl. Quaestiones 
--" ὦ 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


35 


The Sources, Text and Translation 109 


mous. In any case, all those who value pleasure and choose to 
live in luxury are magnanimous and magnificent, such as the 
Persians and the Medes. For these people most of all human 
beings value pleasure and living 1n luxury, and they are the brav- 
est and most magnanimous of the barbarians. For experiencing 
pleasure and living in luxury are characteristic of free people, 
because this frees their souls and strengthens them, whereas 
laboring is characteristic of slaves and the lowly: for this rea- 
son such people are actually contracted in their natures. And 
the city of the Athenians, as long as it enjoyed luxury, was at 
its greatest and nurtured the most magnanimous men. For they 
wore purple cloaks, and they put on embroidered tunics, and 
they bound up their hair in knots on the crown of their head and 
wore golden cicadas as ornaments on their brow and temples. 
And their slaves carried folding chairs for them, so that they 
would not sit down just in any place. Such were those who were 
victorious at Marathon and single-handedly defeated the power 
of all Asia. The most sensible men,” he says, “who have the 
ereatest reputation for wisdom, believe pleasure is the greatest 
good. Simonides for example says this: 
For what life of mortals 15 desirable without pleasure, or 
what kind of tyranny? 
Without this (pleasure) not even the life of the gods is 
enviable. 
<And> Pindar, advising Hieron ruler of the Syracusans: 
‘Do not diminish,’ he says, “joy in life; indeed much the 
best thing for man 15 a joyful life.’ 
And Homer too says that good cheer and merriment 15 ‘the fin- 
est goal,’ when ‘feasters’ listen to a singer and ‘the tables beside 
them are laden,’ and he says the gods ‘live easily’ — and easily 
is Without toil — as if to show that hardship and toil in life are 
the greatest of evils.” 


Homericae 79 34 ῥεῖα ζώοντας: Hom. Od. 4.805; 5.122 et alibi 


Ι ἐν τῷ Musurus:€xtTOvA 7τῶν ἄλλων Α: πάντωνἩξΞ θβαρβάρων: 
ἀνθρώπων Ε post ὄντες lacunam indicavit Voss 17 κόρρας Birt: 
κόμας AE 18 καὶ τοιοῦτοι ἦσαν οἱ Wilamowitz: καὶ οὗτοι ἧσαν οἱ 
τοιοῦτοι οἱ τὴν codd., Ath. epit., vol.2,2 p.74 Ρορρίπκ: οἱ τοιοῦτοι del. Kai- 
bel 24vao0om.E 224-25 θνητῶνα 5 27τᾶς δ᾽ AE: δ᾽ Secl. Kaibel 
28 δὲ add. Kaibel 32 χαριέστατον Meineke 


110 


40 


56 W 


41 


57 W 
526 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.81 554E—-F (BT t.3, p.223.26- 
224.14 Kaibel) 


EV μανίᾳ δὲ τρυφὴν NOLOTHV γενομένην OVX ἀηδῶς ὁ 
Ποντικὸς Ἡρακλείδης διηγεῖται ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς οὕτως 
γράφων: “ὁ Αἰξωνεὺς Θράσυλλος ὁ Πυθοδώρου διετέθη 
ποτὲ ὑπὸ μανίας τοιαύτης ὡς πάντα τὰ πλοῖα τὰ εἰς τὸν 
Πειραιᾶ καταγόμενα ὑπολαμβάνειν ἑαυτοῦ εἰναι, καὶ ἀπε- 
γράφετο αὐτὰ καὶ ἀπέστελλε καὶ διῴκει καὶ καταπλέξοντα 
ἀπεδέχετο μετὰ χαρᾶς τοσαύτης, ὅσησπερ ἄν τις ἡσθείη 
τοσούτων χρημάτων κύριος OV. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀπολομένων 
οὐδὲν ἐπεζήτει, τοῖς δὲ σῳζομένοις ἔχαιρεν HAL διῆγεν μετὰ 
πλείστης ἡδονῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Κρίτων ἐκ Σικε- 
λίας ἐπιδημῆσας συλλαβὼν αὐτὸν παρέδωκεν ἰατρῷ καὶ 
τῆς μανίας ἐπαύσατο, διηγεῖτο «πολλάκις περὶ τῆς ἐν μανίᾳ 
διατριρῆς» οὐδεπώποτε φάσκων κατὰ τὸν βίον ἡσθῆναι 
πλείονα. λύπην μὲν γὰρ OVO’ ἡντινοῦν αὐτῷ παραγίγνε- 
σθαι, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἡδονῶν πλῆθος ὑπερβάλλειν. 


= Ael. Var. hist. 4.25, cf. Soph. Aj. 554 ἐν τῷ φρονεῖν γὰρ μηδὲν ἤδιστος 
βίος; Ps.-Arist. Mir. 31. 832b17-21, cf. Hor. ep. 2.2,,28-40 — 3 Thrasyllus 
Pythodori filius: PA 7339; PAA (t.9) 517600 10 Crito Thrasylli frater: PA 
S822; PAA (t.10) 585820 


3 ἀξωνεὺς θρασύλαος A: corr. Schweighduser, Meineke ex Ael. Var. hist. 
4.25 Θράσυλλος ὁ Αἰξωνεὺς 4 τοιαύτης codd.: τοιούτως proposuit 
Kaibel 6 ἀπέστελλε Meineke: ἀπέστειλε Α: οι. 7 ἡσθείη Meineke : 
εἴη codd. 9 οὐδὲν ἐπεζήτησεν Ath. epit., vol.2,2 p.99 Peppink (differt app. 
crit. editionis Athenaei a Kaibel editae: οὐδὲν ἐπεζήτει E): οὐδὲ ἐπεζήτει 
οὐδέν proposuit Kaibel 12-13 πολλάκις περὶ τῆς EV μανίᾳ διατριβῆς vel 
simile aliquid supplendum esse proposuit Kaibel, collato Ael. Var. hist. 4.25 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.30 525F—526A (BI t.3, p.160. 
14-17 Kaibel) 


Ἡρακλείδης δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς Σαμίους 
φησὶ καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν τρυφήσαντας OLA τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους 
μικρολογίαν ὥσπερ Συβαρίτας τὴν πόλιν ἀπολέσαι. 


1 De luxuria Samiorum cf. Duris FGrH 76 F 60; Timaeus ΓΟΥΗ͂ 566 F 50 
3 De destructione urbis Sybaris vid. 22 vial 


10 


15 


The Sources, Text and Translation 1[{ΠΠΙ 


40 Athenaeus, Zhe Sophists at Dinner 12.81 554E-F (BT v.3, 


41 


526 


p.223.26—224.14 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus narrates not unpleasantly in his (work) 
On Pleasure that in a state of madness luxury becomes most 
pleasant, writing as follows: “Thrasyllus of the deme Aexone,’ 
son of Pythodorus, was once afflicted with a madness of such 
a kind, with the result that he took all the ships landing at the 
Peiraeus to be his own. He registered them in his accounts, and 
sent them out and managed them, and when they returned he 
received them with such great joy, as one would feel with plea- 
sure in being the owner of so much wealth. He made no search 
at all for those that were lost, but he rejoiced in those that came 
back safe, and he lived with the greatest pleasure. But when his 
brother Crito returned home from Sicily, he (Crito) took hold of 
him (Thrasyllus) and turned him over to a doctor, and (Thrasyl- 
lus) was cured of his madness. Then he <quite often told sto- 
ries about his life in madness,> saying that he had never once 
enjoyed life more. For not a single sort of pain had befallen him, 
and the quantity of his pleasures was far greater.” 


' Aexone was a deme in Attica, belonging to the tribe Cecropis. 


Athenaeus, 116 Sophists at Dinner 12.30 525F—526A (BT v.3, 
p.160.14—-17 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus in his (work) On Pleasure says that the 
Samians lived in excessive luxury and through their pettiness 
toward each other ruined their city just as the Sybarites (did). 


3 μικρολογίαν : φιλοτιμίαν Kaibel 


112 


42 


58 W 


537A 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.52 536F—537C (BT t.3, p.183. 
13—184.24 Kaibel) 


περὶ δὲ Καλλίου καὶ TOV τούτου κολάκων φθάνομεν 
καὶ πρότερον εἰπόντες. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ καινὼς Ἡρακλείδης ὁ 
Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς ἱστορεῖ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ἄνωθεν 
ἀναλαβὼν OLIYNOOUGL. “OTE τὸ πρῶτον εἰς Εὔβοιαν ἐστρά- 
τευσαν οἱ Πέρσαι, τότε, ὥς φασιν, Ἐρετριεὺς ἀνὴρ Διό- 
μνηστος χύριος ἐγένετο τῶν τοῦ; στρατηγοῦ χρημάτων. 
ἔτυχεν γὰρ EV τῷ ἀγρῷ τῷ EXELVOV OXNVOV καὶ τὰ χρήῆμα- 
TOL εἰς οἴκημά τι θέμενος τῆς οἰκίας: τελευτησάντων δὲ πάν- 
τῶν διέλαθεν ἔχων ὁ Διόμνηστος τὸ χρυσίον. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάλιν 
ὁ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἀπέστειλεν εἰς τὴν Ἐρέτριαν 
στράτευμα, προστάξας ἀνάστατον [γενέσθαι] ποιῆσαι τὴν 
πόλιν, εἰκότως ὑπεξετίθεντο, ὅσοι χρημάτων ηὐπόρουν. οἱ 
οὖν καταλελειμμένοι τῆς τοῦ Διομνήστου οἰκίας παρ᾽ Ἵπ- 
πόνιχον τὸν Καλλίου tov Αμμωνα ἐπικαλούμενον ὑπεξ- 
ἔθεντο τὰ χρήματα εἰς τὰς Αθήνας, καὶ ἀνασχευασθέντων 
ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν ἁπάντων «τῶν» Ἐρετριέων χκατέσχον 
οὗτοι τὰ χρήματα πολλὰ ὄντα. ὥστε Ἱππόνικος ὁ ἀπ᾽ ἐκεί- 
νου γεγονὼς τοῦ τὴν παρακαταθήκην λαβόντος ἤτησεν 
Αθηναίους ποτὲ ἐν ἀχροπόλει τόπον, ἵν᾽ οἰκοδομήσηται 
τοῖς χρήμασιν ὅπου xEloETaL, [λέγων] ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ὃν 
ἐν ἰδιωτικῇ οἰκίᾳ πολλὰ χρήματα εἶναι. καὶ ἔδοσαν «ἂν» 
Αθηναῖοι, νουθετηθεὶς δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων μετενόησεν. τού- 
τῶν οὖν [ὄντων] τῶν χρημάτων Καλλίας κύριος γενόμενος 
καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν βιῶσας -- ποῖοι γὰρ οὐ κόλακες ἢ τί πλῆ- 
θος οὐχ ἑταίρων περὶ αὐτὸν σαν, ποίας δὲ δαπάνας οὐχ 
ὑπερεώρα κεῖνος; -- ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως εἰς τοσοῦτον αὐτὸν περιέ- 
στησεν «ἀπορίας; ὁ περὶ ἡδονὴν βίος ὥστε μετὰ γρᾳδίου 
ραρβάρου διατελεῖν ἠναγκάσθη καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῶν 
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐνδεὴς YEVOUEVOS τὸν βίον ἐτελεύτησεν. 

τὸν δὲ Νικίου᾽, φησί. τοῦ Περγασῆθεν πλοῦτον ἢ τὸν 
Toyouayou τίνες ἀπώλεσαν; οὐκ AvTOXAENS καὶ ἘΕπικλέης 
οἱ μετ᾿ ἀλλήλων ζῆν προελόμξδνοι καὶ πώόντ᾽ ἐν ἐλάττονι 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


42 


537A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 113 


Athenaeus, 7he Sophists at Dinner 12.52 536F—537C (BT v.3, 
p.183.13—-184.24 Kaibel) 


Concerning Callias and his flatterers, we have already spo- 
ken previously. But since Heraclides Ponticus reports novel 
things about him in his (work) On Pleasure, | will take up this 
topic from the beginning and narrate it fully. “According to trad1- 
tion, when the Persians first invaded Euboea,! at that time Dio- 
mnestus, a citizen of Eretria, came into control of the general’s 
money. For the general happened to have put up his tent on his 
farm, and had placed his money in a room of his house, and, 
when the whole army perished, nobody noticed that Diomnestus 
had the gold. But when the Persian king again sent an army into 
Eretria, ordering it to lay the city to waste, naturally everyone 
who was well off moved their money to a place of safety. So 
those remaining of the house of Diomnestus moved their money 
to Athens for safety, to Hipponicus son of Callias, who 1s nick- 
named Ammon. And when all the Eretrians were transplanted 
by the Persians, these men (Hipponicus and Callias) kept the 
money, which was a considerable sum. So it came about that 
Hipponicus, grandson of the man who had received the deposit, 
once requested from the Athenians a site on the Acropolis where 
he could build a structure to house the money, since he con- 
sidered it not safe for a large sum of money to remain in a pri- 
vate house. And the Athenians would have granted his request, 
but he was warned to reconsider by his friends and changed his 
mind. So Callias came into control of this money and lived for 
pleasure. For what sort of flatterers did he lack? Or what crowd 
of companions did not surround him? What scale of expenditure 
did he not scorn as trivial? But nevertheless his life of pleasure 
brought him into such a state of poverty that he was forced to 
live on with an old woman of barbarian origin, and he ended his 
life having become needy of daily necessities. 

And who,” he says, “squandered the wealth of Nicias of Per- 
gase,’ or that of Ischomachus? Was it not Autocles and Epicles, 
who preferred to live with each other and considered everything 


114 


43 


S59 W 


44 


61 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


ποιούμξδνοι τῆς ἡδονῆς, ἐπειδὴ πάντα κατανάλωσαν, κῶνει- 
ον πιόντες ἅμα τὸν βίον ἐτελεύτησαν; 


Ael. Var. hist. 4.23; alia narratio originis divitiarum Calliae: Plut. Aristid. 
5.7.-ὃ 30 Nicias Pergaseus: PAA (1.15) no. 712655 31 [schomachus: 
Davies APF 7826.XIII,XIV; PAA (1.9) no. 542570 ~~ Autocles: PA 2718; PAA 
(1.4) no. 238935 Epicles: PA 4844; PAA (1.6) no. 393135 


11 γενέσθαι del. Dindorf: ποιῆσαι del. Schweighduser 16 τῶν add. 
Musurus 20 λέγων del. Meineke 21 av add. Wilamowitz 23 ὄντων 
A:om. Ε΄: del. Kaibel 277 ἀπορίας add. Meineke ex Ael. Var. hist. 4.23 εἰς 
ἀπορίαν περιέστησεν 31 Ἐπικλέης codd., edd.: Ἐφικλέης Wehrli 
— ignoro unde 32 post μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων Voss (nisus partim Ael. Var. hist. 
4.23) ἀσωτεύεσθαι πρὸ τοῦ κατ᾽ ἐγκράτειαν Supplevit 34 ἐτελεύτησαν 
Schweighduser : κατανάλωσαν - ἐτελεύτησαν A: ἀπέθανον E 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.45 533C (BT t.3, p.176.9-14 
Kaibel) 


Περικλέα δὲ τὸν Ολύμπιόν φησιν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Πον- 
τικὸς EV τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς, ὡς ἀπήλλαξεν Ex τῆς οἰκίας τὴν 
γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν μεθ᾽ ἡδονῆς βίον προείλετο, ᾧκει TE μετ᾽ 
Ασπασίας τῆς ἐκ Μεγάρων ἑταίρας καὶ τὸ πολὺ μέρος τῆς 
οὐσίας εἰς ταύτην κατανάλωσξ. 


Cf. Ael. Var. hist. 4.23 


4 μέρος om. E 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 12.77 552F (BI t.3, p.219.15-19 
Kaibel) 


Ἡρακλείδης δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡδονῆς Δεινίαν 
φησὶ τὸν μυροπώλην OLA τρυφὴν εἰς ἔρωτας ἐμπεσόντα χαὶ 


43 


44 


The Sources, Text and Translation 115 


secondary to pleasure, and when they had spent everything 
ended their lives together by drinking hemlock?” 


! The Persians invaded Euboea for the first time, in 490, see Hdt. 6.101. How- 
ever, the Persians did not invade Euboea for a second time, cp. RE VII 2, 1908. 
This part of the story 1s pure fabrication: E. Meyer, Forschungen zur Alten 
Geschichte, Halle 1892 (repr. Hildesheim 1966), 2 vols., II 30 (with n. 2). 

“For the genealogy of this family, see PA 7826: Phainippus had a son Callias 
I (Davies APF 7826, II, p.255). Callias I’s son was Hipponicus I (Davies ibid. 
II, p.255), born after 564, with the byname Ammon (Davies ibid. IV, p.257-8; 
Traill PAA v. 9: 538905). Hipponicus I Ammon became the father of Callias II, 
born after 520 (Davies ibid. III (A), p. 256; V—VII, p.258—61) with the byname 
Λακκόπλουτος (Davies ibid. VII (C), p.260) who married Epinice, sister of 
Cimon (Davies ibid. V, VI, p.258—9). The son of Callias II Λακκόπλουτος and 
Epinice was Hipponicus II (Davies ibid. VU, VII (p. 260-1; Traill PAA v. 9: 
538910) who married Pericles’ first wife (Davies APF 7826, LX, p.262). Their 
son was Callias III (born ca. 450: Davies ibid. ΙΧ. p.263); he might not have 
been “quite as penniless as Herakleides’ irresponsible embroidery implied” 
(Davies ibid. VIII, p.261). Through his daughter Hipparete, Hipponicus II 
became father-in-law of Alcibiades. 


Athenaeus, The Sophists at Dinner 12.45 533C (BT v.3, p.176. 
9-14 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus says in his (work) On Pleasure that 
Pericles the Olympian’ dismissed his wife* from his house and 
preferred the life of pleasure. He lived with Aspasia the hetaira 
from Megara’ and spent the better part of his property on her. 


Olympian, nickname of Pericles: Plut. Per. 8.3; Diodorus 12.40.5; Athe- 
naeus, lhe Sophists at Dinner 13. 589D; Schol. Plat. Menex. 235E. 

- The name of Pericles’ wife is unknown: Plut. Per. 24. 8: Miltner RE XIX 
749. She was married again, to Hipponicus II, the son of Callias II Λακκό- 
πλουτος (Davies APF 7826, IX, p. 262), see n. 2 to 42. 

> All other sources (Plut. Per. 24.2; Schol. Plat. Menex. 235E) state that 
Aspasia came from Miletus. Suda A 4202 (under “Aristophanes’’) establishes 
a connection with Megara: on account of Aspasia, Pericles in anger wrote the 
decree which excluded the Megarians from Athens. 


Athenaeus, he Sophists at Dinner 12.77 552F (BT v.3, p.219. 
15-19 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus in his (work) On Pleasure says that 
Deinias the perfume seller fell into love affairs because of his 


116 


49 


60 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


πολλὰ χρήματα ἀναλώσαντα, ὡς ἕξω TOV ἐπιθυμιῶν ἐγένετο. 
ὑπὸ λύπης ἐκταραχθέντα ἐκτεμεῖν αὑτοῦ τὰ αἰδοῖα, ταῦτα 
πάντα ποιούσης τῆς ἀκολάστου τρυφῆς. 


1 De Dinia Aegypto unguentario vid. Strattis PCG (1.7) fr. 34.3-4 


2 ἔρωτας Wilamowitz: ρώτα AE 4 exteuetv Kaibel: extéuvetv A: cor- 
rexit E (ξξέτεμεν) 


Plutarchus, Pericles 27.3-4 (BI t.1, fasc. 2, p.31.28—32.15 
Ziegler-Gartner) 


Ἔφορος δὲ καὶ μηχαναῖς χρήσασθαι τὸν Περικλέα τὴν 
καινότητα θαυμασταῖς, Αρτέμωνος τοῦ μηχανικοῦ παρ-«α- 
σχΡόντος, ὃν χωλὸν ὄντα ZXAL φορείῳ πρὸς τὰ κατεπείγον- 
τὰ τῶν ἔργων προσκομιζόμενον ὀνομασθῆναι Περιφόρῃη- 
τον. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐλέγχει τοῖς 
Ἀνακρέοντος ποιήμασιν, ἐν οἷς “ὁ περιφόρητος Ἀρτέμων᾽ 
ὀνομάζεται πολλαῖς ἕμπροσθεν ἡλικίαις τοῦ περὶ Σάμον 
πολέμου XAL τῶν πραγμάτων ἐχείνων. τὸν δ᾽ Αρτέμωνά 
φησι τρυφερόν τινα τῷ βίῳ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φόβους μαλακὸν 
ὄντα καὶ καταπλῆγα τὰ πολλὰ μὲν οἴκοι καθέζεσθαι, χαλ- 
“NV ἀσπίδα τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ δυεῖν OLXETMV ὑπερεχόν- 
τῶν, ὥστε μηδὲν ἐμπεσεῖν τῶν ἄνωθεν, εἰ δὲ βιασθείη προ- 
ἐλθεῖν, ἐν χλινιδίῳ χρεμαστῷ παρὰ τὴν γῆν αὐτὴν περιφε- 
OOUEVOV χομίζεσθαι χαὶ διὰ τοῦτο κληθῆναι περιφόρητον. 


| Ephorus FGrH 70 F 194 2 Artemon: Diod. 12.28.3 6 Anacreon 
PMG 372 ὁ περιφόρητος Αρτέμων vid. Chamael. SdA (1.9) fr. 36 = fr. 
36 Giordano; Diphilus Com. (PCG 1.5, p.69) fr. 35; Append. prov. (CPG 1.2, 
p.441) 4.32; schol. Ar. Ach. 850a Wilson 


Ι μηχαναῖς «φησι» Ziegler 2-3 παρ«ασχρΡόντος Ziegler: παρόντος 
codd.: πορίζοντος Coraes : παρκ«ασχευάζο»ντος Schiitrumpf, coll. Diod. 
12.28.5 κατασκευάσαντος 13-14 περιφερόμενον Aldina Πιπίϊπα: 
παραφερόμενον codd. 


10 


49 


The Sources, Text and Translation 117 


indulgence in luxury, and spent lots of money, and when he had 
gotten over his desires, he was thrown into turmoil by his grief 
and cut off his genitals: all these things are the product of unbri- 
dled indulgence in luxury. 


Plutarch, Pericles 27.3-4 (BT v.1, fasc.2, p.31.28—-32.15 Zieg- 
ler-Gartner) 


Ephorus says that Pericles even used siege engines, marve- 
lous in their novelty, provided by the engineer Artemon, who, 
because he was lame and was carried on a litter to his urgent 
projects, was called Periphoretus, “Carried Around.’ How- 
ever, Heraclides Ponticus’ refutes this by means of Anacreon’s” 
poems, in which ‘Artemon Periphoretus”* is named many gene- 
rations before the war at Samos? and these affairs. And he says 
that Artemon was the effeminate sort in his lifestyle, and soft 
and nervous regarding his fears, and that he sat at home most 
of the time, while two servants held a bronze shield above his 
head so that nothing from above would fall on him, and, 11 he 
was forced to leave the house, he would be taken in a hammock, 
carried around just over the ground, and for this reason he was 
called Periphoretus. 


' “Carried Around”, περιφόρητος — probably in the sense of “notorious”: 
LSJ σιν. (ID). 

- Plutarch does not indicate to which of Heraclides’ writings the statement 
belongs; the trait of living τη effeminate luxury was dealt with in On Pleasure. 
See 39. 

> Cp. C.G. Brown, “From Rags to Riches: Anacreon’s Artemon,” Phoenix 
37 (1983), 1-15. 

* “Artemon Periphoretus’ had become proverbial (cp. Schol. Ar. Ach. 850). 
Ar. Ach. 849-50 echoed the proverb when denigrating the comic poet Crati- 
nus (cp. PCG vol. 4, Test. 12), replacing “carried” (φορητός, phoretos) with 
“bad” (πονηρός, poneros, Anacreon 388.5 PMG) to coin a hapax legomenon 
περιπόνηρος (periponeros). 

5 This refers to the war at Samos in 440 B.C.. see D.M. Lewis. CAH V 
(1992), 143-4. 


118  Heraclides of Pontus 


De Anima (46—58) 


De mente] 17 (14) 
De anima] 17 (15) 
seorsum De anima] 17 (16) 


46A Stobaeus, Anthologium 1.49.1 (t.1, p.320.1 Wachsmuth-Hense) 


saw Ηρακλλείδης φωτοειδῇ τὴν ψυχὴν ὡρίσατο. 
= DG p.388 b9-10 Diels 


1 ἡρακλείὸ add. P mg.: Ἡράκλειτος codd. 


46B Macrobius, Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis 1.14.19 (BT 
p.59.3—4 Willis) 


98b5W Heraclides Ponticus (dixit animam) lucem. 
Vid. DG p.213—14 Diels 


1 Heraclides Zeunius: Heraclitus codd., cf. Marcovich, Heraclitus 2001, 
Appendix: Nomen Heracliti lapsu scriptum p.603 (iv) 


460  Tertullianus, De anima 9.5 (p.11.24—9 Waszink) 


9%8%cW 51 enim corpus anima ... proinde et coloris proprietas omni 
corpori aderit. Quem igitur alitum animae aestimabis colorem 
quam aerium ac lucidum? Non, ut aer sit substantia eius, ets1 hoc 
Aenesidemo visum est et Anaximeni, puto secundum quosdam 
et Heraclito, nec ut lumen, etsi hoc placuit Heraclid1. 


4 Anaximenes: B 2 (1.1, p.95) DK — 5 Heraclitus: Sext. Empir. Adv. mathem. 
9.360 nat’ ἐνίους Ἡράκλειτος ἀέρα (ἔλεξε πάντων εἶναι ἀρχὴν καὶ 
στοιχεῖον) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 119 


Psychology (46-58) 


On Mind] 17 (14) 
On Soul| 17 (15) 
On Soul in a separate treatise] 17 (16)! 


' For Heraclides’ view on the soul, cp. Gottschalk pp. 102-8; I. Kupreeva, 
RUSCH vol. XV, chap. 5. 


46A Stobaeus, Anthology 1.49.1 (v.1, p.320.1 Wachsmuth-Hense) 


Heraclides defined the soul as light-like.’ 


' In the doxographical tradition from which Stobaeus drew his material 
the context of this short text was the question, “whether the soul 1s a body 
and what is its essence.” (Ps.-Plut., Opinions of the Philosophers 4.3 |p. 116 
Mau]). Philosophers listed in the previous section believed that the soul was 
incorporeal, those who follow held that 1t was corporeal. The doxographical 
tradition included Heraclides Ponticus among the latter. 


46B Macrobius, Commentary on the Dream of Scipio 1.14.19 (BT 
p.59.3—-4 Willis) 


Heraclides Ponticus (said that the soul 15) light. 


460 Tertullian, On the Soul 9.5 (p.11.24—9 Waszink) 


But if the soul is a body, without doubt, ... accordingly also 
a character of color will pertain to each body. What color, then, 
will you believe belongs to the soul other than the color of air 
and light? Not if’ air is the substance of the soul, even if Aene- 
sidemus* and Anaximenes held this view, and I believe accor- 
ding to some also Heraclitus, nor if light (is its substance), even 
if Heraclides Ponticus held this view. 


' Tertullian makes assumptions regarding the color of the soul given the 


120 


Heraclides of Pontus 


3 ut aer: uter A 


46D Theodoretus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 5.18 (BT p.127.8- 


9 Raeder) 


saw Παρμενίδης δὲ καὶ Inmmacoc καὶ Ἡράκλειτος πυρώδη 


47 


99 W 


48 


ταύτην (8.11. τὴν ψυχήν) κεκλήκασιν: ὁ δὲ Ἡρακλείδης 
MWTOELON). 


2 ἡράχλειτος KBL; vid. Marcovich, Heraclitus 2001, Appendix: Nomen He- 
racliti lapsu scriptum p.603 (vit). 


loannes Philoponus, In Aristotelis De anima commentaria, 
Prooemium (CAG t.15, p.9.5—7 Hayduck) 


TOV δὲ ἁπλοῦν σῶμα εἰρηκότων τὴν ψυχὴν εἶναι οἱ μὲν 
εἰρήκασιν αἰθέριον εἰναι σῶμα, ταὐτὸν O€ ἐστιν εἰπεῖν οὐ- 
odviov, ὥσπερ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικός. 


Cf. DG p. 214 Diels 


Plutarchus, De latenter vivendo 6 1130B (BI't.6, fasc.2, p.221. 
18—222.2 Pohlenz-Westman) 


[00 αὐτήν TE τὴν ψυχὴν ἔνιοι TOV φιλοσόφων HAS εἶναι TH 


οὐσίᾳ νομίζουσιν, ἄλλοις τε χρώμενοι τεκμηρίοις χαὶ ὅτι 
τῶν ὄντων μάλιστα τὴν μὲν ἄγνοιαν ἣ ψυχὴ δυσανασχετεῖ 
καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἀφδγγὲς EXOCLOEL καὶ ταράττεται «πρὸς» τὰ OXO- 
TELVA, φόβου χαὶ ὑποψίας ὄντα πλήρη πρὸς αὐτῆν. ἡδὺ oO’ 
αὐτῇ καὶ ποθεινὸν οὕτω τὸ φῶς ἔστιν, ὥστε μηδ᾽ ἄλλῳ τινὶ 
τῶν φύσει τερπνῶν ἄνευ φωτὸς ὑπὸ σκότους χαίρειν, ἀλλὰ 
τοῦτο πᾶσαν ἡδονὴν χαὶ πᾶσαν ὁὀιατριβὴν καὶ ἀπόλαυσιν. 
ὥσπερ τι κοινὸν ἤδυσμα καταμιγνύμξνον, ἱλαρὰν ποιεῖ καὶ 
φιλάνθρωπον. 


4 ἐχθαίρει Wyttenbach: ἐξαιρεῖ codd. πρὸς add. Reiske: διὰ add. Bi- 
gnone 6t00m. U'Hgc μὴ OU ἄλλω τινὶ y: μηδὲ ἄλλο TL O 


10 


46D 


47 


48 


The Sources, Text and Translation 121 


different hypotheses which were formulated about its substance. 
- Aenesidemus was the founder of the Neopyrrhonic school of scepticism, 
probably in the first century B.C., see DPhA 3 E 24. 


Theodoretus, 7reatment of Greek Diseases 5.18 (BT p.127.8-9 
Raeder) 


Parmenides and Hippasus and Heraclitus have called this 
(the soul) fire-like, but Heraclides (called it) light-like. 


John Philoponus, Commentary on Aristotle's On Soul I, Pro- 
logue (CAG v.15 p.9.5—7 Hayduck) 


Of those who have stated that the soul is a simple body, 
some have said it is an airy body, which 15 the same as to say a 
heavenly body, for example, as Heraclides Ponticus (did). 


Plutarch, Whether “Live Unknown” is a wise Maxim 6 1130B 
(BT v.6, fasc.2, p.221.18—222.2 Pohlenz-Westman) 


Some of the philosophers! believe the soul itself is light in 
its substance, appealing among other indications to the phenom- 
enon that the soul finds ignorance the most intolerable of all 
things and hates everything without light and gets troubled at the 
things (that are) dark, these being full of fear and suspicion for 
it (the soul), whereas light is so pleasant and desirable to it (the 
soul) that without light in the darkness it rejoices in no other of 
the things pleasant by nature, but light, as 1{ 1t were some univer- 
sal sweetener when mixed in, makes every pleasure and every 
pastime and enjoyment cheerful and beneficial to mankind. 


' Heraclides is not mentioned by name, but this summary most likely repro- 
duces arguments from his work On Soul. See Wehrli p. 93. 


122 


49 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Plutarchus, Camillus 22.2-4 (BT t.l, fasc.l, p.221.15—27 
Ziegler) 


102W τοῦ μέντοι πάθους αὐτοῦ (sc. τῆς παρὰ τῷ AMG ποταμῷ 


90 


97 W 


μάχης) καὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως (scil. Ῥώμης) ἔοικεν ἀμυδρά τις 
εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν Ελλάδα φήμη διελθεῖν. Ἡρακλείδης γὰρ ὁ 
Ποντικός, OV πολὺ τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἀπολειπόμενος, EV 
τῷ Ileot ψυχῆς συντάγματί φησιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας λόγον 
κατασχεῖν, ὡς στρατὸς ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων ἐλθὼν ἔξωθεν 
ἠρήκχοι πόλιν Ελληνίδα Ρώμην, ἐκεῖ που συνῳκημένην περὶ 
τὴν μεγάλην θάλασσαν. οὐκ ἂν οὖν θαυμάσαιμι μυθώδη καὶ 
πλασματίαν ὄντα τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ τῷ περὶ τῆς 
ἁλώσεως ἐπικομπάσαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους xa τὴν μεγάλην 
θάλασσαν. Αριστοτέλης δ᾽ ὁ φιλόσοφος τὸ μὲν ἁλῶναι τὴν 
πόλιν ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἀχριρῶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἀκηκοώς... 


1-- Vid. ibid. 18.6-19.1; Diod. 14.114—15; Liv. 5.38—9; 41-3 3—4 Hera- 
clides non multum a temporibus proelit ad Alliam commissi (1.6. anno 388 
ante Chr.) afuit, i.e. paulo post natus est. De voce ἀπολείπεσθαι vid. Voss p.& 
11-12 Arist. fr. 610 R° 


5 συγγράμματί S”Y 7 συνῳκημένην: κατῳχημένην Y: κατωχειμξνην 
sm 


lamblichus, De anima 26 378 (p.54.1, 4-11 Finamore-Dulon) 


ἄλλη τοίνυν αἵρεσις TOV Πλατωνικῶν ... τιθεμένη ... τὴν 
ψυχὴν ἀεὶ εἶναι ἐν σώματι, ὥσπερ ἡ Ἐρατοσθένους καὶ 
Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Πλατωνικοῦ καὶ ἄλλων, ἀπὸ σωμάτων αὖ- 
τὴν λεπτοτέρων εἰς τὰ OOTOEWON πάλιν εἰσοικίζει σώματα. 
διατρίβειν μὲν γὰρ αὐτὴν εἰς μοῖράν τινα τοῦ αἰσθητοῦ, καθ- 
ἤχειν VE μὴν εἰς τὸ στερεὸν σῶμα ἄλλοτε ἀπ᾽ ἄλλων τοῦ 
παντὸς τόπων. καὶ τούτους Ηραλκλείδην μὲν τὸν Ποντικὸν 
ἀφορίζειν περὶ τὸν γαλαξίαν., ἄλλους δὲ καθ᾽ ὅλας τοῦ οὐ- 


10 


The Sources, Text and Translation 123 


49 Plutarch, Camillus 22.2-4 (BT v.1, fasc.1, p.221.15-27 


90 


Ziegler) 


However, it seems that some faint rumor of the calam- 
ity there (of the battle at the river Allia) and of the capture (of 
Rome) reached Greece immediately. For Heraclides Ponticus, 
who lived not much later’ than these times, says in his work On 
Soul that out of the west a story prevailed that an army from the 
Hyperboreans had come from outside and had taken the Greek 
city Rome,” settled somewhere there on the shores of the Great 
Sea. Now I would not be surprised 1f Heraclides, being a fabulist 
and inclined to fiction, had inflated a true story about the capture 
of the city by adding the Hyperboreans and the Great Sea. But it 
is clear that Aristotle’ the philosopher had heard accurately that 
the city was captured by the Gauls, etc. 


' “lived not much later than these times” (οὐ πολὺ τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων 
ἀπολειπόμενος), cp. Arist. Hist. an. 6.18 573b15f.: most sows live roughly 15 
years, ἔνιαι O€ καὶ TOV εἴκοσιν ὀλίγον ἀπολείπουσιν. i.e., some fail only by 
a few years to reach the age of twenty. F. Susemihl, BPhW 18. Jahrg., No. 9, 
pp. 257-8, assumed that Plutarch’s expression could as well be understood as 
meaning that Heraclides was born a few years earlier. He adds, however, that 
Plutarch did not know the year of Heraclides’ birth any more than we do. 

- This refers to the battle at the river Allia in which the Romans fought 
against the invading Celts and to the capture of Rome in 387 B.C. 

> Aristotle fr. 610 R°. 


lamblichus, On the Soul 26 378 (p.54.1, 4-11 Finamore-Dil- 
lon) 


Now another school of the Platonists ... positing that the soul 
is always in a body, such as the school of Eratosthenes' and of 
Ptolemy? the Platonist and of others, has it migrate out of lighter 
bodies back into hard shelled bodies. For it supposedly resides 
in a certain portion of the perceptible realm, and it arrives back 
into a solid body at various times from various regions of the 
universe. Heraclides Ponticus marked off these regions around 
the Milky Way,” others (marked them off) across entire spheres 


124 


D1 


Heraclides of Pontus 


oavod τὰς σφαίρας, Ad’ ὧν δὴ δεῦρο κατιέναι TAS ψυχάς: 


Ι τιθεμδνην FP: corr. Heeren A λεπτομερῶν Meineke 


Varro, Saturarum Menippearum fragmenta, fr. 81 ({.1, p.134 
Krenkel) 


101w  quare Heraclides Ponticos plus sapit, qui praecepit ut com- 


92 


96 W 


burerent, quam Democritus, qui ut in melle servarent; quem 51 


vulgus secutus esset, peream si centum denariis calicem mulsi 
emere possemus. 


ex Nonio 3 (1.1, p.342.29-33) Lindsay 
1 Ponticos Bentinus (ed. Aldina Nonti 1526) Mercerus: pontificos codd. 1-- 


2 comburerent ed. princ. 1511 : combureret codd. 4 possemus Buecheler : 
possimus codd. 


loannes Philoponus, In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum librum 
primum commentarium (CAG t.14, pars 1, p.117.9-12 Hay- 
duck) 


ὁ Δαμάσκιος τὴν Ἐμπεδοτίμου περὶ τοῦ γάλακτος (scil. 


ὑπόθεσιν) οἰκειοῦται, ἔργον αὐτὴν OV μῦθον καλῶν. φησὶ 
γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁδὸν εἰναι ψυχῶν τὸ γάλα τῶν TOV ALONV τὸν 


ἐν οὐρανῷ διαπορευομένων. 


Comment. in Arist. Meteor. A 8 346a31 3-4 ὁδὸν — διαπορευομένων 
iteratum oratione recta p.117.31—2 Hayduck; de via lactea ab animis usitata, 


D1 


92 


The Sources, Text and Translation 125 


of the sky, from which, then, the souls come down here.* 


' Eratosthenes of Cyrene, lived ca. 275-195 B.C. He was a student of Cal- 
limachus and became his successor as the head of the Alexandrian library. 
Suda (E 2898, vol.2, p. 403 Adler) reports that some called him a “second 
Plato.” As a scholar he wrote on literary criticism, philosophy, and mathemat- 
ics. Important are his contributions to geography, see F. Solmsen, “Eratosthe- 
nes as Platonist and Poet,’ JAPA 73, 1942, 192—213 (for Eratosthenes’ views 
on the soul, see pp. 201-5), see DPhA 3 E 52. 

“ For Ptolemy the Platonist, cp. A. Dihle, “Der Platoniker Ptolemaios,” 
Hermes 85 (1957), 314-25. 

* For the Milky Way as the resting place of men who are released from their 
bodies, cp. Cicero, Rep. 6.16.1; Manilius, Astronom. 1.758—61; Porphyrius, 
Antr. 28; Numenios in: Proclus, /n Plat. Rep. I p. 128-9 Kroll (cp. Wilamo- 
witz, Der Glaube der Hellenen, vol. 2, p. 527 with n. 1). 

* Cp. Gottschalk pp. 100-2. 


Varro, Fragments of Menippean Satires fr. 81 (v.1, p.134 Kren- 
kel) 


For this reason Heraclides Ponticus, who taught that they 
should cremate (the dead), is wiser than Democritus, who taught 
that they should preserve them in honey. If the masses had follo- 
wed him, may I perish if we could buy a cup of honey wine for 
a hundred denarii. 


John Philoponus, Commentary on the First Book of Aristotle's 
Meteorology (CAG v.14, part 1, p.117.9-—12 Hayduck) 


Damascius' appropriates the hypothesis of Empedotimus- 
concerning the Milky Way, calling it a fact and not a myth. 
For he says that the Milky Way is the path of souls that travel 
through the Underworld in the sky.” 


' Damascius (see 58), a Neoplatonic philosopher, was the last head of the 
Academy in Athens before it was closed by Justinian in 529 A.D., DPhA 2 
D 3. 


126 


99 


92 W 


54A 


93 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


vid. Arist. Meteor. 1.85 345al4—6 


2 ἔργον Lobeck: ἄργον codd. αὐτὴν Hayduck: αὑτὸν codd. 4868 τὸν 
Audny Lobeck: ἐν ἅδῃ codd. 


Suda E 1007 s.v. Εμπεδότιμος (LG t.2, p.259.16—20 Adler) 


᾿Εμπεδότιμος: οὗτος ἔγραψε περὶ φυσικῆς ἀκροάσεως. 
περὶ οὗ λέγει ὁ Παραβάτης ἐν τοῖς ἐπιγραφομένοις Κρονί- 
οις: ἡμεῖς δὲ ᾿Εμπεδοτίμῳ καὶ Πυθαγόρᾳ πιστεύοντες οἷς τε 
ἐκεῖθεν λαβὼν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἔφη. 


= Suda I 437 s.v. ΤἸουλιανός (1.2, p.643.4—6) Adler 354. lulian. Poematia 
et fragm. 161 (t.1.2) Bidez 


2 ἀπογραφομξδνοις GIT 


Proclus, In Platonis Rem publicam commentaru (BI 1.2. 
p.119.18—27 Kroll) 


οὔτε TO θείας GA<nOEla>c τυχεῖν ἀδύνατον ψυχὴν 
ἀνθρωπίνην τῶν ἐν Αιδου πραγμάτων χαὶ ἀγγεῖλαι τοῖς 
ἀνθρώποις. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὸν Εμπεδότιμον λόγος, ὃν 
Hoax detdnc ἱστόρησεν ὁ Ποντικός, θηρῶντα μετ᾽ ἄλλων ἐν 
μεσημβρίᾳ σταθερᾷ κατά τινα χῶρον αὐτὸν ἔρημον ἀπο- 
λειφθέντα λέγων τῆς τε τοῦ Πλούτωνος ἐπιφανείας τυχόντα 
καὶ τῆς Περσεφόνης καταλαμφθῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς τοῦ 
περιθέοντος κύκλῳ τοὺς θεούς, ἰδεῖν δὲ OL’? αὐτοῦ πᾶσαν 
τὴν περὶ ψυχῶν ἀλήθειαν ἐν αὐτόπτοις θεάμασιν. 


Cf. U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Der Glaube der Hellenen, 1.2 (51959), 
p.d24—7 


Ι ak<nOeta>c supplevit Kroll (cf. schedas A. Maii), incertus an avtowtas 
scribendum 511: ὑποψίας Morus 


The Sources, Text and Translation 127 


-Empedotimus, the Syracusan, is most likely a fictitious figure, invented 
by Heraclides Ponticus as an interlocutor in some of his dialogues: Rohde 2, 
94 n. 1 (p. 95); Daebritz RE VII 1, 477; Wehrli p. 91; DPhA 3 E 22. Hence, 
texts that mention Empedotimus have been included among the fragments of 
Heraclides. See Kupreeva, RUSCH vol. XV, chap. 5. 

’ This passage is discussed in its larger context by Gottschalk, Append. pp. 
149-54. 


53 Suda E (Epsilon) 1007 under “Empedotimus” (LG v.2, p.259. 


54A 


16—20 Adler) 


Empedotimus: he wrote about physics,’ and about him Julian 
the Apostate [Parabates| in the work entitled Cronia says:- We 
trust in Empedotimus and Pythagoras and what Heraclides Pon- 
ticus said, taking it from them. 


' Literally: “lecture on physics” (φυσικὴ ἀκρόασις), cp. the title 148 of 
Aristotle’s works in the list of Hesychius in Rose? p. 16. 

* Julian’s work is titled Συμπόσιον ἢ Κρόνια sive Caesares. It is called 
Cronia (a festival for Cronus), because Julian opens it with: “Since the god 
permits (us) to play (for it 15 Cronia) ...” 


Proclus, Commentary on Plato's Republic (BT v.2, p.119.18—27 
Kroll) 


Nor is it impossible that a human soul gained the divine truth 
of the situation in the Underworld and reported it to humans. 
This is also shown by the account according to Empedotimus, 
which Heraclides Ponticus narrated. Heraclides says that while 
Empedotimus was hunting in some place with other people at 
high noon, he himself was left alone, and after encountering 
the epiphany of Pluto and of Persephone the light that runs in a 
circle around the gods shone down upon him, and through it he 
saw in visions that he personally experienced the whole truth 
about souls. 


128 


54B 


54C 


99 


90 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Michael Psellus, Orationes 24 (BT p.89.93—6 Littlewood) 


καὶ τὸν Ποιμάνδρην τούτου (οὕτω γὰρ TOV οἰκεῖον 
λόγον ἐπέγραφεν) ὡς ὀνειρώττοντα ὁΘιαπτύετε, ὡς δὲ χαὶ 
τὴν Ἐμπεδοτίμου τοῦ νοῦ ἁρπαγήν, ἣν ἐξαίρει μὲν ὁ 
Ἰάμβλιχος, Ποσειδώνιος δὲ ἀθετεῖ ὁ φιλόσοφος. 


4 hic locus deest in collectionibus fragmentorum Posidonii editis a Theiler et 
Edelstein-Kidd 


2 ἐπέγραφεν: ἐπέγραψεν vel ἐπιγέγραφεν coni. Boissonade 
Michael Psellus, Orationes | (BT p.34.892—9 Dennis) 


EL δὲ πᾶσαν ὅρασιν ἀδιαφόρως δέχῃ. τί μὴ καὶ τοῦ 
Τρισμεγίστου Ἑρμοῦ, ἣν ὁ Ποιμάνδρης -- δαίμων δὲ 
οὗτος -- τούτῳ παρέδειξε; κἀκεῖνα γὰρ φοβερὰ καὶ 
παράδοξα τὰ ὁράματα, ἀχλὺς καὶ ζόφος βαθὺς zal φῶς 
EXMALVOUEVOV χαὶ πατὴρ χαὶ υἱὸς δεικνύμενοι χαὶ θεο- 
λογούμενοι. τί μὴ καὶ τὸν ἘΕμπεδοτίμου μετεωρισμόν, ὃν 
ἕτερος δαίμων τούτῳ πεφιλοτίμηται, δι᾿ οὗ τὴν τῶν ψυχῶν 
μυεῖται ἀθανασίαν: 


Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata 1.21 133.2 ({.1, p.82.23-8 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


TooyvMoet δὲ καὶ Πυθαγόρας ὁ μέγας προσανεῖχεν ciel 
Αβαρίς te ὁ Ὑπερβόρειος καὶ ΔΑριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος 
Ἐπιμενίδης te ὁ Κρῆς, ὅστις εἰς Σπάρτην ἀφίκετο, καὶ 
Ζωροάστρης ὁ Μῆδος Ἐμπεδοκλῆς τε ὁ Axoayavtivoc 
καὶ Φορμίων ὁ Λάκων, ναὶ μὴν Πολυάρατος ὁ Θάσιος 
᾿Εμπεδότιμός τε ὁ Συρακούσιος ἐπί τε τούτοις Σωκράτης ὁ 


54B 


54C 


99 


The Sources, Text and Translation 129 


Michael Psellus, Oration 24 (BT p.89.93-6 Littlewood) 


And you will spit out his Poimander (for this 1s how he 
inscribed his own treatise) as a dreamer, as well as the capture 
of Empedotimus’ mind, which lamblichus exalts, while Posido- 
nius the philosopher athetises. 


Michael Psellus, Oration 1 (BT p.34.892-9 Dennis) 


And if you accept any vision, indiscriminately, then why not 
also the one of Hermes Irismegistus, which Poimander (who 15 
a demon) handed over to him; for those are also frightful and 
wondrous sights, what with the mist and deep darkness, and the 
light shining out, and father and son showing forth, discussing 
divine issues. Why not also Empedotimus’ rise,’ which another 
demon has lavished on him, through which he 1s initiated into 
the immortality of the souls? 


' For the rising of Empedotimus, cp. the account about Aristeas who is often 
referred to together with Empedotimus (see 95): the soul left his body and 
wandered 1n the air, seeing everything to be seen beneath, fr. 20 (Bolton). 


Clement of Alexandria, Patchwork 1.21 133.2 (v.1, p.82.23-8 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


Also the great Pythagoras devoted himself unceasingly to 
foreknowledge, as did the Hyperborean Abaris and the Proconne- 
sian Aristeas' and the Cretan Epimenides,° who arrived at Sparta, 
and the Mede Zoroaster and the Acragantinian Empedocles’ and 
the Spartan Phormion* and, yes indeed, Polyaratus of Thasos 
and the Syracusan Empedotimus>? and in addition to these, espe- 


130 


950 


91 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


A@Onvatoc μάλιστα. 


2 De Abaride, vid. 24B T v.6 Aristeas Proconnestus fr.21 Bolton 3 
Epimenides: no. 3 (1.1, p.27—37) DK 4 Zoroastres, vid. 17 (56) 


2 Aototéac Potter: ἀρισταίας L 


Proclus, In Platonis Rem publicam commentaru (BI 1.2. 
p.121.24—-122.11 Kroll) 


καὶ εἰσὶν καὶ ἔσονται πολλαχοῦ γῆς τῶν θείων nal ταῖς 
αἰσθήσεσιν ἡμῶν ἀλήπτων ἐξηγηταὶ κατά τινας θείας τε καὶ 
δαιμονίας ἐπιπνοίας: οἱ μὲν μετὰ τοῦ σώματος τῶν τοιούτων 
ἵστορες, ὥσπερ Εμπεδότιμον λόγος, οἱ δὲ ἄνευ σώματος, 
ὥσπερ τὸν Αθηναῖον Κλεώνυμον: καὶ πλήρεις αἱ παρα- 
δόσεις τούτων. εἰ δὲ «μὴ πλείονές εἰσιν αὐτοπτικαὶ τῶν 
ὄντων ἡμῖν καταλήψεις, οὐδὲν θαυμαστόν: «σώμα»σι γὰρ 
χρώμξδνοι χαὶ τούτοις ἐνύλο«ις ὀλίγοι» καὶ ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ 
τούτων ἀπολαύειν ἄνθρωποι δύνανται, καὶ OLA τοῦτο καὶ 
ὁ Εμπεδότιμος σπάνιος xat ὁ Κλεώνυμος καὶ εἰ δή τις 
ἄλλος τῶν τοιούτων θεαμάτων λέγεται τυχεῖν. τὸ γὰρ τὴν 
ἀνθρωπίνην ζωὴν ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ἐνεργεῖν ὀλίγοις OF τισι 
καὶ εὐαριθμήτοις ὑπάρχειν εἰκός. 


5 De Cleonymo vid. Clearch. SdA (1.3) fr. ὃ 
Ι καὶ εἰσὶν add. m° 6 «μὴ πλείονές add. Kroll 7 <€v> ante ἡμῖν 


propos. Kroll «σώμαρσι supplevit Kroll 8 ἐνύλο«ις ὀλίγοι» supplevit 
Kroll 


10 


06 


The Sources, Text and Translation 131 


cially the Athenian Socrates. 


' The Proconnesian Aristeas (cp. Pind. fr. 271 Snell-Maehler; Hdt. 4.14— 
5) was a mythical figure; as servant of Apollo, he accompanied Apollo in 
the form of a raven. The texts associated with him are collected by Bolton 
(1962). 

-Epimenides was a religious figure and became the topic of many legends. 
According to Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 1, he purified Athens after the slaughter of 
the accomplices of Cylon (second half 7th century B.C.), whereas according 
to Plato, Laws 1 642D, he visited Athens around 500 B.C. The fragments are 
collected in #GrH 457. For Epimenides predicting the future, see Diog. Laert. 
1.114 (= FGrH 457 T 1). He moved to Sparta: #kGrH 457 T S5f. 

> For Empedocles of Acragas (Sicily), a Presocratic philosopher of the 5th 
century B.C., see 63A, B; 82; 83; 87; DPhA 3 E 19. 

* According to Theopompus FGrH 115 F 392, Phormion was a citizen of 
Croton. Obeying an oracle, he came to Sparta. 

> See 52 n. 2. 


Proclus, Commentary on Plato's Republic (BT v.2, p.121.24— 
122.11 Kroll) 


There are and there shall be in many places on the earth 
interpreters of divine things imperceptible to our senses, as a 
eift of certain divine and spiritual inspirations. Some have 
knowledge of these sorts of things with their body, such as, the 
story says, Empedotimus, and others without the body, such as 
the Athenian Cleonymus. And the traditions are full of these 
(stories). But it is no wonder that in actual experience we do 
not have more personal perceptions of the things that are. For 
because we use bodies, and these are material, few and far 
between are the humans capable of enjoying these (percep- 
tions), and for this reason Empedotimus is exceptional, and so 
is Cleonymus, and anyone else who 15 said to have encountered 
these sorts of visions. For it makes sense that the ability to carry 
on a human life at a level beyond a human being belongs to few 
people indeed, who can be easily counted. 


132 


Df 


94 W 


08 


95 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Varro, Saturarum Menippearum fragmenta, fr. 560 (t.3, p.1126- 
7 Krenkel) 


Varro tamen ait se legisse Empedotimo cuidam Syracusano 
a quadam potestate divina mortalem aspectum detersum, eumque 
inter cetera tres portas vidisse tresque vias: unam ad signum 
scorpionis, qua Hercules ad deos isse diceretur; alteram per 
limitem, qui est inter leonem et cancrum; tertiam esse inter 
aquarium et pisces. 


ex Servit Commentario in Vergili Georgica 1.34 (p.141.13—19 Thilo) 


1 Empedotimo Jhilo: empedotim L 2 post eumque <in caelo> excidisse 
suspicatur Thilo 


Damascius, In Platonis Phaedonem commentaria D 131 (t.2, 
p.357-9 Westerink) 


OTL TOLTTY) τῆς γῆς ἣ ὁὀιαίρεσις. ἣ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς τρεῖς 
Κρονίδας: ξυνὴ γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ ἣ YT) καὶ ὁ οὐρανός. φησὶν 
Ὅμηρος, εἰ δὲ κοινή, δῆλον ὅτι μερίζοιτο ἂν εἰς αὐτούς. καὶ 
εἴ γε μὴ ὁ Ποσειδῶν ἣν ὁ λέγων καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχὴν 
διαιρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Ζεύς, πάντως ἂν εἰς τρία ὁιένειμεν τὸν 
οὐρανόν, ὡς ὁ Ἐμπεδοτίμου λόγος, ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἀπλανῆ. 
τῷ Ποσειδῶνι τὰς μέχρι ἡλίου σφαίρας, τῷ Πλούτωνι τὰς 
λοιπάς. ἡ OE ἐστι διαίρεσις τῆς γῆς κατὰ τὸ πᾶν. εἰς τὸ 
οὐράνιον χαὶ χθόνιον καὶ μέσον: καὶ γὰρ Ολυμπία Γῆ τε- 
τίμηται καὶ χθονία, καὶ μέση ἄρα τις ἂν εἴη. 


2—3 Homerus dicit: Il. 15.193 


8 ἢ Finckh: εἰ M 9 εἰ fort. ante Ολυμπία addend. Schiitrumpf 


De Natura (59-64) 


De natura] 17 (17) 
Res, de quibus secundum physicam scientiam ambigitur] 17 (18) 


10 


ο7 


98 


The Sources, Text and Translation 133 


Varro, Fragments of Menippean Satires fr. 560 (v.3, p.1126- 
1127 Krenkel) 


Varro nevertheless said that he had read that the mortal vision 
had been wiped away from a certain Syracusan Empedotimus 
by the agency of a certain divine power, and that he had seen 
among other things three doors and three paths, one at the sign 
of the scorpion (Scorpio), by which Heracles 15 said to have gone 
to the gods, the second along the boundary that 1s between the 
lion (Leo) and the crab (Cancer), and that the third 1s between 
the water bearer (Aguarius) and the fishes (Pisces).’ 


' On this fragment, cp. Wehrli pp. 91—2; Gottschalk pp. 99-100. 


Damascius, Commentary on Plato's Phaedo D 131 (v.2 p.357-9 
Westerink) 


That the division of the earth is threefold. One (is a division) 
according to the three sons of Cronus: for the earth and the sky 
are common to them, Homer says. But if it is common, it 1s clear 
that it could be divided among them; and 1f Poseidon were not 
the speaker and were not marking off his own realm, but Zeus 
(were), to be sure he would have apportioned the sky into three 
parts, as the account of Empedotimus says: for himself the fixed 
sphere, for Poseidon the (outer) spheres up to the sun, and for 
Pluto the rest. The (second) 15 a division of the earth as a whole, 
into the heavenly and the chthonic and the intermediate: for both 
an Olympian Ge (“‘Earth’’) is honored and a chthonic one, and so 
there would seem to be an intermediate (Ge) as well.! 


' The third is a division on the analogy of a living being, i.e., with head, 
middle and feet. 


Nature (59-64) 


On Nature| 17 (17) 
On Problems in Natural Philosophy| 17 (18) 


134 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De Heraclide Pontico a Platone in physicis differente vid. 79, et de 
Timaeo Tauromenitano Heraclidem Ponticum maledicente, quod 
finxerit hominem de luna cecidisse, vid. 94 


59 Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 14.23.4 (t.8, pars 2, p.325.4-8 


Mras-des Places) 


sw οἱ δὲ τὰς ἀτόμους μετονομάσαντες ἀμερῆ φασιν εἶναι 


60A 


σώματα, τοῦ παντὸς μέρη. EE WV ἀδιαιρέτων ὄντων συντίθεται 


τὰ πάντα χαὶ εἰς ἃ διαλύεται. καὶ τούτων φασὶ τῶν ἀμερῶν 
ὀνοματοποιὸν Διόδωρον γεγονέναι, ὄνομα δέ, φασίν, αὐτοῖς 
ἄλλο Ἡρακλείδης θέμενος ἐκάλεσεν ὄγκους, παρ᾽ οὗ καὶ 
Ασχληπιάδης ὁ ἰατρὸς ἐκληρονόμησε τὸ ὄνομα. 


6 Asclepiades Bithyn. cf. Sext. Empir. Adv. phys. 1.363 (1.2, p.287 Mutschmann 
= Adv. dogm. 3.36); Ps.-Gal. Introductio seu medicus, t.14, p.698 Kiihn κατὰ 


dé Ασχληπιάδην στοιχεῖα ἀνθρώπου ὄγκοι θραυστοὶ καὶ πόροι 


3 ἀμξδρῶν 1’: μερῶν ON 


Ps.-Galenus, De historia philosophica 18 (DG p.610.20-611.1 
Diels) 


9 Δημόκριτος δὲ καὶ Ἐπίκουρος τὰς ἀτόμους ἀρχὰς πάντων 


νομίζουσιν, Ηρακλείδης δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς καὶ Ασκληπιάδης 
O Βιθυνὸς ἀνάρμους ὄγκους τὰς ἀρχὰς ὑποτίθενται τῶν 
ὅλων, Αναξαγόρας δὲ ὁ Κλαζομένιος τὰς ὁμοιομερείας χτλ. 


1 Democritus, Epicurus, vid. Dionysium Alexandr. De natura I (Reliquiae 
Sacrae 1.4, p.394 Routh) Democritus vid. 68 B 9 (1.2, p.139.11) DK; A 1 
(1.1, p.S84.10) DK; 56 (p.98.27) )Κ Epicur. fr.267—70 Us. 2 Asclepiades 
vid. Tad 59 v.6 4 Anaxagoras 59 A 45 (1.2, p.17.19) DK; A 45 (p.1é.2; 
5) DK 


Ι ἀρχὰς εἶναι ΒΝ = 2postraiadd.dA 3 &vdQuovc: ἀνόρμους AB, 


vid. Gottschalk p.38 adn. 3 ὄγκους: ὄρους B 4 ὅλων Diels : ὅρων 
A: ὡρῶν B 


99 


60A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 135 


On Heraclides Ponticus disagreeing with Plato on matters of 
physics, see 79, and on the hostile judgment of Timaeus of Tau- 
romenium concerning Heraclides Ponticus, because he contri- 
ved to have a man fall down from the moon, see 94. 


Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospels 14.23.4 (v.8, part 2, 
p.325.4—8 Mras-des Places) 


Those who changed the names of atoms say that they are 
bodies without parts that are parts of the whole, the indivisible 
elements from which all things are put together and into which 
all things are dissolved. And they say that the man who named 
these bodies without parts was Diodorus,’ and they say that Her- 
aclides gave another name to them and called them particles, 
and from him Asclepiades’ the physician too inherited the term. 


' For Diodorus see 60B: the one called Cronus. He came from Iasos in 
Caria, taught philosophy in Athens at the end of the 4th century B.C. and 
moved to Alexandria (Egypt) τη the early 3rd century. He was the teacher of 
Zeno (see 5 n. 5), see DPhA 2 Ὁ 124. 

- Asclepiades of Cius (Prusias ad Mare), Bithynia, was a medical writer 
and practitioner of the second half of the 2nd century B.C., see 60A; B; 61: 
92, cp. Diels DG p. 185-6; Voss p. 65; DPhA 1 A 450. 


Ps.-Galen, On the History of Philosophy 18 (DG p.610.20-611.1 
Diels) 


Democritus and Epicurus believe that the atoms are the pri- 
mary elements of (the) wholes, but Heraclides Ponticus and 
Asclepiades the Bithynian propose that particles without joints’ 
are the primary elements of all things, and Anaxagoras of Clazo- 
menae (proposes) the things with like parts (/omoeomeries) 
etc. 


' “Without joints” (cp. 60B; 61), in the sense of “seamless,” cp. Gottschalk 
ch. 3, especially pp. 38—42; Sharples, RUSCH vol. XV, chap. 6. 


136 


Heraclides of Pontus 


60B Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrhonea summaria 3.32 (BT t.1, p.142.21- 


5 Mutschmann-Mau) 


usw Δημόχριτος δὲ καὶ Ἐπίκουρος ἀτόμους (scil. εὖτε τὰς DAL 


61 


120 W 


κὰς ἀρχὰς εἰναι), Ἀναξαγόρας δὲ ὁ Κλαζομένιος ὁμοιομε- 
οξβίας, Διόδωρος O€ ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Κρόνος ἐλάχιστα καὶ ἀμερῆ 
σώματα, Ἡρακλείδης δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς καὶ Ασχληπιάδης ὁ 
Βιθυνὸς ἀνάομους ὄγγχους. 


= Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 9.363 


| Democritus vid. Tad 60Av.1 — Epicurus vid. Tad 60A v.1 2 Anax- 
agoras vid. Tad 60A v.4 4 Asclepiades vid. T ad 59 v.6 


Sextus Empiricus, Adversus mathematicos 10.318 (BI 1.2. 
p.368 [539.30—540.7] Mutschmann) 


ἐξ ἀπείρων δ᾽ ἐδόξασαν τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων γένεσιν OL 
περὶ Αναξαγόραντὸν Κλαζομένιον καὶ Δημόκριτον καὶ Ext- 
κουρον χαὶ ἄλλοι παμπληθεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν Αναξαγόρας ἐξ 
ὁμοίων τοῖς γεννωμένοις, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δημόκριτον χαὶ 
Ἐπίκουρον ἐξ ἀνομοίων τε καὶ ἀπαθῶν, τουτέστι τῶν ἀτό- 
μῶν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ποντικὸν Ηραλλείδην καὶ Ασκληπιάδην 
ἐξ ἀνομοίων μέν, παθητῶν δέ, καθάπερ τῶν ἀνάρμων ὄγ- 
κῶν. 


= Id. Adversus plrysicos 2.318; Hippol. Haer. 10.7.5—6 2, 3 Anaxagoras 
59 B 1 (1.2, p.32.11) DK; A 1 (ibid. p.16.2) 2,4 Democritus 68 A I (1.2, 
p.84.12) DK; A 37 (ibid. p.93.22) 2-3, 5 Epicurus fr. 267—70; 282-7 Us. 
6 Asclepiades v. T ad 59 v.6 


Ι ἐδόξασαν: ἐδογμάτισαν Hippol. πραγμάτων: πάντων Hippol. 3 
post παμπληθεῖς add. Hippol. ὧν ἐκ μέρους πρότερον ἐμνήσθημεν 5 
Ex ante τῶν ἀτόμων add. Hippol. 7 μὲν om. Hippol. ἀνάρμων: 


ἀνάρχων P Hippol. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 137 


60B Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism 3.32 (BT ν.]. 


61 


p.142.21—5 Mutschmann-Mau) 


Democritus and Epicurus (said the first material elements 
were) atoms, Anaxagoras of Clazomenae (said) things with like 
parts (homoeomeries), Diodorus, the one called Cronus,’ (said) 
the smallest bodies without parts, Heraclides Ponticus and Ascle- 
piades- the Bithynian (said) particles without joints. 


! Diodorus Cronus, see 59 n. 1. 
- Asclepiades, see 59 n. 2. 


Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians 10.318 (BT v.2, 
p.368 [539.30—540.7] Mutschmann) 


Anaxagoras of Clazomenae! and Democritus and Epicurus, 
and a multitude of others, believed that the generation of things 
is from infinite (particles): Anaxagoras on the one hand (believed 
that things are generated) from things similar to the things gene- 
rated (from them); but Democritus and Epicurus! (believed that 
things are generated) from dissimilar things, which are incapa- 
ble of suffering change, that is, the atoms; whereas Heraclides 
Ponticus and Asclepiades' (believed that things are generated) 
from dissimilar things, but subject to experiencing change, like 
the particles without joints.? 


' The formula ot περὶ often refers simply or primarily to the person(s) 
named after the preposition. 
2 Cp. Gottschalk pp. 48-56. 


1338 


Heraclides of Pontus 


62 Stobaeus, Anthologium 1.14.4 (t.1, p.143.22 Wachsmuth- 


121 W 


63A 


Hense) 


Ἡρακλείδης θραύσματα (sc. TA ἐλάχιστα WOLTETO). 


= DG p.312b10 Diels cf. Theophr. De sens. 11 DG p.501.18sq. Diels. Eodem 
modo elementa apud Empedoclem θραύσματα appellata sunt: Ps.-Plut. 
Placita 1.13 S83B (= DG p.312al—3 Diels); Stob. Anth. 1.14.1 (t.1, p.143.15— 
17) Wachsmuth-Hense, cf. Asclepiades T ad 59 v.6 


Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 4.9 899F (Β 1.5. fasc.2, 
pars |, p.120.6—8 Mau) 


i2aw Εμπεδοκλῆς Hoaxdelons παρὰ τὰς συμμετρίας τῶν πό- 


63B 


OWV τὰς κατὰ μέρος αἰσθήσεις γίνεσθαι τοῦ οἰκείου TOV 
αἰσθητῶν ἑκάστῃ ἁρμόζοντος. 


= DG p.397al—4 Diels 


3 ἑκάστης MIT 


Stobaeus, Anthologium 1.50.22 (t.1, p.475.18—22 Wachsmuth- 
Hense) 


ι220 Παρμενίδης, Ἐμπεδοχλῆς, Αναξαγόρας, Δημόκριτος, 


Enizovooc, Ηρακλείδης παρὰ τὰς συμμετρίας τῶν πόρων 
τὰς κατὰ μέρος αἰσθήσεις γίνεσθαι, τοῦ οἰκείου τῶν αἱσ- 
θητῶν ἑκάστου ἑκάστῃ ἐναρμόττοντος. 


= DG p.397b1-6 Diels | Parmenides vid. 28 A 47 (1.1, p.226.22-4) DK 
Empedocles vid. 31 A 86 (1.1, p.301.26; 302.17) DK; A 90 (ibid. p.306.30-2); 
A 92 (ibid. p.307.4—5) Democritus vid. 68 A 135 (1.2, p.120.28; 122.13) 
DK 42. de Epicuri doctrina sensus videndi v. fr. 317—19 Us., cf. Asclepiad. 
ap. Sext. Empir. Adv. mathem. III (= Adv. geometr.) 5 


2 παρὰ Ps.-Plut. (63A): περὶ L 4 ἑκάστῃ Meineke ex Ps.-Plut. (63A) : 


ἑκάστην L avaouottovtos L: corr. Diels DG p. 397, cf. Gottschalk p. 
53 adn. 52. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 139 


62 Stobaeus, Anthology 1.14.4 (v.1, p.143.22 Wachsmuth-Hense) 


Heraclides (defined the smallest things as) fragments. 


63A Ps.-Plutarch, The Opinions of the Philosophers 4.9 899F (BT 


63B 


v.5, fasc.2, part 1, p.120.6—8 Mau) 


Empedocles (and) Heraclides said that individual sense per- 
ceptions occur on account of the (differing) symmetries of the 
pores, with what is peculiar to (each) of the objects of perception 
being in harmony with each of the symmetries. 


Stobaeus, Anthology 1.50.22 (v.1, p.475.18—22 Wachsmuth- 
Hense) 


Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Democritus, Epicurus 
(and) Heraclides (said) that individual sense perceptions occur 
on account of the (differing) symmetries of the pores, with each 
of the objects of perception being in harmony with each of the 
symmetries.! 


' Cp. Gottschalk p. 53. 


140 


Heraclides of Pontus 


64 Clemens Alexandrinus, Protrepticus ad Graecos 5.66.4 (p. 


100.16—101.19; 22—6 Marcovich) 


23} οὐδὲν δὲ οἶμαι χαλεπὸν ἐνταῦθα γενόμενος καὶ TOV ἐκ 


65A 


104 W 


tov Ileoutatov μνησθῆναι. καὶ ὁ γε τῆς αἱρέσεως MATNHO, 
τῶν ὅλων οὐ νοῆσας τὸν πατέρα, τὸν καλούμενον ᾿ὕπατον᾽ 
ψυχὴν εἶναι τοῦ παντὸς οἴεται τουτέστι τοῦ κόσμου τὴν 
ψυχὴν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων αὐτὸς αὑτῷ MEOUTELOETAL ... ὁ δὲ 
Ἐρέσιος ἐκεῖνος Θεόφραστος ὁ AQLOTOTEAOUS γνώριμος πῇ 
μὲν οὐρανόν, πῇ δὲ πνεῦμα τὸν θεὸν ὑπονοεῖ. Ἐπικούρου 
μὲν γὰρ μόνου χκαὶ ἑκὼν ἐχλήσομαι, ὃς OVOE<V> μέλειν 
οἴεται τῷ θεῷ, διὰ πάντων ἀσεβῶν. τί γὰρ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ 
Tlovtixoc; [ovx] ἔσθ᾽ ὅπῃ οὐκ ἐπὶ τὰ Δημοχρίτου καὶ αὑτὸς 
κατασύρεται εἴδωλα: 


3 ὕπατον Hom. Il. 8.22 Ζῆν᾽ ὕπατον unotwo’; Xenocrat. fr. 216 Isnardi 
Parente; Arist. De motu anim. 4.700a1; Ps.-Arist. De mundo 6.397b24—7 
5 (ὁ) — 7 (ὑπονοεῖ) Theophr. fr. 2528 FHS&G 7-9 Epicur. fr. 368 
(p.247.19-21) Us., cf. Clem. Strom. 1.50.6 φιλοσοφίαν ... τὴν Ἐπικούρειον 
ὡς πρόνοιαν ἀναιροῦσαν 10 Democritus: deest in DK vol.2 


8 ovde<v> Lowth: οὐδὲ P! 10 οὖν P! m: om. Staehlin, del. Wehrli, cf 
Gottschalk p.97 adn. 28. 


De Astronomia (65—78) 


De 115, quae sunt in caelo, liber unus] 17 (21) 


Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 15.58.3 (t.8, pars 2, p.419. 
14-16 Mras-des Places) 


Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς καὶ Exoavtoc ὁ Πυθαγόρειος xt- 
νοῦσι μὲν τὴν γῆν, οὐ μήν γε μεταβατικῶς, ἀλλὰ τρεπτι- 
κῶς, τροχοῦ δίκην στρεφομένην, ἀπὸ δυσμῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀνατο- 


10 


64 


65A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 141 


Clement of Alexandria, Protreptic to the Greeks 5.66.4 (p.100. 
16—101.19; 22—6 Marcovich) 


Since I have come this far, I think 1t would not be at all diffi- 
cult to recall the Peripatetics as well. Indeed the father of the 
school, because he did not know the father of all things as a 
whole, thinks that the one who 1s called “highest” 15 the soul of 
everything; that 1s to say, by taking the soul of the universe (to 
be a) god he contradicts himself. ... And the well known Ere- 
sian, [heophrastus the pupil of Aristotle, suggests in one place 
that the god is heaven and in another place that he 15 breath. 
Epicurus alone I will utterly ignore, and intentionally, since he 
thinks that the god does not care about anything, impious as 
he is throughout his work. What about Heraclides Ponticus? Is 
there any place where also he is not drawn away to the images’ 
of Democritus? 


' See Gottschalk pp. 97-8. 


Astronomy! (65-78) 


On the Things in Heaven, one book] 17 (21) 


' See Gottschalk ch. 4, pp. 60-87. Some of the fragments presented in this 
section are treated in their wider context in the papers by Bowen and Todd, 
RUSCH vol. XV, chaps. 8 and 9. 


Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospels 15.58.3 (v.8, part 2, 
p.419.14-16 Mras-des Places) 


Heraclides Ponticus and Ecphantus the Pythagorean make 
the earth move, not from one place to another but in revolution, 
turning like a wheel, from sunset (West) to sunrise (east) around 


142 


65B 


65C 


66 


Heraclides of Pontus 


λὰς περὶ TO ἴδιον αὐτῆς κέντρον. 


= Ecphantus 51 (1.1, 0.442) DK. Reliquias doctrinae Ecphanto adscriptas col- 
legit Voss p.63—4, Ecphantum personam dialogi Heraclidis De natura arbt- 
trans, at vid. Gottschalk p.44 cum adn. 26 


Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 3.13 896A (ΒῚ 1.5. fasc. 
2, pars 1, p.108.5—8 Mau) 


Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς καὶ Εκφαντος ὁ Πυθαγόρειος xt- 
νοῦσι μὲν τὴν γῆν. OV UNV γε μεταβατικῶς, «ἀλλὰ τρεπτι- 
κῶς,» τροχοῦ δίκην ἐνηξονισμένην, ἀπὸ δυσμῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀνα- 
τολὰς περὶ τὸ ἴδιον αὐτῆς κέντρον. 


= DG 378al0-15 Diels 2-3 ἀλλὰ τρεπτικῶς add. Diels ex Eusebio (65A) 
3 ἐνηξονισμένην (ἐναξονίζω) Reiske: ἐνιζωνισμένην M: evicouevyy IT: 
evi — spatio 4 litt. relicto M 


Ps.-Galenus, De historia philosophica 84 (DG p.633.11—13 
Diels) 


οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι μένειν τὴν γῆν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν. Φιλόλα- 
oc δὲ ὁ Πυθαγόρειος κύκλῳ περιφέρεσθαι. Ἡρακλείδης δὲ 
ὁ Ποντικὸς κινητὴν τὴν γῆν, ἡ ὡρισμένην + ἀπὸ δυσμῶν ἐπ᾽ 
ἀνατολὰς περὶ τὸ ἴδιον αὐτῆς + κίνημα TF. 


3 πόντιος ΑΒ ὠρισμένην reliquum esse ab ἐνηξονισμένην suspicatur 
Diels 4 κίνημα codd.: κξντρον propos. Gottschalk p.155, cf. 65A,B v.4 


Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum commentaria 4.281E (BI t.3, 
p.138.6—11 Diehl) 


losw ποῦ δὴ οὖν εὔλογον ἡμᾶς ᾿ἰλλομένην᾽ ἀχούσαντας 


εἱλουμένην καὶ στρεφομένην αὐτὴν (scil. τὴν γῆν) ποιξῖν. 
ὡς Πλάτωνι ἀρέσκον λέγοντας; Ἡρακλείδης μὲν οὖν ὁ 
Ποντικός, ov Πλάτωνος ὧν ἀκουστῆς, ταύτην ἐχέτω τὴν 
δόξαν, κινῶν κύκλῳ τὴν γῆν. Πλάτων δὲ ἀκίνητον αὐτὴν 


65B 


65C 


66 


The Sources, Text and Translation 143 


its own center. 


Ps.-Plutarch, Opinions of the Philosophers 3.13 896A (BT v.5, 
fasc.2, part 1, p.108.5—8 Mau) 


Heraclides Ponticus and Ecphantus the Pythagorean make 
the earth move, not from one place to another <but in revolu- 
tion>, from sunset (west) to sunrise (east) around its own center, 
fitted with an axle like a wheel. 


Ps.-Galen, On the History of philosophy 84 (DG p.633.11-13 
Diels) 


The others believe that the earth remains (in its place), 
Whereas the Pythagorean Philolaus (believes) that it moves 
around in a circle. Heraclides Ponticus, however, (believes) that 
the earth moves, tin a defined manner? from sunset (west) to 
sunrise (east) around its own *movementr. 


Proclus, Commentary on Plato s Vimaeus 4.281} (BT v.3, p.138. 
6—11 Diehl) 


Where then is it reasonable for us, upon hearing that it (the 
earth) is “being wound round,’ to make it revolve and turn, as if 
saying something pleasing to Plato? Well, let Heraclides Ponti- 
cus, not being a student of Plato,’ hold this opinion, moving the 


144 Heraclides of Pontus 


ἵστησιν. 
Comment. in Plat. Tim. 40B8—C3 (ἰλλομένην ibi BS) 


4 ov codd.: ὁ coni. Fabricius: τοῦ coni. Taylor, at cf. Voss p. 13 adn. 1 


67 Simplicius, In Aristotelis libros De caelo commentaria 2.13 
(CAG t.7, p.519.9-11 Heiberg) 


low ἐν τῷ κέντρῳ δὲ οὖσαν τὴν γῆν καὶ κύκλῳ κινουμένην. 
τὸν δὲ οὐρανὸν ἠρεμεῖν Ηρακχλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ὑποθέμε- 
νος σώζειν ᾧετο τὰ φαινόμενα. 


Comment. in Arist. De caelo 2.13 293b30 


2 NOELOVVTA C 


68 Simplicius, In Aristotelis libros De caelo commentaria 2.14 
(CAG t.7, p.541.28-542.2 Heiberg) 


07 εἰ δὲ κύκλῳ περὶ TO κέντρον (sc. ἐκινεῖτο ἣ γῆ), ὡς Hoa- 
μλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ὑπετίθετο, τῶν οὐρανίων ἠρεμούντων. 
εἰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν, ἐκεῖθεν ἂν ἐφάνη τὰ ἄστρα ἀνατέλλοντα. 
εἰ δὲ πρὸς ἀνατολάς. εἰ μὲν περὶ τοὺς τοῦ LONUEOLVOD πό- 
λους, OVX ἂν ἀπὸ διαφόρων ὁρίζοντος τόπων ὁ ἥλιος χαὶ οἱ 
ἄλλοι πλάνητες ἀνέτελλον, εἰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς τοῦ ζῳὸοιακοῦ,. 
οὐκ ἂν οἱ ἀπλανεῖς ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀεὶ τόπων ἀνέτελλον. 
ὥσπερ νῦν. εἴτε OF περὶ τοὺς τοῦ ἰσημερινοῦ εἴτε περὶ τοὺς 
τοῦ ζῳδιακοῦ, πῶς ἂν ἐσώθη τῶν πλανωμένων ἣ εἰς τὰ 
ἑπόμενα ζῴδια μετάβασις ἀκινήτων τῶν οὐρανίων ὄντων; 


Comment. in Arist. De caelo 2.14 297. 2 4-5 cf. 69 vv.7-9 


4 εἰ -- 6 ἀνέτελλον F:0m.Ab 8 περὶ Fk: καὶ A: καὶ περὶ proposuit Hei- 
berg 


10 


67 


68 


The Sources, Text and Translation 145 


earth in a circle. Plato makes it stand unmoved. 


' The statement that Heraclides Ponticus was not a student of Plato is 
contradicted by almost all other testimonia; see the testimonia to 1.4—5. E. 
Schwartz (Hermes 44 [1909], 481 n. 1 [p.482]) calls it a biased distortion 
[““tendenzi6se Verdrehung’’|. Perhaps the statement means no more than that 
on this specific issue Heraclides did not follow Platonic teaching; see 79. But 
OKOVOTHS seems to speak against this explanation. 


Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle's On the Heaven 2.13 
(CAG v.7, p.519.9-11 Heiberg) 


In proposing that the earth is at the center and moving in a 
circle, and that the sky 1s at rest, Heraclides Ponticus thought he 
was preserving the natural phenomena. 


Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle's On the Heaven 2.14 
(CAG v.7, p.541.28-542.2 Heiberg) 


But uf (the earth moved) in a circle around its center, as Hera- 
clides Ponticus proposed, while the celestial bodies were at rest, 
(it would move either toward sunset |west] or toward sunrise 
[east|). If (the earth moved) toward sunset (west), then the stars 
would appear rising from there; 1f (the earth moved) toward 
sunrise (east), (then the stars would appear rising either around 
the poles of the equinoctial circle [equator] or around the poles 
of the zodiac). If (the stars appeared rising) around the poles of 
the equinoctial circle (equator), then the sun and the other plan- 
ets would not rise from different places on the horizon. If (the 
stars appeared rising) around the poles of the zodiac, the fixed 
stars would not rise always from the same places, as they do. 
And whether (the stars appeared rising) around the poles of the 
equinoctial circle (equator) or around the poles of the zodiac, 
how would the movement of the wandering bodies into the fol- 
lowing signs of the zodiac be preserved, if the celestial bodies 
are motionless’? 


146 


Heraclides of Pontus 


69 Simplicius, In Aristotelis libros De caelo commentaria 2.7 (CAG 


t.7, p.444.31-445.3 Heiberg) 


losw ὑποθέσεως δὲ ἠξίωσε (sc. AQLOTOTEANS) καὶ TO ἀμφοτέ- 


70 


ρῶν (sc. τοῦ τε ἀπλανοῦς οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀπλανῶν ἀστέ- 
OWV) ἠρεμούντων, καίτοι ἀπεμφαῖνον δοκοῦν τὸ σώζεσθαι 
τὴν φαινομένην αὐτῶν μετάβασιν ἀμφοτέρων ἠρεμούντων. 
διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι τινάς, ὧν Ἡρακλείδης te ὁ Ποντικὸς ἢν 
καὶ Αρίσταρχος, νομίζοντας σώζεσθαι τὰ φαινόμενα τοῦ 
μὲν οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄστρων ἠρεμούντων, τῆς O€ γῆς περὶ 
τοὺς τοῦ ἰσημερινοῦ πόλους ἀπὸ δυσμῶν μχινουμένης 
ἑκάστης ἡμέρας μίαν ἔγγιστα περιστροφῆν: TO O° ἔγγιστα 
πρόσκειται διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἡλίου τῆς μιᾶς μοίρας ἐπικίνησιν. 


Comment. in Arist. De caelo 2.7 259b1 6 Aristarchus, vid. Plut. De fac. 
in orbe lun. 6 923A 


3 τὸ F Guilelmus de Moerbeka: τῷ A 


Calcidius, In Platonis Timaeum commentarius 110 (p.157.6—10 
Waszink) 


109W denique Heraclides Ponticus, cum circulum Luciferi descri- 


71 


beret, item solis, et unum punctum atque unam medietatem duobus 
daret circulis, demonstravit ut interdum Lucifer superior, interdum 
inferior sole fiat. Ait enim et solem et lunam et Luciferum et omnes 
planetas, ubi eorum quisque sit, una linea a puncto terrae per punc- 
tum stellae exeunte demonstrar1. 


1 Heraclides : heraclites C 


Geminus apud Simplicium, In Aristotelis Physicorum libros 
commentaria 2.2 (CAG t.9, p.292.15—26 Diels) 


10W οἷον διὰ τί ἀνωμάλως ἥλιος καὶ σελήνη καὶ οἱ πλάνητες 


φαίνονται κινούμενοι; ὅτι εἰ ὑποθώμεξθα ἐκκέντρους αὐτῶν 


10 


5 


69 


70 


71 


The Sources, Text and Translation 147 


Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle's On the Heaven 2.7 (CAG 
v./7, p.444.31-445.3 Heiberg) 


He (Aristotle) deemed worth supposing also the view that 
both (the fixed heaven and the fixed stars) do not move, although 
it seems absurd that their apparent motion would be preserved if 
both are at rest, because there have been some, including Hera- 
clides Ponticus and Aristarchus,’ who believed they were pre- 
serving the natural phenomena if the heaven and the stars do not 
move, but the earth is moving from the sunset (west) each day 
around the poles of the equinoctial circle (equator) each day in 
as close as possible to one rotation. he “‘as close as possible” 1s 
added because of the additional motion of the sun by one part. 


' Aristarchus of Samos was an astronomer of the first half of the 3rd century 
B.C. He was the first to develop the heliocentric hypothesis according to 
which the sun remains unmoved whereas the earth moves around it 1n a circle, 
see DPhA | A 345. 


Calcidius, Commentary on Plato's Yimaeus 110 (p.157.6—10 
Waszink) 


Finally, when Heraclides Ponticus described the orbit of 
Venus, and likewise of the sun, and attributed one point and one 
middle to the two orbits, he demonstrated that Venus 1s some- 
times above the sun and sometimes below.' For he said that the 
sun and the moon and Venus and all the planets, wherever each 
of them might be, are proven to be on a single line running out 
from a point of the earth through a point of the star. 


| “Above” and “below” the sun, i.e., “‘ahead of’ and ‘behind’ the sun in 
longitude,” Gottschalk p. 77. 
- For a comprehensive discussion, see Gottschalk pp. 69-81. 


Geminus in Simplicius, Commentary on Aristotle's Physics 2.2 
(CAG v.9, p.292,15—26 Diels) 


For example, why do the sun and the moon and the planets 
clearly move irregularly? Because if we suppose that their orbits 


148 


72 


Ill W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


τοὺς κύκλους ἢ κατ᾽ ἐπίκυκλον MOAOVUEVE τὰ ἄστρα. σωθή- 
σεται ἣ φαινομένη ἀνωμαλία αὐτῶν, ὀεῆσει τε ἐπεξελθεῖν. 
καθ᾽ ὅσους δυνατὸν τρόπους ταῦτα ἀποτελεῖσθαι τὰ φαινό- 
μενα, ὥστε ἐοικέναι τῇ κατὰ τὸν ἐνδεχόμενον τρόπον αἰτιο- 
λογίᾳ τὴν περὶ τῶν πλανωμένων ἄστρων πραγματείαν. διὸ 
καὶ παρελθών τις φησὶν Ηραλλείδης ὁ Ποντικός, ὅτι καὶ 
κινουμένης MWS τῆς γῆς. τοῦ δὲ ἡλίου μένοντός πως, δύνα- 
ται ἣ περὶ τὸν ἥλιον φαινομένη ἀνωμαλία σῴζεσθαι. ὅλως 
γὰρ οὐκ ἔστιν ἀστρολόγου τὸ γνῶναι, τί ἠρεμαῖόν ἐστι τῇ 
φύσει καὶ ποῖα τὰ χκινητά, ἀλλὰ ὑποθέσεις εἰσηγούμενος 
τῶν μὲν μενόντων, τῶν δὲ κινουμένων σχοπεῖ, τίσιν ὑποθέ- 
σεσιν ἀκολουθῆσει τὰ κατὰ τὸν οὐρανὸν φαινόμενα. 


Comment. in Arist. Phys. 2.2, 193b23 = Posidonius fr. 18 vv. 32-45 Edelstein- 
Kidd 


Ι πλανήτης (om. ot) F Aldina 8 ἔλεγεν ante ὅτι add. Aldina (fortassse 
antiquioribus codicibus depromptum, Diels CAG t.9, praef. p.VII, at cf. Gott- 
schalk pp.64-6) 9-10 πῶς δύναται DEF 11 γὰρ: δὲ F Aldina 


Cicero, De natura deorum 1.13.34 (BT p.14.32—15.6 Plasberg- 
Ax) 


ex eadem Platonis schola Ponticus Heraclides puerilibus fabulis 
refersit libros, et tamen modo mundum tum mentem divinam esse 
putat, errantibus etiam stellis divinitatem tribuit sensuque deum 
privat et ei1us formam mutabilem esse vult, eodemque in libro rur- 
sus terram et caelum refert in deos. 


| De Heraclide Pontico discipulo Platonis vid. T ad 1 v.4—5 


2 mundum <deum> Walker 


10 


72 


The Sources, Text and Translation 149 


do not have the earth at their center, or that the stars go around 
in an epicycle, their apparent irregularity will be preserved, and 
then it will be necessary to discuss fully in how many ways 
it is possible for these phenomena to be realized, so that the 
treatment of the wandering stars is fitted to the explanation of 
causes in a way that is possible. For this reason, a certain Hera- 
clides Ponticus, who had come forward, says’ that if the earth 
is somehow moving and the sun 15 somehow standing still, the 
apparent irregularity concerning the sun can be preserved.* For 
in general it is not the task of the astronomer to know what is 
at rest by nature and what sorts of things are moveable, but to 
introduce hypotheses about some which stand still and others 
which move, and to inquire with which hypotheses the phenom- 
ena in the sky agree.” 


' For this translation, rather than “someone came forward, says Heraclides 
Ponticus, (saying), see Gottschalk p. 64—6. 

2 For the problems of this account, see Gottschalk pp. 66-8. 

* Simplicius states that either Geminus or Posidonius as summarized in the 
epitome by Geminus explained the difference between the study of nature 
(physiologia) and astronomy in the way presented. 


Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 1.13.34 (BT p.14.32-15.6 
Plasberg-Ax) 


From the same school of Plato, Heraclides Ponticus stuffed 
his books with childish tales, and yet sometimes he believes the 
world is divine, sometimes the mind. He assigns divinity even 
to the wandering stars, and he deprives the god of sensation and 
wants his form to be changeable. And again in the same book he 
places (the) earth and sky among the gods.! 


! The Epicurean Velleius (RE VIIA, 1, col. 637, no. 1) is speaking (1.8.18- 
20.56) — for Epicurean criticism of Heraclides see 1 (92); 14; 15. Therefore, 
it is not “Cicero” who “dismissed a number of his (sci/. Heraclides’) stories 
as ‘pueriles fabulas’ ” (J. Bollansée, FGrH IVA, fasc. 3, 507 n. 232). Cp. 
Gottschalk pp. 96-7. 


150 Heraclides of Pontus 


73 Minucius Felix, Octavius 19.9 (BT p.17.5—9 Kytzler) 


Aristoteles variat et adsignat tamen unam potestatem; nam 
interim mentem, mundum interim deum dicit, interim mundo 
deum praeficit. Theophrastus etiam variat, alias mundo, alias 
menti divinae tribuens principatum, Heraclides Ponticus quoque 
mundo divinam mentem quamvis varie adscribit. 


Theophr. ad fr. 252a FHS&G 


3—5 praeficit aristoles (Aristoteles 7) ponticus variat alias mundo alias menti 
divinae tribuens principatum heraclides ponticus quoque de deo divinam men- 
tem quamvis varie adscribit. theofrastus et zenon et crysippus et cleanthes 
P: Theophrastus et (etiam Va/len) deletis verbis aristoles ponticus transp. 
Roeren, coll, Cic. De nat. deor. 1.35 5 mundo Sauppe : e1 Schone : de deo 
P, cf. Gottschalk pp.156—7 


74 Stobaeus, Anthologium 1.21.3a (t.1, p.182.20—1 Wachsmuth- 
Hense) 


12. Σέλευχος ὁ Ερυθραῖος καὶ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς 
ἄπειρον τὸν κόσμον. 


= DG p.328b5—7 Diels Seleucus, vid. Ps.-Plut. Placita 2.1 S86C (p.80.7 
Mau) = DG p. 328a5 Diels 


75A Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 2.13 888F (BT t.5, fasc. 
2, pars 1, p.87.9-12 Mau) 


1321. Ηραχλείδης καὶ ot Πυθαγόρειοι ἕκαστον τῶν ἀστέρων 
κόσμον ὑπάρχειν, γῆν περιέχοντα ἀέρα τε [καὶ αἰθέρα! EV 
τῷ ἀπείρῳ αἰθέρι. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ δόγματα ἐν τοῖς Ορφικοῖς 
MEQETAL. κοσμοποιοῦσι γὰρ ἕκαστον τῶν ἀστέρων. 


= Stob. Eclog. 1.24 (1.1, p.204.22—5) Wachsmuth-Hense; DG p.343 Diels 
3 Orphici: fr. 22 Kern, cf. fr. 91 


2 καὶ αἰθέρα secl. Diels (DG p.343), ea verba pro varia lectione vocum ἀξρα 
te habens, cf. 75C;D 


73 


14 


75A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 151 


Minucius Felix, Octavius 19.9 (BT 17.5—9 Kytzler) 


Aristotle gives various explanations and nevertheless assigns 
a single power; for at times he calls the universe, at other times 
the mind god, at still other times he places god (as ruler) over 
the world. Theophrastus also gives various explanations when 
he at times attributes the ruling role to the universe, at other 
times to the divine mind. Heraclides as well ascribes to the un1- 
verse a divine mind, although in various senses. 


Stobaeus, Anthology 1.21.3a (v.1, p.182.20—1 Wachsmuth- 
Hense) 


Seleucus of Erythrae and Heraclides Ponticus (said) the un1- 
verse (was) infinite. 


Ps.-Plutarch, Zhe Opinions of the Philosophers 2.13 888F (BT 
v.5, fasc.2, part 1, p.87.9-12 Mau) 


Heraclides and the Pythagoreans (say) that each of the stars! 
is a world, containing land and air [and aether| in the infinite 
aether. These doctrines are circulated in the Orphic writings. For 
they make a world out of each of the stars. 


' With “stars” Heraclides must refer to the planets; see Wehrli, p. 99. 


152 MHeraclides of Pontus 


75B Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 15.30.8 (t.8, pars 2, p.404. 
15—17 Mras-des Places) 


Ἡρακλείδης καὶ ot Πυθαγόρειοι ἕκαστον τῶν ἀστέρων 
κόσμον ὑπάρχειν, περιέχοντα αἰθέρα ὃν τῷ ἀπείρῳ. ταῦτα 
τὰ δόγματα ἐν τοῖς Ορφικοῖς ἐμφέρεται χοσμοποιοῦσι 
ἕκαστον τῶν ἀστέρων. 


Ι δὲ καὶ B 


750 Ps.-Galenus, De historia philosophica 52 (DG ρ.624.15--19 
Diels) 


13. ἩΗραχλείδης δὲ καὶ ot Πυθαγόρειοι ἕκαστον τῶν ἀστέ- 
OWV χόσμον εἶναι νομίζουσιν γῆν περιέχοντα καὶ αἰθέρα ἐν 
τῷ ἀπείρῳ ἀέρι. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ δόγματα ἐν ἐνίοις Ορφικοῖς 
φέρεσθαι λέγουσι κοσμοποιοῦσι τῶν ἀστέρων ἕκαστον. 


2-3 ἀαιθέρα ἐν τῷ ἀπείρῳ ἀέρι εοαά.: ἀέρα ἐν τῷ ἀπείρῳ αἰθέρι Wehrli 
fr. 113ς (cf. TSA) 


75D Theodoretus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 4.20 (BT p.105. 
13—15 Raeder) 


13bW ἩΗραχλείδης δὲ καὶ GAAOL TOV Πυθαγορείων τινὲς ἕκαστον 
τῶν ἀστέρων κόσμον ὑπάρχειν φασί, γῆν περιέχοντα καὶ 
ἀξρα. 


1 οἱ ἄλλοι BL! 


76A Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 2.25 891C (BT t.5, fasc.2, 
pars |, p.95.3 Mau) 


i4aw Heaxdetdns γῆν ὁμίχλῃ περιεχομένην (scil. τὴν σελήνην 
εἰναι). 


1 Ἡρακλείδης Fabricius ex δῖον. (76Β), vid. Marcovich, Heraclitus 2001, 
Appendix: Nomen Heracliti lapsu scriptum p.603 (vii): Ἡράκλειτος codd. 


75B 


75C 


75D 


76A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 153 


Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 15.30.8 (v.8, part 2, 
p.404.15—17 Mras-des Places) 


Heraclides and the Pythagoreans (say) that each of the stars 
is a world, containing aether in the infinite (sky). These doc- 
trines are circulated in the Orphic writings, which make a world 
out of each of the stars. 


Ps.-Galen, On the History of Philosophy 52 (DG p.624.15—19 
Diels) 


Heraclides and the Pythagoreans believe each of the stars 15 a 
world, containing land and aether in the infinite air. And people 
say that these doctrines are circulated in a number of Orphic 
writings, which make a world out of each of the stars. 


Theodoretus, 7reatment of Greek Diseases 4.20 (BT p.105.13- 
15 Raeder) 


Heraclides and certain others among the Pythagoreans say 
that each of the stars exists as a world, containing land and air. 


Ps.-Plutarch, The Opinions of the Philosophers 2.25 891C (BT 
v.9, fasc.2, part 1, p.95.3 Mau) 


Heraclides (says the moon 15) a land surrounded by mist. 


154 Heraclides of Pontus 


76B Stobaeus, Anthologium 1.26 (t.1, p.218.18—19 Wachsmuth- 
Hense) 


Hoaxheidyns καὶ ὌὍκελλος γῆν ὁμίχλῃ περιεχομένην (scil. 
τὴν σελήνην εἰναι). 


Ι καὶ Oxeddoc del. Diels, DG p.356b25, cf. p.100 adn. 1; 216 adn. 2 


76C Theodoretus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 4.23 (BT p.106.12 
Raeder) 


παν Ἡρακλείδης δὲ γῆν ὁμίχλῃ περιεχομένην (scil. τὴν σελήνην 
εἰναι). 


Ι ἡράκλειτος MC 
7602) Ιοδηηθ5 Lydus, De Mensibus 3.12 (BT p.53.12 Wiinsch) 


L14e W Ἡρακλείδης γῆν ὁμίχλη περιειλημένην (scil. τὴν σελήνην 
εἰναι). 


= DG p.356, lestim. Plutarchi no. 13 Diels 


1 Ἡρακλείδης scripsi: ἡράκλειτος codd. 


7{ Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 3.2 893C (BT t.5, fasc.2, 
pars |, p.lO1.13—17 Mau) 


iow ἩΗραχλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς νέφος μετάρσιον ὑπὸ μεταρσίου 
φωτὸς καταυγαζόμενον (scil. τὸν κομήτην εἰναί φησιν). 
ὁμοίως O° αἰτιολογεῖ πωγωνίαν ἅλω δοκίδα κίονα καὶ τὰ 
συγγενῆ τούτοις, καθάπερ ἀμέλει πάντες οἱ Περυτατητικοί, 
παρὰ τοὺς TOV νέφους ταυτὶ γίνεσθαι σχηματισμούς. 


= DG p.366a21—367a3 Diels; Stob. Eclog. 1.28 (1.1, p.227.24—228.3) Wachs- 
muth-Hense; DG p.366b29-367a2 Diels 


5 τοὺς om. Marcian. 521 ταυτὶ corrector Vossiani: ταύτη ABC: ταῦτα 
Stobaeus 1.1. 


76B 


76C 


76D 


77 


The Sources, Text and Translation 155 


Stobaeus, Anthology 1.26 (v.1, p.218.18—-19 Wachsmuth-Hense) 


Heraclides and Ocellus! (say the moon is) a land surrounded 
by mist. 


' Ocellus of Lucania was a Pythagorean philosopher who belonged perhaps 
to the Ist century B.C. The testimonia are collected in DK v.1, no. 48 (p. 
440-1). 


Theodoretus, 7reatment of Greek Diseases 4.23 (BT p.106.12 
Raeder) 


Heraclides (says the moon 15) a land surrounded by mist. 


John Lydus, On the Months 3.12 (BT p.53.12 Wiinsch) 


Heraclides (says the moon 15) a land enclosed by mist. 


For the verdict by Timaeus of ‘Tauromenium about Heraclides Ponticus, who 
wrote that a man fell from the moon, see 94. 


Ps.-Plutarch, The Opinions of the Philosophers 3.2 893C (BT 
v.5, fasc.2, part 1, p.101.13—17 Mau) 


Heraclides Ponticus says (a comet 15) a cloud up in the air 
illuminated by a light up in the air. In like manner, he gives as 
the cause of a bearded star, a halo, a meteor in the shape of a 
beam, a meteor in the shape of a column, and (the) things related 
to these, just like, of course, all the Peripatetics, that these (phe- 
nomena) occur varying with the configurations of the cloud. 


156 


Heraclides of Pontus 


78 Ps.-Plutarchus, Placita philosophorum 3.17 897B (BT t.5, fasc.2, 


pars |, p.111.9-14 Mau) 


u7w Αριστοτέλης Ηρακλείδης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν 


79 


68 W 


πνευμάτων κινοῦντος XALOVUTEOLMEQOVTOG (scil. ἄμποτιν καὶ 
πλήμμυραν γίνεσθαι): ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐμβαλλόντων μὲν προωθου- 
μένην ἀνοιδεῖν τὴν Ατλαντικὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ κατασκευά- 
ζειν τὴν πλήμμυραν, καταληγόντων δ᾽ ἀντιπερισπωμένην 
ὑποβαίνειν, ὅπερ εἰναι τὴν ἄμπωτιν. 

= Stob. Eclog. 1.38 (t.1, p.252.7—12) Wachsmuth-Hense; DG p.382a/b 17 sqq. 
Diels 1 Aristoteles, at vid. Rose’ p.604. De origine ventorum sec. Aristo- 
telem vid. Meteor. 2.4—6 

1 AgtototéAns καὶ Ἡρακλείδης Stob.1.1 3-4 ππροωθουμένων Marcian. 


521 4-5 κατασκευάζειν Diels ex Ps.-Gal. Hist. philos. 88 (DG p.634.13 
Diels): παρασκευάζειν codd. 


De Inferis (79-80) 


De 115, quae sunt apud inferos| 17 (22) 
De tragico modo dicendi in libro Heraclidis De 115, quae sunt apud 
inferos, usitato vid. Diogenem Laertium, Vitae philosophorum 


5.88 (=1) 


Plutarchus, Adversus Colotem 14 I1I5A (BI t.6, fasc.2, 
p.189.11—19 Pohlenz-Westman) 


ποῦ γὰρ WV τῆς ἀοικήτου TO βιβλίον ἔγραφες, ἵνα ταῦτα 


σιν) συντιθεὶς τὰ ἐγκλήματα μὴ τοῖς ἐκείνων (scil. τῶν Περιπατη- 


τικῶν) συντάγμασιν ἐντύχης μηδ᾽ ἀναλάβης εἰς χεῖρας Αρι- 
στοτέλους τὰ Ileot οὐρανοῦ καὶ τὰ Περὶ ψυχῆς, Θεο- 
φράστου δὲ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Φυσικούς, Ηρακλείδου δὲ τὸν Ζω- 
οοάστρην, τὸ Περὶ τῶν ἐν Αιδου, τὸ Περὶ τῶν φυσικῶς 
ἀπορουμένων, Δικαιάρχου δὲ τὰ Περὶ ψυχῆς, ἐν οἷς πρὸς τὰ 
κυριώτατα χαὶ μέγιστα τῶν φυσικῶν ὑπεναντιούμξδνοι τῷ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 157 


78 Ps.-Plutarch, The Opinions of the Philosophers 3.17 897B (BT 


79 


v.5, fasc.2, part 1, p.111.9-14 Mau) 


Aristotle’ (and) Heraclides (say) that (low tide and flood tide 
occur) under the influence of the sun, which sets in motion and 
carries around with it most of the winds. Pushed forward by the 
blowing winds, the Atlantic sea swells up and produces the flood 
tide, and when they cease the sea is drained off and recedes, 
which 1s the low tide. 


' See V. Rose, Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus p. 604. 


Underworld (79-80) 


On the Things in the Underworld| 17 (22) 


Concerning the tragic mode of expression used in Heraclides’ 
On the Things in the Underworld, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives 
of the Philosophers 5.88 (= 1). 


Plutarch, /n Reply to Colotes 14 11ISA(BT'v.6, fasc.2, p.189.11- 
19 Pohlenz-Westmann) 


Where, then, in the uninhabited world were you when you 
wrote the book, that in composing these attacks you could not 
come across the writings (1.6. of the Peripatetics) and pick up 
Aristotle’s works On Heaven and On Soul, Theophrastus’ /n 
Reply to the Natural Philosophers, Heraclides’ Zoroaster, On 
the Things in the Underworld and On Problems in Natural 
Philosophy, or Dicaearchus’ On Soul, in which these writers do 
not stop opposing and battling with Plato’ on the greatest and 


138 


80 


72 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Πλάτωνι καὶ μαχόμενοι OLATEAOVOL: 


4—5 Theophr. fr.245 FHS&G 5-Ὁ6 Heraclides, Zoroaster: 1f (56) 6 De iis 
quae sunt apud inferos: 1f (22) De quibus secundum plhysicam scientiam 
ambigitur: 17 (18) 7 Dicaearch. fr. 13 Mirhady 


5 ἡρακλείτου EB corr. Reiske (v. J. Bernays, GesAbh, t.1, pp.42—5); v. Marco- 
vich, Heraclitus, 2001, Appendix: Nomen Heracliti lapsu scriptum p. 602 (3) 


Ps.-Plutarchus, De libidine et aegritudine 5 (BT t.6, fasc.3, p.54. 
10-20 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


ἔνιοι δ᾽ AVTLKZOUG καὶ δόξαν καὶ διαλογισμὸν εἰς TO σῶμα 
κατατείνουσιν, οὐδ᾽ εἶναι αἰτίαν «τὸ» παράπαν ψυχῆς λέ- 
γοντες, ἀλλὰ τῇ τοῦ σώματος διαφορᾷ καὶ ποιότητι καὶ Ov- 
νάμει συντελεῖσθαι τὰ τοιαῦτα. τὸ μὲν γὰρ Περὶ τῶν ἐν At- 
δου βιβλίον ἐπιγραφόμενον, ἐν ᾧ τὴν ψυχὴν τῇ οὐσίᾳ παρ- 
υπάρχειν ἀποφαίνεται ὁ λόγος, οἱ μὲν οὐδ᾽ εἶναι τὸ παράπαν 
Ἡρακλείδου νομίζουσιν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς ἀντιπαρεξαγωγὴν 
«συν»τετάχθαι τῶν εἰρημένων ἑτέροις περὶ οὐσίας ψυχῆς. 
ὅτῳ «δ᾽ οὖν» γεγραμμένον, ἄντικρυς ἀναιρεῖ τὴν οὐσίαν 
αὐτῆς, ὡς τοῦ σώματος ἔχοντος EV αὑτῷ τὰς εἰρημένας 
δυνάμεις πάσας. 


4--5 De iis, quae sunt apud inferos: Ἵ (22) 9 (ἀναιρεῖ)-10 εὐ Plut. Non 
posse suaviter vivi sec. Epicur. 14 1096E (... σαρκοποιξῖν TOV ἄνθρωπον 
ὅλον, ὥσπερ EVLOL ποιοῦσι, τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς οὐσίαν ἀναιροῦντες); C. 
Colot. 21 1119A (ἢ τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἔστιν οὐσία ψυχῆς ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ 
σῶμα κεκραμένον ἔσχηκε τὴν τοῦ φρονεῖν καὶ ζῆν δύναμιν) 


2 αἰτίαν codd.: οὐσίαν Pohlenz, probante Sandbach 1969, p.46 (cf. supra 
1 ad vv. 9-10) to add. Bernardakis «ψυχῆς hlk: ψυχὴν Bernardakis 
Wehrli (αἰτίαν retinens) 3-4 δυνάμει συντελεῖσθαι TA τοιαῦτα 
codd.: [καὶ] δυνάμεις συντελεῖσθαι τὰς τοιαύτας Corssen, RhM 67 
(1912), 27, cf. νν.10-1; Plut. C. Colot. 21 1119A (τὴν τοῦ φρονεῖν καὶ 


ζῆν δύναμιν) 5-6 παρυπάρχ αὐτοφαίνεται ἢ: παρυπάρχειν αὐτὸς 
φαίνεται k: παρυπάρχων αὐτὸ φαίνεται 6 οἱ μὲν οὖν δεινοὶ TO Codd: 
corr. Wyttenbach ὃ «συν»τετάχθαι Wyttenbach: τετάχθαι codd. 9 


ὅτῳ «δ᾽ OVV> Pohlenz: ὅτῳ δὴ Duebner : οὕτω codd. 


10 


80 


The Sources, Text and Translation 159 


most decisive issues of natural philosophy? 


' On Heraclides disagreeing with Plato, see 66 n. 1. 


Plutarch, Whether Desire and Grief Belong to Mind or Body 5 
(BT v.6, fasc.3, p.54.10—20 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


But some extend both belief and calculation outright to the 
body, saying that there 1s absolutely no cause on the part of (the) 
soul, but that these sorts of faculties come about by the specific 
form and quality of the body. For some believe that the book 
entitled On the Things in the Underworld, in which the argu- 
ment shows that the soul is present along with the substantial 
being, is not at all the work of Heraclides, while others say it has 
been composed as a controversial attack against the things said 
by others about the substantial being of (the) soul. But, whoever 
wrote it, it removes outright the substantial being of it (the soul), 
as if the body had in itself all the faculties mentioned.' 


' For the problems this text poses, see Gottschalk pp. 108-10. 


160 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Vitae (81) 


De vitis, libri duo] 17 (23) 


81 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 1.25-6 (BT t.1, p.19.1— 


45 W 
26 


ὃ Marcovich) 


«Κλύτος: δέ φησιν, ὡς HoaxdAetdnc ἱστορεῖ, μονήρη 
αὐτὸν γεγονέναι καὶ ἰδιαστῆν. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ γῆμαι αὐτὸν χκαὶ 
Κύβισθον υἱὸν σχεῖν: οἱ O€ ἄγαμον μεῖναι, τῆς δὲ ἀδελφῆς 
τὸν υἱὸν θέσθαι. ὅτε καὶ ἐρωτηθέντα OLA τί οὐ τεχνοποιεῖ; 
‘OL φιλοτεχκνίαν᾽ εἰπεῖν. καὶ λέγουσιν ὅτι τῆς μητρὸς ἀναγ- 
καζούσης αὐτὸν γῆμαι ἔλεγεν: “οὐδέπω καιρός", εἶτα, ἐπειδὴ 
παρήβησεν ἐγχειμένης. εἰπεῖν: “οὐκέτι XALOOG’. 


= ]] Al (1.1, p.68.19-23) DK; 1--2 (ἰδιαστῆν) = Clytus Milesius FHG (1.2, 
p.333) fr. 3 (deest in FGrH 490, cf. comment. p.403: “falsch” ). Narratiun- 
cula eadem: Gnom. Vat. 318; de Thale caelibem vitam vivente vid. Plut. Sol. 
cap. 6 3-4 τῆς δὲ ἀδελφῆς TOV υἱὸν θέσθαι, vid. Plut. Sol. 7.2 4 
(ἐρωτηθέντα)--5 (φιλοτεκνίαν) = Gnom. Vat. 509 5 (καὶ λέγουσιν) —7 
= Hieronym. Rhod. fr. 47 White 


Ι Κλεῖτος aut KAvtoc Menag. (Κλύτος probavit Cobet): καὶ αὐτὸς BPF 
(αὐτὸς [scil. Θαλῆς], i.e. persona in dialogo a Heraclide conscripto: Diels 
adn. ad 114 1 [t.1, p.68] DK, at casus recti μονήρης atque ἰδιαστῆς deside- 
rarentur); Casaubonus primus “auctoris alicuius in mendo hic cubare nomen” 
vidit 3 Κύβισθον Diels adn. ad 11 A (1.1, p.68) DK, coll. Plut. Sol. 7.2: 
κίρισθον B: κίδισθον P/Q: xiBiooov F σχεῖν Scaliger: ἔχειν BPF 


De Morbis (82—95) 


Causae morborum, liber unus] 17 (24a) 
De morbis] 17 (24b) 
De femina exanimi] 17 (24c) 


81 


26 


The Sources, Text and Translation 161 


Lives (81) 


On Lives, two books] 17 (23) 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 1.25—6' (BT v.1, 
p.19.1—8 Marcovich) 


<Clytus> says, as Heraclides relates, that he (Thales) was’ a 
solitary man and a recluse.” Some people say that he both mar- 
ried and had a son Cybisthus, while others say that he remained 
unmarried and adopted the son of his sister. And they say that 
When he was asked why he did not beget children, he said 
“Because of my fondness of children.” They also say that when 
his mother was trying to force him to marry he said: “It is not yet 
the right time,” then, when he had become too old and she was 
leaning on him, he said: “It is no longer the right time.” 


' Wehrli assigns this fragment to On Lives. It could, however, as well belong 
to On Happiness [17 (6); 25], cp. Arist. Eth. Nic. 1.5 1097b6—11, who in his 
treatment of happiness discusses the same topic. 

- For the structure of the clause as changed by Menagius’ conjecture, 
cp. Diog. Laert. 1.118 ᾿Αριστόξενος δ᾽ ἐν τῷ Περὶ Πυθαγόρου ... φησι 
νοσήσαντα αὐτὸν (sc. Φερεκύδην) ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου ταφῆναι. 

" μονήρη ... καὶ ἰδιαστήν. Wehrli p. 72 reminds of Arist. fr 668 Β΄, where 
Aristotle characterizes himself in very much the same way as μονώτης and 
αὐτίτης. Wehrli considers it possible that the description of Thales is phrased 
after that of Aristotle. 


Diseases (82-95) 


Causes relating to Diseases| 17 (24a) 
On Diseases| 17 (24b) 
On the Woman not Breathing| 17 (24c)' 


! Ror a reconstruction of structure and content of the one work for which 
the titles 17 (24b) and (24c) are transmitted, see Gottschalk pp. 14-36. 


162  Heraclides of Pontus 


82 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.51 (BT t.1, p.605.8—9 
Marcovich) 


76w ὁμοίως (scil. Τιμαίῳ καὶ Ερμίππῳ) καὶ Ηρακλείδης ἐν τῷ 
Περὶ νόσων, ὅτι λαμπρᾶς ἣν οἰκίας (scil. Ἐμπεδοκλῆς), ἱππο- 
TOOMNXOTOS TOU πάππου. 


= Eratosth. FGrH 241 F 7 = 1 limaeus FGrH 566 Γ 26b (IIB) ~~ Hermipp. 
fr. 25 SdA (Suppl. t.1); FGrH F 60 (IV A 3, 1026) Bollansée 2—3 De avo 
Empedoclis victore in certamine equestri vid. Apollodor. FGrH 244 F 32 


Ι xat FDP?Q:0m.BP 2νόσων BP: νῆσων D φησὶν ante OTL add. 
Marcovich 


83 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.52 (BT t.1, p. 605.12— 
13; 606.1—7 Marcovich) 


sow Απολλόδωρος δ᾽ ὁ γραμματικὸς Ev τοῖς Χρονικοῖς φη- 
σιν WG ... 
οἱ δ᾽ ἱστοροῦντες ὡς πεφευγὼς (scil. Ἐμπεδοκλῆς) οἴκοθεν 
εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐπολέμει 
πρὸς Αθηνάους, ἔμοις«γε; τελέως ἀγνοεῖν 
δοκοῦσιν: ἢ γὰρ οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν ἢ παντελῶς 
ὑπεργεγηρακῶς, ὅπερ οὐχὶ φαίνεται. 
AQLOTOTEANS γὰρ αὐτόν, ἔτι τε Ηρακλείδης, ἑξήκοντα ἐτῶν 
φησι τετελευτηκέναι. 


= Empedocl. 514 4 (1.1, p.277) DK; Jacoby, Apollodors Chronik 1902, fr. 43 
(p.2/71l—7); Apollodor. FGrH 244 F 32 (Pars 2 B, p.1029) 3-4 1.6. bellum 
Atheniensium contra Syracusanos annis 415-413 a. Chr. gestum 6--] 
Arist. fr. 71 R°; cf. Diog. Laert. 8.74 


3 πεφευγὼς οἴκοθεν Clinton: οἴκοθεν πεφευγὼς BPFD 5 πρὸς Αθη- 
νάους, ἕμοι «γε; τελέως ἀγνοεῖν Diels: πρὸς τοὺς ἀθηναίους τελέως 
ἀγνοεῖν μοι BPFD : πρὸς τὰς Αθήνας ἀγνοεῖν τελέως «ἐμοὶ Bahnsch ὃ 
Ἡρακλείδης Fr. W. Sturz (Praef. ad Empedoclea, 1805, p.XX1): ἡράκλειτον 
B'PF': ἠράκλειτος BD EENXOVT ἐτῶν transpos. post αὐτὸν Jacoby, 
Apollodors Chrontk 1902, p.272; id. ΓΟΥΗ͂ 244 F 32 


82 


83 


The Sources, Text and Translation 163 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.51 (BT v.1, 
p.605.8—9 Marcovich) 


Similarly (sc. to Timaeus' and Hermippus*) Heraclides too 
in his (work) On Diseases (says) that he (sc. Empedocles’) was 
from an illustrious house, his grandfather having been a breeder 
of horses. 


' Timaeus of Tauromenium (second half of fourth, first half of third century 
B.C.) was author of (Sicilian) Histories in 38 books. The fragments are col- 
lected in FGrH 566, see 94. 

- Hermippus of Smyrna, see 1 n. 15. 

> Empedocles of Acragas, see 55 with n. 3. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.52 (BT v.1\, 
p.605.12—13; 606.1—7 Marcovich) 


Apollodorus the grammarian says in his Chronicles that ... 

But those who relate that he (Empedocles) was exiled from 

his home to Syracuse and waged war with them 

against the Athenians, seem to me at least to be completely 

ignorant. 

For he was either no longer living or entirely 

beyond the limits of old age, which does not seem likely. 
For Aristotle says that he had died (at the age) of sixty years, and 
likewise Heraclides. 


164 


84 


87 W 


85 


88 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum Prooemium 12 (BT t.1, 
p.11.15—19 Marcovich) 


φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πρῶτος ὠνόμασε Πυθαγόρας χαὶ ἑαυτὸν 
φιλόσοφον, ἐν Σικυῶνι διαλεγόμενος Λέοντι τῷ Σικυωνίων 
τυράννῳ ἢ Φλειασίων, καθά φησιν Ηραχλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς 
ἐν τῇ Περὶ τῆς ἄπνου: μηδένα γὰρ εἰναι σοφὸν [ἄνθρωπον] 
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ θεόν. 


Cf. Diod. 10.10.1, Val. Max. δ.7 ext.2; August. De civ. D. δ.2 1-2 
(φιλόσοφον) Clem. Al. Strom. 1.61.4, cf. Iambl. Vita Pyth. 12.58; 29.159, 
Cf. 8.44; id. In Nicom. arithm. introd. 5; Quint. Inst. orat. 12.1.19 1-3 cf. 
Sosicrates fr. 17 Giannattasio Andria (Sosicrates idem colloquium cum Leonte 
Phliasio habitum enarrat) 4-5 μηδένα γὰρ εἰναι σοφὸν [ἄνθρωπον] 
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ θεόν, cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 4.9.1; Diod. 10.10.1, Plat. Apol. 23a5 


4 ὃν Th περὶ τῆς ἄπνου BP: om. F', add. in mg. F° ἄνθρωπον secl. 
Cobet 


Cicero, lusculanae disputationes 5.3.8—9 (BT fasc. 44, p.407.16— 
408.20 Pohlenz) 


a quibus (scil. septem sapientibus, Lycurgo, 4115) ducti dein- 
cepSs omnes, qui in rerum contemplatione studia ponebant, 
sapientes et habebantur et nominabantur, idque eorum nomen 
usque ad Pythagorae manavit aetatem. quem, ut scribit audi- 
tor Platonis Ponticus Heraclides, vir doctus in primis, Phliun- 
tem ferunt venisse, eumque cum Leonte, principe Phliasiorum, 
docte et copiose disseruisse quaedam. cuius ingenium et elo- 
quentiam cum admiratus esset Leon, quaesivisse ex eo, qua 
maxime arte confideret; at illum: artem quidem se scire nullam, 
sed esse philosophum. admiratum Leonem novitatem nomi- 
nis quaesivisse, quinam essent philosophi, et quid inter eos 
et reliquos interesset; Pythagoram autem respondisse similem 
sibi videri vitam hominum et mercatum eum, qui haberetur 
maxumo ludorum apparatu totius Graeciae celebritate. nam 
ut illic alii corporibus exercitatis gloriam et nobilitatem coro- 
nae peterent, alii emendi aut vendendi quaestu et lucro duceren- 


10 


15 


The Sources, Text and Translation 165 


84 Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers Preface 12 (BT 


85 


v.1, p.11.15—19 Marcovich) 


Pythagoras’ was the first to use the name “philosophy,” and 
call himself a “philosopher,’* in a conversation in Sicyon with 
Leon the tyrant of the Sicyonians or the Phliasians,” according 
to what Heraclides Ponticus says in his (treatise) On the Woman 
not Breathing. For, he says, nobody [human being] 15 wise other 
than god. 


' Pythagoras, see 25. 

- See W. Burkert, “Platon oder Pythagoras?,” Hermes 88 (1960) 159-77; 
Gottschalk pp. 23-33. 

> Leon of Phlius was tyrant of Sicyon or Phlius (both located in the north- 
ern Peloponnese), probably during the 6th century B.C. E. Schwartz, RE V 
(1903) col. 752, states that the quotation from Heraclides was limited to the 
words “or the Phliasians” (ἢ Φλειασίων). Gottschalk pp. 26—29 expands on 
this hypothesis and argues that the “notion of philosophy as second best to 
a wisdom beyond the reach of man, was foreign to the tradition on which 
Heraclides drew” (29). 


Cicero, Jusculan Disputations 5.3.8—9 (BT fasc.44, p.407.16— 
408.20 Pohlenz) 


From these (the seven sages, Lycurgus, others) are descen- 
ded in turn all who devoted their energy to the contemplation of 
things, and they were both considered and called wise men. And 
this name for them spread all the way to the time of Pythagoras. 
People say that he went to Phlius, as Heraclides Ponticus writes, 
the pupil of Plato and a man foremost in learning, and discussed 
certain issues learnedly and at length with Leon, the ruler of the 
Phliasians. When Leon marveled at his talent and eloquence, 
he asked him in which art he trusted the most. He in turn said 
that it was not an art he knew, but that he was a philosopher. 
Leon, astonished at the novelty of the term, asked what kind of 
people philosophers were and what the difference was between 
them and the rest of mankind. Pythagoras then answered that 
he thought human life was similar to the kind of fair which is 
held with a magnificent display of games in a gathering from 
the whole of Greece. For there some people seek the glory and 


166 


86 


89 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


tur, esset autem quoddam genus eorum, idque vel maxime 
ingenuum, qui nec plausum nec lucrum quaererent, sed visendi 
causa venirent studioseque perspicerent, quid ageretur et quo 
modo, item nos quasi in mercatus quandam celebritatem ex 
urbe aliqua sic in hanc vitam ex alia vita et natura profectos 
alios gloriae servire, alios pecuniae, raros esse quosdam, 611 
ceteris omnibus pro nihilo habitis rerum naturam studiose 
intuerentur: hos se appellare sapientiae studiosos — id est enim 
philosophos —; et ut illic liberalissimum esset spectare nihil 510] 
adquirentem, sic in vita longe omnibus studiis contemplationem 
rerum cognitionemque praestare. 


5 De Heraclide Platonis discipulo vid. 1 T. ad v. 4-5 18-19 visendi causa 
venirent, cf. lambl. Protr. 9 (p.53.19-26 Pistelli) 


15 illic G: illi X (del. V) 17 esse V’ 27 cognitionemque γ᾽ G: cogita- 
tionemque X 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.4—5 (BTt.1, p.574.19- 
575.17 Marcovich) 


τοῦτόν (scil. Πυθαγόραν) φησιν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντι- 
κὸς περὶ αὑτοῦ TAHOE λέγειν, ὡς εἴη ποτὲ γεγονὼς Αἰθαλίδης 
καὶ Ερμοῦ υἱὸς νομισθείη: τὸν δὲ Ερμῆν εἰπεῖν αὐτῷ ἑλέ- 
σθαι, ὅ τι ἂν βούληται πλὴν ἀθανασίας. αἰτήσασθαι οὖν 
ζῶντα χαὶ τελευτῶντα μνήμην ἔχειν τῶν συμβαινόντων: ἐν 
μὲν οὖν τῇ ζωῇ πάντων διαμνημονεῦσαι, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀποθάνοι. 
τηρῆσαι τὴν αὐτὴν μνήμην. χρόνῳ ὃ᾽ ὕστερον εἰς Εὔφορβον 
ἐλθεῖν καὶ ὑπὸ Μενέλεω τρωθῆναι. ὁ δ᾽ Εὔφορβος ἔλεγεν. 
ὡς Αἰθαλίδης ποτὲ γεγόνοι καὶ ὅτι παρ᾽ Εομοῦ τὸ δῶρον 
λάβοι καὶ τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς περιπόλησιν, ὡς περιεπολήθη καὶ 
εἰς ὅσα φυτὰ καὶ ζῷα παρεγένετο ZXAL ὅσα TN ψυχὴ EV τῷ 
Αιδῃ ἔπαθε καὶ αἱ λουταὶ τίνα ὑπομένουσιν. 

ἐπειδὴ δὲ Εὔφορβος ἀποθάνοι, μεταβῆναι τὴν ψυχὴν 
αὐτοῦ εἰς Ερμότιμον, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς πίστιν θέλων δοῦναι ἐπ- 
ανῆλθεν εἰς Βραγχίδας καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Απόλλωνος 
ἱερὸν ἐπέδειξεν ἣν Μενέλαος ἀνέθηκεν ἀσπίδα (ἔφη γὰρ 


20 


25 


10 


15 


86 


The Sources, Text and Translation 167 


distinction of a crown by training their bodies, and others are 
drawn by the profit and gain in buying or selling, but there 15 
a certain class of people, and this quite the most genuine, who 
look for neither applause nor gain, but come for the sake of see- 
ing and look thoroughly with great attention at what is being 
done and how. In the same way, he said, we have arrived into 
this life from another life and nature, as if (we had arrived) 
from some city into some crowd at a festival, and some devote 
themselves to glory and others to money, but there are certain 
rare people who count all other matters for nothing and eagerly 
contemplate the nature of things. These people call themselves 
lovers of wisdom — that 15, philosophers — and just as there (at 
the fair) it was most fitting (for) a free character to watch while 
seeking nothing for oneself, so in life the contemplation and 
understanding of things far surpasses all other pursuits. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.4—5 (BT v.1, 
Ρ.574.10--575.17 Marcovich) 


Heraclides Ponticus says that this man (Pythagoras) told 
the following about himself: how he had once been born Aeth- 
alides! and was believed to be a son of Hermes, and that Hermes 
told him to choose anything he wished except immortality. So 
he requested that while living and while dead he might hold a 
memory of what happened (to him). ‘Thus τη his life he remem- 
bered everything, and when he died he retained the same mem- 
ory. And later in time he came into (the body of) Euphorbus- and 
was wounded by Menelaus. And Euphorbus told how he had 
once been born Aethalides and that he received from Hermes 
his gift, and told of the wandering of his soul, how it wandered 
about, and in how many plants and animals it came to be pres- 
ent, and how many things his soul suffered in Hades, and what 
the other souls endure. 

And that when Euphorbus died, his soul went over into Her- 
motimus,’ who himself also wished to give credibility to the 
story and went up to the Branchidae and entered the sanctuary 
of Apollo and pointed out the shield which Menelaus had ded1- 


168 


37 


ΤΙΝ 


61 


62 


Heraclides of Pontus 


αὐτόν, ὅτ᾽ ἀπέπλει ἐκ Τροίας, ἀναθεῖναι τῷ Απόλλωνι τὴν 
ἀσπίδα), διασεσηπυῖαν NON, μόνον δὲ OLAUEVELV τὸ ἐλεφάν- 
τινον πρόσωπον. ἐπειδὴ δὲ Ερμότιμος ἀπέθανε, γενέσθαι 
Πύρρον τὸν Δήλιον ἁλιξα. καὶ πάντα πάλιν μνημονεύειν, 
πῶς πρόσθεν Αἰθαλίδης. eit’ Εὔφορβος, εἶτα Ἑρμότιμος, εἰ- 
ta Πύρρος γένοιτο. ἐπειδὴ δὲ Πύρρος ἀπέθανε, γενέσθαι 
Πυθαγόραν καὶ πάντων τῶν εἰρημένων μεμνῆσθαι. 


= [4 Α δ (1.4, p.l00) DK De migrationibus animae Pythagorae vid. Hip- 
pobot. fr. 13 Gigante; Dicaearch. fr. 42 Mirhady; Diod. 10.6.a; Gell. Noct. 
Att. 4.11.14; Ovid. Met. 15.160-4; Hyg. Fab. 112.3; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 1.1; 
Hippolyt. Refut. 1.2.11; 3.3; Tert. De anim. 28.3; Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 45; Luc. 
Dial. mort. 20.3; schol. vetus in Soph. El. 62 ἤδη γὰρ εἰδον πολλάκις; schol. 
vetus in Apoll. Rhod. A 643—8e ἐπιδεδρομξ λήθ«η» = FGrH 3 F 109; Suda 
H 88 (s.v. ἤδη 12, p.552.13-16) Adler; Theologoumena arithm. p.40 (Ast) 
in: [44 δ (t.l, p.99.26-100.6) DK — 2 Aethalides vid. Pherecyd. 7 B δ (t.1, 
p.50.16-8) DK 471}54η. de Euphorbo cf. Maximus Tyr. Diss. 10.2; Lact. Div. 
inst. 3.18.15—6 


2 αὑτοῦ Cobet: αὑτοῦ BPD 4 βούληται codd.: βούλοιτο Cobet 5 
τελευτῶντα: τελευτήσαντα Cobet 7 THV αὐτὴν: an τὴν αὐτῶν) Schiit- 
rumpf 11-12 ἐν τῷ Aton: ἐν ἅδου Cobet 18 διαμένειν codd. : 
διαμξνον Cobet 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.60-—2 (BIT 1.1, p. 
611.4~—7; 15—612.12 Marcovich) 


Ἡρακλείδης te ἐν τῷ Περὶ νόσων φησὶ καὶ Παυσανίᾳ 
ὑφηγήσασθαι αὐτὸν (sc. Ἐμπεδοκλέα) τὰ περὶ τὴν ἄπνουν. 
ἣν δ᾽ ὁ Παυσανίας, ὥς φησιν Ἀρίστιππος καὶ Σάτυρος, ἐρώ- 
μδνος αὐτοῦ ... 

τὴν γοῦν ἄπνουν ὁ Ἡρακλείδης φησὶ τοιοῦτόν τι εἶναι, 
ως τριάχοντα ἡμέρας συντηρεῖν ἄπνουν καὶ ἄσφυκτον τὸ 
σῶμα. ὅθεν εἰπεν αὐτὸν χαὶ ἰητρὸν χαὶ μάντιν, λαμβάνων 
ἅμα χκαὶ ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν στίχων 
ὦ φίλοι, οἵ μέγα ἄστυ κατὰ ξανθοῦ Ἀχράγαντος 
ναίετ᾽ ἀν᾽ ἄκρα πόλεος, ἀγαθῶν μελεδήμονες ἔργων. 
χαίρετ᾽: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑμῖν θεὸς ἄμβροτος, οὐκέτι θνητὸς 


20 


10 


87 


61] 


62 


The Sources, Text and Translation [69 


cated (for he said that he [Menelaus], when he sailed away from 
Troy, had dedicated the shield to Apollo), which was already rot- 
ten and only the ivory facing remained. And when Hermotimus 
died, he became Pyrrhus the fisherman from Delos, and again 
he remembered everything, how he had become first Aethalides, 
then Euphorbus, then Hermotimus, then Pyrrhus. And when 
Pyrrhus died, he became Pythagoras and remembered all the 
things he had talked about. 


' According to Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1.640-9, Aethalides participated in the 
voyage of the Argo. Aethalides lived part of the time on earth, another part in 
the Hades and had received from Hermes the gift of memory which was not 
destroyed when he went to Hades. 

- This is a reference to metempsychosis, migration of the soul, cp. Xeno- 
phanes 21 B 7 DK (on Pythagoras). Euphorbus, son of Panthous, was a Trojan 
hero who wounded Patroclus with his spear (Hom. //. 16.806 ff.) and was 
killed by Menelaus (ibid. 17.59-81), see Rohde v. 2, pp. 417-21. 

> For Hermotimus, see Rohde v. 2. p. 94; Wellmann RE VIII 904 no. 2. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.60—62 (BT v.1, 
p.611.4—7; 15—612.12 Marcovich) 


Heraclides in his (work) On Diseases says that he (Empe- 
docles) instructed Pausanias too in the matter of the woman not 
breathing. Pausanias,' as Aristippus and Satyrus* say, was his 
beloved, ... 

Heraclides says the woman not breathing, at any rate, was 
this sort of case, that for thirty days he (Empedocles) preserved 
her body non-breathing and without pulsation. For this reason 
he (Heraclides) said that he (Empedocles) was both a doctor 
and a prophet, taking his evidence at the same time from these 
verses: 

Oh friends, you who inhabit the great town stretching 
down to yellow Acragas 

on the heights of the citadel, caring for good deeds, 

ereetings. I go about you as an immortal god, no longer a 


170 


88 


78 W 


89 


ΠΝ 


Heraclides of Pontus 


πωλεῦμαι μετὰ πᾶσι τετιμένος, ὥσπερ EOLXA, 
ταινίαις τε περίστεπτος στέφεσίν τε θαλείοις᾽ 
τοῖσιν ἅμ᾽ EVT’ ἂν ἵκωμαι ἐς ἄστεα τηλεθάοντα, 
ἀνὸράσιν ἠδὲ γυναιξί, σεβίζομαι᾽ οἱ δ᾽ ἅμ᾽ ἕπονται 
μυρίοι, ESEQEOVTES ὅπῃ πρὸς κέρδος ἀταρπός᾽ 

οἱ μὲν μαντοσυνέων κεχρημένοι, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ νούσων 
παντοίων ἐπύθοντο χλυεῖν εὐηχέα βάξιν. 


1--7 vid. Suda A 3242 (s.v. Anvovc) 1--ὃ = Empedocl. 31 A 1 (1.1, ».278--9) 
DK 6 Pausania Empedoclis discipulo vid. Empedocl. 31 BI DK 3 Satyr. 
Jr. 14 Schorn 9-10 Verba ὦ φίλοι ... πόλξος ascribit Diog. Laert. 8.54 
initio Empedoclis Lustrationum (Καθαρμοί) 9-13 = Anth. Pal. 9.569 
9-18 = Empedocl. 31 B 112 (1.1, p.354-5) DK; fr. 102 Wright 11 Verba 
χαίρετ᾽ ... θνητὸς profert Suda E 1003 s.v. Ἐμπεδοκλῆς (1.2, p.259.5) Adler 
11-12 Verba χαίρετ᾽ ... πωλεῦμαι profert Diog. Laert. 8.66; Timaeus FGrH 
566 F 2 11 χαίρετ᾽ -12 τετιμένος Sext. Emp. Adv. mathem. 1.53 02 17 
OL μὲν — νούσων cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 6.30.3 


5 Ηραλλείδης Mercurialis et Casaubonus; Menagius ad Diog. Laert. 
prooem. 12: ἡράκλητος BFD: ἡράκλειτος Ρ δᾶἄσφυχτον Mercurialis : 
ἄσηπον codd.: ἄσιτον Suda s.v. Amvoug (1.1, p.291.3) Adler 12 ξοικα 
BPF: €ovxe(v) D et Anthol.Pal.9.569 13 περίστεπτος BPD : περίστρεπτος 
F et Anthol.Pal. 9.569 14 toiow ἅμ᾽ evt’ ἂν ἵκωμαι Pt H: «πᾶσι δὲ; τοῖς 
ἂν ἵκωμαι Wilamowitz 170° ἐπὶ Sturz ex Clem.: ὃξ τι BPF 


Origenes, Adversus Celsum 2.16 (p.94.21—5 Marcovich) 


ἐπὶ δὲ TO περὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ χλευάζου- 
σιν οἱ ἄπιστοι, παραθησόμεθα μὲν καὶ Πλάτωνα λέγοντα 
‘Hoa τὸν Ἀρμενίου μετὰ δώδεκα ἡμέρας ἐκ τῆς πυρᾶς ἐγη- 
γέρθαι καὶ ἀπηγγελκέναι τὰ περὶ τῶν ἐν ALOOV, ὡς πρὸς ἀπίσ- 
τους δὲ χαὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς παρὰ τῷ Hoaxdeidyn ἄπνου οὐ 
πάντῃ ἔσται εἰς τὸν τόπον ἄχρηστα. 


2---ὦ Er Pamphylius in Plat. Rep. 10.614B-621B 353 "Hoo tov Αρμενίου 
Bouhéreau ex Plat. : NOOV TOV ἀρμένιον PapCairo no. 88747 PVM“ 


Galenus, De locis affectis 6.5 (t.8, p.414—-15 Kuhn) 


ἐγὼ δὲ θεασάμδνος πολλὰς γυναῖκας ὑστερικάς, ... τινὰς 
μὲν ἀναισθήτους τε ἅμα καὶ ἀκινήτους κειμένας, ἀμυὸρότα- 


15 


88 


89 


The Sources, Text and Translation 171 


mortal, 

honored among all, as I appear (to you), 

crowned with ribbons and fresh garlands. 

As soon as I come to them into their prospering towns, 
men and women, I am worshipped. 

And they follow along 

numberless, asking where the path to profit (begins), 
some in need of prophecies, oth- 

ers with all sorts of diseases, 

ask to hear the utterance of healing. 


' According to 94, Pausanias was a “friend” of Empedocles, cp. 93, 95A. 
He was a student of Empedocles: 31 B 1 DK (Wehrli p. 86). 

- Satyrus, who lived in the 3rd century B.C., was an author of biographies 
of philosophers, poets, politicians, and orators. The fragments of Saturos have 
been edited by S. Schorn, Satyros aus Kallatis. Sammlung der Fragmente mit 
Kommentari (Basel 2004). 


Origen, Against Celsus 2.16 (p. 94.21—5 Marcovich) 


As for the fact that non-believers scoff at the story of the 
resurrection of Jesus Christ, we shall cite the authority of Plato 
as well, who says that Er, the son of Armenios, had been awak- 
ened from the funeral pyre after twelve days and had reported 
his experiences in the Underworld, as also the story in Hera- 
clides about the woman not breathing, told to non-believers, 
will not be completely useless in regard to this topic. 


Galen, On affected areas 6.5 (v.8, p.414—15 Kuhn) 


Having seen many hysterical women, ... some lying without 
sensation and at the same time motionless, having a very faint 


172  Heraclides of Pontus 


TOV TE χαὶ μικρότατον ἐχούσας σφυγμὸν ἢ καὶ παντελῶς 
ἀσφύκτους φαινομένας, ἐνίας δ᾽ αἰσθανομένας τε καὶ XLVOV- 
μένας καὶ μηδὲν βερλαμμένας τοῦ λογισμοῦ. λιποδὸρανούσας 5 
τε καὶ μόγις ἀναπνεούσας, ἑτέρας δὲ συνελκομένας τὰ χκῶ- 
λα, διαφορὰς ὑπολαμβάνω τῶν ὑστερικῶν παθημάτων εἰ- 
ναι πλείους, ἤτοι κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ποιούσης αἰτίας ἢ 
κατ᾽ εἴδη τινὰ διαφερούσας ἀλλήλων. ἡ μὲν οὖν πρώτη λε- 
λεγμένη διαφορὰ κατὰ τὸ τοῦ Ποντικοῦ HoaxdAeldov γε- 10 
γραμμένον βιβλίον ἀπορίαν ἔχει πολλὴν ὅπως γίγνεται. λέ- 
VETOL γὰρ ἄπνους TE καὶ ἄσφυκτος ExEivy N ἄνθρωπος γεγο- 
νέναι, τῶν νεκρῶν ἑνὶ μόνῳ διαλλάττουσα, τῷ βραχεῖαν 
ἔχειν θερμότητα κατὰ τὰ μέσα μέρη TOV σώματος. ἐπιγέ- 
γραπται γοῦν τὸ βιβλίον ἄπνους Ἡρακλείδου, καὶ ζήτησιν 15 
ΕΦΉΏ VEYOVEVAL τοῖς παροῦσιν ἰατροῖς, εἰ μήπω τέθνηκεν. 


90 Galenus, De difficultate respirationis 1.8 (t.7, 0.773 Kiihn) 


80 γχαὶ TOV νοσημάτων ... EV μὲν τοῖς πυρετώδεσιν ἅπασι, 
καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοις περί τι TOV ἀναπνευστικῶν ὀργάνων ἢ 
τὴν καρδίαν ἤθροισταί τι πολὺ πλῆθος θερμότητος, ἣ ἀνα- 
πνοὴ πᾶσα μεγάλη καὶ ταχεῖα καὶ πυκνὴ φαίνεται γιγνομένη. 
ἐν οἷς δὲ ἀπέψυκται τὸ θερμόν, ἡ ἐναντία, ὥστε καί τι- 5 
σιν ἤδη τελέως ἔδοξεν ἀπολωλέναι, καὶ ἣν ὁ Ποντικὸς 
Ἡρακλείδης ἄπνουν ἔγραψεν ἥδε ἐστίν. τὸ ἀνάλογον γὰρ 
ἔχειν ἔοικεν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀναπνοῇ τε καὶ 
σφυγμός, οὕτω κἀν τῷδε. παντελῶς γὰρ οὐδέτερον αὐτῶν 
ἀπολέσθαι δυνατόν, ἔστ᾽ ἂν περιῇ τὸ ζῷον, ἀπολωλέναι 10 
μέντοι δόξαι διὰ σμικρότητα θαυμαστὸν οὐδέν. 


10 περιῇ codd. : περιξίη von Arnim 


91A Plinius, Naturalis historia 7.52.175 (BT t.2, p.61.7—11 Ian-May- 
hoff) 


81  feminarum sexus huic malo (scil. corpus saepe quasi mort- 
uum diu iacere) videtur maxime opportunus conversione 
volvae; quae si corrigatur, spiritus restituitur; huc pertinet no- 


90 


S1A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 173 


and tiny pulse or even appearing entirely without a pulse, but a 
few with perception and motion and not injured at all in their 
reasoning, fainting and hardly breathing, and others cramping in 
their limbs, I assume that there are many varieties of hysterical 
conditions, differing from each other either in the magnitude or 
kind of cause that produces this condition. The first difference 
mentioned, then, according to the book written by Heraclides 
Ponticus, offers a great puzzle as to how it occurs. For that 
woman 15 said to have become without breath or pulse, differing 
from corpses in only one point, the possession of a small amount 
of heat in the middle parts of her body. Now the work of Hera- 
clides is entitled (7ie Woman) not Breathing, and he said that an 
inquiry had been made by the doctors present, whether she had 
not already died. 


Galen, On difficulty of breathing 1.8 (v.7, p.773 Kuhn) 


Of illnesses, ... 1n all those characterized by fever, and espe- 
cially those in which a great abundance of heat has been collec- 
ted around one of the organs of breathing or the heart, the whole 
activity of breathing appears to become heavy and swift and 
frequent. In those in which the heat has been cooled, (breath- 
ing 1s) the opposite, with the result that to some (the patient) 
has appeared to have already completely died. And the patient, 
whom Heraclides Ponticus wrote about as (The Woman) not 
Breathing, 1s one of this type. For breathing and pulse seem to 
be analogous, as in all other cases, in this case too. For it 15 
impossible that either of them completely perishes, as long as 
the living being survives, but on the other hand it is no wonder 
that one could appear to have perished on account of the minis- 
cule amount (of breathing nd pulse). 


Pliny, Natural History 7.52.175 (BT v.2, p.61.7—11 lan-May- 
hoff) 


The female sex seems most susceptible to this malady (2.e., 
that the body often lies for a long time as though dead) because 
of a turning of the womb. If this is corrected, breathing 1s resto- 


174 


91B 


92 


82 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


bile illud apud Graecos volumen Heraclidis septem diebus 
feminae exanimis ad vitam revocatae. 


3 huc editores veteres: hoc codd. 


Plinius, Naturalis Historia I (vi) (BT t.1, p.20.33, 21.20.38-9 
lan-Mayhoff) 


L. VIL CONTINENTUR ... (EX AUCTORIBUS) EXTERNIS 
... Heraclide Pontico 


Cf. 135B 


Galenus, De tremore 6 (t.7, p.615—16 Kiihn) 


Ασχληπιάδης γοῦν ov μόνον τὸ θερμόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ GA- 
Anv τινὰ τιθεὶς ἔμφυτον δύναμιν, ἅπαντα πυρετὸν ἐπί τισιν 
ἐμφράξεσιν ὄγκων ἐν πόροις ἀεὶ συνίστασθαι λέγων, ἐν με- 
γέθεσι πόρων τὴν διαφορὰν τιθέμενος αὐτοῦ, οὕτω φιλο- 
τεχνεῖ, δείχκνυσί TE, τίσι μὲν ἀνάγκη ῥῖγος ἐζεῦχθοαι, τίσι δ᾽ 
οὔ. καὶ ἔγωγ᾽ ἂν εἰ μὴ μακρότερόν τε τοῦ καιροῦ τὸν λόγον 
ἤλπιζον ἔσεσθαι ... ἑξῆς ἂν ὑπὲρ ἁπασῶν τῶν δοξῶν ἐπι- 
σχεψάμενος, ἀφ᾽ ὅτου γε πιθανὸν τὴν ἀφορμὴν EOYNXEV 
ἑκάστη. καὶ τί μάλιστα τὸ ἀπατῆσαν, ὅπῃ τε σφάλλονται 
δείξας, οὕτως ἂν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἧκον δόξαν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο 
μὲν εἰς ἕτερον ἀναβεβλήσθω καιρόν. οὐδὲ γὰρ Αθήναιον 
ἐπαινῶ περὶ μὲν Ασκληπιάδου καὶ Ἡρακλείδου τοῦ Ποντι- 
κοῦ καὶ Στράτωνος τοῦ φυσικοῦ λέγοντά τι, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων 
οὐδενὸς μνημονεύοντα, καίτοι γε οὐ τὰς τούτων δόξας μό- 
νον περὶ ῥίγους, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρας πολὺ πλείους οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐν- 
δόξους τε χαὶ πιθανὰς εἰχεν εἰπεῖν. 


| Asclepiades Bithyn. vid. T ad 59 v.6 13 Strato studiosus naturae: SdA 
(t.5) fr.2 


10 


15 


91B 


92 


The Sources, Text and Translation 175 


red. To this topic pertains that book of Heraclides celebrated 
among the Greeks, the story of a woman who after seven days 
without breathing was called back to life. 


Pliny, Natural History | (vu) (BT v.1, p.20.33, 21.20.38-9 lan- 
Mayhoff) 


Book 7 contains ... (from) foreign (authors) ... Heraclides 
Ponticus. 


Galen, On trembling 6 (v.7, p.615—16 Kiihn)! 


Asclepiades,’ at any rate, without positing not only heat, but 
not even any other inborn power, says that every fever aways ar1- 
ses as asymptom of certain stoppages of (the) molecules in (the) 
pores, marking the difference of it (the fever) by (the) sizes of 
(the) pores. He practices his art accordingly and shows to which 
cases of fever shivering 15 necessarily tied and to which not. As 
for me, if I did not expect that my discourse would be too long 
for the occasion ... . 1 would next examine all the opinions, and 
after showing from what source each has plausibly taken its star- 
ting point, and what about it is most deceiving, and where peo- 
ple go wrong, by this route I would arrive at my own opinion. 
But let this be postponed for another occasion. For, as a matter 
of fact, 1 do not praise Athenaeus’ for saying something about 
Asclepiades* and Heraclides Ponticus and Strato* the physicist 
but mentioning none of the others. Surely he was able not only 
to speak of these men’s opinions about shivering, but also many 
more other (opinions), in no way less famous or plausible. 


' On this fragment, see Gottschalk pp. 14—5; 52-3. 

- Asclepiades of Cius, see 59 n. 2. 

> Athenaeus of Attalia was a physicist who founded the school of physi- 
cians called the “pneumatists,” probably during the middle of the first century 
A.D., see DPhA 1 A 480. 

* Strato of Lampsacus was head of the Peripatos after Theophrastus (287-- 
269 B.C.), see the fragments 1n SdA ν. 5. 


176 


93 


83 W 


68 


94 


84 W 


7 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.67-8 (BI tl, 
p.616.1—18 Marcovich) 


περὶ δὲ τοῦ θανάτου διάφορός ἐστιν αὐτοῦ (scil. Εμπεδο- 
κμλέους) λόγος. Ἡρακλείδης μὲν γὰρ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἄπνου διη- 
γησάμενος, ὡς ἐδοξάσθη ἘΕμπεδοχλῆς ἀποστείλας τὴν νε- 
κρὰν ἄνθρωπον ζῶσαν, φησὶν ὅτι θυσίαν συνετέλει πρὸς 
τῷ ΠΕεισιάνακτος ἀγθῴῷ. συνεχέκληντο δὲ τῶν φίλων τινές. 
ἐν οἷς καὶ Παυσανίας. εἶτα μετὰ τὴν εὐωχίαν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι 
χωρισθέντες ἀνεπαύοντο, οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῖς δένοροις ὡς ἀγ- 
OOD παρακειμένου, οἱ δ᾽ ὅπῃ βούλοιντο- αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ 
τοῦ τόπου ἐφ᾽ οὗπερ κατεχέκλκλιτο. ὡς δ᾽ ἡμέρας γενηθείσης 
ἐξανέστησαν, οὐχ ηὔρέθη μόνος. ζητουμένου δὲ καὶ τῶν OL- 
χετῶν ἀνακχρινομένων καὶ φασκόντων μὴ εἰδέναι, εἷς τις 
EDN μέσων νυκτῶν φωνῆς ὑπερμδεγέθους ἀκοῦσαι προσκα- 
λουμένης Ἐμπεδοκλέα, ett’ ἐξαναστὰς ἑωρακέναι φῶς οὐ- 
ράνιον καὶ λαμπάδων φέγγος, ἄλλο δὲ μηδέν. τῶν O” ἐπὶ 
τῷ γενομένῳ ἐκπλαγέντων, καταβὰς ὁ Παυσανίας ἔπεμψέ 
τινας ζητήσοντας. ὕστερον δὲ ἐκώλυε πολυπραγμονεῖν. 
φάσκων εὐχῆς ἄξια συμβεβηκέναι καὶ θύειν αὐτῷ δεῖν καθ- 
απερεὶ γεγονότι θεῷ. 


= Empedocl. 31 Al (1.1, p.279) DK 


1 αὐτοῦ hic BDF: post θανάτου D, editio Froben. 16 ἐκώλυε Reiske : 
ἐκωλύθη BPFD: ἐκώλυσε Cobet 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum ὃ.70-2 (BI tl, 
p.617.6—7, 13-618.12 Marcovich) 


Διόδωρος δ᾽ ὁ Εφέσιος περὶ Αναξιμάνδρου γράφων 
φησὶν ὅτι τοῦτον ἐζηλώκει (scil. Ἐμπεδοκλῆς) ... 

οὕτω δὴ λήξαντος τοῦ λοιμοῦ καὶ τῶν Σελινουντίων 
εὐωχουμένων ποτὲ παρὰ τῷ ποταμῷ. ἐπιφανῆναι τὸν Ἐμπε- 
δοχλέα: τοὺς δ᾽ ἐξαναστάντας προσχυνεῖν καὶ προσξύ- 
χεσθαι καθαπερεὶ θεῷ. ταύτην οὖν θέλοντα βεβαιῶσαι τὴν 
διάληψιν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐναλέσθαι. τούτοις δ᾽ ἐναντιοῦται 


10 


15 


93 


68 


94 


7 


The Sources, Text and Translation 177 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.67-8 (BT v.1, 
p.616.1—18 Marcovich) 


Concerning his (Empedocles’) death there are differing 
accounts. For Heraclides, after narrating the events concerning 
the woman not breathing, how Empedocles became famous when 
he sent the dead woman off alive, says that he was performing 
a sacrifice near the field of Peisianax.' Some of his friends had 
been invited also, and among them was Pausanias.* Then after 
the feast the others departed and went to rest, some under the 
trees, as there was a field adjoining, and others wherever they 
wished, but he stayed at the place where he had reclined for the 
meal. At daybreak when they got up, he alone was not to be 
found. A search was made for him, and his servants were inter- 
rogated and said they did not know (what had happened). But 
one person said that in the middle of the night he had heard an 
exceedingly great voice summoning Empedocles, and then he 
had got up and had seen a heavenly light and the illumination of 
torches, but nothing else. The others were amazed at what had 
happened, and Pausanias went down and sent people to search 
for him (Empedocles). But later he (Pausanias) ordered them 
not to busy themselves about finding him and said that things 
had taken place that called for prayer and they must sacrifice to 
him (Empedocles) as to one who had become a god. 


' Peisianax, the father of the woman not breathing (Wehrli p. 88). 
“ Pausanias, see 87 n. 1. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.70—2 (BT v.1, 
p.617.6—7, 13-618.12 Marcovich) 


And Diodorus of Ephesus, writing about Anaximander, says 
that he (Empedocles) emulated him ...’ 

And when the plague had ceased in this way, and the Seli- 
nuntines were feasting alongside the river, at some time, Empe- 
docles appeared, and they stood up and fell on their knees and 
worshipped him and prayed to him as to a god. And, wishing 
to confirm this judgment, he jumped into the fire. But Timaeus? 


178 


72 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Τίμαιος, ῥητῶς λέγων ὡς ἐξεχώρησεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον 
καὶ τὸ σύνολον οὐκ ἐπανῆλθεν: ὅθεν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τελευ- 
τὴν ἄδηλον εἶναι. πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην καὶ ἐξ ὀνόματος 
ποιεῖται τὴν ἀντίρρησιν EV τῷ ιδ΄ (scil. ὁ Τίμαιος). Συρα- 
χόσιόν TE γὰρ εἰναι τὸν Πεισιάνακτα καὶ ἀγρὸν οὐκ ἔχειν ἐν 
Αχράγαντι. Παυσανίαν τε μνημεῖον «ἂν; πεποιηχέναι τοῦ 
φίλου, τοιούτου διαδοθέντος λόγου, ἢ ἀγαλμάτιόν τι ἢ 
σηκὸν οἷα θεοῦ: καὶ γὰρ πλούσιον εἶναι. “πῶς OVV’, φησίν. 
“εἰς τοὺς ZOATHOAS ἥλατο ὧν «ὡς» σύνεγγυς ὄντων οὐδὲ 
μνείαν ποτὲ ἐπεποίητο; τετελεύτηκεν οὖν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ. 
οὐδὲν δὲ παράδοξον τάφον αὐτοῦ μὴ φαίνεσθαι: μηδὲ γὰρ 


5. ἄλλων πολλῶν. τοιαῦτά τινα εἰπὼν ὁ Ἰἵμαιος ἐπιφέθρεξι: 


95A 


85 W 


“ἀλλὰ διὰ παντός ἐστιν Ἡρακλείδης τοιοῦτος παραδοξολό- 
γος καὶ EX τῆς σελήνης πεπτωκξναι ἄνθρωπον λέγων. 


= Ekmpedocl. 31 Al (1.1, p.281) DK 1-- Anaximen. 12 A & (1.1, p.82) DK 
7-21 Timaeus FGrH 566 F 6 (Timaeus obloquitur Heraclidi, cf. 137B Tes- 
tim. ) 


1 Αναξιμάνδρου codd.: Αναξαγόρου Gigante (PP 17 [1962] 379), Marco- 
vich, coll. Diog. Laert. 8.56 11 ἐν τῷ ιὸ' Diels (31 A 1 DK, ad loc., 1.1, 
p.281): ἕν τῇ τετάρτῃ codd.: tp' Jacoby dubitanter (app. crit. ad FGrH 
566 F 6) 13 av add. C. Mueller, Cobet 16 we add. Cobet 17 
ἐπεποίητο codd.: memotntatCobet 21 καὶ ἐκ τῆς σελήνης — λέγων: οὐκ 
αν ἁμάρτοις post καὶ excidisse suspicatur Reiske, Hermes 24 (1889) 321: 
παραδοξολόγος «ὡς» καὶ ... λέγειν Marcovich 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 8.69 (BT 1.1. p.616.19— 
617.5 Marcovich) 


Ἕρμιππος δέ φησι Πάνθειάν τινα Αχραγαντίνην ἀπηλ- 
πισμένην ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν θεραπεῦσαι αὐτὸν (scil. Ἔμπε- 
δολλέα) καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὴν θυσίαν ἐπιτελεῖν: τοὺς δὲ κληθέν- 
τας εἰναιπρὸς τοὺς ὀγδοήκοντα. Ἱππόβοτος δέ φησιν ἐξανα- 
στάντα αὐτὸν ὡδευχέναι ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴτνην, εἶτα παραγενό- 
μδνον ἐπὶ τοὺς κρατῆρας τοῦ πυρὸς ἐναλέσθαι καὶ ἀφανισ- 
θῆναι, βουλόμενον τὴν περὶ αὑτοῦ φήμην βεβαιῶσαι, ὅτι 
γεγόνοι θεός, ὕστερον δὲ γνωσθῆναι, ἀναρριτισθείσης αὖ- 


10 


15 


20 


72 


95A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 179 


opposes this story, saying explicitly that he (Empedocles) 
emigrated to the Peloponnesus and did not go back at all: and 
for this reason also his death is unclear. And against Heraclides 
he (Iimaeus) makes his reply in his fourteenth book, address- 
ing him by name. He says that Peisianax was a Syracusan, and 
he had no land in Acragas. And Pausanias would have made a 
monument for his friend, if this sort of story had been circu- 
lated, either a statuette or a sacred precinct as for a god, since he 
was Wealthy. “How then,” he says, “‘did he jump into mouths of 
volcanoes, when he never even mentioned them as things that 
were in close vicinity? Therefore he died on the Peloponnesus. 
And it is nothing strange that his tomb is not visible,’ for neither 
(are the tombs) of many other men.” After saying these sorts of 
things limaeus adds: “but throughout Heraclides 15 just this sort 
of writer of absurdities, saying even that a man has fallen down 
from the moon.’”* 


' There follows the freeing of the inhabitants of Selinus from the plague 
through the cleansing of the river water. 

- Timaeus of Tauromenium, see 82 n. 1. Polybius (12.4a6; 12.24; 25c2) 
considered Timaeus a fault-finder who was excessively critical of others. 

ὅ Or: “being shown,” cp. Arist. Pol. 2.12, 1274a36; for later examples see 
Rohde v. 1, p. 142 n. 2. 

* This might be an inaccurate reference to Heraclides’ astral eschatology, 
cp. Gottschalk p. 22 n. 25. Or it might be a distortioned reference to Hera- 
clides’ concept of souls residing around the Milky Way, whence they come 
down to the earth, cp. 50. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 8.69 (BT v.1, 
p.616.19-617.5 Marcovich) 


Hermippus’ says that he (Empedocles) had cured a certain 
Pantheia of Acragas, concerning whom the doctors had given 
up hope, and for this reason he was conducting the sacrifice. 
And the number of those who had been invited was around 
eighty. Hippobotus- says that after he got up he had travelled 
the road toward the Etna, and then once he arrived he jumped 
into the craters of fire and disappeared, wanting to confirm the 
report about himself, that he had become a god, and that later 
this became known, when one of his boots was thrown back 


180 


95B 


95C 


Heraclides of Pontus 


τοῦ μιᾶς τῶν κρηπίδων: χαλκᾶς γὰρ εἴθιστο ὑποδεῖσθοαι. 
πρὸς τοῦθ᾽ ὁ Παυσανίας ἀντέλεγε. 


= Empedocl. 31 A I (1.1, p.280-1) DK; Hippobot. fr. 16 Gigante 1-4 
(ὀγδοήκοντα) Hermipp. SdA (Suppl. 1.1) fr. 27; FGrH 1026 (IV A 3) F 62 
Bollansée 


Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes 4.59 (p. 164.2—166.12 Ber- 
nardi) 


ταῦτα μὲν παιζέτωσαν παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις Ἐμπεδοχλεῖς καὶ 
Δοισταϊοικαὶ Ἐμπεδότιμοίτινες καὶ Τροφώνιοικαϊτοιούτων 
δυστυχῶν ἀριθμός: ὧν ὁ μὲν τοῖς Σικελικοῖς κρατῆρσιν ἑαυ- 
τὸν θεῶσας, ὡς WETO, καὶ εἰς τὴν κρείττονα λῆξιν ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν 
ἀναπέμψας, τῷ φιλτάτῳ σανδάλῳ κατεμηνύθη παρὰ τοῦ πῦυ- 
ροὸς ἐχβρασθέντι καὶ οὐ θεὸς ἐδείχθη UET’ ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἄνθρωπος χενόδοξος χαὶ ἀφιλόσοφος μετὰ θάνατον xal 
οὐδὲ τὰ κοινὰ συνετός: οἱ δὲ ἀδύτοις τισὶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐγκρύ- 
ψαντες ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς νόσου καὶ φιλαυτίας, cit’ ἐλεγχθέντες. 
οὐ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῆς κλοπῆς ἐτιμήθησαν ἢ Ex τοῦ μὴ λαθεῖν 
καθυβρίσθησαν. 


= Aristeas Proconnesius fr.23 Bolton De Empedotimo ν. 52 adn. 2 


2 τοιούτων: τῶν τοιούτων S$ 6 ἐδείχθη S?° ῥρὸ; MMOH δ΄“ P* CRO 


Gregorius Nazianzenus, Carmen ad Nemesium 281-90 (MPG 
t.37, col. 1573.5—14 Migne) 


‘Eumted0xeuc, σὲ μὲν αὐτίκ᾽ ἐτώσια PVOLOWVTA, 
Καὶ βροτὸν Αἰτναίοιο πυρὸς κρητῆρες ἔδειξαν. 
Σάνδαλ᾽ ἀποβρράσσαντες ἐλαφρονόοιο θεοῖο 
Χάλκεα, καί σε βροτοῖσιν ἐπαισχέα πᾶσιν ἔθηκαν. 
Κύοδεος LUELOOVTG OL’ ἅλματος αἰνομόροιο. 
ἬἭραλλες, Ἐμπεδότιμε, Τροφώνιξ, λήξατε μύθων. 
Καὶ σύ γ᾽ Δρισταίου κενεαυχέος ὀφρὺς ἄπιστε. 


LO 


10 


281 


285 


95B 


95C 


The Sources, Text and Translation 181 


up, for he was accustomed to wearing footwear of bronze. But 
Pausanias° contradicted this story. 


' Hermippus of Smyrna, see 1 n. 15. 
- Hippobotus, see 1 n. 14. 
> Pausanias, see 87 n. 1. 


Gregory Nazianzen, Orations 4.59 (p.164.2—166.12 Bernard1) 


Let their Empedocleses and Aristaeuses and Empedotimuses' 
and any number of such wretches amuse themselves by these 
things: one of them, who thought to have deified himself in the 
volcanic craters of Sicily was betrayed by his very own sandal 
cast out of the fire and was shown (to be) not a god after (hav- 
ing been) a human being, but a vainglorious and unphilosophic 
human being after death, and one who did not even have a grasp 
of the ordinary things, while those others, who hid themselves 
in some shrines moved by the same disease (/.e., vainglory) and 
selfishness and were later exposed, rather than being honoured 
for their fraud were mocked for failing to conceal it. 


' Empedotimus, see 52 n. 2. 


Gregory Nazianzen, Poem to Nemesius 281—90 (MPG v.37, col. 
1573.5-14 Migne) 


Empedocles, that you, for one, puffed up in vain 

And are mortal, the craters of Etna have shown, 
Casting away the sandal of a feeble-minded god, 

The bronze one, and put you as a shame to all mortals, 
Longing to achieve renown by your ill-fated leap. 
Heracles, Empedotimus,' Trophonius,” stop your tales, 
And you, the faithless brow of vainglorious Aristaeus. 


182 


95D 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Ὑμεῖς μὲν θνητοί, καὶ οὐ μάκαρες, παθέεσσι, 
Βαιὸν ἀποπλήξαντες ἐπιχρονίοισι δόλοισι. 
Μύθοις ὑμεδαποῖσι νόθον κλέος ἁρπάξαντες. 


281--2 = Gregor. Naz. Carmina Epitaph. 69 (MPG t.38, col. 46); Anth. Pal. 
8.28 vv.l—2; Cosmas Ad carmina δ. Gregor. (MPG 1.38 col. 511-2; 542) 
286-8 = Gregor. Naz. Carmina Epitaph. 70 (MPG 1.38, col. 47); Anth. Pal. 
8.29 vv.1—3 (ubi 286 εἴξατε μύθων legitur) 


Ps.-Nonnus, Commentarius in orationem 4, Hist. 1 (p.69.10—16 
Nimmo Smith) 


οἱ δὲ περὶ TOV Τροφώνιον καὶ Ἐμπεδότιμον καὶ AQLOTALOV 
ὑπῆρχον μὲν EX τῆς Βοιωτίας, πόλεως Λεβαδίας, μάντεις δὲ 
τὰς τέχνας. καὶ οὗτοι δὲ βουλόμενοι xEVOSOET OGL καὶ δεῖξαι 
ὅτι ἀνελήφθησαν,. ἑαυτοὺς ἔν τισιν ὑποβρυχίοις σπηλαίοις 
EBAAOV ἐπὶ τῷ τεθνάναι καὶ μὴ εὑρεθῆναι αὐτῶν τὰ λείψα- 
να. οὗτοι δὲ τεθνήκασιν: ἐγνώσθησαν δὲ ὅτι ἐκεῖσε ἀπέθα- 
νον OLE τὸ μαντεῖον φανῆναι περὶ τὸν τόπον. 


Cf. Cosmas Ad carmina S. Gregor. (MPG 1.3δ, col.512—3) Hic locus deest 
in collectione fragmentorum Aristeae edita a Bolton. 


De Poetis, De Musica (96-116) 


De Homeri et Hesiodi aetate, libri duo] 17 (28) 

De Archilocho et Homero, libri duo] 17 (29) 

De Homero] 17 (30) 

De 115. quae apud Euripidem et Sophoclem reperiuntur, libri tres] 
17 (31) 

Collectanea virorum studiis musicae deditorum] 17 (32) 

De musica, libri duo vel tres] 17 (33a,b) 

Solutiones Homericae, libri duo] 17 (34) 

De tribus poetis tragicis, liber unus| 17 (36) 

De arte poetica et poetis, liber unus] 17 (38) 

Tragoediae 150—4 


290 


95D 


The Sources, Text and Translation 183 


You are mortal, and not blessed in your sufferings, 
You have impressed few by your long-contrived tricks, 
You have gained dubious fame in your local tales. 


' Empedotimus, see 52 n. 2. 
- Trophonius, see 122A; 143. 


Ps.-Nonnus, Commentary on oration 4, Hist. 1 (p.69.10—16 
Nimmo Smith) 


Trophonius' and Empedotimus* and Aristaeus (and their fol- 
lowers) were from Boeotia, from the city (of) Lebadeia, and 
(were) seers (manteis) by profession. These persons, wanting to 
establish a(n empty) reputation and demonstrate that they had 
been taken up to heaven (to become immortal), threw them- 
selves in certain underground caverns in order that they would 
(be thought to) be dead and that their mortal remains would not 
be found. These persons are dead. It was thought that they died 
in that place because of the fact that the oracle had appeared 
around the place. 


Trophonius, see 122A; 143. 
- Empedotimus, see 52 n. 2. 


Poets and Music (96-116) 


On the Age of Homer and Hesiod, two books] 17 (28) 

On Archilochus and Homer, two books] 17 (29) 

On Homer] 17 (30) 

On Issues in Euripides and Sophocles, three books] 17 (31) 
Collection (of Tenets) of Experts in Music| 17 (32) 

On Music, two or three books] 17 (33a; b) 

Solutions to Homeric (Questions), two books] 17 (34) 

On the Three Tragic Poets, one book] 17 (36) 

On Poetics and the Poets, one book] 17 (38) 

Tragedies = 150-4 


184 


Heraclides of Pontus 


De Aristoxeno tradente Heraclidem Ponticum tragoedias scrip- 
sisse Thespidisque titulum illis praescripsisse, vid. 1 (92) 

De Chamaeleone asseverante Heraclidem Ponticum sua furatum 
de Homero et Hesiodo scripsisse, vid. 1 (92) 


96 Dio Prusaensis, Orationes 53.1—2 (t.2, p.110.3—7 von Arnim) 


law καὶ δὴ χαὶ αὐτὸς AQLOTOTEANS ... EV πολλοῖς διαλόγοις 


97 


περὶ τοῦ ποιητοῦ (scil. Ὁμήρου) διέξεισι, θαυμάζων αὐτὸν 
ὡς τὸ πολὺ χαὶ τιμῶν. ἔτι δὲ Ηρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικός. τού- 
τῶν δὲ πρότερος ΠῚ᾿λάτων πανταχοῦ μέμνηται ... 


Arist. fr. 1 (p.24) R° 


Anonymus, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea commentarium 
3.2 (CAG t.20, p.145.26—-146.3 Heylbut) 


i77w λέγει δὲ περὶ Αἰσχύλου καὶ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν 


τῷ πρώτῳ Περὶ Ὁμήρου, ὡς κινδυνεύοντος ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἀν- 
αιρεθῆναι ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν μυστικῶν περιφέρειν τινὰ δοκεῖν, εἰ 
μὴ προαισθόμενος κατέφυγεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Διονύσου βωμόν. 
καὶ Αρεοπαγιτῶν αὐτὸν παραιτησαμένων ὡς ὀφείλοντα 
κριθῆναι πρῶτον, EOOXEL ὑπαχθῆναι εἰς δικαστήριον χαὶ 
ἀποφυγεῖν, αὐτὸν τῶν δικαστῶν ἀφέντων μάλιστα OLO τὰ 
πραχθέντα αὐτῷ EV «τῇ ἐπὶ: Μαραθῶνι μάχῃ. ὁ μὲν γὰρ 
ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Κυνέγειρος ἀπεκόπη τὰς χεῖρας, αὐτὸς δὲ 
πολλὰ τρωθεὶς φοράδην ἀνηνέχθη. μαρτυρεῖ τούτοις καὶ TO 
ἐπὶ τῷ τάφῳ αὐτοῦ ἐπίγραμμα 

Αἰσχύλον Εὐφορίωνος Αθηναῖον τόδε σῆμα 

γχεύθει ἀποφθινόμενον πυροφόθρον ... 


Comment. in Arist. Eth. Nic. 3.2 Illla 8-9 = IrGF (1.3) 1 93 b (ubi Radt 
legit amomOtvouevov),; cf. Aspasius in Arist. Eth. Nic. 3.2 11lla8 (CAG 1.19, 
p.64.29-31 Heylbut); Clem. Al. Strom. 2.14 60,3 (vid. J. Bernays, GesAbh t.1, 
p.160-4) 2—3 cf. Ael. Var. hist. 5.19 9 Cynegirus, vid. PA no. 8944; 
PAA (1.10), no. SSS715; RE Suppl. IV col. 1126 12-13 epigramma = Vita 
Aeschyli 11 (= IrGF 1.5 Testim. A, p.34—5): 

Αἰσχύλον Εὐφορίωνος Αθηναῖον τόδε κεύθει sop 


10 


96 


97 


The Sources, Text and Translation 185 


On Aristoxenus’s statement that Heraclides Ponticus wrote trage- 
dies and ascribed them to Thespis, see 1 (92). 

On Chamaeleon’s claim that Heraclides Ponticus wrote his 
books about Hesiod and Homer after stealing the material from 
him, see 1 (92). 


Dio of Prusa, Orations 53.1-2 (v.2, p.110.3—7 v.Arnim) 


And especially Aristotle himself ... treats the poet (Homer) 
in many dialogues, mostly admiring and honoring him, and so 
does Heraclides Ponticus.! And, before these writers, Plato men- 
tions (Homer) everywhere... 


'« And so does Heraclides” could include the statement that he deals with 
Homer “in many dialogues” (cp. Voss p. 75). His works on Homer would then 
be dialogues as well. 


Anonymous, Commentary on Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics 
3.2 (CAG v.20, p.145.26—-146.3 Heylbut) 


Heraclides Ponticus too says about Aeschylus in his first book 
On Homer that he was at risk of being killed on stage because 
he seemed to have revealed some of the secrets of the mysteries. 
(And this would have happened,) if he had not realized this in 
advance and had taken refuge at the altar of Dionysus. After the 
members of the Areopagus summoned him, informing him that 
he first needed to be tried, 1t was believed he was brought before 
the court and had been acquitted, the judges letting him go mostly 
on account of the things he had done at the Battle of Marathon. 
For his brother Cynegirus had his hands cut off, and he himself 
sustained many injuries and was brought back on a litter. The 
epigram on his tomb also bears witness to these deeds: 

This monument covers the Athenian Aeschylus, son of 

Euphorion, who perished wheat-bearing. 


μνῆμα χαταφθίμενον πυροφόροιο ] λας 
ἀλκὴν δ᾽ εὐδόκιμον Μαραθώνιον ἄλσος ἂν εἴποι 
καὶ βαθυχαιτῆεις Μῆδος ἐπιστάμενος. Cf. ibid. T δδ; T 162 


7 αὐτὸν δ: αὐτῶν Aldina ὃ τῇ ἐπὶ Aldina: om. B 9 Κυνέγειρος 


Wilamowitz : χυναίγυρος codd. 


186 


98 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 2.43-4 (BI tl, 
p.122.2—10 Marcovich) 


69} οὗ μόνον δὲ ἐπὶ Σωκράτους Αθηναῖοι πεπόνθασι τοῦτο 


++ 


99 


(scil. ἀδίκως αἰτιᾶσθαι), ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ πλείστων ὅσων. χαὶ 
γὰρ Ὅμηρον. καθά φησιν Ἡρακλείδης, πεντήκοντα doay- 
μαῖς ὡς μαινόμενον ἐζημίωησαν, καὶ Τυρταῖον παρακόπτειν 
ἔλεγον, καὶ Αστυδάμαντα πρῶτον τῶν περὶ Αἰσχύλον ἐτί- 
μησαν εἰκόνι χαλκῇ. Εὐριτίδης δὲ καὶ ὀνειδίζει αὑτοῖς EV τῷ 
Παλαμήῆρδει λέγων: 

EXOVET EXAVETE τὰν 

πάνσοφον, 

τὰν οὐδέν᾽ ἀλγύνουσαν ἀηδόνα Μουσᾶν. 


2—4 de Homero Athenas obeunte v. [Hes.] Cert. Hom. et Hes. 265sqq. 3-4 
De Homero insaniente vid. Dio Chrys. or. 11.16; 47.5 4 De Tyrtaeo mentis 
non compote vid. Paus. 4.15.6 5 (Αστυδάμαντα)-6 (χαλκῇ) = Asty- 
damas IT: IrGF 60 (1.1, p. 199) 1 δα: anno 340 honoratus; vid. ibid. T 2a 
w.3-4 8-10 Eur. IrGF (t.5.2) F 588; Philostrat. Heroic. 34.7 (p.48.22-4 
Lannoy), cf. Philochorus FGrH 328 F 221 


4 eCnutonoav coni. Cobet: ἐτίμησαν BPV: etunoavto F 5 πρῶτον 
BPF® probante Wilamowitz: πρότερον G. Hermann 9 ὦ Δαναοί post 
πάνσοφον Philostr. Heroic. 34.7 (p.48.23 Lannoy) 10 οὐδέν᾽ B? in mg: 
οὐδὲν B'PF@ ἀλγύνουσαν F@ Philostr. cod. ΗΠ: ἀλγύνασαν B! B? in 
mg. P 


Porphyrius ap. Scholion Venetum B in Homeri Iliadem 2.649 
(BT fasc.1, p.48.25-49.7 Schrader) 


imw διὰ τί ἐνταῦθα μὲν πεποίηκεν (scil. Ὅμηρος) 


ἄλλοι θ᾽ οἱ Κρήτην ἑκατόμπολιν ἀμφενέμοντο. 
ἐν δὲ Οδυσσείᾳ εἰπὼν ὅτι ἔστιν ἡ Κρήτη καλὴ καὶ πίειρα καὶ 
περίρρυτος. δπάγει 

ἐν ὃ᾽ ἄνθρωποι 

πολλοὶ ἀπειρέσιοι καὶ ἐννήκοντα πόληες: 
τὸ γὰρ ποτὲ μὲν “ἐνενήκοντα. ποτὲ δὲ ᾿ἑκατὸν᾽ λέγειν δοκεῖ 
ἐναντίον εἰναι. Ἡρακλείδης μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλοι λύειν ἐπεχεί- 
οουν οὕτως: ἐπεὶ γὰρ μυθεύεται τοὺς μετ᾽ Ἰδομενέως ἀπὸ 
Τροίας ἀποπλεύσαντας πορθῆσαι Λύκτον καὶ τὰς ἐγγὺς πό- 


10 


10 


The Sources, Text and Translation 187 


98 Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 2.43-4 (BT v.1, 


++ 


99 


p.122.2—10 Marcovich) 


Not only in the case of Socrates did the Athenians experience 
this, but in very many others.’ For, according to what Heraclides 
says, they fined Homer fifty drachmas for being a madman, and 
they said that Tyrtaeus was out of his mind and they honored 
Astydamas? first among the members of the family of Aeschy- 
lus’ with a bronze statue. Euripides even rebukes them in the 
Palamedes, saying: 

You have killed, you have killed, 
the wholly wise, 
the wholly unharmful nightingale of the Muses. 


' Demetrius of Phaleron (no. 107 SOD) mentions the envy of the Athenians 
against the philosopher Diogenes of Apollonia. 

- Astydamas the younger was an Athenian tragic poet of the 4th century 
B.C., see 77GF vol. 1, no. 60. 

° Astydamas belonged to the family of Aeschylus, see the stemma in 77GF: 
Euphorion, no. 12 T 3 (v. 1, p. 88). 


Porphyry in a Venetian B Scholion on Homer, /liad 2.649 (BT 
fasc.1, p.48.25—49.7 Schrader) 


Why has he (scil. Homer) written here, 
and others who dwelled around Crete with its hundred 
cities, 
but in the Odyssey, after saying that Crete 1s beautiful and rich 
and surrounded by water, adds 
and on it are many people, uncountable, and ninety cities? 
For to say in one place “ninety” and in another place “‘one hun- 
dred” seems to be a contradiction. Well, Heraclides and others 
tried to solve the problem like this: Since he tells how the men 
who sailed back from Troy with Idomeneus sacked Lyctos and 


188 


100 


Heraclides of Pontus 


λεις, ac ἔχων Λεύκων ὁ Τάλω πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκε τοῖς ἐκ 
Τροίας ἐλθοῦσιν, εἰκότως ἂν φαίνοιτο μᾶλλον τοῦ ποιητοῦ 
ἡ ἀκρίβεια ἢ ἑναντιολογία τις. οἱ μὲν γὰρ εἰς Τροίαν ἐλθόν- 
τες ἐξ ἑκατὸν ἧσαν πόλεων. τοῦ δὲ Ὀδυσσέως εἰς οἶκον 
ἥκοντος ἔτει δεκάτῳ μετὰ Τροίας ἅλωσιν καὶ φήμης ὃδιη- 
κούσης, ὅτι πεπόρθηνται δέκα πόλεις ἐν Κρήτῃ καὶ οὔκ εἰσί 
πῶς συνῳκισμέναι, μετὰ λόγου φαίνοιτ᾽ ἂν Οδυσσεὺς λέ- 
γῶν ἐνενηκοντάπολιν τὴν Κρήτην, ὥστε, εἰ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ περὶ 
τῶν αὐτῶν λέγει, οὐ μέντοι διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ψεύδεται. 


De eadem quaestione vid. Arist. fr. 146 Κα’ Ephor. FGrH 70 F 146; Str. 10.4.15; 
Eust. Ad Hom. Il. 2.649 (313.31-40) = 1.1, p.487.9-20 van der Valk; Schol. 
Vet. in Hom. Il. B 649 (Erbse); Eust. Ad Hom. Od. 19.174 2 Homi. Il. 2.649 
5—6 Hom. Od. 19.173-4 


10 Avxutov Hoeck (cf. Hom. Il. 2.645—7): h€xtov codd. 11 τάλας codd.: 
Γάλω corr. Dindorf — 15 ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν μετὰ B Lp Et: corr. Bekker 


Porphyrius ap. Scholion Venetum B in Homeri Iliadem 3.236 
(BT fasc.1, p.59.11—18 Schrader) 


i2w ἀπίθανον εἶναι δοκεῖ, ἐννέα ἐτῶν διελθόντων τοῖς Ἕλ- 


101 


173 W 


Anow ἐν Ἰλίῳ. μηδένα τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπαγγεῖλαι τῇ Ἑλένῃ 
περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, εἴτε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀφίκοντο εἰς τὸν πόλεμον 
εἴτε ὅλως οὐκ ἦλθον εἰς τὴν Τροίαν ἢ ἐλθόντες οὐκ ἐξῆλθον 
εἰς τὴν μάχην. οὐ YAO EVV τοιούτους ὄντας μὴ οὐχ ὑπὸ 
πάντων γινώσχεσθαι παρόντας εἰς τὴν Τροίαν. λέγει δὲ 
Ἡρακλείδης, ὅτι ἄλογον ἣν ὄντως τοῦτο, εἰ διατελεσάντων 
ἐν τῇ Τροίᾳ πάντων Ἑλλήνων ἐννέα ἔτη μηδὲν περὶ τῶν 
ἀδελφῶν ἔσχεν Ehévy λέγειν. 


De eadem quaestione vid. Arist. fr. [47 Κ΄; Eust. ad Hom. Iliad. 3.236 (410.5-- 
17) =t.1, p. 645.10-18 van der Valk 


Porphyrius, Quaestiones Homericae ad Odysseam pertinentes 
ad 2.51 (BT p.26.5—12 Schrader) 


ἑκατὸν δέκα καὶ ὀχτὼ σχεδὸν TOV ἁπάντων ὄντων μνη- 
OTNOWV, ἀπὸ τούτων δὲ Ex τῆς Ιθάκης ᾿δυοκαίδεκα πάντες 
ἄριστοι᾽ ῥηθέντων, ζητεῖ Ηραλλείδης, πῶς ὁ Τηλέμαχος 


15 


100 


101 


The Sources, Text and Translation 189 


the cities nearby that Leuco son of ‘Talas was holding when he 
waged war against those returning from Troy, in all likelihood it 
would be the precision of the poet rather than some contradic- 
tion that is showing. For those going to Troy were from ἃ hun- 
dred cities. But when Odysseus arrives home in the tenth year 
after the capture of Troy, and a rumor has reached him that ten 
cities on Crete have been sacked, and they have not in any way 
been united into larger cities, Odysseus would appear to have 
sood reasons for saying that Crete has ninety cities. The result 
is that, if Homer is not saying the same things about the same 
things, indeed he does not on this account also lie. 


Porphyry in a Venetian B Scholion on Homer, /liad 3.236 (BT 
fasc.1, p.59.11—18 Schrader) 


It seems to be implausible that, after nine years had gone by 
for the Greeks τη Troy, not one of the barbarians had reported to 
Helen about her brothers, whether they also came to the war, or 
Whether they did not come to Troy at all, or whether they came 
but did not go out into the battle. For it was not possible that 
men of such a stature would not be recognized by everybody, 
if they had come to Troy. Heraclides says that this really was 
contrary to reason, if, after all the Greeks had spent nine years 
in Troy, Helen was not able to say anything about her brothers. 


Porphyry, Homeric Questions Relating to the Odyssey, on 2.51 
(BT p.26.5—12 Schrader) 


Given (the fact) that all the suitors number about a hundred 
and eighteen, and of these “twelve, all of them outstanding” are 
said to be from Ithaca, Heraclides investigates why it is that 


190 Heraclides of Pontus 


κατασμικρύνει EV τῇ δημηγορίᾳ, συστέλλων TO πλῆθος εἰς 
μόνους τοὺς Ἰθακησίους. τί γάρ φησι: 

μητέρι μοι μνηστῆρες ἐπέχραον οὐκ ἐθελούσῃ. 

τῶν ἀνδρῶν φίλοι υἷες, οἵ ἐνθάδε γ᾽ εἰσὶν ἄριστοι: 
τὸ γὰρ πολὺ φορτίον τῆς μνηστείας MEOLNONXE συστείλας τὸ 
σλῆθος εἰς τοὺς ἐνθάδε, τοὺς ὄντας ἐλάχιστον μέρος τοῦ 
ποιντὸς πλήθους. 


2—3 Hom. Od. 16.251 6—7 Hom. Od. 2.50-1 


9 τοὺς" expunxit Schrader 


102 Porphyrius, Quaestiones Homericae ad Odysseam pertinentes 
ad 2.63 (BT p.27.4—-13 Schrader) 


i4Ww αἰτιᾶται ὁ Ηραλλείδης καὶ τὸ τῆς Τηλεμάχου δημηγορίας 

ἀνοικονόμητον. ὄέον γάρ. φησίν, ἀξιοῦν καὶ ἱκετεύειν συν- 
άρασθαι αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν τῶν μνηστήρων τοῦ οἴκου ἀπαλλα- 
γήν, ὁ δὲ ἐπυτλήσσει λέγων 

οὐ γὰρ ἔτ᾽ ἀνσχετὰ ἔργα τετεύχαται, OVO’ ἔτι καλῶς 

οἶκος ἐμὸς διόλωλε. 
καὶ τὸ ὅτι [εἰ] μὴ πάρεστιν ὁ πατήρ, ταῦτα πάσχειν, + ἐπανα- 
τεινόμδνος ἡ 

οὐ γὰρ ἕπ᾽ ἀνὴρ 

οἷος Ὀδυσσεὺς ἔσκεν, ἀρὴν ἀπὸ οἴκου ἀμῦναι, 

ἡμεῖς δ᾽ οὔ νύ τι τοῖοι ἀμυνέμεν. 
καί, ἔτι πικροτέρου πρὸς τοὺς Ιθακησίους ὄντος τοῦ λόγου. 
καὶ τὴν ἀπειλὴν 

ἄλλους τ᾽ αἰδέσθητε, φησί, περικτίονας ἀνθρώπους. 

θεῶν 0’ ὑποὸδείσατξ μῆνιν. 
ἀγνοεῖ δὲ ὁ κατήγορος... 


5-6 Hom. Οα.2.63-.-4 9-11 Hom. Od.2.58—60 14--15 Hom. Οα.2.65-6 
(omissis a Porphyrio οἱ περιναιδτάουσι Post ἀνθρώπους) 


5 οὐδέ τι distinxit Schrader 7) et secl. Buttmann 7--ὃ ἐπανατεινόμενος 
R: exavatetvauevoc HQ: Wehrli totam sententiam ab epitomatore contor- 
tam esse intellexit 9 ἔστ᾽ Porphyr. (Schrader): €m codd. Hom. 13 “at 
τὴν πάλην H: καὶ πάλιν D: corr. Cobet ap. Dindorf 


102 


The Sources, Text and Translation 191 


Telemachus reduces the number in his speech to the assembly, 
reducing it to only the Ithacans. For what does he say’? 

Suitors have attacked my mother, against her will, 

the dear sons of the men who here are outstanding. 
For he has removed most of the burden of the courtship by redu- 
cing the number to the ones present, who were the smallest part 
of the whole number. 


Porphyry, Homeric Questions Relating to the Odyssey, on 2.63 
(BT p.27.4—13 Schrader) 


Heraclides censures also the disorderly arrangement of Tele- 
machus’ speech to the assembly. For while it was needed, he 
says, to ask and beg to help (him) with the goal of removing the 
suitors from the house, he (Ilelemachus) rebukes them saying: 

For the things that have been done are not endurable any 
longer, 
and my house has been destroyed in a way that is no 
longer noble. 
(Heraclides) also (censures) the fact that (he says that) just because 
his father is not there, he suffers that, ;dwelling on (it): 
for there 1s no man here 
such as Odysseus was, to drive off the curse from the 
house, 
and we are not in any way such men as could defend it. 
And while the speech to the Ithacans 15 still more bitter, (Heracli- 
des censures) as well the threat: 
May you be ashamed before the others, he says, the 
neighboring people, 
and fear the anger of the gods. 
But the accuser does not know ... 


192 


Heraclides of Pontus 


103 Porphyrius, Quaestiones Homericae ad Odysseam pertinentes 


ad 11.309 (BT p.105.5—106.11 Schrader) 


ἀποροῦσί τινες, πῶς TOV TiTVOV εἰπών. OTL 

ἐπ᾽ ἐννέα κεῖτο πέλεθρα. 
πάλιν περὶ του καὶ Εφιάλτου διαλεγόμενος: 

μηκίστους τούτους ἔθρεψε ζείδωρος ἄρουρα 

μετά γε κλυτὸν Ὡρίωνα. 
καίτοι ᾿ἐννεαπήχεις᾽ τούτους φησὶν ‘evEOC, αὐτὰρ μῆχος 
γενέσθαι ᾿δννεοργυίους᾽. τί γὰρ ἂν εἴη καὶ εἰκοσιδννέα OO- 
γυ (ὧν μῆκος πρὸς EVVEA πλέθρων μεγέθη παραβαλλόμενον, 
ἵνα δὴ μήκιστοι οὗτοι λέγωνται μετά γε χλυτὸν Ὡρίωνα᾽. 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ καὶ μετὰ τὸν Τιτυὸν πολλῷ μᾶλλον: λύει δὲ Hoa- 
κλείδης λέγων, ὅτι EX τῶν γυναικῶν Ι παραβολὴ πρὸς τὸ 
ὁμόφυλον, ἔπειτα ἐννεαετεῖς ὄντες οὗτοι ἐννεαπήχεις ἐγέ- 
VOVTO τὸ εὕρος ᾿μῆχός τε γενέσθην ἐννεόργυιοι᾽- ‘ei’ δὲ 
ἥβης μέτρον ἵκοντο᾽, δῆλον ὡς ἀνάλογον ἂν τοῖς ἔτεσι καὶ 
τὸ μῆχος ἔσχον. ἔπειτα ᾿μηκίστους᾽ τε ἔφη “HAL καλλίστους - 
ταῦτα γὰρ ἀμφότερα μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων τούτοις ὑπῆρξξ, 
μείζω μέντοι τινὰ οὐδὲν κωλύει τούτων τῷ κάλλει λευτόμε- 
νον. 


2 Hom. Od. 11.577 4-5 Hom. Od. 11.309-10 οὺς δὴ μηκίστους θρέψε 
ζείδωρος ἄρουρα) καὶ πολὺ καλλίστους μετά γε κλυτὸν Ὠρίωνα 6-7 
Hom. Od. 11.311--12 (at v. 312 ἐννεόργυιοι) 13 Hom. Οα. 11.312 13-14 
el... ἵκοντο Hom. Od. 11.317 15 Hom. Od. 11.309—-10 


13 μῆκος τε: μῆκος γε codd. Hom. 


104 Porphyrius, Quaestiones Homericae ad Odysseam pertinentes 


ad 13.119 (BT p.115.9-116.13 Schrader) 


Iw τὴν TOV Φαιάκων ἀτοπίαν, καθ᾽ ἣν τὸν Odvooéa καθ- 


EVOOVTG μὴ OLUTTVLOGVTES εἰς τὴν γῆν κατέθεντο, τοῦ TE 
Ὀδυσσέως τὸν ἄκαιρον ὕπνον διαλύειν πειρώμενος ὁ Πον- 
τικὸς Ἡρακλείδης φησὶν ἀτόπους εἶναι τοὺς ἐξ ὧν εἴρηκεν 
O ποιητὴς μὴ στοχαζομένους περὶ τοῦ παντὸς τρόπου TOV 
Φαιάκων. συνειδότας γὰρ ἑαυτοῖς φιληδονίαν καὶ ἀπολαυ- 
στικὸν τρόπον καὶ OEOLOTAC, UN τις αὑτοὺς ἄλλος ἐπελθὼν 


10 


15 


103 


104 


The Sources, Text and Translation 193 


Porphyry, Homeric Questions Relating to the Odyssey, on 1]. 
309 (BT p.105.5—106.11 Schrader) 


Some raise the problem how (Homer) says that ‘Tityus 

lay across nine acres,’ 
but also says about Otos and Ephialtes, 

those were the tallest men the graingiving earth nourished, 

at least after famous Orion. 
Yet further he says they were “nine cubits in breadth, but in height 
nine fathoms”’.' For what would be a height of even twenty-nine 
fathoms compared to magnitudes of nine acres, such that these 
men could be called the largest “‘at least after famous Orion” but 
not much more after Tityus? Heraclides solves the problem by 
saying that by women a comparison (is usually made) with their 
kinship.* Next, being then nine years old these (sons) were nine 
cubits in breadth, “and they were nine fathoms in height” and 
“if they had reached the measure of age,” it 1s clear that they 
would have had a height analogous to their years. Furthermore, 
(the poet) said that they (were both) “tallest and most beautiful”: 
for both these qualities belonged to them most of all the others, 
Whereas nothing prevents that someone who falls short of them 
in beauty could be larger than they. 


acre” (πλέθρον) = ca. 10000 sq. ft; “cubit” (πῆχυς) ca. 1 1/2 ft; “fathom” 
(Opyv1a) = ca. 6 ft. 
- Orion was a son of Poseidon and Euryale; Otos and Ephialtes were sons 


of Poseidon and Iphimedeia. 


Porphyry, Homeric Questions Relating to the Odyssey, on 
13.119 (BT p.115.9-116.13 Schrader) 


In trying to resolve the absurdity of the Phaeacians, according 
to which they set Odysseus down onto his land asleep without 
waking him up, and the untimely sleep of Odysseus, Heraclides 
Ponticus says that what 1s absurd is those interpreters who do not 
try to draw inferences, from what the poet has said, about the 
Whole way of life of the Phaeacians. For they are conscious of 
their love of pleasure and their way of enjoying life, and afraid 


194 Heraclides of Pontus 


ἐχβάλῃ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας, OVO ταῦτα ὑποκχρίνασθαι, φιλοξε- 
νίαν τε πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ταχεῖάν TE ἀπόπεμψιν πρὸς τοὺς 
ἐλθόντας, πάντα δὲ ἐργάζεσθαι, ὅπως αὐτῶν ἣ οἴκησις λαν- 
θάνῃ καὶ διάστημα ὅσον ἐστὶ μὴ γινώσκηται, νῆσον ἀγαθὴν 
οἰκοῦντας, πρὸς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε γεγυμνασμένους οὔτε 
προαιρουμένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντίαν βιοτὴν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἐπι- 
τηδεύμασιν ἔχοντας: 

OV γὰρ Φαιήκεσσι μέλει βιὸς οὐδὲ φαρέτρῃ: 
καὶ πάλιν φησὶν αὐτοῖς atel δαῖτα μέλειν κίθαρίν TE χαὶ 
WOES: τοιούτους οὖν ὄντας καὶ τοιαύτην γῆν ἔχοντας οὐδὲν 
ἀπεικὸς εὐλαβεῖσθαι, μὴ κατοπτευθέντες ὑπό τινων πολεμῆ- 
σαι δυναμένων ἐχπέσωσι τῆς χῶρας, καὶ ταχείας τὰς ἀπο- 
πομπὰς ποιεῖσθαι τῶν ξείνων, οὐ διὰ φιλοξενίαν: 

οὐ γὰρ ξείνους OLOE μάλ᾽ ἀνθρώπους ἀνέχονται, 

OVO’ ἀγαπαζόμενοι φιλέουσ᾽, ὅτε κέν τις ἵκηται. 
οὐδὲν οὖν ἄλογον διά τινα τοιαύτην αἰτίαν αὐτοὺς ἀποστέλ- 
λειν ταχέως τοὺς ξένους, πρὶν ἐντὸς γενέσθαι τῶν παρ᾽ αὖ- 
τοῖς τοὺς ἐπιδημήσαντας. 


Ι τὴν τῶν Φαιάκων ἀτοπίαν “hanc quaestionem tractavit etiam Eustathius” 
(ad Hom. Od. 13.117) “1733” (11--24), Dindorf adn. ad Schol. Hom. Od. 
13.119 2-3 tod te Οδυσσέως TOV ἄκαιρον ὕπνον “Etiam Aristoteli τὰ 
ἐν Odvooeia περὶ τὴν ἔκθεσιν ἄλογα visa Suisse, poet. 24 (p. 1460a 35) 
traditur” (Schrader, ad loc.) 15 Hom. Od.6.270 16 Sec. Hom. Od. 8.248 
21-2 Hom. Od. 7.32-3 


ὃ ἐχβάλῃ codd. Wehrli: ἐκβάλλῃ Schrader 19-20 ταχείας ... ἀποπομπὰς 
Vindob.: Tayvtatous ἀποπόμπους H: ταχυτάτας ἀποπομπὰς Dindorf 
21 olde: οἵγε libri plurimi Homeri 222 ὅτε κέν τις ἵκηται: ὅς κ᾽ ἄλλοθεν 
ἔλθῃ libri plurimi Homeri 


105 Vita Homeri Romana 6 (p. 31.17—18 Wilamowitz) 


I77W περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καθ᾽ OVS ἤκμασεν (scil. Ὅμηρος) ὧδε 


λέγεται. Ηρακλείδης μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι πρεσ- 
βύτερον Ησιόδου. 

Ι οΓ 17 (28) 2 De Homero maiore natu quam Hesiodus vid. Xenophan. 21 B 
13 DK; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 1; Apollodor. FGrH 244 F 157; Philochorus kGrH 
325 F 210; Str. 7.3.6 299; [Hes.] Cert. Hom. et Hes. 40 


1 nxuaoev Piccolomini: ἤκουεν codd. 


10 


15 


20 


25 


The Sources, Text and Translation 195 


that somebody else might arrive in their land and throw them 
out, and they assume these two roles, excellent hospitality for 
those who are there and a speedy departure for those who have 
come. And they do their utmost so that their dwelling-place lies 
undetected and it 1s not known how far away it is. They inhabit a 
good island, and they have neither the training nor a propensity 
for war, but enjoy a way of life opposed to warlike activities: 

for the Phaeacians care about neither bow nor quiver. 
And again he says that they care always about banquet, kithara 
and songs. Therefore, being people of this sort and having a land 
of this sort, it is not at all strange that they should be careful to 
avoid being spotted by some persons capable of waging a war 
and get expelled from their country, and that they should make 
the quickest good-byes for their guests; their excellent hospital- 
ity 1s not the reason: 

for these people do not much put up with strangers, 

nor are they glad to greet them when somebody arrives. 
Therefore it is in no way strange that for some reason of this sort 
they send their guests off quickly, before the visitors become 
privy to their way of life. 


105 Roman Life of Homer 6 (p.31.17—18 Wilamowitz) 


About the time in which he (Homer) flourished the following 
is said: Heraclides, for one, demonstrates that Homer is older 
than Hesiod.! 


' According to Hdt. 2.53.1, both Hesiod and Homer lived roughly 400 years 
before his time, that 15 they were considered contemporaries. This time frame 
is the condition for the fiction of their competition. 


196 MHeraclides of Pontus 


106 Plutarchus, Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum 12 
LO9OSA (BI t.6, fasc. 2, p.144.11—15 Pohlenz-Westman) 


l6sw OV γὰρ ἂν ἐπῆλθεν αὐτοῖς εἰς νοῦν βαλέσθαι τὰς τυφλὰς 
καὶ νωδὰς ἐκείνας ψηλαφήσεις καὶ ἐπυτηδήσεις τοῦ ἀκολά- 
στου μεμαθηχόσιν. εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, γράφειν περὶ Ὁμήρου καὶ 
περὶ Εὐριπίδου, ὡς Αριστοτέλης καὶ Ηρακλκλείδης καὶ Δι- 
καίαρχος. 


Ι αὐτοῖς, i.e. Epicureis, cf. additamenta ad fr. 21 Us. p.343.19 sqq. 4 Aris- 
toteles deest in Rk’. De Aristotele auctore scribente de Homero vid. fr. 99 [Ὁ 
4--5 Dicaearch. fr. 92 Mirhady 


107 POxy. 1012, fr. 9, col. 2.1-8 (CPF pars I, tom.1**, p.215 
Fanan) 


ὁ Il Ποντικ]ὸς δὲ Hoa[xAretonc 
[ 3/4 λ|ξγει Lax] 
| 4/5 Jc ὁ κωμικὸς 
[+4 Jwv xat of 
| 3/4 Jevtedec| 
[2/3 |Elt@Mv TO ὄν[ομα τῆς EV 
[th] Ἱμέρᾳ [tlegetalc 
Ι. .] ῥηθῆναι πάϊίλιν δὲ ATA. 


editio princeps in: [he Oxyrhynchus Papyri 1.7 (1910), ρ.δδ Hunt = 1-4 = 
Aristophanes Comicus, POxy. 1012 (fr. 9, col. IT 1, p.32 Comicorum Graeco- 
rum fragmenta in Papyris reperta, Austin) 


2 λαχ[ωνικῶς vel hax[etv Fanan 


108 Plutarchus, Alexander 26.1—7 (BT t.2, fasc.2, p.186.16—-187.17 
Ziegler) 


Mow χιβωτίου δέ τινος αὐτῷ (scil. Αλεξάνδρῳ) προσενεχθέν- 
τος, οὗ πολυτελέστερον οὐδὲν ἐφάνη τοῖς τὰ Δαρείου χρή- 
ματα XOL τὰς ἀποσκευὰς παραλαμβάνουσιν, NOWTA τοὺς φί- 
λους, ὅ τι δοκοίη μάλιστα τῶν ἀξίων σπουδῆς εἰς αὐτὸ κα- 

2 ταθέσθαι. πολλὰ δὲ πολλῶν λεγόντων αὐτὸς ἔφη τὴν Ἰλιάδα 


106 


107 


108 


2 


The Sources, Text and Translation 197 


Plutarch, That Epicurus Actually Makes a Pleasant Life 
Impossible 12 1095A (BT v.6, fasc.2, p.144.11—15 Pohlenz- 
Westman) 


For it never would have occurred to them to put into their mind 
those blind and toothless gropings and assaults of the licentious 
man, had they learned, if nothing else, to write about Homer and 
Euripides, as Aristotle did and Heraclides and Dicaearchus. 


POxy. 1012, fr. 9, col. 2.1-8 (CPF part I, vol.1**, p.215 
Fanan) 


Hera|clides Pontic|us 


| 3/4 s|jays Lac] ........ | 

| 4/5 | the comlic...... | 
}+4]and|.......... | 

| 3/4 |complete |.......... | 

| 2/3 | having mentioned the na|me of the] 
[p|riestress [in] Himera’[....... | 


| .. | (to) have been mentioned. But again etc. 


ΓΑ woman of Himera who foresaw in a dream the tyrannical rule of Dio- 
nysius 15 mentioned in 117B. It is not clear whether the present text belongs 
to one of Heraclides’ works on prophesies (117-26) or in the context in 
which it is found in the papyrus, namely a debate on the question of identi- 
fying individuals mentioned in literary works by their names. Cp. Dorand1, 
RUSCH vol. 15, chap. 1. 


Plutarch, Alexander 26.1—7 (BT v.2, fasc.2, 186.16—-187.17 Zie- 
gler)! 


When a small box was brought to him (Alexander), which 
seemed more valuable than anything else to those receiving 
Darius’ possessions and equipment, he asked his friends which 
of the things of value they thought should most of all be placed 
into it. When many made many suggestions, he himself said he 


198 


109 


157 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


φρουρήσειν ἐνταῦθα καταθέμενος: καὶ ταῦτα μὲν OVX ὀλίγοι 
τῶν ἀξιοπίστων μεμαρτυρήκασιν. 

εἰ δ᾽, ὅπερ Αλεξανὸδρεϊς λέγουσιν Ἡρακλείδῃ πιστεύοντες. 
ἀληθές ἐστιν, οὔκουν [OVX] ἀργὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀσύμβολος αὐτῷ 
συστρατεύειν ἔοικεν Ὅμηρος. λέγουσι γὰρ ὅτι τῆς Αἰγύπ- 
του χρατῆσας ἐβούλετο πόλιν μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον 
Ἑλληνίδα συνοικίσας ἐπώνυμον ἑαυτοῦ καταλιπεῖν, καίτινα 
τόπον γνώμῃ τῶν ἀρχιτεχτόνων ὅσον οὐδέπω SOLELETOELTO 
καὶ περιέβαλλεν. εἶτα νύκτωρ κοιμώμενος ὄψιν εἰδε θαυμα- 
στήν: ἀνὴρ πολιὸς εὖ μάλα τὴν κόμην καὶ γεραρὸς τὸ εἰδος 
EOOEEV αὐτῷ παραστὰς λέγειν τὰ ἕπη τάδε: 

νῆσος ἔπειτά τις EOTL πολυκλύστῳ ἑνὶ πόντῳ. 
Αἰγύπτου προπάροιθε: Φάρον O€ ἑ κικλήσκουσιν. 

εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξαναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φάρον, ἣ τότε μὲν 
ἔτι νῆσος ἣν τοῦ Κανωβικοῦ μικρὸν ἀνωτέρω στόματος. 
νῦν δὲ διὰ χώματος ἀνείληπται πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον. ὡς οὖν 
cide τόπον εὐφυίᾳ διαφέροντα--ταινία γάρ ἐστιν ἰσθμῷ 
πλάτος ἔχοντι σύμμετρον ἐπιξδικῶς ὁὀιξδίργουσα λίμνην TE 
πολλὴν χαὶ θάλασσαν ἐν λιμένι μεγάλῳ τελευτῶσου .-- 
εἰπὼν ὡς Ὅμηρος ἣν ἄρα τά τ᾽ ἄλλα θαυμαστὸς xal σοφώ- 
τατος ἀρχιτέκτων, ἐκέλευσε διαγράψαι τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πόλεως 
τῷ τόπῳ συναρμόττοντας. 


5-6 De Alexandro Homeri Iliadis lectore vid. Plut. Alex. 8.1—2; De Alex. 
magn. fort. 4 327h—328A 10-27 De Alexandria condenda vid. Str. 17.6 
(792 )—-8 (794); Diod. 17.52.1—3; Arr. An. 3.1.5—2.2; Plin. Nat. hist. 5.62; Curt. 
Histor. Alex. 4.8.1—2 14-19 De somnio Alexandri vid. lasonem (Nysaeum? ) 


ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. Αλεξάνδρειαι πόλεις (πρώτῃ) 17-18 Hom. Od. 
4.354—5 
9 οὐκὶ del. C 12 συνοικίσας : συνοικῆσας LQ 271 ἀνείληπται codd.: 


ἀνῆσπται J.E. Powell, JHS 59 (1939) 238 23 ὁδιείργουσαν L' PM 2/7 
συναρμόττοντα A: συναρμόττον Bryan: συναρμοττόντως Reiske, at de 
munere ἀρμόττειν artificibus proprio vid. Arist. Pol. 4.1 1288b12 et Schiit- 
rumpf ad loc. 


Ps.-Plutarchus, De musica 3 I131F—1132C (BT t.6, fasc.3, 
p.3.1—-4.8 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


Ἡρακλείδης δ᾽ ἐν Th Συναγωγῇ TOV Ev μουσικῇ τὴν χι- 


10 


15 


20 


25 


109 


The Sources, Text and Translation 199 


would safeguard the /liad by placing it there. More than a few 
of reliable witnesses have attested to this event. 

And if what 15 said by the Alexandrians who rely on Heracli- 
des is true, it seems that truly neither in idleness nor without 
contribution did Homer go with him on his campaigns. For they 
say that after he (Alexander) had conquered Egypt he wanted to 
establish a large and populous Greek city, and leave it behind 
bearing his own name, and he was about to measure off, on the 
advice of his architects, a site of a such size as none (had) yet 
(been measured) and was about to enclose it. Then, resting at 
night, he saw a marvelous vision: a man with perfectly white 
hair and a majestic countenance seemed to be standing beside 
him and saying the following verses: 

There 15 an island there in the surging sea, 

in front of Egypt, and people call it Pharos. 
So, getting up straightway, he walked to Pharos, which at that 
time was still an island a little above the Canobic mouth (of the 
Nile), but now has been joined to the mainland by a jetty. When 
he saw there a site outstanding because it was naturally well 
suited — for it is a strip of land, which divides by an isthmus 
of moderate width a large lagoon from the sea, which ends in a 
sreat harbor — he said that, as it turned out, Homer was amaz- 
ing in other respects and as an architect he was most astute. And 
he (Alexander) ordered his men to sketch out the plan for his 
city by fitting it to this site. 


 Wehrli places this text under On Oracles [= 17 (54)]. Heraclides, how- 
ever, 15 mentioned not in the context of Alexander’s dream (for dreams see 
117-18), but in that of the gift of the [liad which accompanied him on his 
campaigns. Miller, hHG 2.199 n. 1, believes that Plutarch got this story from 
Heraclides’ book On Homer (cp. 17 [30]). 


Pseudo-Plutarch, On Music 3 1131F—1132C (ST v.6, fasc.3, 
p.3.1-4.8 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


Heraclides in his Collection (of Tenets) of (Experts) in Music 


200 


1132 


Heraclides of Pontus 


θαρῳδίαν καὶ τὴν κιθαρῳδικὴν ποίησιν πρῶτόν φησιν Αμ- 
φίονα ἐπινοῆσαι τὸν Διὸς καὶ Αντιόπης. τοῦ πατρὸς δηλον- 
ότι διδάξαντος αὐτόν. πιστοῦται δὲ τοῦτο EX τῆς ἀναγραφῆς 
τῆς ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀποκειμένης, dv’ Nc τάς τε ἱερείας τὰς ἐν 
Ἄργει καὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς καὶ τοὺς μουσικοὺς ὀνομάζει. κατὰ 
δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ Λίνον τὸν ἐξ Εὐβοίας θρήνους πε- 
ποιηκέναι λέγει καὶ Ανθην τὸν ἐξ Ανθηδόνος τῆς Βοιωτίας 
ὕμνους καὶ Πίξδρον τὸν ex ΠΙιερίας τὰ περὶ τὰς Μούσας ποι- 
ματα: ἀλλὰ καὶ Φιλάμμωνα τὸν Δελφὸν Λητοῦς τε καὶ Αο- 
τέμιδος καὶ Απόλλωνος γένεσιν δηλῶσαι ἐν μέλεσι καὶ χο- 
οοὺς πρῶτον περὶ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱερὸν στῆσαι: Θάμυριν δὲ 
τὸ γένος Θρᾷκα εὐφωνότερον χαὶ ἐμμελέστερον πάντων 
τῶν τότε Coat, ὡς ταῖς Μούσαις κατὰ τοὺς ποιητὰς εἰς 
ἀγῶνα καταστῆναι. πεποιηκέναι δὲ τοῦτον ἱστορεῖται TitG- 
νων πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς πόλεμον. γεγονέναι δὲ καὶ Δημόδοχκον 
Κερχυραῖον παλαιὸν μουσικόν, ὃν πεποιηκέναι Ἰλίου τε 
πόρθησιν καὶ Αφροδίτης καὶ Ἡφαίστου γάμον: ἀλλὰ μὴν 
καὶ Φήμιον Ἰθακήσιον νόστον τῶν ἀπὸ Τροίας μετ᾽ Αγα- 
μξμνονος ἀνακομισθέντων ποιῆσαι. 

οὐ λελυμένην δ᾽ εἶναι τῶν προειρημένων τὴν τῶν ποιη- 
μάτων λέξιν καὶ μέτρον OVX ἔχουσαν, ἀλλὰ καθάπερ «τὴν» 
Στησιχόρου τε καὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων μελοποιῶν, οἱ ποιοῦντες 
ἔπη τούτοις μέλη περιετίθεσαν-: καὶ γὰρ TOV Ἰέρπανὸρον 
ἔφη κιθαρῳδικῶν ποιητὴν ὄντα νόμων κατὰ νόμον ἕκαστον 
τοῖς ἔπεσι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῖς Ounoov μέλη περιτιθέντα 
ἄδειν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν. ἀποφῆναι δὲ τοῦτον λέγει ὀνόματα 
πρῶτον τοῖς κιθαρῳδικοῖς νόμοις. ὁμοίως δὲ ἸἹερπάνδρῳ 
Κλονᾶν, τὸν πρῶτον συστησάμενον τοὺς αὐλῳὸδικοὺς νό- 
μους καὶ τὰ προσόϑδια, ἐλεγείων τε καὶ ἐπῶν ποιητὴν γεγο- 
γέναι: καὶ Πολύμνηστον τὸν Κολοφώνιον τὸν LETH τοῦτον 
γενόμενον τοῖς αὑτοῖς χρήσασθαι ποιήμασιν. 


2--Ξ3 Amphio, vid. Plin. Nat. hist. 7.204; Iulian. ep. 30 4—5 monumentum 
historiae musicae Sicyone conservatum FGrH 550 F 1 et k 2 10 Philam- 
mon, filius Apollinis: Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 120 12 Thamyras: vid. Soph. 
IrGF (1.4) F 245; Thamyris Musae Eratus filius: Eust. Comment. ad Hom. I1. 
10 439 (1.3, p.lO7.23 van der Valk); Thamyris Thracius invenit harmoniam 
Doriam: Clem. Al. Strom. 1.76.6 15--16 Titanomachia: Hes. Th. 617—735; 
Musaios 2 B 4 (t.1, p.22) DK 18 Ἡφαίστου : immo Agews: Hom. Od. 
δ.267 — at coitus Martis et Veneris in domo Volcani consummatus est 19 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


1132 


The Sources, Text and Translation 201 


says that Amphion, son of Zeus and Antiope, was the first to 
invent singing to the cithara and the composition of songs for 
this purpose, his father clearly having taught him. And he con- 
firms this from the record kept in Sicyon, through which he 
names the priestesses in Argos and the poets and musicians. 
And in the same period, he says, Linus’ from Euboea, too, com- 
posed laments, and Anthes from Anthedon’ in Boeotia hymns, 
and Pierus’ from Pieria his poems about the Muses. But also that 
Philammon, the Delphian, revealed in song the birth of Leto 
and Artemis and Apollo and was first to institute choruses at 
the sanctuary in Delphi. Thamyris,? a Thracian by birth, sang 
in sweeter tones and more melodiously than all his contempo- 
raries, so that, according to the poets, he entered into a contest 
with the Muses. And it is related that he composed a War of the 
Titans against the gods. And (according to Heraclides) Demo- 
docus, the Corcyran,° was an ancient musician, who composed 
a Sack of Troy and a Marriage of Aphrodite and Hephaestus. 
And, furthermore, Phemius’ of Ithaca composed a Homecoming 
of those who returned home from Troy with Agamemnon. 

The language of the forementioned works of poetry was not 
free and lacking in meter, but like that of Stesichorus and the 
ancient lyric poets, who composed epic verses and set them to 
music. And he said that Terpander,*® being a composer of melo- 
dies for the cithara, set his own poems to music and those of 
Homer in each type of melody, and sang these in contests. And 
he says that this man (lerpander) was the first to give names 
to the melodies for the cithara. In similar fashion to Terpander, 
Clonas,’ who first composed nomes for the aulos and proces- 
sionals, was a poet of elegies and epic verse. And Polymnes- 
tus'? from Colophon, who was born after him (Clonas), used the 
same poetic forms. 


' Linus, the son Apollo and a Muse (Terpsichore, according to Eustathius, 
Comm. on Hom. Il. 10.439, v. 3, p. 107.22—3 van der Valk), 1s probably a 
personification of the Linos-song (Hom. //. 18.569f.); various legends were 
created around him. 

- According to Paus. Description of Greece 9.22.5, Anthas, the son of 
Poseidon and Alcyone, a daughter of Atlas, was ruler of Anthedon. 

° According to some (Suda O 251, under “Homer” [“Ounpoc], v. 3, p. 525.5 
Adler; |Hes.] Certamen Hom. et Hes. 1. 43) Pierus was the son of Linus. 


202 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Phemius Ithacensis, vid. Demetr. Phaler. fr. 146 SOD 24 lerpander, vid. 
Plin. Nat. hist. 7.204; Clem. Al. Strom. 1.78.5; Suda T 354 s.v. Τερπανὄρος 
(1.4, p.527.19-23) Adler 


| post TOV EV μουσικῇ add. εὐδοκιμησάντων Weil-Reinach : διαλαμιψάντων 
Bergk Wehrli — non necessarie, cf. Arist. Pol. 8.7 1341b33 τινες TOV ὃν 
Φιλοσοφίᾳ et Schiitrumpfad loc. 1-2 τὴν κιθαρῳδίαν καὶ delevit Volk- 
mann cum R°? 10 post Λητοῦς te add. πλάνας Weil-Reinach 19 τῶν: 
τὸν musici codd. plerique 222 τὴν add Ziegler 22-3 ἀλλ᾽ «ἔμμετρον» 
καθάπερ «τὴν» Στησιχόρου Welrli 26 ἕπεσι τοῖς «θ᾽» Ziegler 27 
(ἀποφῆναι) --2ὃ (νόμοις) del. Volkmann Weil-Reinach 


110 Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 15.62 701Ε-Ὲ (BT t.3, ρ.558.15-- 


559.2 Kaibel) 


sw TO δὲ ὑφ᾽ HoaxdAeiSov τοῦ Ποντικοῦ λεχθὲν φανερῶς 


πέπλασται, ἐπὶ σπονδαῖς τοῦτο πρῶτον εἰς τρὶς εἰπεῖν τὸν 
θεὸν οὕτως 
ιὴ παιάν. ἰὴ παιάν, «ἰὴ παιάν». 

Ex ταύτης γὰρ τῆς πίστεως τὸ τρίμετρον καλούμενον 
ἀνατίθησι τῷ θεῷ. φάσκων τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦθ᾽ ἑκάτερον εἶναι 
τῶν μέτρων, ὅτι μακρῶν μὲν τῶν πρώτων δύο συλλαβῶν 
λεγομένων “ἰὴ παιάν᾽ ἡρῷον γίνεται, βραχέως δὲ λεχθεισῶν 
ἰαμβεῖον- διὰ δὲ τοῦτο δῆλον ὅτι καὶ τὸν χωλίαμβρον ἀναθε- 
τέον αὐτῷ. βραχειῶν γὰρ γενομένων εἰ OVO τὰς ἁπασῶν 
τελευταίας συλλαβὰς εἰς μακρὰν ποιήσει τις, ὁ InmmMvaxtoc 
ἴαμβος ἔσται. 


11-12 Hipponax Ephesius invenit choliambum: Clem. Al. Strom. 1.79.1 
4 ιὴ παιάν, ἰὴ παιάν, «τὴ TALaV> Kaibel: ty παιάν, ty παιῶν A : ἴη παίαν. 


le παιῶν Ε 8 βραχέως E: βραχξειῶν propos. Kaibel (coll. μακρῶν ν. 7) 
λεχθεισῶν del. Kaibel 9 χωλίαμβον K: ἴαμβον AE 


10 


110 


The Sources, Text and Translation 203 


* Philammon, a son of Apollo, was a legendary singer. 

: Thamyris was the son of Philammon (Eur. khes. 916; 925; his mother was 
the Muse Erato: Eust. Comm. on Homi. Il. 10.439, v. 3, p. 107.23 van der Valk) 
and a legendary singer from Thrace. According to Homer, //. 2.594—600, the 
Muses took away his gift of singing because of his boastfulness. 

© Demodocus was a bard at the court of Alcinous. king of the Phaiacians, 
on the island Scherie; Scherie was already in antiquity identified with Corcyra 
(Demetr. of Phaler. no. 146 SOD makes Demodocus too a native of Corcyra). 
In Hom. Od. 8.492-—521 Demodocus sings of the destruction of Troy, and at 
§.266—369 of the love of Ares and Aphrodite. 

’ Phemius, of Ithaca, was a legendary singer at the court of Odysseus. He 
sang of the homecoming of the Achaeans: Hom. Od. 1.326-—7. 

ὃ Terpander belonged to the early 7th century B.C. 

? Clonas wrote nomoi for the aulos (Ps.-Plut. De mus. 5 1133A), cp. M.L. 
West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992, 333-4. 

'° Polymnestus of Colophon, 7th century B.C., wrote elegies and epics and 
composed nomoi for the aulos. 


Athenaeus, Zhe Sophists at Dinner 15.62 ΤΟΙΕΞΕ (BT v.3, 
p.558.15—559.2 Kaibel)' 


What was said by Heraclides Ponticus has clearly been fabri- 
cated, that at the libations the god first said this (refrain) three 
times, as follows: 

lé paian, i¢€ paian, «ὃ paian>. 

For in consequence of this belief he attributes (the invention of) 
the so-called trimeter to the god, saying that both types of this 
meter* belong to the god, because when the two first syllables 
are pronounced as long, ie paian becomes a heroic meter,” but, 
when they are pronounced short, it becomes an iambic. Hence it 
is clear that (the invention of) the choliambic* must also be attri- 
buted to him.” For, if they (the first syllables) become short and 
one makes the very last two syllables long, there will result the 
iamb of Hipponax.°® 


' In the explanation and translation of this fragment, the editor and transla- 
tors are very much indebted to R. Kannicht. 

* T.e., iambic (~—v—) and spondaic (————). The ‘heroic trimeter’ here in 
its form of a spondaic trimeter is understood as consisting of three units of 
measurement (metra) (3x ————) and not six feet (6x ——) as the term dactylic 
hexameter indicates (cp. Anon. Grammat., Supplementa artis Dionysianae 
vetusta, De prosodiis, GG vol. 1, p.121.11 τὸ ἡρωϊκὸν μέτρον ἑξάμετρόν 
ἐστιν. ἕξ γὰρ χώρας ExEL). 


204 


111 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Scholion in Euripidis Rhesum 346 (p.335.13-—19 Schwartz) 


iow ἔνιοι δὲ Εὐτέρπης αὐτὸν (scil. Ῥῆσον) γενεαλογοῦσιν, 


112 


καθάπερ Ἡρακλείδης. φησὶ dé: ἑβδόμη δὲ Καλλιόπη. « ἣ > 
ποίησιν εὑρε ἐπῶν καὶ συνοικήσασα Οἰάγρῳ γεννᾷ Ὀρφέα 
τὸν πάντων μέγιστον ἀνθρώπων EV τῇ κιθαρφῳὸοικῇ τέχνῃ γε- 
νόμξδνον, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐγκυκλίου μαθήσεως + συγκρεμα- 
τικώτερον F ὀγδόη δ᾽ Εὐτέρπη. ἣ τὴν κατ᾽ αὐλοῦ εὗρεν εὐέ- 
πειαν, συνοικήσασα Στρυμόνι TEXVOL Ρῆσον, ὃς ὑπὸ Οδυσ- 
σέως καὶ Διομήδους ἀναιρεῖται. 


= Apollodor. FGrH 244 F 146 | De Euterpe matre Rhesi vid. Eust. Com- 
ment. ad Hom. Il. 10.439, 1.3, p.1LO7.13—5; 20-1 van der Valk 2 De Cal- 
liope matre Orphei vid. Timoth. Pers. 791.221—4 PMG; Apoll. Rhod. 1.21-3; 
Procl. In Plat. Tim. comment. 5 291A (1.3, p.168.12—4 Diehl); Eust. Comment. 
ad Homi. Il. 10.439 (t.3, p. 107.22 van der Valk); [Hes.] Certam. Hom. et Hes. 
t+ 3 De Otagro patre Orphei vid. Pind. fr. 128 c (= Thren. 3.11) Maehler; 
Apoll. Rhod. 1.l.; [Hes.] Certam. 1.1 


2 ἡράκλειτος codd.: corr. Schwartz ἡ add. Schwartz 3 ἐπῶν 
vel exixnv Wilamowitz: πάντων codd.: ποιημάτων G. Hermann καὶ 
del. Schwartz 5-6 OVYXOEUATLXWTEQOV COdd.: EYYELONUATLXWTATOV 
Schwartz: συγκεκροτημένον Haupt 


Aelius Dionysius, Nomina Attica A 17 (Untersuchungen zu den 
Attizistischen Lexika, AbhBerlin 1950, p.128.7—9 Erbse) 


low λίνον: «χορδὴν» Ηρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικός, ἐπειδὴ ot πα- 


λαιοὶ λίνοις ἀντὶ χορδῶν ἐχρῶντο: ἀλλὰ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἤδη 
χορδὰς ἐπιστάμενος λίνον καλεῖ. 


111 


The Sources, Text and Translation 205 


’ T.e., if a double spondee (-———) is considered as equivalent to one dactylic 
meter (—ve—vu ), although it consists of two units of measurement (——,——). 
* The choliambus (skazon, limping) has the form: «--ο-- τους, »——- 


> This is an attempt to explain at least some metres as Sesived from one 
original metre as it can be found in POxy. 120 (B.P. Grenfell-A.S. Hunt, 7he 
Oxyrrhynchus Papyri, Part Il, London 1899, 41-52). 

° Hipponax of Ephesus, belonged to the mid-sixth century B.C. As a poet, 
he wrote 1ambi with the metrical peculiarity Heraclides describes. The frag- 
ments of his poetry are collected in JEG vol. I, pp. 109-171. 


Scholion on Euripides’ Rhesus 346 (p.335.13—19 Schwartz) 


Some trace his (Rhesus’) lineage from Euterpe, as Heraclides 
did. He says: and the seventh (Muse 1s) Calliope, <who> inven- 
ted the composition of epic verse and married Olagros and bore 
Orpheus,’ who became the greatest of all humans in the art of 
singing to the cithara and besides +fairly well rounded?y in his 
liberal education. And the eighth (is) Euterpe, who invented the 
euphony of the aulos, married Strymon and gave birth to Rhe- 
sus, who was killed by Odysseus and Diomedes.’ 


' For Orpheus, see 119. 
- These events are described in Homer, Iliad book 10. 


112 Aelius Dionysius, Attic Words ἃ 17 (Untersuchungen zu den 


Attizistischen Lexika, AbhBerlin 1950, p.128.7—9 Erbse) 


Flax: <string> (according to) Heraclides Ponticus, since the 
people of old used strings of flax instead of gut. But Homer, 
too, who already knows about strings of gut, calls (at string of) 
“flax.” 


206 


113 


Heraclides of Pontus 


ἐγένοντο δὲ τρεῖς ἥρωες Λίνοι: Καλλιόπης, ὁ δὲ Αλκιόπης 
καὶ Απόλλωνος, τρίτος δὲ Ψαμάθης τῆς Κροτίου καὶ 
Απόλλωνος. 


Eust. Comment. ad Hom. Il. 3.336 (421.25—9) = 1.1, p.662.10 van der Valk; 
schol. Hom. Il. 18.570; Phot. Lex. s.v. Λίνον (A 326 Theodoridis) 2 
Philochorus FGrH 328 B 207 Linum ab Apollone necatum esse enarrat, cum 
nervis vicem linearum chordarum usus esset 3 ἐπιστάμενος: Hom. Od. 
21.406—7 λίνον καλεῖ: Hom. Il. 18.570 4 Immo Therpsichore mater 
Lini: Eust. Comment. ad Hom. Il. 10.439 (t.3, p. 1O7.22—3 van der Valk) aut 
Aethusa: [Hes.] Certam. Hom. et Hes. 42 


1 χορδὴν add. Erbse ex Eust. 4 Αλκιόπης: Αλκίππης dubitanter Naber 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 10.82 455C (BT t.2, p.490.5-—9 
Kaibel) 


loiw χαὶ ὁ εἰς τὴν Δήμητρα dé τὴν ἐν Eomovy ποιηθεὶς τῷ 


114 


163 W 


Λάσῳ ὕμνος ἄσιγμός ἐστιν, ὥς φησιν HoaxdAetdyc ὁ Ποντι- 
χὸς ἐν τρίτῳ Περὶ μουσικῆς, OV ἐστιν ἀρχή: 
Δάματρα μέλπω Κόραν τε Κλυμένοι᾽ ἄλοχον. 


2 De poetis antiquis litteram “s” vitantibus vid. Dionys. Hal. De comp. verbo- 
rum 14.80; Aristox. (SdA 1.2) fr. 87; Clearch. (SdA t.3) fr. 88; fr. 86; Pind. fr. 
70b Maehler 4 -- Φ 114 ν. 26 Clymenus cognomen Plutonis usitatum 
Hermionae, v. Callim. fr. 285 Pf. 


Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 14.19-21 624C—626A (BT 1.3, 
p.377.1—381.2 Kaibel) 


Ἡρακλείδης δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τρίτῳ Περὶ μουσικῆς οὐδ᾽ 
ἁρμονίαν φησὶ δεῖν καλεῖσθαι τὴν Φρύγιον, καθάπερ οὐδὲ 
τὴν Λύδιον. ἁρμονίας γὰρ εἰναι τρεῖς: τρία γὰρ καὶ γενέ- 
σθαι Ελλήνων γένη. Δωριεῖς, Αἰολεῖς, Ἴωνας. οὐ μικρᾶς 
οὖν οὔσης διαφορᾶς ἐν τοῖς τούτων ἤθεσιν, Λακεδαιμόνιοι 
μὲν μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων Δωριέων τὰ πάτρια διαφυλάττου- 
σιν, Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ (οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν «οἱ» τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γέ- 
νους Αἰολεῦσιν μεταδόντες) παραπλήσιον αἰξὶ ποιοῦνται 
τοῦ βίου τὴν ἀγωγήν: Ιώνων δὲ τὸ πολὺ πλῆθος ἠλλοίωται 
διὰ τὸ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς αἰξὶ δυναστεύουσιν αὑτοῖς 
τῶν βαρβάρων. τὴν οὖν ἀγωγὴν τῆς μελῳδίας, ἣν οἱ Δωρι- 


10 


113 


114 


The Sources, Text and Translation 207 


There were three heroes called Linus: the son of Calliope; 
second, the son of Alciope and Apollo; the third, the son of Psa- 
mathe daughter of Crotius and Apollo. 


' The string of gut is mentioned in Hom. Od. 21.406-7 (‘as a man who 
knows about [ἐπιστάμενος] lyres [poputyyoc] and singing | easily tautens 
a new string [χορδήν] on its peg” (transl. Dawe). The alleged string of flax 
occurs in 1]. 18.570 λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδε, Which 15 usually interpreted 
as “and he sang the Linos-song to the accompaniment (of the cithara) beauti- 
fully.” 


Athenaeus, he Sophists at Dinner 10.82 455C (BT v.2, p.490. 
5—9 Kaibel) 


And the hymn composed by Lasus' for Demeter in Hermione 
has no sigmas, as Heraclides Ponticus says in the third book of 
On Music. The beginning of this hymn 15: 

I dance for Demeter and Kore, wife of the Renowned (god, 

1.e., Hades).”’ 


' The poet Lasus, of Hermione (Argolis, Peloponnesus), lived in Athens at 
the court of Hipparchus (7 514 B.C.), the son of Pisistratus. 


Athenaeus, Zhe Sophists at Dinner 14.19--} 624C—626A (BT 
v.3, p.377.1—381.2 Kaibel) 


Heraclides Ponticus in the third book of On Music says one 
should not call the Phrygian’ (sequence of tones) a mode, just as 
one should not call the Lydian’ (sequence of tones) a mode. For 
there are three modes, since there are also three races of Helle- 
nes: the Dorians, the Aeolians, the lonians. Now, the difference 
in their characters 1s not small: the Lacedaemonians preserve 
more than the other Dorians the ways of their ancestors, whereas 
the Thessalians (for they are the ones who from the beginning 
shared their race with the Aeolians) always maintain a simi- 
lar style of life, but the great majority of the lonians have been 
contaminated through adaptation to the various barbarians who 


208 


625 


20B 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Etc ἐποιοῦντο, Δώριον ἐκάλουν ἁρμονίαν: ἐκάλουν δὲ καὶ 
Αἰολίδα ἁρμονίαν, ἣν Αἰολεῖς ἡδον: Ἰαστὶ δὲ τὴν τρίτην 
ἔφασκον, ἣν ἤκουον ἀδόντων τῶν Ἰώνων. ἡ μὲν οὖν Δώριος 
ἁρμονία τὸ ἀνὸρῶδες ἐμφαίνει καὶ τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς HAL οὐ 
διακεχυμένον οὐδ᾽ ἱλαρόν, ἀλλὰ σκυθρωπὸν καὶ σφοὸρόν. 
οὔτε δὲ ποικίλον οὔτε πολύτροπον. τὸ δὲ τῶν Αἰολέων ἦθος 
ἔχει τὸ γαῦρον καὶ ὀγκῶδες, ETL δὲ ὑπόχαυνον- ὁμολογεῖ δὲ 
ταῦτα ταῖς ὑτποτροφίαις αὐτῶν καὶ ξενοδοχίαις: οὐ πανοῦορ- 
γον ὃέ, ἀλλὰ ἐξηρμένον χαὶ τεθαρρηκός. OLO καὶ οἰκεῖόν 
ἐστ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἣ φιλοποσία καὶ τὰ ἐρωτικὰ καὶ πᾶσα ἣ περὶ τὴν 
δίαιταν ἄνεσις. διόπερ ἔχουσι τὸ τὴς Ὑποδωρίου καλουμέ- 
νης ἁρμονίας ἦθος. αὕτη γάρ ἐστι, φησὶν ὁ Ἡρακλείδης, ἣν 
ἐκάλουν Αἰολίδα, ὡς καὶ Λᾶσος ὁ Ἑρμιονεὺς ἐν τῷ εἰς τὴν 
«ἐν» Eowovi Δήμητρα ὕμνῳ λέγων οὕτως 
Δάματρα μέλπω Κόραν τε Κλυμένοι᾽ ἄλοχον 
μελιρόαν ὕμνον ἀναγνέων 
Αἰολίδ᾽ ἀνὰ βαρύβρομον ἁρμονίαν. 
ταῦτα δ᾽ ἄδουσιν πάντες Ὑποδώρια [τὰ μέλη]. ἐπεὶ οὖν 
τὸ μέλος ἐστὶν Ὑποδώριον [τὰ μέλη]. εἰκότως Αἰολίδα φη- 
σὶν εἰναι τὴν ἁρμονίαν ὁ Λᾶσος. καὶ Πρατίνας δέ πού φησι: 
μήτε σύντονον δίωκε 
μήτε τὰν ἀνειμέναν [1αστὶ] 
μοῦσαν, ἀλλὰ τὰν μέσαν 
νεῶν ἄρουραν αἰόλιζε τῷ μέλει. 
ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑξῆς σαφέστερόν φησι: 
πρέπει τοι 
πᾶσιν ἀοιδολαβράκχταις 
Αἰολὶς ἁρμονία. 
πρότερον μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, Αἰολίδα αὐτὴν ἐκάλουν. 
ὕστερον δ᾽ Υποδώριον, ὥσπερ ἔνιοί φασιν. ἐν τοῖς αὐλοῖς 
τετάχθαι νομίσαντες αὐτὴν ὑπὸ τὴν Δώριον ἁρμονίαν. 
sequitur sententia aliunde inserta. 
ἑξῇς ἐπισκεψώμεθα τὸ TOV [Μιλησίων] «Ἰώνων; ἦθος 
ὃ διαφαίνουσιν οἱ [Ἴωνες] Μιλήσιοι, ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν σωμάτων 
εὐξξίαις ρρενθυόμενοι καὶ θυμοῦ πλήρεις. δυσκατάλλακτοι. 
φιλόνεικοι, οὐδὲν φιλάνθρωπον OVO’ ἱλαρὸν ἐνὸιδόντες, 


15 


20 


25 


30 


35 


40 


45 


625 


20B 


The Sources, Text and Translation 209 


ruled them. So people called the melodic style which the Dorians 
used the Dorian mode, and they called Aeolian the mode which 
the Aeolians sang, and they said the third, which they heard the 
lonians singing, (was) in Ionic. Now, the Dorian mode exhibits 
manliness and magnificence, and this is not relaxed or merry, but 
sullen and intense, and neither varied nor complex. The charac- 
ter of the Aeolians has splendor and weight, indeed some superc1- 
liousness, and this corresponds with their horse breeding and 
their hospitality towards strangers: yet it 1s not nasty, but rather 
elevated and confident. For this reason fondness for drink, erotic 
behavior and a thoroughly relaxed way of life 1s also proper to 
them. Hence they have the character of the mode called Hypo- 
Dorian. For this, Heraclides says, is (the mode) which they called 
Aeolian, just as also Lasus of Hermione’ (does) in his hymn to 
Demeter in Hermione, speaking thus: 

I dance for Demeter and Kore, wife of the Renowned 

(god, i.e., Hades) 

Lifting up a honey-voiced hymn 

In the loud-thundering Aeolian mode. 

Everyone sings these (verses) in the Hypo-Dorian mode. 
Since the tune 15 Hypo-Dorian, Lasus says with good reason 
that the mode is Aeolian. Pratinas,* too, says somewhere: 

Pursue neither the severe 
nor the relaxed [Ionian] 
Muse, but, ploughing the middle field, 
be Aeolian in your song. 
And in what follows he says more distinctly: 
You see, the song fitting 
to all bold singers 
is the Aeolian mode. 

Formerly, then, as I said, they called it Aeolian, and later 
Hypo-Dorian, thinking, as some people say, that in pipes it was 
aligned below the Dorian mode. 

| There follows a sentence inserted from elsewhere| 

Next let us examine the character of the [Mulesians|] <Ioni- 
ans>, which the [Ilonians] Milesians reveal. They swagger in 
pride at the good condition of their bodies, and they are full of 
bold spirit, slow to make reconciliations, fond of quarrels. They 


210 


21E 


626 


Heraclides of Pontus 


ἀστοργίαν <OE> καὶ σκληρότητα EV τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἐμφανίζοντες. 
διόπερ οὐδὲ τὸ τῆς Ιαστὶ γένος ἁρμονίας οὔτ᾽ ἀνθηρὸν οὔτε 
ἱλαρόν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ αὐστηρὸν καὶ OXANOOV, ὄγκον ὃ᾽ ἔχον 
οὐκ ἀγεννῆ: διὸ καὶ τῇ TOAYMOLA προσφιλὴς ἣ ἁρμονία. τὰ 
δὲ τῶν νῦν Ἰώνων ἤθη τουφερώτερα καὶ πολὺ παραλλάττον 


τὸ τῆς ἀρ μονίας ἦθος. sequitur capitulum aliunde insertum. 


τρεῖς οὖν αὗται, καθάπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἴπομεν εἶναι ἁρμο- 

νίας, ὅσα καὶ τὰ ἔθνη. τὴν δὲ Φρυγιστὶ καὶ τὴν AVOLOTL πα- 
οὰ τῶν βαρβάρων οὔσας γνωσθῆναι τοῖς Ελλησιν ἀπὸ τῶν 
σὺν Πέλοπι κατελθόντων εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον Φρυγῶν 
καὶ Λυδῶν. Λυδοὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ συνηκολούθησαν διὰ τὸ 
τὴν Σίπυλον εἰναι τῆς Λυδίας: Φρύγες ὃὲ οὐχ ὅτι ὁμοτέρμο- 
vec τοῖς Λυδοῖς εἰσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ αὐτῶν ἦοχεν ὁ Τάντα- 
hoc. ἴδοις δ᾽ ἂν καὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου πανταχοῦ, μάλιστα 
O€ ἐν Λαχεδαίμονι χώματα μεγάλα, ἃ καλοῦσι τάφους τῶν 
μετὰ Πέλοπος Φρυγῶν. μαθεῖν οὖν τὰς ἁρμονίας ταύτας 
τοὺς Ελληνας παρὰ τούτων. διὸ καὶ Τελέστης ὁ Σελινούν- 
τιὸς φησιν. 

πρῶτοι παρὰ κρατῆρας Ελλάνων ἐν αὐλοῖς 

συνοπαὸδοὶ Πέλοπος Mateos ὀρείας 

Φρύγιον ἄεισαν νόμον: 

τοὶ δ᾽ ὀξυφώνοις ANXTLOWV ψαλμοῖς κρέχκον 

Λύδιον ὕμνον. 


1 sqq. Cf. rationem harmoniarum ap. Poll. 4.65 (ἁρμονίαι δὲ Δωρὶς Ἰὰς 
Atohic αἱ πρῶται, καὶ Φρύγιος δὲ καὶ AVOLOG) 19 De Thessalis equos 
alentibus vid. Hdt. 5.63.3; Plat. Men. 70A6; Leg. 1.625D3 20—31 Lasus 
PMG 702. Lasus invenit dithyrambum: Clem. Al. Strom. 1.78.5 26 = 113 
v. 4 31-9 Pratinas PMG 712 32-5, 37-9 = IrTGF (1.1, p. 83) F 6 45 
De Milesiorum corporum virtute vid. Anacreon PMG 8&1 51 De Llonica 
harmonia tragoediae apta vid. Aristox. (SdA 1.2) fr. 82 55-8; 64-70 
lelestes PMG 810 


7 ot add. Kaibel 20 e&nonuevov AF: corr. Dalechamps 22 διόπερ 
ἔχουσι Kaibel: διὸ περιέχουσι AE 25 ἐν add. Schweighduser 27 
avayvewv Bergk (cf. Hsch. A 641 ayvetv: ἄγειν): ἀναγνῶν A: ἀνάγων 
Casaubonus 28 ava Wilamowitz: ἅμα A: ἀμ Edmonds 29 τὰ μέλη 
del. Kaibel 2840 τὰ μέλη del. Casaubonus 33 Ἰαστὶ glossema suspicans 
del. Page (praeeunte v. Leeuwen): TaotiovoavE 238 ἀοιδολαβράκταις 
Bergk: ἀοιδὰ λαβράκχταις codd. 40 ἔφην Musurus (“verba sunt ipsius 
Heraclidae,” Kaibel): ἔφη Α 44—5 nomina Μιλησίων, Ἴωνες locum inter 

= 


SO 


55 


60 


65 


70 


21E 


626 


The Sources, Text and Translation 211 


do not concede kindness and cheerfulness at all, but show in 
their characters indifference to affection and hardness. This 15 
why the Ionian kind of mode 15 neither exuberant nor merry, but 
is harsh and hard, having a weight that 1s not without nobility. 
Hence this mode 15 also agreeable to tragedy. But the characters 
of present day Ionians are much more dainty, and the character 
of the mode 1s much different. 
| There follows a chapter inserted from elsewhere | 
So the modes are three in number, just as in the beginning 

we said that they are, the same number as even the races. The 
Phrygian and Lydian modes, which originated with the barba- 
rians, became known to the Greeks from the Phrygians and 
Lydians who had returned to the Peloponnesus with Pelops. For 
the Lydians followed him because Sipulus 15 part of Lydia. And 
the Phrygians (followed) not because they shared a border with 
the Lydians, but because Tantalus ruled them as well. One may 
even see all over the Peloponnesus, but mostly in Lacedaemon, 
large mounds which they call the tombs of the Phrygians who 
came with Pelops. So (Heraclides said) the Greeks learned these 
modes from them. This is why Telestes of Selinus,° too, says: 

First alongside the wine bowls of the Greeks 

the attendants of Pelops sang to the pipes 

the Phrygian melody of the Mountain Mother. 

And these with the high-pitched strings of their harps° 

Played out a Lydian hymn. 


| Phrygia is a region in the western plateau of Asia Minor. 

* Lydia is a region in western Asia Minor, east of Smyrna. 

> Lasus. see 113. 

1 Pratinas of Phlius is the poet credited with the ‘invention’ of satyr plays. 
The fragments are collected in PMG 708-13. 

> Telestes of Selinus (a Greek colony at the SW coast of Sicily) was a poet 
of dithyrambo1 who won a victory in Athens in 402/1. The fragments are 
collected in PMG 805-812. 

© For the pektis (mnxtic), see M.L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford 


1992, 71-4. 

se mutata esse suspicabatur Kaibel, probante Wehrli 48 δὲ add. Kaibel 
52 ἤθη «τε; propos. Kaibel 66 Ελλήνων A 69 τοῖς 0’ A: corr. 
Musurus ὀξυφώνοις A: ὀξύφωνοι Wilamowitz _ fort. maxt- Page 


ψαλμοὶ A : corr. recc. 70 fort. Λυδὸν Page 


212 Heraclides of Pontus 


115A Philodemus, De musica 4, PHerc. 1497, col. 49.1—20 (Delattre) 


Il. . .] ποις κατανοήσαντά τι- 

να τῶ]ν εἰρημένων, ἐν οἷς 

ἱπερὶ πρ]έζιγποντος μέλους καὶ 
[ἀπρεπο]ῦς καὶ περὶ NOWV AECE- 
[νων καΪ]ὶ μαλακῶν καὶ περὶ 
[TEA[E]E]WV ἁρμοττουσῶν xaQ[L 
ἀ![ναρμόστων τοῖς ὑποκειμέ- 

[VOLS πρΙοσώποις: ἅπερ ὁμολο- 
γουμέίνως οὐ μαχρὰν ἀπίῃ θ|τ|η]- 
μ[ε]ν[α τ]οῦ] φιλοσοφεῖν. καὶ παρα- 
λαβὼν] πο! λὺ πρ[ὸ! | τούϊτων Ηρα- 
μλείο!ου πλείω, φησὶϊν ε[ξ] αὖ- 
τῶ]ν [εἰναι φανερὸν [τ]ὸ πίζολρὸς 
[π|[ο]λ! λ]ὰ μέρη τοῦ βίου [χ᾽ ρθησι- 
μ]εύειν τὴν μουσιχῆν, [καὶ 
δύνασθαι τὴν περὶ αὐτὴ[ν] 
φι[υ]λοτεχνίαν οἰκείως ἡμ[ᾶς 
ΟΙ[]ατιθέναι πρὸς πλείους [α]- 
ol[e]tac δοκεῖν αὑτῶι, καὶ πρ[ὸς 
π[ἀ]σας. 


cf. Diogenes Babylonius fr. 88 (1.3) SVF 


1 Ἰποις Delattre: Ἰτοῖς Rispoli: Ἰοις Kemke 2 ἐν οἷς v. Arnim: év<{>otc 


Kemke 6 πράξε]ων Rispoli: xeovoE]wv v. Arnim 9 ax'y!o[t[n]- 
Delattre : axeiol[yOau Kemke 10-11 maoal[AaBav] Delattre 11-12 
Hoa [χλείδγου coni. Delattre 14 [π|[ο]λ[λ]ὰ Delattre : [π]άν[τ]ὰ post 


Kemke Rispoli 17 ἡμ[ᾶς post Kemke Rispoli 19 πρ[ὸς post Kemke 
Rispoli 


115B Philodemus, De musica 4, PHerc. 1497, col. 137.27—138.9 


(Delattre) 


ἃ μὲν- 
τοι Διογένης φησὶν «κατα- 
νοήσαντας ἡμᾶς, ἀναγε- 
γοαμμένα παρ᾽ Hoaxdet- 
On [x] περὶ πρέποντος μέλους 


20 


30 


The Sources, Text and Translation 213 


115A Philodemus, On Music 4, PHerc. 1497, col. 49.1—20 (Delattre) 


. after taking note of some of the things said, in what 
(Heraclides wrote) concerning appropriate and inappropriate 
melody, and about masculine and effeminate characters, and 
about deeds that are fitting and unfitting to the persons who are 
their subjects. These things are, it is agreed, not far removed 
from philosophy. And borrowing much more than this from 
Heraclides, he says that from these considerations it is clear that 
music 15 useful in regard to many aspects of life, and that the love 
of practising it can dispose us with affinity toward quite a few 
virtues,'! he thinks, indeed towards all of them. 


! For the phrase, see Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 10.10 1179b29-—30; for the concept 
id., Pol. 8.5 1339a21—5; 1340a5—-b19; 6 1341a13—7; 1341b38; Plato, Rep. 3 
398C—402 A6. 


115B Philodemus, On Music 4, PHerc. 1497, col. 137.27—138.9 
(Delattre) 


Regarding what Diogenes’ says, “Once we consider what is 
written down in Heraclides concerning appropriate and inappro- 


214 MHeraclides of Pontus 


καὶ ἀπρεποῦς καὶ ἀρρένων 
καὶ μαλακῶν ἠθῶν καὶ 
πράξεων ἁρμοττουσῶν 

κ[αὶ αἸἰναρμόστων τοίῖ!ς υ- 
ποκχκεξιμένοις προσώποίι!ς. 

οὐ μακρὰν ἀπηοτημζε!- 

VWS τοῦ φιλοσοφ [εῖν]». [πεί- 
θεσθαι τῷ πρὸς M[OAAG] [μ|ξ- 
On τοῦ βίου χρησιμί[εύειν] 
τὴν μουσ[ι]κὴν κ[αὶ τὴν] πε-] 
οὶ αὐτὴν φιλιοτεχιΙνίαν oi- 
κείως διατιθὶέ [σθ] νίαι πρὸς 
πλείους ἀρετάς, μᾶλλον δὲ 
καὶ πά[ 9] σ΄ ας, ἐκθέντες ἡμεῖς 
EV τῶι τρίτωι TOV ὑπομνη- 
μάτων καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις δὲ 
συγγενῶς εἰρημένα, παρξδὸεί- 
EQUEV ὅσης ἐστὶν γέμοντα 
ληρείας. 


= Diogenes Babylonius fr. δδ (1.3) SVF 


37-8 -τημ[ξ]- νῶς tov Delattre: -t[y]ulellv[nv τ]ῆς Kemke 


σοφ[εῖν] Delattre ex col. 49: φιλοσοφίας Kemke 39-41 ex col. 49 post 
Kemke restituit Delattre 138.2 διατιθέ! oO |vlat Delattre : διατι[θέν]αι 


Kemke 


116A Philodemus, De poematis, PHerc. 1677, col. 5.20-6.28 (p. 195-- 


6 Romeo) 


[Ojta{atAey[OuJevov μὲν 
ὑφ᾽ NUCG|V E]UTEAEC, ὑπὸ 
δὲ τοῦ πο[ητοῦ] σεμνὸν 
καὶ πολυτελὲς φαίνη- 
ται. τότε γείνεσθαί φησι 
τὸ πεποιημένον, OUTE 
σεμνότητος οὔτε πο- 
λυ[τε]λείας φαινομένης. 
ὅταν, ὡς ἔγραψεν, γηθῆι 


35 


40 


138 


25 


The Sources, Text and Translation 215 


priate melody, and masculine and effeminate characters, and 
deeds that are fitting and unfitting to the persons who are their 
subjects, (these not being) in a way not far removed from phi- 
losophy,’ we believe in the claim that music 1s useful in regard 
to many aspects of life, and the love of practising it disposes 
(us) properly (with affinity) toward quite a few virtues, or rather 
even all of them — we have set this out τη the third (book) of our 
Commentaries as well as similar statements in other authors, 
and we have shown with how much silliness they are filled.? 


' Diogenes of Babylon was a Stoic philosopher who lived between the mid- 
dle of the 3rd and the middle of the 2nd century B.C. The surviving fragments 
are collected by v. Arnim, SVF III 210—243; see DPhA 2 D 145. 

- See Dorandi in RUSCH. vol. 15. chap. 1. 


116A Philodemus, On Poems, PHerc. 1677, col. 5.20—-6.28 (p.195—6 
Romeo) 


(When something) being discussed by us appears ordinary, 
but (when it is being discussed) by the poet (appears) majestic 
and opulent. Then, he claims, the recherché’ comes into being, 
(25) although neither majesty nor opulence appears, when, as he 
has written, (the reader/listener) feels delight’ ... 


216 MHeraclides of Pontus 


[- - - κατὰ] τὴν σύνθεσιν 
[AEVO|UEV, ἢ καὶ OLE τῆς 
ἀχκατασχεύου λαλιᾶς: ἔτι) 
καὶ προπιπτούσῃης TNC] 
πολυτ[ε]λείας καὶ σε[μνό- 
τητος. ἣ] διάνοιαύζιν τὴν ἑ- 
[TEOOL]WOLV οὐχ ἢ Axon {Lt} 
λέγοιτ᾽ ἂν ἔχειν, διὰ TO 

μηδ᾽ ἐν EVOW{L} VLG μη- 

ὃ[έ πο]τ᾽ ἐν φωνῆι ταῦτα 
κεῖσθαι]: OLO καὶ παράδοξος 
[ ε [ὰ[ν φ|α{ιλνείη τοῖς ἐφιστᾶ- 
σιν, ὅταν, διαπορῆσας 

[τί αἴτιον γείνεται τού- 

του, τὸ παρ᾽ ΗρΪ.]ακλείδηι 
κεῖσθαι νομιζόμενον 
[ἀϊποδιδῶι: [τ]έραταὰ γάρ ἐσ- 
[τιν], οὐ ψευδῆ μόνον. 
[τὰ ἀϊκοῦσαι λιγυρότητα καὶ 
[ἐμ]μέλειαν, ἣν Ὅμηρος 
ἐπιγνοὺς ἐπὶ πάντων 
TETNONXE, σεμνότητ᾽ ἢ TEt- 
λαι καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἢ 
παρέχειν φαντασίαν πο- 

[λ] υτελείας καὶ σεμνότη- 

{TH τος: 


v 24 τοτὲ Romeo: tote Schiitrumpf v1 5-28 cf. Janko 2000, p.135 adn. 
3 8-9 ἑ[τεροί]ωσιν Janko: ἐξλάττ]ωσιν Romeo 19-20 [τ]έραταὰ γάρ 
ἐσίτιν], οὐ ψευδῆ μόνον Mangoni 1993, p.45—6, probante Janko : [π]Ἰέρατὰ 
γὰρ εἶπεν] οὐκ εὐδημονον I[. ἀϊκοῦσαι Romeo 21 ta suppl. Janko 
24-5 σεμνότη{φτη τ᾽ εἰγαι Janko 


116B Philodemus, De poematis liber quintus, PHerc. 1425, col. 3.11-- 
6.5 (p. 131-4 Mangon1) 


ον ὉΠ]πα- 
κούει [καὶ τοὺς] ἄλλους 
πορεύεσθαι, μᾶλλον 


VI3 


10 


15 


20 


25 


The Sources, Text and Translation 217 


VI (3) ... according to] the composition (of words) we |mean], 
or again through the unaffected manner of speaking. (5) 
Furthermore, even when the opulence appears and the majesty, 
the mind, not the hearing, may be said to contain the a[Itera]tion,° 
(10) because (of the fact) that these (qualities) do not reside in 
euphony at all, nor yet in sound. (13) For that very reason he 
would appear absurd to those who pay attention, when, having 
gone through the puzzles as to the explanation of this, (17) he 
offers (by way of explanation) the theory which 15 believed to 
be found with Heraclides. (19) For it is monstrous,* not merely 
false, that hearing sonority and musicality, which Homer has 
recognized and maintained in all cases, either effects’ majesty 
and opulence or provides the appearance of opulence and maj- 
esty. 


' Romeo renders τὸ πεποιημένον with “lo straniamento.” 

* Romeo renders γηθῆι with “provochi diletto.” 

> Janko reads ἑ[τεροί]ωσιν (“alteration”) and renders προπιπτούσης in |. 6 
with “appears.” Romeo reads ¢|Aatt|@otv (“danno’”’) and renders mponintov- 
ons with “vengono ἃ cadere.”’ 

+ [t]épata means “monstrous.” Romeo renders her own reading: “Alla fine 
infatti disse di percepire ...” 

> Janko’s reading σεμνότη(τη )τ᾽ etlvat would give: 
sonority and musicality, ..., is majesty and opulence, or ...’. 


66 


. that ‘hearing 


29 


116B Philodemus, On Poems, fifth book, PHerc. 1425, col. 3.11-6.5 
(p.131—4 Mangon1) 


... (LL) he understands (this to mean) that |the] others [too] pro- 


218  Heraclides of Pontus 


δὲ καὶ [τὸν Hoax ]Aetony, 
ὡς κα[τενοήσαμεν. Hola- 
κλε[ίδης τοίνυν... ΔᾺΝ 


[-- --ΙΡΗ (Ὁ 
|-——] TON 
|-——] NIE 


tote I]. .JEI..... JENOC 
ἡμῖν προσί. . . .[μένοι[ς! 


ταὐτοῦ ([.......οο ΙΥΝ 
TAOE. PQ[..... λέγ!|ων 
γὰρ ὅτιι......... ΙὼνΝ 
ποητήίν ..... «οἰ | MON 
τοὺς ἀκούοντας. ὠφε]λεῖν 
δὲ τοὺς Of.......... ] εἰ 


[μ]ὲν ὠφε[λεῖν εἰπε] πρὸς 
ἀρετήν, ONAOV [ἐκ τῶ]ν 
[π]|οοεξιρημίε]νωίν ...... 
π]ερισιπίτ.... ΑἸΝΙ... 
JN. εἰ δ᾽ ἄλ[ζλω]ς εἰπίε... 
desunt 2—3 lineae 

OAT [ἄθ]λιος, ὅτι πολλῶν 
OV[O]MV ὠφελιῶν OV ὃι- 
ὦ[οΟὐἹἱσεν τὴν ποίαν ἀπαι- 
τήτέον παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χαὶ 
O[LO]TL τὸ OLA τίνων τέρ- 
[EL] καὶ τίνα τέρψιν O[V 
γι Elole]tgev, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀμ- 
φ[οῖν]! ἀδιόριστον ἀπο- 
λέ[λο!υτε τὴν ἀρετὴν TOU] 


ποητοῦ, χ[αὶ!] OLOTL τὰ κάϊ[Λ]- 


λιστ[α] ποιήματα τῶν [ὃο]- 
κιμ[ω]τάτων ποητῶ!ν! 

διὰ τὸ μηδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν 
ὠφελίαν παρασκευ[ἀά!- 
Cetv, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ [τὰ] 
πλ|[εῖστα, τινῶν δὲ πά[ν]- 
τα [TINS ἀρετῆς ἐκρ[απί-] 
ζει. τί γὰρ Ost A€Y[ELV] 


20 


25 


30 


IV 


The Sources, Text and Translation 219 


ceed (in this way?), and even more so |Herac|lides, as we have 
[noted]. (14) |[Now,] Heracli[des] ... (21) us... (22) of the same 
... (24) For when he [argules that ... (25) poet ... (26) the lis- 
ten[ers, and benefilts the ... (27) If, on the one hand, he [has 
used the word] “benefit” in regard to virtue, it (is) clear |from 
what] has been said before ... (31) fall in with’ ... (33) If, on 
the other hand, he has used the word in a different [way] ... 
|2—3 lines are lost| 

(1) ... (he 1s) a [wre|tch, because, there being many (types of) 
benefiting, he has not defined what (the) type (of benefiting is 
that) 15 to be demanded from him (the poet), (4) and because he 
has not shown through what things he (the poet) gives delight, 
and what kind of delight, (7) but on both points has left unde- 
fined the (particular) excellence of the poet, (10) and because 
he expels’ from the (poetical) excellence the most beautiful 
poems of the most renowned poets (of several actually most of 
the poems, of a few all), (13) because (of the fact that) they do 


220 Heraclides of Pontus 


τὰ [καὶ] B[A]aBrnv καἰὶ με-] 
γίσίτη!ν. ὅσον ἐφ᾽ [auTOIC], 
πε[ουτ]οιοῦντα, [τί δὲ κα-] 
τὰ τ[ὸ]ν λόγον [τὸ μὲν ἐ-] 


π᾿ ἄχίο]ον ὠφελοῦν [τ]δλει- 


ότατίο!ν ἔσεσθαι, UNOE- 
να δὲ [δύνασθαι UNT[E] ὃι- 
ἃ τῆς ἰατρικῆς UNT[E OL-| 

ἃ τῆς σοφίας UNTE [La] 
πολλῶν ἄλλων ἐπι[σ]τη- 
μῶν ἐπ᾽ ἄκρον ἐλαύνον- 
TOL μετὰ ποιητικῆς [€-] 
Ξεργα[σ]ίας; καὶ [δ]ὴ γρά- 
MWV τὸν TEOMOVTG μέν. 
οὐκ ὠφελοῦντα δέ, ποι- 
ητικὸμ μὲν εἶναι, τὰ 

[δὲ π᾿Ιοράγμ[ατα μὴ εἰδΊέεναι, 
[φ]|] αί[ν]δται πᾶσαν ἀπαγ- 
[γ]ελίαν πραγμάτων ὑπο- 
λαμ[βάνει!ν ὠφελεῖν, 

[Ὁ] φανερῶς Wevoo[s ἐἸ]στιν- 
[εἰ δ᾽ [ἔσ]τιν τις ἀν[ωφε- 
[λ]ῆς, οὐδὲν κωλύει τ|αῦ- 
[τ|ὰ εἰδότα χαὶ ποιητι- 
[κ]ῶς ἀπαγγέλλοντα 

[τ|ὸ[ν ποη]τὴν μηδὲν ὦ- 
φελίεῖν!. ἐπιφορτί[ζξι O]’ ἀλ- 
λοτρίως τῶι δοκίμωι 
ποιητ[ῆι] καὶ τὴν ἀκρι- 

BY) τῶν κατὰ τὰς ὁι[αλΊέ- 
XTOUG συνηθειῶν EX- 
μάθησιν, ἀπο[χ|οώσης 
τῇ[ς] καθ᾽ ἣν προαιρεῖται 
[γράφει!ν. τῶι δὲ μὴ ΜΕ 
AE. [---]T [---] plolv- 
σικῆς ἐπιστήμην E- 

χειν. τ[ῶ]ι δὲ TLO]v τοι- 
ovtlo|v .Of. .JN.[....JO 

|. ..{ΠΗ|.] πᾶσιν τοῖς τρό- 


20 


25 


30 


20 


The Sources, Text and Translation 221 


not effect any benefit whatsoever. (18) For what is one to say 
of the (poems) that actually effect harm (and very major harm 
at that), in so far as depends on themselves?* (21) [And what of 
the fact that ac|cording to the theory what benefits to the highest 
degree will be most perfect, (24) whereas none (of the poets) 15 
able (to do that),° neither by means of the science of medicine 
nor by means of that of wisdom nor by means of many other 
kinds of knowledge, striving for the highest degree (of perfec- 
tion) together with a poetical execution? (30) And indeed, when 
he writes that the (poet) who gives delight, but does not benefit, 
may be poetical, (1) but does not know the facts, he seems to 
assume that any report of the facts benefits, which 15 clearly 
false. If a (report of the facts) 1s without profit, there is noth- 
ing to hinder that the poet, knowing those (facts) and reporting 
them in a poetical manner, does not provide any profit. (11) He 
burdens in an improper manner the poet of approved ability also 
with the (need of a) thorough mastery of the usages that are in 
accordance with the (different types of) language, although the 
(mastery) of that type, according to which he chooses to write, 
suffices. (18) For the one who ... not ... (19) to have knowledge 
of music. (20) For the one who ... the person of that kind ... 


222 Heraclides of Pontus 


[OLC. πάσης δ᾽ ὅλως 
[τοῖς] ποητ[α]ς γεωμετρί- 
[ας καὶ yelwlyloadtac καὶ A 


[...JQUN.[...]QJ0[.]TOUN 


[-- -- -- αναγχ]αίας τοῦ 
[-- -- — TOOO|Nxov- 
τος ------ | π΄ α]ντε- 


[AGS ὄ]σα μὴ χειρουθίγι]- 
κά. χο[θὶς ------ | 

TONEI [-----ἸΤΑ, μᾶλ- 
λον δὲ [|----- JOYTOIN 
OVOOW|[T....... λ]αβεῖν 
KATTO][. . . χειρου!ογίας. 


ΠῚ 13 (μᾶλλον) — 16 vid. Janko (2000) 137 etadn.5 29--30 δῆλον Ex τῶν 
TOOELONUEVOYV suppl. Kentenich 30-2 legit et suppl. Mangoni: ot. ovlx 
ἔστ]ι τ[ἐρ]πί[ει]ν OV GoEl[TH]v. εἰ δ᾽ ἄλίλω]ς ev... Jensen 31 JEPITHIT [. 
.| NAIAPH QO  32.JNEIAAAP — IV 1 suppl. Kentenich 2-16 suppl. 
Diibner 17-18 post €xelamt]|Cet spatium: enewtacet Diibner 18-20 
suppl. Gomperz 2720 €0’ αὑτοῖς Mangoni: ed’ ἡμῖν Gomperz 22 suppl. 
Gomperz 23-4 suppl. Diibner (23 QWVEAQN P) 275 [δύ]νασθαι (scil. 
ὠφελεῖν) Diibner et Philippson: ὄνασθαι Jensen 31 xat [O]) suppl. 
Mangoni, lectionem καὶ Un<v> possibilem ducens ante xatspatium 34 


post εἶναι spatium V 1 suppl. Kentenich 2 [dJat[vjetat Mangoni: 
φαί[νη]ται Jensen 2-3 ἀπαγγελίαν suppl. Diibner 5 0 suppl. Diibner 
6 εἰ δ᾽ ἔστιν suppl. Diibner 6-7 ἀνωφελῆς suppl. Sudhaus 7-10 


suppl. Diibner 18 post γράφει]ν spatium 18-23 P TWIAE AHME 
| AETAI. .NTEACAITCTEY | CIKHIEIM2THM[. ΠΕ | XEIN [. .. 
AE]. JNONTOLIOYTC.NTEY{[. .JNN[. .J LO | HNITACINTOICTPO 
O ἢ τὸ τὰ €[O]y μεϊλετᾶ[ν πάντα καὶ TO [φ]|υἱσικῆς ἐπιστήμην] ξίχειν. 
[καὶ μὴ] δε[ι]νὸν ποιοῦ τ[ὸ ἀ]ντέχ[ει]ν [τὸν] πο!ς[ητ]ὴν πᾶσιν τοῖς χτλ. 
Jensen, αἱ vid. Mangoni p.194 20-1 post €lyew spatium 23—4 post 
TOOI[TMOL]S spatium 24,26 suppl. Kentenich 26-8 P_ allotoo]Ao[yiac 
καὶ δι] κα! στικ]ῆς Jensen 27...JAE[—---]KAO ...JAEC[-—-- |]KA 
N 29 P;.. .JONA[. .]JQUNTOUN O; [δεῖν] ov[eto]@[t]twmv [φηϊσίν 
Jensen; sed post TWN margo 30-3 legit et suppl. Mangoni 
LAP. . JAP KAIACTOY [[... .]. LAI[--- ]HKON I|[---— JII[.JNTE | 
[... JICAMHXEIPOY PQ) O varias coniecturas et multum inter se discre- 
pantes Jensen, Philippson, van Krevelen et Zucker conati sunt, vid. app. crit. 
ap. Mangoni VI 1-5 χω[ρὶς tod ἄλλων πρῶ]ϊτον εἰναι TA τοιαῦ]τα, 
ΜΝ 


25 


30 


VI 


The Sources, Text and Translation 223 


(22) in all manners.° (24) Since to poets on the whole geometry 
and geography and’ ... (28) and nautical knowledge® ... (30) 
(are) necessary the ... | be|fitting ... (32) altogether all (kinds of 

VI knowledge) which are not handicrafts. (1) Apart ... but rather 
... (4) human ... (to) take ... handicrafts’ 


' Mangoni p.189 points out that περιπίπτειν (ἑαυτῷ, τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λόγοις) 
may be used in the sense of “contraddirsi” or “smentirsi’; in that case 
“Filodemo si riferisce presumibilmente a una contraddizione da lui individu- 
ata nel ragionamento dell’avversario.” 

- Jensen’s supplement of 11. 30-2 would mean: “that it is not possible to 
give delight on account of excellence. But if differently ...” 

> éxp[ant]Cet is literally “cudgels out (from)”. Diibner’s ἐκριπτάζει would 
mean “throws out (from).” 

* Gomperz’s ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν would mean “on us.” 

> Jensen’s supplement [ὄνασθαι would mean: “none would profit by the 
science of ...” 

° Jensen’s supplement of Il. 18-23 would mean “or the fact that he (the 
poet) studies all habits/characters and the fact that he has knowledge of phys- 
ics. And do not take it il] that the poet holds his own in all manners.” 

’ Jensen’s supplement in Il. 26-8 would mean the addition of “astrology” 
and “the activity of being a member of a jury.” 

δ Jensen’s supplement in 1. 29 would seem to mean “when he claims that 
(the poet) must ..., he is dreaming.” 

” Jensen’s supplement of 1]. 1-5 would seem to mean: “apart from the fact 
that that sort of thing belongs to the domain of others in the first place, and 
even more to that of a philosopher to take cognizance of mankind and such 
handicraft.” 


μᾶλιίλον δὲ [καὶ φιλοσό]φου τῶν ἀνθρώπων γνῶσιν λ]αβεῖν | καὶ 
TOLGAUTYS χειρου]ογίας Jensen 


224 MHeraclides of Pontus 


Praedictio rerum futurarum (117-26) 


Res ad praescientiam pertinentes, liber unus] 17 (40) 
De oraculis] 17 (54a,b) 


117A Cicero, De divinatione 1.23.46 (BT p.30.8—15 Giomin1) 


132w  matrem Phalaridis scribit Ponticus Heraclides, doctus vir, 
auditor et discipulus Platonis, visam esse videre in somnus 
simulacra deorum, quae ipsa [Phalaris] domi consecravisset; 
ex 115 Mercurium e patera, quam dextera manu teneret, san- 
guinem visum esse fundere; qui cum terram attigisset, refer- 
vescere videretur sic, ut tota domus sanguine redundaret. 
quod matris somnium immanis fili1 crudelitas comprobavit. 


Cf. Val. Max. 1.7 ext.7 2 De Heraclide Pontico Platonis discipulo vid. 
1 T ad v.4—5 


3 ipsa phalaris (ex phalaridis B) codd.: phalaris primus expunx. Marsus : quae 
ipse Phalaris Davies 4 is AB: his HMP patera ex pate B 5 esset 
B attingeret Rom. 


117B Tertullianus, De anima 46.6 (p.63.24—5 Waszink) 


133 566 et Dionysu Siciliae tyrannidem Himeraea quaedam som- 
niavit. Heraclides prodidit. 


Cf. limaeus FGrH 566 F 29; Aeschin. or. 2.10; Val. Max. 1.7 ext.6; Phot. Lex. 
I 49 (1.2, p.318) Theodoridis; Suda I 165 (1.2, p. 614.8—15 Adler); Anecdota 
Graeca t.1, p.266.9—20 Bekker; Centuria III 25 (CPG t.1, p.421) 


118 Tertullianus, De anima 57.10 (p.78.1—4 Waszink) 


1334 si et de nocturnis imaginibus opponitur saepe non frustra 
mortuos visos (nam et Nasamonas propria oracula apud paren- 
tum sepulcra mansitando captare, ut Heraclides scribit vel 


The Sources, Text and Translation 225 


Prophecies (117-26) 


Matters Relating to Foreseeing, one book] 17 (40) 
On Oracles] 17 (54a, Ὁ) 


117A Cicero, On Divination 1.23.46 (BT p.30.8—15 Giomini) 


Heraclides Ponticus, a learned man, a pupil and follower of 
Plato, writes that the mother of Phalaris' thought she saw in her 
dream statues of the gods which she herself had dedicated at 
home. Of these Mercury appeared to be pouring blood from a 
libation bowl which he was holding in his right hand, and when 
it touched the ground it appeared to boil up in such a way that 
the whole house overflowed with blood. And this dream of the 
mother has been confirmed by her son’s immense cruelty. 


! Phalaris, see 37 n. 2. 

- On predictions given in dreams, see Cic. On Divination 1.30.63. Philoso- 
phers other than Heraclides believed that future events could be revealed dur- 
ing dreams, cp. Plat. Crit. 44A6—B5 (Socrates); Cic. On Divination 1.25.53 
(Aristotle). 


117B Tertullian, On the Soul 46.6 (p.63.24—5 Waszink) 


118 


But a certain woman of Himera' also foresaw in a dream the 
tyrannical rule of Dionysius’ over Sicily, Heraclides has recor- 
ded. 


' Cp. above 107 n. 1. 
- Dionysius I was tyrant of Syracuse, ca. 430-367 B.C. 


Tertullian, On the Soul 57.10 (p.78.1—4 Waszink) 


If concerning visions in the night, too, it 1s objected that often 
the dead are seen and not without purpose (for that the Nasa- 
monians,’ too, received their own oracles tarrying near to the 
tombs of their ancestors, as Heraclides writes, or Nymphodorus? 


226 MHeraclides of Pontus 


Nymphodorus vel Herodotus ...) 


4 Nymphodorus Syracusanus; hoc fragmentum deest in collectione fragmen- 
torum Nymphodori FHG t.2, p.375—81 Herodotus 4.172.3 


2 visos Urs: vivos AB Gelenius 


119 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata 1.21 108.1—3 (t.1, p.69.17—25 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


130W χαὶ οὔτι ye μόνος οὗτος (scil. Μωυσῆς), ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ Σί- 
βυλλα Ὀρφέως παλαιοτέρα: λέγονται γὰρ περὶ τῆς ἐπωνυμί- 
ας αὑτῆς χαὶ περὶ τῶν χρησμῶν τῶν καταπεφημισμξνων 
ἐκείνης εἶναι λόγοι πλείους, Φρυγίαν τε οὖσαν κεκλῆσθαι 
Ἄρτεμιν καὶ ταύτην παραγενομένην εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀσαι: 
2 ὦ Δελφοί, θεράποντες ἑκηβόλου Ἀπόλλωνος. 
ἦλθον ἐγὼ χρήσουσα Διὸς νόον αἰγιόχοιο. 
αὐτοκασιγνήτῳ κεχολωμένη Απόλλωνι. 
3. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλη Ερυθραία Ηροφίλη καλουμένη: μέμνηται 
τούτων Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ χρηστηρίων. 


De aetate Mosis comparata cum ea Orphei et Sibyllae cf. Euseb. Praep. 
evang. [0.11.27 6-8 deest in Parke-Wormell 9 Herophila Erythraea: 
Paus. 10.12.7; Herm. In Plat. Phaedr. schol. p.94.25 Couvreur; vid. adn. ad 
120A; 120C adn. ad v.2 


2 λέγονται Dindorf: λέγεται codd. 3 καταπεφημισμέξνων : καταπε- 
φηνισμένων 1, 


120A Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 1.6.8; 12 (p.24.3-4, 25.11--14 
Heck-Wlosok) 


131aw ceterum (scil. Varro scripsit) Sibyllas decem numero fuisse 
easque omnes enumeravit sub auctoribus qui de singulis scrip- 
12 taverint ... octavam Hellespontiam in agro Troiano natam, vico 
Marmesso circa oppidum Gergithium, quam scribat Heraclides 


119 


The Sources, Text and Translation 227 


or Herodotus ...). 


' The Nasamonians were a tribe living in Libya. They prophesied from 
dreams that they had at the graves of their ancestors: Hdt. 4.172. 

- Nymphodorus of Syracuse, who lived at the end of the 3rd century B.C., 
wrote accounts of travels, among which was Sailing around Asia (Περίπλους 
᾿Ασίας). 


Clement of Alexandria, Patchwork 1.21 108.1—3 (v.1, p.69.17- 
25 Stahlin-Friichtel) 


But not only he (Moses), but the Sibyl, too, is older than 
Orpheus.' It is said that there are quite a few stories about her 
name and about the oracles of that woman that were spread 
abroad, for example, that she was Phrygian’ and had been called 
Artemis, and that she arrived in Delphi and sang: 

Oh Delphians, servants of far-shooting Apollo, 
Ι have come to pronounce the mind of Zeus the aegis 
bearer, 
angry at my very own brother Apollo. 
There is also another (Sibyl) from Erythrae, called Herophila.’ 
Heraclides Ponticus mentions these in his (treatise) On Oracles. 


' Orpheus, see 111. 

- Phrygian, see 114 n. 1. 

> For the Sibyl from Erythrae (a city in Asia Minor, opposite the island 
of Chios) called Herophila, see below 120C n. 1. It seems that Heraclides 
was the first to introduce the distinction of the two sibyls mentioned here, 
see Rohde, vol. 2, p. 66 n. 1. Herophila was also the name of a prophetess in 
Delphi who foretold the Trojan war: Paus. 10.12.2. In Theosophorum Grae- 
corum Fragmenta F 1 (p. 60.31—2 Erbse) Herophila 15 one name of the Siby] 
of Cumae. 


120A Lactantius, Divine Institutes 1.6.8; 12 (p.24.3-4, 25.11-14 


12 


Heck-Wlosok) 


(Varro wrote that) furthermore the Sibyls have been ten in 
number, and he has listed them all under the authors who have 
written about each of them ... The eighth was the Hellespontian 
Sibyl, born in the Trojan plain in the village Marmessus near 
the town Gergithium. Heraclides Ponticus wrote that she lived 


228 Heraclides of Pontus 


Ponticus Solonis et Cyri fuisse temporibus. 


1 Decem Sibyllae: Ael. Var. hist. 12.35, contradicit Mart. Cap. 2.159 3-4 Cf. 
Dion. Hal. Antiguit. 1.55.4; Mart. Cap. 2.159: Herophilam (cf. 119 adn. ad ν. 
9) Troianam Mermessi filiam 


4 Marmesso cf. app. crit. 120B v.2 sciba: ba in ras. KS: scribit H’ WR? 
eraclidus K 5 solonicus K’S cyru DVP 


120B Scholion in Platonis Phaedrum 244B (p.80 Greene) 


ibw ὀγδόη (scil. Σίβυλλα) ἡ EAAnomovtia, ἥτις ἐν κώμῃ 
Μαομισσῷ τὴν γένεσιν ἔσχεν περὶ τὴν πολίχνην Teoyetiw- 
va: ὑπὸ τὴν ἐνορίαν δὲ αὕτη τῆς Τροίας ἐτύγχανεν. ἣν ἐν 
καιρῷ Σόλωνος ual Κύρου, ὡς ἔγραψεν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ 
ΠῸΟοντικός. 


1 Sibylla Marpessi genita, vivens ante Ἰγοίαπμηι bellum: Paus. 10.12.2—4 


2 Μαρμισσῷ codd. (cf. Steph. Byz. 445.15—7 Meounooos), at vid. testim. 
ad 120C v.2 2-3 Teoyetiova: εργίθιον 120C, wbi vid. app. crit. ad v.2 
3 (ἢν) — 5 (ὁ Ποντικός) add. vulg. 


120C Theosophorum Graecorum Fragmenta, fr. 1 (BT p. 60.34-61.37 
Erbse) 


Blew ὀγδόη (scil. Σίβυλλα) ἡ EdAnonovtia τεχθεῖσα ἐν κώμῃ 
Μαρπησσῷ περὶ τὴν πολίχνην [ ργίθιον, αἱ τῆς ἐνορίας 
ποτὲ τῆς ᾿Γρωάδος ἐτύγχανον, ἐν καιροῖς Σόλωνος χαὶ Κύ- 
οου, ὡς ἔγραψεν Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικός. 


= Anonymus Vindobonensis in: E. Maass, De Sibyllarum Indicibus Disser- 
tatio, Greifswald 1879, p.39, cf. p.43 1-4 (Κύρου) cf. Suda Σ᾽ 361 s.v. 
Σίρυλλα Χαλὸδαία (1.4, p.355.1—-3) Adler 2 Μαρπησσῷ, cf Paus. 
10.12.3-4; Suda M 225 s.v. Μάρπησσος (1.3, p.330.22) Adler; Tib. 2.5.67-8 
Marpesia Herophile 2-3 TeoytOov, cf Str. 13 589 (1.3, p.550.30 Radt); 
Steph. Byz. s.v. V€oyuc Gergithium in Troade situm: Hadt. 5.122.2 


2 (at) — 3 (ἐτύγχανον) D' Suda: ἥτις EVOELA ποτὲ τοωάδος ἐτύγχανεν P 


The Sources, Text and Translation 229 


at the time of Solon’ and Cyrus.” 


! See ΘΑ n. 2. 
2 For Solon, see 32-5. 
> Cyrus I, 6th century B.C., was the founder of the Persian empire. 


120B Scholion on Plato’s Phaedrus 244B (p.80 Greene) 


The eighth (sc. Sibyl) Gs) the Hellespontian, who was born 
in the village Marmissus! near the small town Gergetion, which 
happened to be in the territory of Troy. She lived at the time of 
Solon and Cyrus, as Heraclides Ponticus wrote. 


| For the spelling Marmissus (Maputcodc), see Suda o 1361 under 
Σίβυλλα Xaroata (v. 4, p. 355.1 Adler). 


120C Fragments of the Theosophers, fr. 1 (BT p.60.34—61.37 Erbse) 


The eighth (sc. Sibyl), the Hellespontian, was born in the vil- 
lage Marpessus' near the small town Gergithium, which once 
happened to be within the boundaries of the Troad, in the time 
of Solon and Cyrus, as Heraclides Ponticus has written. 


' This is the spelling in the Suda u 225 under Μάρπησσος (v. 3, p. 330.22 
Adler). It is the original form (“die alte Form”, Erbse 1941, 38 n. 93). The 
source of Paus. 10.12.3-4 claimed that the Sibyl of Marpessus was the Ery- 
thraean (119 n. 3), called after the red (in Greek ἐρυθρά, erythra) soil around 
Marpessus. Cp. Stephanus of Byzantium (445. 15—7 Meineke) under “Mermes- 


a2 


SUS. 


230 Heraclides of Pontus 


121 Scholion in Pindari Olympionicas 6.119 (t.1, p.180.3—8 Drach- 
mann) 


135W TO OLA TOV ἐμπύρων μαντεύεσθαι. οὕτως OE μέχρι νῦν OL 
Ἰαμίδαι μαντεύονται, ἔμπυρα θύματα τιθέντες ἐν τῷ βωμῷ. 
Ἡρακλείδης δὲ ἐν τῷ Περὶ χρησμῶν τοῖς δέρμασί, φησιν 
αὐτοὺς μαντεύεσθαι ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὰς σχισμὰς τῶν ὃξο- 
μάτων, πότερον εὐθεῖαί εἰσιν ἢ οὔ. 


Cf. Schol. in Pind. Οἱ. 6.111d (1.1, p.179.3—7 Drachmann) 


3 χρησμῶν codd. (vid. 17 (54b)): χρηστηρίων Miiller FHG (1.2), p.197 
adn.3 (in p. 198) (vid. 17 (54a)) 4 εἰς τὰς suppl. Boeckh (ex V) 


122A Scholion in Hesiodi Scutum 70 (p.26—7 Ranke) 


37aw Παγασαίου. Πάγασος, πόλις καὶ τόπος τῆς Θετταλίας. 
ὠνομασμένος παρὰ τὸ ἐκεῖ τὴν Αργὼ πεπῆχθαι. ἩΗρακλεί- 
Onc δὲ ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ χρηστηρίων, dia τὸ ἐν Παγα- 
σαῖς Απόλλωνος ὑπὸ Τροφωνίου ἱδρῦσθαι. 


Scholia in Hesiodi Scutum attribuuntur Diacono Pediasimo (A.D. 14), vid. 
Rzach, RE t. VIL 1, col. 1228 


3-4 χρηστηρίων tov ἐν Παγασαῖς Απόλλωνα ὑπὸ Τροφωνίου ἱδρῦσθαί 
φησι ed. Bas. 1542 (ex cod. Cantabr.) 


122B Etymologicon Magnum s.v. Ilayaoatoc (col. 1833 646.39-41 
Gaisford) cum additamento cod. Laurentiani 304 B St. Marci (E. 
Muller, Mélanges de Littérature Grecque, Paris 1868, p.233) 


Bmw ΠΑΓΆΑΣΑΙ͂ΟΣ λέγεται ὁ Απόλλων ἀπὸ Παγάσης. ἔστι δὲ 
τόπος τῆς Θεσσαλίας καὶ πόλις, παρὰ τὸ ἐκεῖ τὴν Αργὼ 
πεπῆχθαι. Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ χρηστηρίων, 
διὰ τὸ ἐν Παγάσαις 6 ἐστιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Toomdwviov ἱδρῦσθαι. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 231 


121 Scholion on Pindar’s Olympian 6.119 (v.1, p.180.3—8 Drach- 
mann) 


Making prophecies through burnt offerings: The Iamidae’ 
prophesy in this way up to the present day, by placing burnt offe- 
rings on the altar. Heraclides says in his (treatise) On Oracles 
that they prophesy by the skins, looking at the clefts of the skins 
(to see), whether or not these are straight. 


' The Iamidae were a family of seers in Elis who prophesied at Olympia. 


122A Scholion on Hesiod’s Shield of Heracles 70 (p.26—7 Ranke) 


Of Pagasaean (Apollo): Pagasus! is a city and a place in 
Thessaly so named because there the Argo had been built.* Hera- 
clides Ponticus in his (treatise) On Oracles (says it 15 so named) 
because the (sanctuary) of Apollo in Pagasae had been founded 
by Trophonius.” 


' Pagasae (later Pagasus) was a city in Thessaly, on the north coast of the 
culf of Pagasae, near Demetrias. 

- πεπῆχθαι (pepéchthai). Cp. Strabo 9.5.15 436: according to legend, the 
place was so named because the Argo was built (ναυ-πηγία, nau-pégia) there; 
for Strabo more credibly the name is explained from the many springs (πηγαί, 
pégat) there. 

> Trophonius, cp. 143. 


122B Great Etymological Lexicon under “Pagasaean’” (col.1833 
646.39-41 Gaisford) with addition of the Laurentian codex 304 
B of St. Mare (E. Miller, Wélanges de Littérature Grecque, Paris 
1868, p.233) 


Apollo is called PAGASAEAN after Pagase. This is a place 
in Thessaly and a city, (named) from the fact that the Argo had 
been built’ there. Heraclides Ponticus in his (treatise) On Ora- 
cles (says it is 80 named) because the (oracle) that 1s in Pagasae 
had been founded by [rophonius. 


' In Greek πεπῆχθαι (pepéchthai). See 122A n. 2. 


232 


Heraclides of Pontus 


123 Aelius Herodianus et Ps.-Herodianus, De declinatione nominum., 


Περὶ τῶν εἰς HE (GG pars 3, t.2, fasc. post., p.690.5—11 Lentz) 


38w TO γὰρ κύριον ὄνομα TO Πέρσης εἰς ἡ ἔχει τὴν ZXANTLATYV 


οἷον ὦ Πέρση ὡς παρ᾽ Ἡσιόδῳ: 

ὦ Πέρση. σὺ δὲ ταῦτα τεῷ ἐνικάτθεο θυμῷ. 
σημδιούμεθα παρ᾽ Ηραχλείδῃ ἐν τοῖς Περὶ χρησμῶν, ὅτιτερ 
καὶ λέγουσί τινες πεπλασμένον εἶναι, τὸ 

[ὦ] Πέρση ποικιλόδιφρε + ἰδὼν + ἄπο χεῖρας ἔχε- 

σθαι. 
ἔστι γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ἐθνικὸν χαὶ εἰς ἡ καταλήγει ἣ κλητική. 


= Georg. Choeroboscus Schol. in Theodosti Alexandrini Canones tsagogicos 
de flexione nominum, masc. 4 (GG 1.4.1 p.l63.29-37 Hilgard); Theodosius 
Canones, in: Bekker, Anecdota Graeca 1.3, p.11S9 no.21 3 Hes. op. 27 
6—7 = Parke-Wormell no. 99 


5 πεπλασμένον VP: πεπλανημένον NC: πεπλανημένα Bekker, Anecdota 
Graeca I.l δῶ NC: unius litterae rasura V: om. P ἰδὼν VP: ἵνὸ᾽ N: 
ἵν᾽ C: teg@v Parke 


124 Zenobius, Centuria 2.84 (CPG, t.1, p.53.18-23 Leutsch-Sch- 


neidewin) 


36w Βοιωτοῖς μαντεύσαιο: αὕτη xataoatixy ἐστιν. Hoaxdet- 


125 


ὃης γὰρ φησί, μαντευομένοις τοῖς Θηβαίοις περὶ πολέμου 
ἀπεκρίνατο ἣ προφῆτις N ἐν Δωδώνῃ. νίκην αὐτοῖς ἀσεβή- 
σασιν ἔσεσθαι. εἰς δὲ τῶν θεωρῶν ἁρπάσας Μυρτίλαν τὴν 
προφῆτιν ἐνέβαλεξν εἰς θερμοῦ παρακξείμδνον λέβητα. 

Cf. Dicaearch. fr. 82 Mirhady; Ephorus FGrH 70 F 119; Plut. Cent. 1.9 (CPG 
[.1, p.322); Append. 3.97 (ibid. p.434—5); Procl. Bibl. in: Phot. Bibl. 321b34- 
322a135 (1.5, p.l64—5 Henry); Eur. I1rGFk (1.5, pars 1, p.407) Γ΄ 3685 


1 μαντεύσαιο : μαντεύσαις B: wavtevoetac Plut. 1.c 


Plutarchus, De Iside et Osiride 27 361E—F (BI t.2, fasc. 3, 
p.26.20—4 Nachstadt-Sieveking- Titchener) 


[397 οὗ γὰρ ἄλλον εἶναι Σάραπιν ἢ τὸν Πλούτωνά φασι καὶ 


Ἴσιν τὴν Περσέφασσαν, ὡς Ἀρχέμαχος εἴρηκεν ὁ Εὐβοεὺς 


123 


124 


125 


The Sources, Text and Translation 233 


Aelius Herodianus and Ps.-Herodianus, On the Declension of 
Nouns, “On words (nouns) ending in -és” (GG part 3, v.2, fasc. 
post. p.690.5—11 Lentz) 


The proper name Perses has its vocative ending in an é (éfa), 
for example, Oh Persé, as in Hesiod: 
Oh Persé, store this in your heart. 
We notice in Heraclides in his (treatise) On Oracles that some 
people in fact say that the (following) verse was forged: 
[Oh] Persé (1.e., Persian) of the multi-colored chariot, 
jtlookingyt ... (to) keep your hands off. 
For here we have the name of a nation and the vocative ends in 
an é (éta).' 


' Whereas it should end in a short a (Mépou%). 


Zenobius, Centuria 2.84 (CPG, v.1, p.53.18—23 Leutsch-Schnel- 
dewin) 


Prophesize to the Boeotians: This one is a curse. For Hera- 
clides says that when the Boeotians were consulting the oracle 
about a war, the prophetess at Dodona' answered that they would 
gain victory if they committed sacrilege. So one of the envoys 
seized the priestess Myrtila and threw her into a cauldron of hot 
water that was standing nearby. 


Dodona, in Epirus, north-western Greece, was the site of an oracle. 


Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris 27 361 E—-F (BT v.2, fasc. 3, p.26.20- 
4 Nachstadt-Sieveking- Titchener) 


For people say that Sarapis' is none other than Pluto’ and Isis 
(none other than) Persephone (Persephassa), as Archemachus 


234 Heraclides of Pontus 


καὶ ὁ Ποντικὸς Ἡρακλείδης τὸ yonotnetov ἐν Κανώβῳ 
Ε Πλούτωνος ἡγούμενος εἰναι. 


1 De Sarapide vid. Clem. Al. Protr. 4.48; lac. Hist. 4.853—4 (84.3: sacellum 
Serapidi atque Isidi antiquitus sacratum); Origen. C. Cels.5.38 De Sarapide 
et Plutone vid. Plut. De sollert. anim. 36 9S4A-B; de Iside et Persephone vid. 
Apul. Metam. 11.5 2 Archemachos = FGrH 424 F 6 


2 τὴν codd.: ἢ τὴν Reiske 3.ἡράκλειτος codd.: corr. Xylander 


126 Cicero, De divinatione 1.57.130 (BT p.74.11—18 Giomini) 


141 etenim Ceos accepimus ortum Caniculae diligenter quot- 
annis solere servare coniecturamque capere, ut scribit Ponti- 
cus Heraclides, salubrisne an pestilens annus futurus sit. nam 
s1 obscurior <et> quasi calignosa stella extiterit, pingue et con- 
cretum esse caelum, ut elus adspiratio gravis et pestilens futura 
sit; sin inlustris et perlucida stella apparuerit, significari caelum 
esse tenue purumque et propterea salubre. 


1 etenim Cantabr. et Reg. teste Davisio: ita coni. Manutius: ut enim codd. 
1—2 quod (corr. in quot M) annis (quodannis corr. in quotannis Π) BMF 4 
et quasi Davies ex codd. Cantabr. et Reg.: quasicodd. 4--5 extiterit — asp1- 
ratio mg. add. m. alt. B 6 siillustris V)— apparuit V significare BM 
7 purumque ex puerumque 6b 


De Philosophis et Sapientibus (127-32) 


Adversus Democritum]| 17 (20) 
Adversus doctrinas Zenonis, liber unus] 17 (26) 


126 


The Sources, Text and Translation 235 


the Euboean’ has said and Heraclides Ponticus, who thinks the 
oracle in Canopus’ belongs to Pluto. 


' Sarapis (later called Serapis) was an Egyptian god whose cult was advan- 
ced under Ptolemy I Soter (ca. 367/6—283/2 B.C.), the successor of Alexander 
the Great. The foundation of this cult 1s dated to the last years of the reign of 
Ptolemy I, that 15 at least a generation after Heraclides’ death. However, the 
oracle in Canopus mentioned by Heraclides need not be related to the cult of 
Sarapis as established by Ptolemy I, but might refer to Osiris with whom Sara- 
pis had close links; see P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (3 vols., Oxford 
1972), v. 1, p. 246-57; v. 2, p. 405-6, n. 515. Schrader, Philologus 44, 1885, 
283 n. 3, considers the possibility that this fragment belongs to Heraclides 
Ponticus the younger who, according to the Etymol. Gudianum p. 297.49-51, 
wrote about Canobus, after whom this place was named (Strab. 17.1.17 801). 
Sarapis was likened to various Greek gods, among them Zeus, Dionysus and 
Hades, see Diod. Sic. 1.25.2. 

- Pluto is a different name for the deity Hades. 

’ Archemachus the Euboean, probably of the 3rd century B.C., was author 
of a local history of Euboea; the fragments are collected in kGrH 424. 

* Canopus (Greek: Κάνωβος, Kanobos) was a city at the mouth of the Nile 
and an important religious center. 


Cicero, On Divination 1.57.130 (BT p.74.11—8 Giomin1) 


We have been told that the people of Ceos, for example, are 
accustomed to observe the rising of the dog star closely every 
year and to base on it a conjecture, as Heraclides Ponticus writes, 
Whether the coming year is to be one of health or plague. For if 
the star has risen rather dimly and as if in a haze, this signifies 
that the heaven 15 thick and solid, with the result that what one 
breathes in from it will be heavy and unwholesome. But if the 
star has appeared brilliant and very clear, this signifies that the 
sky is fine and pure and therefore healthy. 


Philosophers and Wise Men (127-32) 


In Reply to Democritus| 17 (20) 
In Reply to the doctrines of Zeno, one book] 17 (26) 


236 


127 


39 W 


128 


40 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Adversus doctrinas Metronis, liber unus| 17 (27) 
Heracliti explicationes, libri quattuor] 17 (41) 

Adversus Democritum explicationes, liber unus| 17 (42) 
Adversus Dionysium, liber unus] 17 (48) 

De Pythagoreis] 17 (50) 

Zoroastres| 17 (56) 

Abaris| 17 (57a,b) 

De bono, liber unus] 17 (25) 


De Heraclide Platonis lectiones de bono audiente et excipiente, 
vid. 9 


Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum 9.15 (BIT 1.1, p.641.7— 
11 Marcovich) 


πλεῖστοί., τέ εἰσιν, ὅσοι ἐξήγηνται αὐτοῦ (scil. Hoaxdet- 
του) τὸ σύγγραμμα. καὶ γὰρ Αντισθένης καὶ Ἡρακλείδης 
ὁ Ποντικὸς Κλεάνθης τε [ὁ Ποντικὸς! καὶ Σφαῖρος ὁ Στοωι- 
κός, πρὸς δὲ Παυσανίας ὁ κληθεὶς Hoaxdettiothc, Νικο- 
μήδης τε καὶ Διονύσιος: τῶν δὲ γραμματικῶν Διόδοτος. 


= Hieronym. khod. fr. 5.1 White 2 Antisthenes Heracliteus: Diog. Laert. 
6.19 = 66 Α (1.2, p.70) DK 3 Cleanthes: hic locus deest in SVF t.1 
Sphaerus: hic locus deest in SVF 1.1. Sphaerus scripsit quinque libros de 
Heraclito: Diog. Laert. 7.178 4—5 Pausanias Heracliteus; Nicomedes; 
Dionysius vid. 22 A I (t.1, p.142.30) DK 5 Diodotus Diog. Laert. 9.12 


3 ὁ Ilovtixoc del. Bake 4 ἡρακλειτιστὴς PF: ἠἡρακλείτης τῆς B: 
ἠρακλείδης ἢ 


Porphyrius, De abstinentia 1.26.2--4 (p.60—1 Bouffartigue) 


OTL δὲ OVX ἀσεβὲς TO χτείνειν καὶ ἐσθίειν, δηλοῖ TO χκαὶ 
αὐτὸν τὸν Πυθαγόραν, τῶν μὲν πάλαι διδόντων γάλα πίνειν 
τοῖς ἀθλοῦσι καὶ τυροὺς δὲ ἐσθίειν ὕδατι HEBOEYUEVOUG, τῶν 
δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ταύτην μὲν ἀποδοκιμασάντων τὴν δίαιταν. 
διὰ <OE> τῶν ξηρῶν σύκων τὴν τροφὴν ποιουμένων τοῖς 
ἀθληταῖς, πρῶτον περιελόντα τὴν ἀρχαίαν χρέα OLOOVAL 


127 


128 


The Sources, Text and Translation 237 


In Reply to the doctrines of Metron, one book] 17 (27) 
Expositions of Heraclitus, four books] 17 (41) 
Expositions in Reply to Democritus, one book] 17 (42) 
In Reply to Dionysius, one book] 17 (48) 

On the Pythagoreans| 17 (50) 

Zoroaster| 17 (56) 

Abaris| 17 (57a, b) 

On the Good, one book] 17 (25) 


For Heraclides being present at and writing up Plato’s lectures 
On the Good, see 9. 


Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 9.15 (BT v.1, 
p.641.7—11 Marcovich) 


And there are a great many who have explained his (Heracli- 
tus’) work. For (among them are) Antisthenes’ and Heraclides 
Ponticus and Cleanthes* and Sphaerus the Stoic,” and in addition 
the Pausanias who 1s called Heraclitean, and Nicomedes and 
Dionysius,’ and of the grammarians Diodotus.° 


Antisthenes, see DPhA 1 A 218. 

- Cleanthes of Assos, ca. 331-232 B.C., was a student of Zeno (cp. 5) and 
became his successor as head of the Stoic school. The fragments are collected 
in SVF v. 1, p. 103-39; see DPhA 2 C 138. 

* Sphaerus the Stoic, of Borysthenes, 3rd century B.C., was a student of 
Zeno and Cleanthes. The fragments are collected in SVF v. 1, p. 139-42. 

* Dionysius, see DPhA 2 Ὁ 169. 

> The erammarian Diodotus, about whose lifetime we have no information, 
interpreted Heraclitus’ work and wanted it to be understood as referring not to 
nature, but to the political constitution, see DPhA 2 D 135. 


Porphyry, On Abstinence 1|.26.2—4 (p.60—1 Bouffartigue) 


That it 15 not impious to kill and to eat (animals) is demon- 
strated by the following story about Pythagoras’ himself. People 
in ancient times used to give athletes milk to drink and cheese 
soaked in water to eat, while their successors disapproved of this 
diet and prepared nourishment for their athletes consisting of 


238 


129 


41 W 


130 


73 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


τοῖς γυμναζομένοις χαὶ πολὺ διαφέρουσαν πρὸς ἰσχὺν 
EVOELV δύναμιν. ἱστοροῦσι O€ τινες καὶ αὐτοὺς ἅπτεσθαι τῶν 
ἐμψύχων τοὺς ΠΠυθαγορείους, OTE θύοιξν θεοῖς. τοιαῦτα μὲν 
δὴ τὰ παρὰ Κλωδίῳ καὶ Ηρακλείδῃ τῷ Ποντικῷ Ερμάρχῳ 
τε τῷ Επικουρείῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς καὶ τοῦ Περιπάτου, 
ἐν οἷς καὶ τὰ ὑμέτερα, ὅσα ἡμῖν ἀπηγγέλθη. περιείληπται. 


1-8 cf. Favorin. fr. 44 et fr. 5δ Barigazzi; Porph. Vita Pyth. 15 25: Diog. 
Laert.8.12 8 (totogovot) sgq.: Arist. fr. 194 R’; Gell. Noct. Att. 4.11 .1—12; 
Diog. Laert. 8.20; Porph. Vita Pyth. 34; 36; id. De abst. 2.28; lambl. Vita 
Pyth. 85; 98; Plut. Quaest. conv. 3 729C; Aristox. (SdA 1.2) fr. 28, at cf. infra 
149 vv. 15-16 10-11 Hermarch. fr. 34 Longo Auricchio 


5 δὲ add. Hercher τῶν abesse mavult Nauck 10 δὴ Nauck: καὶ codd. 
Ἑ ρμάρχῳ Bernays (Theophrastos’ Schrift iiber Frommigkeit, Berlin 1886, 
p.139): Ἑρμάχῳ codd. 


loannes Lydus, De Mensibus 4.42 (BT p.99.17—23 Winsch) 


ὁ δὲ Ποντικὸς Ηρακλείδης φησίν, ὡς et τις TOV κύαμον 
ἐν καινῇ θήκῃ ἐμβαλὼν ἀποχρύψει τῇ κόπρῳ ἐπὶ τεσσαρά- 
κοντα πάσας ἡμέρας, εἰς OWLV ἀνθρώπου σεσαρκωμέξνου 
μεταβαλόντα τὸν κύαμον εὑρήσει, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν ποιητὴν 
φάναι 

ἰσόν τοι κυάμους τε φαγεῖν κεφαλάς τε τοκήων. 


Cf. Hippolyt. Haer. 2.14 (Marvovich); Pythagor. Texts p.159.10-4 Thesleff 
6 = fr. 291 Orphicorum Fragmenta Kern, cf. Plut. Quaest. conviv. 2.1 635E; 
Clem. Al. Strom. 3.3 24.2 ἰσόν TOL κυάμους τρώγειν κεφαλάς TE τοκήων; 
Ath. 2.72 65F “ἶσον καὶ κυάμων TE τρώγειν κεφαλῶν TE’ OV ‘TOXNMV’ 
μόνον ...; Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. hypoth. 3.224. De Pythagora iubente fabis absti- 
nere vid. Empedocl. 31 B 141 DK; Cic. De div. 1.30.62; Callim. fr. 553 Pf; 
Luc. Dial. mort. 20.3 


1 Ποντικὸς om. X 2 κενῇ X 


Plutarchus, De audiendis poetis 1 148 (BT t.1, p.28.4—11 Paton- 
Wegehaupt-Pohlenz-Gartner) 


OTL δὲ τῶν EV φιλοσοφίφι λεγομένων OL σφόδρα νέοι τοῖς 


10 


The Sources, Text and Translation 239 


dried figs. Pythagoras was the first to abolish the ancient diet and 
give meat to athletes in training, and to discover a far superior 

3. source of strength. Some record that the Pythagoreans themsel- 
ves, too, touched (i.e., ate) living creatures when they sacrificed 

4 to the gods. Such are the things (found) in Clodius* and Heracli- 
des Ponticus and Hermarchus the Epicurean’ and those writers 
from the Stoa and the Peripatos, in which are included also those 
of your stories that have been reported to us. 


| See 25 n. 1. 

* Clodius Sextus from Sicily was a contemporary of Cicero. In Porphyry, 
On Abstinence 1.3.3 a book against vegetarians 1s ascribed to a Clodius of 
Naples. For the identity see Brzoska RE IV 1, col. 66—7 (Clodius 13), see 
DPhA 2 C 176. 

> Hermarchus of Mytilene, the Epicurean, was a younger contemporary 
and student of Epicurus whom he succeeded as head of the Epicurean school, 
cp. Vit. Epicur. 15 (p. 367.2—3 Usener); 25 (p. 369.14 Usener), see DPhA 3 
H 75. 


129 John of Lydia, On Months 4.42 (BT p.99.17—23 Wiinsch) 


Heraclides Ponticus says that if somebody throws a bean into 
anew coffin and covers it with dung for a full forty days, he will 
find that the bean has changed into the appearance of a human 
in full flesh. And (he continues) this is why the poet said: 

It is the same, you see, whether you eat beans or the 
heads of your parents. 


130 Plutarch, How the Young Man Should Study Poetry 1 14E (BT 
v.1, p.28.4—1]1 Paton-Wegehaupt-Pohlenz-Gartner) 


It is clear to us that very young men enjoy, among the dis- 


240 


131 


74 W 


132 


75 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


μὴ δοκοῦσι φιλοσόφως UNO’ ἀπὸ σπουδῆς λέγεσθαι χαίρου- 
σι μᾶλλον χαὶ παρέχουσιν ὑπηκόους ἑαυτοὺς χαὶ YELOON- 
θεις, δῆλόν ἐστιν ἡμῖν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὰ Αἰσώπεια μυθάρια 
καὶ τὰς ποιητικὰς ὑποθέσεις καὶ τὸν Ἄβαριν τὸν HoaxAet- 
δου καὶ τὸν Λύκωνα τὸν Αρίστωνος διερχόμενοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
τὰ περὶ ψυχῶν δόγματα μεμιγμένα μυθολογίᾳ μεθ᾽ ἡδονῆς 
ἐνθουσιῶσιν. 


= Lyco fr. 235 5[Ὁ); Arist. Dialogi IV (p.44.27-45.5) R° 6 Lyco Aristonis: 
SdA (1.6) fr. 33 


5 ἀλλὰ post ὑποθέσεις M. post. in Οἱ 6 ἀλλὰ καὶ inserunt G°X°V: «καὶ» 
τὰ «ἄλλα» Crénert 


Lexica Segueriana, De syntacticis (Anecdota Graeca, t.1, p.178. 
27—31 Bekker) 


ὑλακτῶ- αἰτιατικῇ. Ἡρακλείδου Ποντικοῦ ἐκ τοῦ dev- 
τέρου λόγου τῶν εἰς τὸν Αβαριν ἀναφερομένων: ἐκ δὲ τῶν 
ἐγγὺς φωλεῶν ἐξείρπυσαν ὄφεις ἐπὶ τὸ σῶμα σφοδρῶς 
ὀρούοντες. ἐκωλύοντο μέντοι ὑπὸ τῶν κυνῶν ὑλακτούντων 
αὐτούς. 


Lexica Segueriana, De syntacticis (Anecdota Graeca, t.1, p.145. 
21—7 Bekker) 


ἐπιστρέφομαι ... Ηρακλείδου Ποντικοῦ τῶν εἰς ABaotv 
ἀναφερομένων: ἔφη δὲ τὸ δένδρον αὐτῷ τὸν δαίμονα, νεα- 
νίαν γενόμξδνον, ἐπιθεῖναι, προστάξαι δὲ πιστεύειν περὶ θε- 
ὧν, ὡς εἰσίν τε καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπιστρέφονται πραγ- 
μάτων. 


3—4 credere 4605 existere, cf. Plat. Leg. lO.S9OD5 4--5 credere deos curare 
de rebus humanis, cf. Plat. Leg. 10.8SS5B; 9OOB; lambl. Vit. Pyth. 217 


2 δένδρον codd.: δεύτερον Wehrli 3 ἐπιθεῖναι codd.: ἐπιδεῖξαι Cors- 
==> 


131 


132 


The Sources, Text and Translation 241 


courses 1n philosophy, more the ones that seem not to be expres- 
sed philosophically, or even seriously, and that they offer 
themselves as a receptive and amenable audience of these. For 
in reading through not only Aesop’s fables and the stories of the 
poets and Heraclides’ Abaris and Ariston’s Lyco, but also the 
doctrines about souls mixed with mythology, they are inspired 
as well as delighted. 


Seguerian Lexica, On Syntax (Anecdota Graeca v.1, p.178.27- 
31 Bekker) 


I bark: with the accusative case. From Heraclides Ponticus’s 
second book of What is attributed to Abaris:' “Out of the nearby 
holes crept forth snakes, charging vehemently at his body. But 
they were stopped by the dogs barking at them.” 

ἱ τῶν εἰς “ABapt ἀναφερομένων: this might imply an indication that the 
utterances attributed to Abaris (cp. Lévy 1926, 24) did not necessarily contain 
authentic material but were rather fictitious, cp. Diog. Laert. 8.8: lon of Chios 
said that Pythagoras composed some poems and attributed (ἀνενεγκεῖν) them 
to Orpheus, cf. Hirzel 1895, T. 1, p. 329 n. 3. 


Seguerian Lexica, On Syntax (Anecdota Graeca v.1, p.145.21-7 
Bekker) 


Ι pay attention to: ... From Heraclides Ponticus’s What is 
attributed to Abaris. “He said that the divine spirit, having 
become a young man, placed the tree upon him and ordered him 
to believe about the gods that they exist and pay attention to 
human affairs.” 


' For the various attempts to change the Greek text and to interpret this 
fragment, see Gottschalk pp. 119-21. 


sen, RAM 67 (1912) 28 4 ὡς εἰσίν te Lévy 1926, 26: ὡς οἷόν τε cod. : 


OTL WC OLOV τε Bekker 


242 # Heraclides of Pontus 


Descriptiones Terrae et Morum (133-40) 


De insulis|] 17 (53) 


133 Aelius Herodianus et Ps.-Herodianus, De prosodia catholica 
liber ὃ (GG pars 3, v.1, t.1, p.194.4-6 Lentz) 


paw ᾿λίαρος: νῆσος τῶν Κυχλάδων ula, περὶ ἣς Ἡραχλεί- 
δης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἐν τῷ Περὶ νήσων οὕτω φησίν: ᾽᾿ὡὠλίαρος 
Σιδωνίων ἀποικία ἀπέχουσα Πάρου otadious ιη΄. τὸ ἐθ- 
νικὸν ᾿ωὡλιάριος, ὡς Ἄμυρος Αμύριος. 


= Steph. Byzant. s.v. ᾽Ολίαρος (p.708.9-12 Meineke) 
3 uw PpRV: un δ: πεντήκοντα OXTHM A: vy W 


134 Harpocration, Lexicon in decem oratores Atticos (Σ 48) Στρύμη 
(p.242 Keaney) 


25 Ltovuny:... Ηρακλείδης ἢ Φιλοστέφανος ἐν τῷ Περὶ vh- 
OWV φησίν: ἀποικίαι δέ εἰσι Θασίων «ἐπὶ: τῆς Θράκης Γα- 
Anwpocs καὶ Στρύμη ἣ νῆσος. 


1 Philostephanus: FHG (1.3, p.32) fr. 19 2-3 Γαληψός Phot. Lex. I 15; 
Suda I’ 38 (1.1, p.506.28-9) Adler (v.l. Takupoc); Steph. Byz. s.v. 


2 emt add. Bekker 3 ἢ νῆσος om. C 


135A Plinius, Naturalis historia 4.23.70 (BT t.1, p.330.10—13 Ian- 
Mayhoff) 


126 Melos cum oppido, quam Aristides Mimblida appellat, Aristo- 
teles Zephyriam, Callimachus Mimallida, Heraclides Siphin et 


133 


134 


The Sources, Text and Translation 243 


Descriptions of Lands and Customs (133-40) 


On I[slands| 17 (53) 


Aelius Herodianus and Ps.-Herodianus, On Universal Prosody, 
Book ὃ (GG part 3, v.1, t.1, p.194.4-6 Lentz) 


Oliaros:' One island in the Cyclades, about which Heraclides 
Ponticus in his (treatise) On Islands says this: Oliaros 15 a colony 
of the Sidonians eighteen stades distant from Paros. The name 
of one of its people is Oliarian, just as someone from Amyros* 
(is named) an Amyrian. 


' Oliaros was an island in the Cyclades: Strabo 10.5.3 485. 
- Amyros was a city on the Magnesian peninsula in Thessaly. 


Harpocration, Lexicon on the Ten Attic Orators (Σ 48) under 
“Stryme” (p.242 Keaney) 


Stryme: ... Heraclides or Philostephanus’ in his (treatise) On 
Islands says: Galepsus’ and the island Stryme are colonies of 
the Thasians in Thrace. 


' Philostephanus of Cyrene was a student of Callimachus. He was the 
author of geographical and antiquarian works, dealing with aetiological and 
marvelous topics, among them On Islands (this title: FHG 3, fr. 11; all frag- 
ments of this work: ibid. 10-19, p. 30-4). 

- Situated on the coast of Thrace, south-east of the mouth of the river Stry- 
mon. 


135A Pliny, Natural History 4.23.70 (BT v.1, p.330.10—-13 Ian-May- 


hoff) 


Melos’ has a city (of the same name). Aristides calls (the 
island of Melos) Mimblis, Aristotle Zephyria, Callimachus 
Muimallis, and Heraclides Siphis and Acyta. This 15 the most cir- 


244 Heraclides of Pontus 


Acytan; haec insularum rotundissima est. 


| Aristides FGrH 444 F6 1-2 Arist. fr. 555 R° 2 Zephyria: Steph. Byz. 
s.v. Μῆλος (p.450.9-11 Meineke) Callim. fr. 582 Pf.; Solin. Coll. rer. 
memorab. 11.32, cf. Hsch. s.v. Μίμαλις 


2 siphin AR: sipin da: syphin [7 FE’: sypin F’: sypina Ε΄: siphnum editores 
veteres 3 acytan Detlefsen (ed. Plinii 1866): acyton Hermolaus Barbarus 
e Steph. Byz.: Acita RE‘a: acitia AE’: acitiam editores veteres 


135B Plinius, Naturalis historia I (iv) (BT t.1, p.15.47, 16.49, 17.10 
lan-Mayhoff) 


L. IU CONTINENTUR ... (EX AUCTORIBUS) EXTERNIS 
... Heraclide 


Cf 91B 


136 Suda N 27 s.v. Naéta (glossa marginalis) (LG t.3, p.436.1-4 
Adler) 


27. .. καὶ KuxAac δὲ νῆσος ἐπίσημος ἣ Νάξος, ἢ ἀπό τινος 
Νάξου ἢ παρὰ τὸ νάξαι, ὅ ἐστι θῦσαι. φασὶ δὲ τὰς ἐκεῖ 
Ναξίας γυναῖκας μόνας OXTAUNVA τίκτειν κατὰ δωρεὰν 
Ἥρας. καὶ Διόνυσος δέ, φασίν, οὕτως ἐτέχθη. καὶ κρήνη δὲ 
καθ᾽ Ἡρακλείδην ἐκεῖ, ἐξ ἣς οἶνος ῥεῖ μάλα ἡδύς. 


1-2 ἀπότινος Νάξου : ἀπὸ τοῦ Νάξου Καρῶν ἡγεμόνος (cf. Diod. 5.51.3). 
ἄλλοι δὲ ἀπὸ Νάξου τοῦ Ἐνδυμίωνος Steph. Byz. s.v. Νάξος (p.468.7-9 
Meineke) 


137A Paradoxographus Vaticanus Graecus 12, Admiranda 13 (p.334. 
39-42 Giannini) 


i28aw Hoaxdetdnc [φησὶ] τὴν ἐν Σαυρομάταις λίμνην οὐδὲν TOV 
ὀρνέων ὑπεραίρειν φησί, τὸ δὲ προσελθὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ὀσμῆς 
τελευτᾶν. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ τὴν Aooviv κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν δοκεῖ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 245 


cular of the islands. 


' Listing the group of islands in the Aegean called the Sporades, Pliny men- 
tions Melos. Melos does, however, not belong to the Sporades, but to the 
Cyclades, as Strabo 10.5.3 485 and Stephanus of Byzantium under ΜΉλος 
rightly locate it. 


135B Pliny, Natural History 1 (iv) (BT v.1, p.15.47, 16.49, 17.10 Ian- 


136 


Mayhoff) 


In Book IV are included ... (from) foreign (authors) ... Hera- 
clides. 


Suda N 27 under “Naxian (woman)” (marginal note) (LG v.3, 
p.436.1—4 Adler) 


... And Naxos 15 a notable island among the Cyclades, either 
named from some Naxus or by derivation from “cram full’ 
which is to seethe. People say that the Naxian women there are 
the only ones who give birth in the eighth month, by a gift from 
Hera. And they say that Dionysus was born in this way. Also, 
according to Heraclides, there is a spring there from which flows 
quite sweet wine. 


' νάξαι (naxdi). 


137A Greek Vatican Paradoxographer 12, Wondrous Things 13 (p.334. 


39-42 Giannin1) 


Heraclides says that none of the birds flies over the lake in 
(the land of the) Sauromatae,'’ but any that approaches is killed 
by the smell. The same is thought to happen around (Lake) Aor- 


246 Heraclides of Pontus 


γίγνεσθαι. 


3 Italia: Str. 5.4.5 244; Επιδί. Ad Hom. Od. 10.514 (p.1667.47—51 ; 63—1668.1); 
Soph. TrGF (1.4, p.523) F 748 Aoovoc: λίμνη περὶ Τυρσηνίαν; Varro 
ap. Plin. Nat. hist. 31.2.21; versus spurius in Verg. Aen. 6.242. Aornus allis 
locis situs: Lucr. 6.735—59; Plin. Nat. hist. 4.1.2; Apoll. Rhod. 4.601—3; Etym. 
M. 115.52—5; Paradoxographus Florentinus Mirabilia de aquis (p.324.95—7 
Giannin1) 


1 φησὶ delevit Giannini: alii editores deleverunt Φησί (ν.2) 3 ἄορνιν V: 
ἅἄορνον edd. 


137B Ps.-Antigonus, Historiarum Muirabilium Collectio 152a/b (p.96. 
761—98.764 Giannin1) 


128bW τὴν OE EV τοῖς Σαρμάταις λίμνην Ἡρακλείδην γράφειν, ὅτι 
οὐδὲν τῶν ὀρνέων ὑπεραίρειν. τὸ δὲ προσελθὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ὀσ- 
μῆς τελευτᾶν. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ τὴν Αορνον δοκεῖ γίγνεσθαι ... 


= limaeus FGrH 566 F 57 (Llimaeus obloquitur narrationi de lacu Aorno; 
de Timaeo Heraclidi contradicente, cf. 94 vv. 10-21); Callim. fr. 407 (XXIV 
152) Pf. 


2 ὀρνέων Keller (ex Paradox. Vat. no. 13 = 137A): ὀρνιθῶν P (accentus 
erasus) 3 Ἄορνον Geffcken: Aooviv τι Giannini: ἀορνείτιν P: Aogvitiv 
vulgo: λίμνην e scholio in mg. XH addidit Musso 1985, p.65 


137C Paradoxographus Florentinus, Mirabilia de Aquis (p.320.59—60 
Giannin1) 


Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς λίμνην ἐν Σαυρομάταις φησὶν 
εἰναι, περὶ NV τὰ πετασθέντα τῶν ὀρνέων εἰς αὐτὴν πίπτειν. 


2 πίπτειν: πίπτει Ideler 


138 Aelius Herodianus et Ps.-Herodianus, De orthographia 20 (GG 
pars 3, t.2, fasc. prior p.534.6—9 Lentz) 


29. Κιμμερίους φησὶν Hoaxdetonc ὁ Ποντικὸς ὑποκάτω τοῦ 
Πόντου εἰναι. γράφεται καὶ Κερβερίων: καὶ ἔοικε καὶ Σο- 
φοκλῆς περιπτεπτωκέναι τῇ τοιαύτῃ γραφῇ: ὁμοίως καὶ Αρι- 


The Sources, Text and Translation 247 


nis~ in Italy. 


' The Sauromatae were a tribe of the Scythians, who lived East of the 
Tanais river. 

- Aornis: there was a lake Avernus, near Cumae. Strabo 5.4.5 244 refers 
to a local myth according to which birds which flew over the lake fell into 
the water and died there. The account exploits the etymology of the Greek 
adjective ἄτορνος “without birds.” However, already Arist. Mirabilia 102 
$39a12—25 refutes this story. 


137B Antigonus, Collection of Marvelous Histories 152a/b (p.96.761— 


98.764 Giannini) 


That Heraclides writes of the lake τὴ (the land of the) Sarma- 
tae, that none of the birds flies over it, and any that approaches 


is killed by the smell. The same is thought to happen around the 
(Lake) Aornos!... 


| See 137A n. 2. 


137C Florentine Paradoxographer, Marvelous Things about Waters 


138 


(p.320.59-60 Giannini) 


Heraclides Ponticus says that there is a lake τὴ (the land of 
the) Sauromatae and that any birds that fly around near to it fall 
into It. 


Aelius Herodianus and Ps.-Herodianus, On Orthography 20 
(GG part 3, v.2, fasc. prior p.534.6—9 Lentz) 


Cimmerians: Heraclides Ponticus' says that they (the Cim- 
merians-) live beneath (to the south of) the Black Sea. And (the 
name) is also written “Cerberians’. It looks as if Sophocles, too, 
chanced upon such a spelling, and likewise also Aristophanes in 


248 


139 


69 W 


140 


70 W 


Heraclides of Pontus 


στοφάνης ἐν Βατράχοις - οἷον 
Ἢ Κερβερίους λέγω. 


= Etym. M. s.v. ΚΙΜΜΕΡΙΟΥΣ (p.513.44-9 Gaisford); Ps.-Zonar. Lexicon 
(p.1208 Littmann) 


1 De Cimmertis tuxta Heracleam Ponticam habitantibus vid. Arr. ΓΟΥΗ͂ 156 
F 76 2 Κερβερίων Crates ad Hom. Od. 11.14 (Eust. 1671.2); Crates fr. 
38a-f (H.J. Mette, Sphairopotia. Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Krates 
von Pergamon, Miinchen 1936, p.273-4) 2-3 Soph. IrGF (1.4, p.620) Γ 1069 
3—5 Ar. Ran. 187 


Posidonius, Fragmenta, fr. 49 (t.1, p.70.146—50 Edelstein-Kidd) 


μνησθεὶς δὲ TOV περιπλεῦσαι λεγομένων τὴν Λιβύην. 
Ἡρόδοτον μὲν οἴεσθαί φησιν (scil. ὁ Ποσειδώνιος) ὑπὸ Δα- 
οείου πεμφθέντας τινὰς τελέσαι τὸν περίπλουν, Ηρακλείδην 
δὲ τὸν Ποντικὸν ἐν διαλόγῳ ποιεῖν ἀφιγμένον παρὰ [ἕλωνι 
μάγον τινὰ περιπλεῦσαι φάσκοντα. ἀμάρτυρα δὲ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι 
φήσας... 


ex Str. 2.3.4 οδ (1.1, p.240.13—7 Radt) = FGrH 87 (pars 2 A, p.236.20-4) F 
28 2 Her. 4.42—-4 


2-3 Δαρείου codd. ‘error Strabonis vel Posidonii’ Miiller-Diibner: Nexo 
Gosselin Jones, cf. Hdt. 4.42 4 Τἔλωνι codd. Jacoby Theiler: Γέλωνα 
Korais Edelstein-Kidd 


Posidonius, Fragmenta, fr. 49 (t.1, p.72.233-4 Edelstein-Kidd) 


θαυμάσιος δὴ κατὰ πάντα ἐστὶν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος, TOV μὲν 
τοῦ μάγου περίπλουν, ὃν Ἡρακλείδης elev, ἀμάρτυρον νο- 
μίσας ... 


ex Str. 2.3.5 100 (1.1, p.244.24—-5 Radt) == ΓΟΥΗ͂ δ7 (pars 2 A, p.238.22—3) 
F285 


Ι θαυμάσιος Cobet Radt: θαυμαστὸς codd., Edelstein-Kidd ὁ ]οσειδώ- 
νιος Casaubonus : ὅπως codd. 


139 


140 


The Sources, Text and Translation 249 


Frogs, for example: 
Obviously I mean Cerberians. 


! The possibility that this fragment belongs to Heraclides Ponticus the 
younger cannot be excluded, see Wehrli p. 104. 

- The Cimmerians are mentioned in Hom. Od. 11.139 as the people on 
whom the sun never shines. Driven out from south Russia, they subjected 
various people in Asia Minor during the 7th century B.C. 


Posidonius, Fragments, fr. 49 (v.1, p.70.146—-50 Edelstein- 
Kidd) 


In mentioning those who are said to have circumnavigated 
Libya, he (sc. Posidonius) says that Herodotus thinks certain per- 
sons sent by Darius completed the circumnavigation, and that 
Heraclides Ponticus in a dialogue makes a certain (Persian) wise 
man’ arrive at the court of Gelon- and say that he has circumna- 
vigated (Libya). And, after saying that these stories have no wit- 
ness to confirm them Εἴς. 


' Wehrli p. 83 assumes that this wise man from Persia is Zoroaster. In his 
edition Wehrli has this fragment follow 79. 

- Gelon was tyrant of Gela in Sicily ca. 491 B.C., and of Syracuse ca. 
485-478. 


Posidonius, Fragments, fr. 49 (v.1, p.72.233—4 Edelstein-Kidd) 


Indeed Posidonius is amazing (in his attitude) about all this, 
on the one hand holding that the circumnavigation of the (Per- 
sian) wise man, which Heraclides has mentioned, has no wit- 
ness to confirm it efc. 


250 Heraclides of Pontus 


De Templis Condendis (141-43) 
Templa condenda] 17 (55) 


141 Clemens Alexandrinus, Protrepticus ad Graecos 2.39.8 (p.62.36— 
ὃ Marcovich) 


I63w Ηραχλείδης δὲ ἐν Κτίσεσιν ἱερῶν περὶ τὴν Axaovaviav 
φησίν, ἔνθα τὸ Ακτιόν ἐστιν ἀκρωτήοιον καὶ τοῦ Απόλ- 
λωνος τοῦ Ακτίου τὸ ἱερόν. ταῖς μυίαις προθύεσθαι βοῦν. 


Cf. Ael. De nat. anim. 11.8. 


142A Strabo, Geographica 13.1.48 604.20—32 (t.3, p.590 Radt) 


i4w ἐν δὲ TH XOVON ταύτῃ καὶ TO TOD Σμινθέως Απόλλωνός 
ἐστιν ἱερόν, καὶ τὸ σύμβολον τὸ τὴν ἐτυμότητα τοῦ ὀνόμα- 
τος σῷζον, ὁ μῦς, ὑπόκειται τῷ ποδὶ τοῦ ξοάνου: Σκόπα ὃ᾽ 
ἐστὶν ἔργα τοῦ Παρίου. συνοικειοῦσι OF καὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν 
(εἴτε μῦθον) τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ τὴν περὶ τῶν μυῶν. τοῖς γὰρ 
ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Tevxootc (οὺς πρῶτος παρέδωχξεξ 
Καλλῖνος ὁ τῆς ἐλεγείας ποιητῆς, ἠκολούθησαν δὲ πολλοί) 
χρησμὸς ἣν αὐτόθι ποιήσασθαι τὴν μονήν, ὅπου ἂν οἱ γηγε- 
νεῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιθῶνται. συμβῆναι δὲ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς φασι περὶ 
AUGELTOV: νύκτωρ γὰρ πολὺ πλῆθος ἀρουραίων μυῶν ἐξ- 
ανθῆσαν διαφαγεῖν, ὅσα σκύτινα τῶν τε ὅπλων χαὶ τῶν 
χρηστηρίων, τοὺς δὲ αὐτόθι μεῖναι (τούτους δὲ καὶ τὴν Ιδὴν 
ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Κρήτῃ προσονομάσαιν). Ηρακλείδης δ᾽ ὁ Ποντι- 
κὸς πληθύοντάς φησι τοὺς μύας περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν νομισθῆναί TE 
ἱεροὺς καὶ τὸ ξόανον οὕτω κατασχευασθῆναι βεβηκὸς ἐπὶ 
τῷ μυί. 


Cf. Ael. De nat. anim, 12.5 1 templum Apollinis Sminthet: Str. 13.1.63 612; 
Paus. 10.12.5; Amm. Marc. 22.8.3 1-4 de simulacro vid. Eust. Comment. ad 
Homi. Il. 1.39 (34.13-18) = tl, p.56.7—9; 57.6—7 van der Valk 5-13 vid. Str. 
13.1.64 613.; Eust. Comment. ad Hom. Il. 1.39 (34.32—35.4) = 1.1. p.56.26—57.6 
van der Valk; Polemo ap. Clem. Al. Protr. 2.39.7 (sequitur 141); Anon. Com- 
ment. in Arist. Rhet. 2.24 (CAG 1.21, pars 2, p.J51.13-6) 7 Callinus IEG (1.2) 
fr. 7 12-13 De nomine Idae vid. Eust. Comment. ad Homi. Il. 1.39 (35.4-5) = 
tl, p.57.12-4 van der Valk; Eust. Comment. ad Dionys. Perieget. 498 (GGM 1.2, 


p.310.21-2) ΕΝ 


The Sources, Text and Translation 251 


Foundations of Sanctuaries (141-43) 


Foundations of Sanctuaries| 1 (55) 


141 Clement of Alexandria, Protreptic to the Greeks 2.39.8 (p.62.36— 
ὃ Marcovich) 


Heraclides in Foundations of Sanctuaries says that in the 
area of Acarnania, where the cape of Actium 15 located and the 
sanctuary of Apollo of Actium, a cow 15 sacrificed first to the 
flies. 


142A Strabo, Geography 13.1.48 604.20—32 (v.3, p.590 Κα 


And in this Chrysa is (located) also the sanctuary of Smin- 
thean Apollo,’ and the symbol which preserves the true meaning 
of the name, the mouse, lies under the foot of the wooden statue 
and they are the work of Scopas the Parian. People associate with 
this place also the story (or myth) about the mice. The Teucri- 
ans as they arrived from Crete — Callinus the elegiac poet* was 
the first to pass on this tradition about them, but many followed 
him — were told by an oracle to establish their permanent abode 
wherever the earthborn should attack them. And they say that this 
happened to them in the area around Hamaxitus.° For at night a 
creat multitude of field mice burst forth to eat whatever tools and 
utensils were of leather. And they stayed there, and it was they 
who also named (Mount) Ida after the one in Crete. And Hera- 
clides Ponticus says that the mice, which were abundant around 
the sanctuary, were considered sacred, and for this reason the 
wooden statue was represented as treading on the mouse. 


' Chryses was priest of the Sminthean Apollo. For his prayer to Apollo, see 
Hom. //. 1.37 ff. 

* Callinus of Ephesus lived in the first half of the 7th century B.C. The frag- 
ments of his poems are collected in JEG vol. 2, pp. 47—50. 

> Hamaxitus was a city in the Troad, cp. Strab. 9.5.19 440; 13.1.13 612. 


6 ὡς pro ovC? West 


252 Heraclides of Pontus 


142B Eustathius, Commentarius ad Hom. 1]. 1.39 (t.1, p.57.14-17 van 
der Valk) 


Hoaxaetdyc δ᾽ ὁ Ποντικὸς πληθύοντάς φησι τοὺς παρὰ 
τὸ ἱερὸν μῦας νομισθῆναι ἱδροὺς καὶ τὸ ξόανον οὕτω κατα- 
σχευασθῆναι, βεβηκὸς ἐπὶ τῷ μυΐ. διάφοροι δέ, φησι, τόποι. 
ἐν οἷς τὸ τοῦ Σμινθέως ὄνομα. 


1 Ἡρακλέων codd.: Ἡρακλείδης van der Valk in app. crit. 


143 Suda A 867 s.v. Λύσιοι τελεταί (LG t.3, p.302.24-8 Adler) 


issw Δύσιοι τελεταί: αἱ Διονύσου. Βοιωτοὶ γὰρ ἁλόντες ὑπὸ 
Θρᾳκῶν χκαὶ φυγόντες εἰς ροφωνίου, κατ᾽ ὄναρ ἐκείνου 
Διόνυσον ἔσεσθαι βοηθὸν φήσαντος, μεθύουσιν ἐπιθέμενοι 
τοῖς Θρᾳξίν, ἔλυσαν ἀλλήλους, καὶ Διονύσου Λυσίου ἱερὸν 
ἱδρύσαντο, ὡς Ηρακλλείδης ὁ Ποντικός. 


= Pausanias atticista fr. Δ 28 (Erbse, AbhBerlin 1950, p.194); Ar. Byz. fr. 421 
Slater; Apostol. Cent. 10 (CPG 1.2, p.513.14-514.4); Phot. Lex. s.v. λύσιοι 
teAetat (A 482 Theodoridis), cf. Paus. 9.16.6 Ot τελεταὶ καὶ ... OL AVOLOL 
θεοί Plat. Rep. 2.366A7 


4 ἔλυσαν: καὶ (διελύθησαν codd. Apost. 


Res Antiquae (144-5) 
De inventis] 17 (51) 
144 Orion, Etymologicum, cod. Parisinus 2653 (p.118.17—28 Sturz) 


[521 ὀβολός: τροπῇ τοῦ ~ εἰς O. πρὸ τούτου γὰρ OPEALOXOLC 
τραχέσιν ἐνομίστευον τὰ πρὸς σταθμόν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες 
ὀβελός, ἡμεῖς δὲ ὀβολός. πρῶτος δὲ πάντων Φείδων Αργεῖ- 
OS νόμισμα ἔκοψεν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ. καὶ διδοὺς τὸ νόμισμα, καὶ 
ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ὀβελίσκους, ἀνέθηκε τῇ ἐν Αργει Hoa. 
ἐπειδὴ τότε οἱ ὀβελίσκοι τὴν χεῖρα ἐπλήρουν, τουτέστι τὴν 
ὁράκα, ἡμεῖς καίπερ μὴ πληροῦντες τὴν χεῖρα τοῖς ἕξ ὀβο- 
λοῖς ὁραχμὴν αὐτὴν λέγομεν, παρὰ τὸ ὁράξασθαι. ὅθεν ἔτι 


The Sources, Text and Translation 253 


142B Eustathius, Commentary on Homer Il. 1.39 (v.1, p.57.14-17 


143 


144 


van der Valk) 


Heraclides Ponticus says that the mice around the sanctuary 
became numerous and were considered sacred, and that for this 
reason the wooden statue was represented as treading on the 
mouse. (There are) different places, he says, in which the name 
of (the Apollo) Smintheus (is found). 


Suda A (Lambda) 867 under “Liberating Rituals” (LG v.3. 
p.302.24—-8 Adler) 


The Liberating Rituals: those of Dionysus. For when the 
Boeotians had been conquered by the Thracians and had fled 
to the (oracle) of Trophonius,’ he said to them in a dream that 
Dionysus would be their helper, and they attacked the Thracians 
while the latter were drunk, and set each other free. And they 
founded a sanctuary of Dionysus the Liberator, as Heraclides 
Ponticus says. 


' Trophonius, cp. 122A n. 3. 


Antiquities (144-5) 
On Discoveries| 17 (51) 
Orion, Etymologicum, Paris codex 2653 (p.118.17—28 Sturz) 


‘Obolos’: (has arisen) by a changing the Θ᾽ into ‘o.’ For for- 
merly they used to use jagged nails for determining weight. The 
Ionians (say) ‘obelos,’ but we (say) ‘obolos.’ Pheidon of Argos’ 
was the first of all to mint coinage in Aegina, and he gave out 
the coinage and collected the nails and dedicated them to Hera 
in Argos. Since at that time the nails used to fill the hand, that 
is, the grasp,” we, although we do not fill our hand with the six 
obols, call this amount a ‘drachma,’ derived from ‘taking by the 


254 


Heraclides of Pontus 


καὶ νῦν ὀρολοστάτην καλοῦμεν TOV TOXLOTHV, ἐπειδὴ σταθ- 
μοῖς τοὺς ὀβελίσκους παρεδίδουν οἱ ἀρχαῖοι. οὕτως Ηρα- 
κλείδης ὁ Ποντικός. 


= Arist. fr. 481 R° 


1 (τροπῇ) — 10 ἀρχαῖοι ~ Etym. M. 613.10-9 s.v. OBEehtoxoc 3—4 De 
Pheidone primo nummos cudente vid. Ephor. FGrH 70 F 176; Marm. Par. ep. 
30 Jacoby 6-8 cf. Plut. Lys. 17.3; Eust. Ad Homi. Il. 1.463 (136.9-12) = tl, 
p.208.30—-209.3 van der Valk, et ad Il. 2.336 (421.25—7) = 1.1, p.662.7—9 van 
der Valk 10-11 Disputatur an Heraclides Ponticus posterior, 1.6. gram- 
maticus (vid. 1 adn. 23), intelligendus sit, cf. Wehrli p.111; Gottschalk p.162 


145 Plutarchus, De gloria Atheniensium 3 347C (BT t.2, p.126.12- 


127.1 Nachstadt-Sieveking-Titchener) 


Is6w τὴν τοίνυν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην ἀπήγγειλεν, ὡς μὲν 


Ἡραλλείδης ὁ Ποντικὸς ἱστορεῖ, Θέρσιππος ὁ ἘΕρχιεύς. οἱ δὲ 
πλεῖστοι λέγουσιν Εὔχλεα δραμόντα σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις θερ- 
μὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης καὶ ταῖς θύραις ἐμπεσόντα τῶν πρώτων 
τοσοῦτον μόνον εἰπεῖν “yaloete’, καὶ ‘yaloouev’, eit’ εὐθὺς 
ἐχπνεῦσαι. 


2 Thersippus PA 7200; PAA (1.9) 513000 3 kucles PA 5701; PAA (1.7) 
4560415 


2 ἐρχιεύς Wilamowitz (cf. Steph. Byz. p.282 Meineke Eoyia ... ὁ δημότης 
Eoytets): ἐρωεύς 2: ἐροιάδης LGPN, 1.2, p.224: EPOIAAH2® dubitan- 
ter Traill PAA (t.9) 513000, cf. Steph. Byz. p.279 Meineke Ἐροιάδαι ... ὁ 
δημότης Εροιάδης 3 ὅπλοις nota in Aldina: ὁπλίταις codd. 5 
χαίρομεν codd.: νικῶμεν Cobet ex Luc. 64 (Pro lapsu inter salutandum) 3 


10 


145 


The Sources, Text and Translation 255 


handful’.’ This is why even now we call the money lender an 
‘obol weigher’,* since the ancients used to hand over their nails 
by the weight. Thus (says) Heraclides Ponticus.° 


' Pheidon was tyrant of Argos, probably in the middle of the 8th century 
B.C. According to Hdt. 6.127.3 he reigned after the Olympic games were well 
established. 

- “drax” (δράξ). 

> “draxasthai” (δράξασθαι). Six obols are one drachma. 

* “obolostaten” (ὀβολοστάτην). 

’ In favor of attributing this statement to Heraclides Ponticus the older and not 
the younger namesake, the grammarian, 15 the fact that of the two passages in 
Eustathius that give the same account as 144 (Commentary on Homer 1]. 1.463 
[136.9-12 = v.1, p.208. 30—209.3 van der Valk] and 2.336 |421.25-—7 = v. 1, p. 
662.7—9 van der Valk]), the latter is immediately followed by a sentence (v. 1, 
p. 662.10 van der Valk) giving the content of 112, where Heraclides Ponticus is 
explicitly mentioned as the source. The same Heraclides seems to be the source 
in both cases. 


Plutarch, On the Fame of the Athenians 3 347C (BT v.2, 
p.126.12—127.1 Nachstadt-Sieveking-Titchener) 


Furthermore, as Heraclides Ponticus relates, the report of the 
battle at Marathon was brought back by Thersippus of Erchia, 
but the majority say that Eucles ran in full armor, hot from (the) 
battle, and burst in at the doors of the senior statesmen, and said 
nothing more than “Rejoice” and “We rejoice,” and then imme- 
diately breathed his last. 


256 Heraclides of Pontus 


Il. INCERTA 


146 Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 4.12 134B—C (BT t.1, p.304.23- 
305.5 Kaibel) 


low μήποτε δὲ xal Αντιφάνης ἐν Καρσὶ κατὰ τὸ ATTLXOV 
ἔθος [τῆς ὀρχήσεως} κωμῳδεῖ, τινα τῶν σοφῶν ὡς παρὰ 
δεῖπνον OOYOULEVOV λέγων οὕτως: 
οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὀρχούμενον 

ταῖς χερσὶ TOV βάκηλον; οὐδ᾽ αἰσχύνεται 

ὁ τὸν Ἡράκλειτον πᾶσιν ἐξηγούμενος, 

ὁ τὴν Θεοδέχτου μόνος AVEVONXOG τέχνην, 

C ὁ τὰ κεφάλαια συγγράφων Εὐριχτίδῃ; 


4—8 = Antiphanes PCG (1.11, p.370) fr. 11] 4—5 (Baxndov) Eust. ad Hom. 
Iliad. 1.598 (p.159.43) = t.l, p. 246.43—4 van der Valk 


2 τῆς ὀρχήσεως del. Kaibel 6 πᾶσιν ACE: παισὶν Kock ὃ Evoutton: 
Εὐρυτίδου propos. M. Schmidt, Wehrli 


The Sources, Text and Translation 257 


Hl. UNCERTAIN 


146 Athenaeus, Zhe Sophists at Dinner 4.12 134B—-C (BT v.1, 
p.304.23—305.5 Kaibel) 


Perhaps also Antiphanes'’ in The Carians with reference to 
the Attic custom [of dancing] ridicules one of the wise men? for 
dancing during dinner, speaking thus: 

Don’t you see him dancing, 
gesticulating with his hands,’ the effeminate fellow? 
Doesn't he feel ashamed 
he who explains Heraclitus to all, 
who alone has discovered the art of Theodectes,* 
C who composes the summaries of Euripides? 


! Antiphanes was ἃ prolific Athenian poet of the Middle Comedy. This 
fragment is 111 (PCG I, 1991). 

- These lines have been referred to Heraclides Ponticus, first by Trendelen- 
burg ap. A. Meineke, /ragmenta Poetarum Comoediae Mediae, vol. 3, Ber- 
lin 1840, p. 60; cp. U. v.Wilamowitz-Moellendortf, Antigonos von Karystos, 
1881, p. 197 n. 18; O. Weinreich, “Epigramm und Pantomimus,” Sifzungsbe- 
richte Heidelberger Akademie, Philos.-Histor. Kl., 1944/48, 1. Abh., 136-40). 
This attribution can be supported by the fact that Heraclides interpreted Hera- 
clitus, cp. 17 (41); 127. Schrader, Philologus 44, 1885, pp. 251-4 points out 
that the description given by Antiphanes does not fit any of the other authors 
known for interpreting Heraclitus (127). And the composition of the sum- 
maries, or rather: the main issues, of plays of Euripides mentioned here, fits 
Heraclides’ literary interests in the three famous Athenian tragedians, cp. 17 
(31) and (36). Heraclides wrote on rhetoric 17 (49) as well. Gottschalk p. 
159-60 rejects this attribution solely on the grounds that the “discovery of the 
art of Theodectes” 1s ascribed to this man of wisdom. But this 1s comic exag- 
geration of an interest Heraclides had (Weinreich, p. 137) and should not be 
taken literally. It might be difficult, “unter den Zeitgenossen des Antiphanes 
einen anderen σοφός zu finden, auf den sich alle Indizien ebenso vereinigen 
liessen wie eben auf Herakleides” (Weinreich, p. 138). 

ἡ This was, however, considered a part of proper dancing: Xen. Symp. 2.16. 

1 Theodectes, from Phaselis, 4th century B.C., was an orator, a tragedian 
and author of a rhetorical treatise of which Aristotle made a summary (Diog. 
Laert. 5.24), which may be identical with the rhetorical work /heodecteia: 
Arist. Rhet. 3.9 1410b2. 


258 


147 


148 


21 


Heraclides of Pontus 


Aristocles, De Aristotelis philosophia, fr. 2.3 (p.12 Chiesara) 


tic δ᾽ ἂν πεισθείη τοῖς ὑπ᾽ Αριστοξένου τοῦ μουσικοῦ 
λεγομένοις Ev τῷ βίῳ τῷ Πλάτωνος; ἐν γὰρ τῇ πλάνῃ καὶ 
τῇ ἀποδημίᾳ φησὶν ἐπανίστασθαι καὶ ἀντοικοδομεῖν αὐτῷ 
τινας Περίπατον ξένους ὄντας. οἴονται οὖν ἔνιοι ταῦτα περὶ 
Δριστοτέλους λέγειν αὐτόν, AQLOTOEEVOU διὰ παντὸς EVON- 
μοῦντος Αριστοτέλην. 


= Aristocles ap. Euseb. Praep. evang. 15.2.3 (1.δ, pars 2, p.346.23—347.4 
Mras-des Places); Aristox. (SdA t.2) fr. 64; no. 58d Diiring 1957; deest in 
R? 2-4 ‘Quosdam’ absente Platone (vid. 3) Academiam instituere conantes 
intellexit Heraclidem Ponticum U.v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos von 
Karystos, [δδ], p. 280 adn. 12 (in p.281), cf. Susemihl, BPhW 18 (1898) 259 


2 τῷ PON om. V: τοῦ Stephanus 3 αὐτῶν 1 5 διὰ παντὸς codd. 
plurimi: δίαιτάν τις 1? 


Macrobius, Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis 1.2.20--Ξ (BT p. 
8.4—12 Willis) 


adeo semper ita se et sciri et coli numina maluerunt qualiter 
in vulgus antiquitas fabulata est, quae et imagines et simulacra 
formarum talium prorsus alienis, et aetates tam incrementi quam 
diminutionis ignaris, et amictus ornatusque varios corpus non 
habentibus adsignavit. haec Pythagoras ipse atque Empedocles, 
Parmenides quoque et + Heraclitus + de dis fabulati sunt, nec 
secus limaeus qui progenies eorum sicut traditum fuerat exsecu- 
{us est. 


6 Heraclitus codd.: Heraclides L. Jan, vid. Marcovich, Heraclitus 2001], 
Appendix: Nomen Heracliti lapsu scriptum p.602—3 (11) 


Hic locus non inclusus est in fragmenta Heracliti collecta a Diels DK 


The Sources, Text and Translation 259 


147 Aristocles, On the Philosophy of Aristotle, fr. 2.3 (p.12 


148 


Chiesara) 


Who would trust the statements made by the expert on music 
Aristoxenus in his Life of Plato? He says that during (Plato’s) 
travels and absence some who were strangers (in Athens) rose 
up against him and established a rival school, (the) Peripatos. 
Now, some believe that he (Aristoxenus) made this statement 
about Aristotle, although he always speaks well of Aristotle.! 


' “iibrigens scheint mir evident, dass Aristoxenus ... eben den Herakleides 


meint. natiirlich verdreht er den sachverhalt,” U. v.Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 
Antigonos von Karystos, 1881, p. 280 n. 12 (p. 281), cp. Susemihl, BPhW 18 
(1898) 259. 


Macrobius, Commentaries on the Dream of Scipio 1.2.20—21 
(BT p.8.4—12 Willis) 


And the divine beings have always preferred to be under- 
stood and worshipped in accordance with the tales that were 
fabricated in antiquity for the masses. And (in antiquity) pictures 
and statues were assigned to beings who completely lacked such 
shapes, and different stages of age to beings who are not sub- 
jected to growth or diminution, and clothes and various adorn- 
ments to beings that do not have a body. Pythagoras himself and 
Empedocles' and Parmenides,’ too, and Heraclitus}? have told 
these fabulous things about the gods, just like Timaeus* who has 
set out a complete account of their offspring just as it had been 
passed down. 


' It is difficult to understand why Macrobius mentioned Empedocles here, 
since Empedocles had objected to poets who in their myths presented gods in 
human shape: 31 B 134 DK. However, Macrobius might have been thinking 
of the practice of Empedocles to give the names of gods to forces of nature, 
e.g. Aphrodite: 31 B 17.22 ff.; B 22 DK, cp. below ἢ. 4 on Timaeus. 

- In the prologue of Parmenides’ poem (28 B 1.14 ff. DK) the goddess Dike 
teaches Parmenides the secrets of truth. 


260 


Heraclides of Pontus 


149A Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum commentarium, liber tertius 141D 


(BT t.2, p. 8.7-9 Diehl) 


καὶ πρὸς τούτοις, ὅτι TOV ὀφθαλμὸν ἀνὰ λόγον εἶναι 
τῷ πυρὶ δείκνυσιν ὁ Πυθαγόρας ἐν τῷ πρὸς Αβαριν λόγφ: 
Comment. in Plat. Tim. 318 2 Pythagoras, 1.6. persona in dialogo a Hera- 


clide Pontico conscripto, vid. H. Diels, Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie, 
t.3 (1890) p. 468 adn. 39 


149B lIamblichus, Vita Pythagorae 90; 93; 147 (p.169.5—16 Thesleff) 


93 


147 


καὶ TO περὶ φύσεως σύγγραμμα καὶ ἄλλο TO περὶ θεῶν 
ὡς ἐν βραχυτάτοις αὐτὸν (scil. Αβαριν) ἀνεδίδαξεν (scil. 
Πυθαγόρας). 

οὕτω δὴ καταμείναντι αὐτῷ. ὃ νῦν δὴ ἐλέγομεν, φυσιο- 
λογίαν τε καὶ θεολογίαν ἐπιτετμημένην παρέδωκε, καὶ ἀντὶ 
τῆς OLA τῶν θυσιῶν ἱεροσχκοπίας τὴν διὰ τῶν ἀριθμῶν 
πρόγνωσιν παρέδωκεν, ἡγούμενος ταύτην καθαρωτέραν 
εἶναι καὶ θειοτέραν καὶ τοῖς οὐρανίοις τῶν θεῶν ἀριθμοῖς 
οἰκειοτέραν, ἄλλα τε τὰ ἁρμόζοντα τῷ Αβάριδι παρέδωκεν 
ἐπιτηδεύματα. 

ἐποιξῖτο δὲ διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀριθμῶν καὶ θαυμαστὴν πρό- 
γνωσιν καὶ θεραπείαν τῶν θεῶν RATA τοὺς ἀριθμοὺς ὅτι 
μάλιστα συγγενεστάτην ... ἐπειδὴ Αβαορις ... πρόγνωσιν διὰ 
θυμάτων ἐπορίζετο, ... βουλόμενος ὁ Πυθαγόρας μὴ ἀφαι- 
Oeiv μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν εἰς τἀληθὲς σπουδῆν, παρασχεῖν δὲ ... 
χωρὶς αἵματος ..., TO λεγόμδνον παναληθὲς ἀπετέλεσεν αὖ- 
τῷ, OL? ἀριθμητικῆς ἐπιστήμης συντεταγμένον. 


2 De Abaride, vid. 24B T v.6 16-17 At cf. 128 vv.8-9 


10 


15 


The Sources, Text and Translation 261 


> According to Marcovich, the name of Heraclitus is written by mistake. 
Heraclides Ponticus would be a better candidate for the views Macrobius 
ascribes to this group of philosophers. 

* Timaeus is the person in the Platonic dialogue of the same name who 
gave a brief account of the generation of gods, making Oceanus and Tethys 
“children” of Earth and Heaven, whose grandchildren had brothers and more 
children: Jimaeus 40E-41A. 


149A Proclus, Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus, book 3 141D (BT v.2, 


p.8./—9 Diehl) 


And besides, that Pythagoras in his exposition addressed to 
Abaris demonstrates the eye to be comparable to fire. 


149B Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras 90; 93; 147 (p.169.5-16 Thes- 


93 


147 


leff)' 


And in a most succinct manner he (Pythagoras) taught him 
(Abaris) the treatise On Nature and furthermore that On Gods. 

When he (Abaris) stayed, he (Pythagoras) thus taught him, 
as we just said, his theory of nature and of the gods in an abbre- 
viated manner. And instead of divination through the inspection 
of sacrificial victims, he taught him prognosis through numbers, 
Which he took to be purer, more divine and more akin to the 
heavenly numbers of the gods. And he taught Abaris other prac- 
tices which suited him. 

Through these same numbers, he (Pythagoras) developed an 
admirable method of predicting the future and of worship of the 
gods in accordance with these numbers, one that was eminently 
akin (to them) ... When Abaris ... furnished (a) prognosis by 
means of sacrificial victims ... Pythagoras, who did not want 
to take away from him his serious pursuit of truth, but wanted 
to provide (one) ... without blood ..., produced for him the 
so-called all-truth, which is structured through knowledge of 


262 Heraclides of Pontus 


Tragoediae (150-4) 
150 Suda © 282 s.v. Θέσπις (LG t.2, p.711.11—13 Adler) 


_ μνημονεύεται OF τῶν ὁραμάτων αὑτοῦ (scil. Θέσπιδος) 
Αθλα Πελίου ἢ Φόρβας, Ἱερεῖς, Ηἴθεοι, Πενθεύς. 


= 17 (58) et TrGF Thespis (1.1 p.63.7—-8 *Snell-Kannicht) T 1; ibid. (p.65) 1 F 
1 alb De tragoediis Heraclidis Ponticit sub nomine auctoris Thespidis 
scriptis vid. 1 (92) cum adn. 17 


151 Pollux, Onomasticon 7.45 (t.2, p.64.14-5 Bethe) 


ΠΕΝΘΕΥΣ 


καὶ Θέσπις δέ πού φησιν ἐν τῷ Πένθει 
ἔργῳ νόμιζε VEBOLO’ ἔχειν ἐπενδύτην. 


= [hespis T1rGF (1.1, p.65 *Snell-Kannicht) 1 F Ic 


150 


151 


The Sources, Text and Translation 262 


arithmetic. 


! These passages could be based on Heraclides Ponticus (for Heraclides 
as a possible source of lambl. Vit. Pyth. 91-93, see Rehm, RAM 67 (1912) p. 
421). Not only do they reveal Heraclides’ interest in Pythagoras [cp. 17 (50)] 
and his teaching (cp. 25), but Abaris also features in them prominently (cp. 
for Heraclides 24B; 55; 130-2) in the context of the prediction of the future 
which was of interest to Heraclides [17 (40); 117-26]. 


Tragedies (150-4) 


Suda © (Theta) 282 under “Thespis” (LG v.2, p.711.11—13 
Adler) 


Of his (Thespis’)' plays there are mentioned The Funeral 
Games of Pelias or Phorbas, Priests, Young Men, Pentheus. 


' For the reasons to consider these works as written by Heraclides Ponti- 
cus, see above 1 n. 17, cp. FG. Welcker, Die griechischen Tragédien mit 
Riicksicht auf den epischen Cyclus geordnet, 3. Abt., Bonn 1841, 1096-8. U. 
v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Kleine Schriften, vol. 1, Berlin 1935, 373 n.2, 
declared categorically that one should not believe the hateful accusation by 
Aristoxenus that Heraclides falisified these lines (1 [92]). However, if accord- 
ing to Diog. Laert. 8.8 lon of Chios said about Pythagoras that he composed 
some poems and attributed (ἀνενεγκεῖν) them to Orpheus, then one need not 
read any malice into Aristoxenus’ statement about Heraclides’ same practice. 
Snell-Kannicht 7rGF 1 (v.1, p.65) F 1 refer “(d)e Heraclide Pontico auctore 
horum fragmentorum,” 7.e., for the attribution of fragments 150—4 to Hera- 
clides Ponticus as author, to the statement by Aristoxenus 1 (92). 


Pollux, Nomenclature 7.45 (v.2, p.64.14—5 Bethe) 


Thespis, too, says somewhere in his Pentheus: 
Take it that (Dionysus’) has in fact a fawnskin as an outer 
cloak. 


' The parallel in Eur. Bacchae 137 suggests that the character is Dionysus. 


264 Heraclides of Pontus 


152 Anonymus in Pap. Paris. 2 col. Ν1Π.1--4 (p.153.1—4 Donnini 
Maccio-Fungh1) 


οὐ 
Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς οὕτως 
ἀπέφασκεν-: “οὐκ ἐξαθρῆσας 
οἰδα- ἰδὼν ὃέ σοι λέγω. 


Scriptum c. 159-156 B.C., cf. Donnini Maccio-Funghi Ll. p.129-30 = Thespis 
IrGF (1.1, p.65 *Snell-Kannicht) 1 F 2; Chrysippus (?) fr. 180, 12 (SVF 1.2, 
p.55.21—2 v. Arnim) 


153 Plutarchus, De audiendis poetis 14 36B (BT t.1, p.73.11-3 
Paton-Wegehaupt-Pohlenz-Gartner) 


ὁρᾷς OTL Ζεὺς THOE MOWTEVEL θεῶν. 
OV ψεῦδος οὐδὲ κόμπον OV μῶρον γέλων 
ἀσκῶν: τὸ δ᾽ ἡδὺ μοῦνος οὐκ ἐπίσταται. 


= Thespis TrGF (1.1, p.65 “Snell-Kannicht) 1 F 3 


154 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata 5.8 48.7 (t.2, p.359.9-17 Stah- 
lin-Friichtel) 


LOE σοὶ σπένδω χναξζβὶς«χ» {TO} λευκὸν 
ἀπὸ θηλαμόνων θλίψας κνακῶν: 

Loe σοὶ θύπτην τυρὸν μίξας 

ἐρυθρῷ μελιτῷ, κατὰ τῶν σῶν, Πὰν 
δίκερως. τίθεμαι βωμῶν ἁγίων. 

toe σοὶ Βρομίου {atOoma} φλεγμὸν λείβω. 


Thespis TrGF (t.1, p.66 *Snell-Kannicht) 1 F 4 Ι + χνάξ: γάλα tAEvxov 
Hsch. x 86 CBty: λευκόν Asch. ζ 85 


Ι uvaécpty Stdhlin: xvascpi L: xvas, Cbiy Salmasius Welcker 1841 p.1097 
adn. 2 τὸ del. Toup 2 ἀπὸ codd.: γάλα Nauck = 4 μελιτῷ (vid. 
Hsch. # 35 μελιτόν: κηρίον) Schwartz: μέλιτι L 6 αἴθοπα del. Nauck: 
αἴθωπα L 


The Sources, Text and Translation 265 


152 Anonymous in Pap.Paris. 2 col.VIII.1-4 (p.153.1-4 Donnini 
Maccio-Fungh1) 


The poet Thespis did not make a denial in the following man- 
ner: “I know without having considered it closely, and having 
seen I tell you.” 


153 Plutarch, How the Young Should Study Poetry 14 36B (BT v.1, 
p./3.11—13 Paton-Wegehaupt-Pohlenz-Gartner) 


You see that Zeus is first among the gods in this: 
neither lies nor boasts nor foolish laughter 
he practises; and he alone does not know pleasure. 


154 Clement of Alexandria, Patchwork 5.8 48.7 (v.2, p.359.9-17 
Stahlin-Friichtel) 


Behold, to you I pour white milk, 

having squeezed it from yellow goats teats: 

Behold, for you I mix (pressed?) cheese 

with red honeycomb, and put it down on your holy altars, 

Pan with double horn(s). 

Behold, to you I pour the {firey} phlegmon (life-juice?) of 
Bromuius (= Dionysus). 


266 Heraclides of Pontus 


155 POxy. 6644+3544, ediderunt M.W. Haslam, Heraclides Ponti- 
cus | De imperio (9). in: CPF, Parte I, vol.1***, 1992, 199-214: 
W. Lapini, Il POxy. 664 di Eraclide Pontico e la cronologia dei 
Cipselidi, Firenze 1996. Quaestio, an Heraclides Ponticus auctor 
dialogi sit, cuius reliquiae in papyris Oxy. 664 et 3544 praeser- 
vatae sunt, vix resolvi posse videtur, vid. Lapini, op. laud. p.35: 
cf. Dorandi, RUSCH t.15, cap. 1. 


i 


IV. REIECTA 


. Wehrli fr. 13c, quod est frustulum papyri Herculanensis (editum 


aS. Mekler in libro: Academicorum Philosophorum index Her- 
culanensis, Berolini 1902, p.XVIe |XXI]), removendum est; 
vid. Snell-Kannicht, IrGF t.1, ed. secunda, p.349, adn. ad p.169 
no. 40 T 4; cf. Dorandi, RUSCH 15, cap.1. 


. Wehrli fr. 33 = ὃ. Mekler Academicorum Philosophorum 


index Herculanensis, Berolini 1902, p.27 col. X. Lectiones 
propositae a Mekler post novam examinationem papyri con- 
firmari non potuerunt, vid. Dorandi, RUSCH 15, cap.1. 


. Wehrli fr. 103 = Servius, Commentarius ad Vergilii Aeneidem 


1.273. Heraclides laudatus a Servio non Heraclides Ponticus, 
immo Heraclides Lembus est. Vid. Festus 17.269, p.329.6—15 
Lindsay; cf. Schiitrumpf, “The Origin of the Name of Rome — 
a Passage Wrongly Attributed to Heraclides Ponticus,’ Philolo- 
gus 151 (2007) 160-1. 


Argumentum in commentario Porphyrii Εἰς τὰ ἁρμονικὰ 
Πτολεμαίου ὑπόμνημα, edito ab I. Diiring, Porphyrios. Kom- 
mentar zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemaios (Gothoburgi 1932, 
denuo 1980), γ 3, pp.30—1, auctori recentiori attribuendum est, 
cf. Wehrli p.112—3; Gottschalk p.157. 


The Sources, Text and Translation 267 


155 POxy. 66443544, edd. M.W. Haslam, “Heraclides Ponticus | 
De imperio (2). in: CPF, Part I, vol. 1**, 1992, 199-214; W. 
Lapini, // POxy. 664 di Eraclide Pontico e la cronologia del 
Cipselidi, Firenze 1996. It appears to be impossible to resolve 
the question, whether Heraclides Ponticus is the author of the 
dialogue, remains of which have been preserved in the papyri 
Oxy. 664 and 3544; see Lapini, /.c. p. 35; cp. Dorandi, RUSCH 
vol. 15, chap. |. 


μ"-ι 


IV. REJECTED 


. Wehrli fr. 13c, a small fragment of a papyrus from Hercu- 


laneum (edited by S. Mekler, Academicorum Philosophorum 
index Herculanensis, Berlin 1902, p. XVle |XXI]), 1s to be 
rejected; see Snell-Kannicht, 7rGF v. 1, 2nd edition, p. 349, 
note on p. 169 no. 40 T 4; cp. Dorandi, RUSCH vol. 15, chap. 
Ι. 


.Wehrli fr. 33 = ὃ. Mekler, Academicorum Philosophorum 


index Herculanensis, Berlin 1902, p. 27 col. X. The readings 
by Mekler could not be confirmed by a re-examination of the 
papyrus. See Dorandi, RUSCH vol. 15, chap. 1. 


.Wehrli fr. 103 = Servius, Commentary on Virgil's Aeneid 


1.273. The Heraclides mentioned by Servius 1s not Heraclides 
Ponticus but Heraclides Lembos. See Festus 17.269, p. 329, 
6-15 Lindsay; cp. Schiitrumpf, “The Origin of the Name of 
Rome — a Passage Wrongly Attributed to Heraclides Ponti- 
cus, Philologus 151 (2007) 160-1. 


. [he argument in Porphyry’s commentary On Claudius Ptole- 


my 5 Harmonics, edited by |. Diiring, Porphyrios. Kommentar 
zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemaios (Goteborg 1932, reprinted 
1980), y 3, pp. 30-1, is to be attributed to a more recent author; 
cp. Wehrhi, p. 112-3; Gottschalk, p. 157. 


268  Heraclides of Pontus 


INDICES 


Concordances 


W =F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, Texte und Kommentar, Heft VII, 
Herakleides Pontikos, Basel *1969 


W Schitrumpf W S 

Ι 2 27ς 21B 
2 3 27d 21D 
3 1 (86) 276 21Ε 
4 6 271 21F 
5 7 28 1 (88) 
6 8 29 1 (88) 
7 9 30 1 (88) 
8 Test. ad 9 31 1 (88) 
9 10 32 1 (88) 
10 146 33 1 (88); Reiecta 2. 
il 1 (89) 34 1 (87) 
12 5 35 1 (87) 
13a 1 (92-93) 36 1 (87) 
13b 11 37 1 (88) 
13ς Reiecta 1. 38 1 (88) 
[48 1 (91) 39 1 (88): 127 
14b 12 40 128 
15 12 41 129 
16 1 (89-90) 42 1 (87) 
17 13 43 1 (87) 
18 4 44 25 

19 14 45 81 

20 15 46a 26A 
21 16 46b 26B 
22 1 (86-89) 47 27 

23 18 48 1 (92) 
248 19A 49 22 
24b 19B 50 23 

25 1 (89) 518 24Α 
26 20 510 24C 
27a 21A 516 24B 
270 210 52 1 (86) (88) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 


W S W S 

53 1 (86) 90 99 
54 1 (87) 9] 56 
55 39 92 53 
56 40 93 54A 
57 41 94 of 
58 42 95 58 
59 43 96 52 
60 45 97 50 
61] τος, 98a 46A 
62 1 (87) 98b 46B 
62, I 1 (88) 98c 46C 
63 1 (87) 98d 46D 
64 36 99 47 
65 97 100 48 
66a 38A 101 91 
66b 38B 102 49 
67 1 (88) 103 Reiecta 3. 
68 19 104 65A 
69 139 105 66 
70 140 106 67 
71 19 107 68 
72 80 108 69 
73 130 109 70 
74 131 110 71 
75 132 111 72 
76 82 112 74 
77 87 1138 75A 
78 88 113b 75D 
79 89 113ς 750 
80 90 1148 76A 
8 | 91A 114b 76C 
82 92 114c 76D 
83 93 115 94 (72) 
84 94 116 77 
85 95A 117 78 
86 83 118 59 
87 84 119a 60A 
88 85 119b 60B 


269 


270 Heraclides of Pontus 


155 143 
156 145 
157 109 
158 110 
159 111 
160 112 
161 113 
162 115B 
163 114 
164 1 (87) 
165 1 (88) 
166 1 (88) 
167 96 
168 106 
169 98 
170 97 
171 99 
172 100 
173 101 
174 102 
175 104 
176 1 (92) 
177 105 
178 1 (87) 
179 1 (88) 
180 1 (87) 
181 1 (92) 
Schitrumpf 

1 (86) 

1 (86-89) 

1 (86) 

1 (86) 

1 (87) 

1 (87) 

1 (87) 

1 (87) 

1 (87) 

1 (87) 


1 (87) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 271 


S W S W 
1 (87) 36 12 140: 15 
1 (87) 42 13 17 
1 (87) 34 14 19 
1 (87) 35 15 20 
1 (87) 178 16 21 
1 (87) 180 17 

1 (88) 28 18 23 
1 (88) 179 19A 24a 
1 (88) 165 19B 24b 
1 (88) 166 20 26 
1 (88) 31 21A 27a 
1 (88) 142 21B 27¢ 
1 (88) 39 21C 270 
1 (88) 37 210 274 
1 (88) 32 21Ε 276 
1 (88) 30 21Ε 27} 
1 (88) 29 22 49 
1 (88) 67 23 50 
1 (88) 38 24A 518 
1 (88) 33 24B 51ς 
1 (88) [52 240 510 
1 (89) 25 25 44 
1 (89) il 26A 468 
1 (89-90) 16 26B 460 
1 (91) [48 27 47 
1 (92) 181 28 144 
1 (92) [76 29 145 
1 (92) 48 30 143 
1 (92-3) 138 31 150 
2 ] 32 146 
3 2 33 147 
4 18 34 148 
5 12 35 149 
6 4 36 64 
7 5 37 65 
S 6 38A 66a 
9 7 38B 66b 
10 9 39 55 
17 13b 40 56 


272  Heraclides of Pontus 


W 


115A 
115B 
116A 
116B 
117A 
117B 
118 
119 
120A 
120B 
120C 
121 
122A 
122B 
123 
124 
125 
126 
127 


135B 


137A 
137B 
137C 


142B 
143 
144 


146 
147 


149A 
149B 


159 


The Sources, Text and Translation 273 


W 


274 Heraclides of Pontus 


Index of Sources 


ANONYMI 
Anonymus Pap. Paris. 2 (scriptum ca. 159-156 B.C.) 
col. VIII.1-4 (p.153.1-4 Donnini Maccio-Funghi) 
Anonymi In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea comment. (2 A.D 9) 
3.2 (CAG 20, p.145.26-146.3 Heylbut) 


Ps.-ANTIGONUS (incerti temporis) 
Historiarum Mirabilium Collectio 
152a/b (p.96.761-98.764 Giannin1) 


ARISTOCLES (A.D. | aut 2) 
De Aristotelis philosophia 
fr. 2.3 (p.12 Chiesara) 


ATHENAEUS (fl. A.D. 200) 

Deipnosophistae 
4.12 134B-C (BT t.1, p.304.23-305.5 Kaibel) 
10.82 455C (BT t.2, p.490.5-9) 
12.5 512A-D (BI 13, p.130.8-131.19) 
12.21 521E-522A (BT 1.3, p.151.21-152.5) 
12.26 523F-524B (BT t.3, p.156.2-19) 
12.30 525F-526A (BT t.3, p.160.14-17) 
12.45 533C (BT t.3, p.176.9-14) 
12.52 536F-537C (BI t.3, p.183.13-184.24) 
12.77 552F (BT t.3, p.219.15-19) 
12.81 554E-F (BT t.3, p.223.26-224.14) 
13.78 602A-C (BT t.3, p. 327.16-20; 25-328.16) 
14.19-21 624C-626A (BT t.3, p.377.1-381.2) 
15.62 7O1E-F (BT t.3, p.558. 15-559.2) 


CALCIDIUS (A.D. 4) 
In Platonis Timaeum commentarius 
110 (p.157.6-10 Waszink) 


CICERO (106-43 B.C.) 

De divinatione 
1.23.46 (BT p.30.8-15 Giomin1) 
1.57.130 (BT p.74.11-18) 

De legibus 
3.6.14 (p.95.8-20 Ziegler-Gorler) 


152 


97 


137B 


147 


117A 
126 


30 


The Sources, Text and Translation 275 


De natura deorum 
1.13.34 (BT p.14.32-15.6 Plasberg-Ax) 
Epistulae ad Atticum 


13.19.3-4 (t.5, 326, p.210 3.4-4.2 Shackleton Bailey) 


15.4.3 (t.6, 381, p.82.6-8) 

15.13.3 (t.6, 416, p.180.1-4) 

15.27.2 (t.6, 406, p.132.6-7) 

16.2.6 (t.6, 412, p.164.5-6) 

16.11.3 (t.6, 420, p.190.1-3) 

16.12 (t.6, 421, p.196.10-11) 
Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 

3.5.1 (25, p.92.11-16 Shackleton Bailey) 
Tusculanae disputationes 


5.3.8-9 (BT fasc. 44, p.407.16-408.20 Pohlenz) 


CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS (A.D. 2-3) 
Protrepticus ad Graecos 
2.39.8 (p.62.36-38 Marcovich) 
5.66.4 (p.100.16-101.19; 22-26) 
Stromata 
1.21 133.2 (t.1, p.82.23-28 Stahlin-Friichtel) 
1.21 108.1-3 (t.1, p.69.17-25) 
2.21 130.3 (t.1, p.184.8-10) 
5.8 48,7 (t.2, p.359.9-17) 


COMMENTARII IN ARATUM (incerti temporis) 
Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae 
IV Anonymus II, Aratus Latinus cum 50 0115 
(241.15-242.11 Maass) 


DAMASCIUS (A.D. 5-6) 
In Platonis Phaedonem Commentaria 
D 131 (t.2 p.357-9 Westerink) 


DIO PRUSAENSIS (A.D. 1-2) 
Orationes 
53.1-2 (t.2, p.110.3-7 von Arnim) 


DIODORUS SICULUS (A.D. 1) 
Bibliotheca Historica 
15.48.4-49.6 (p.61.3-62.27 Vial) 


72 


19A 
21C 
21D 
21A 
21B 
21E 
21F 


19B 


85 


141 
64 


ID 
119 


25 
154 


24C 


08 


96 


26B 


276 Heraclides of Pontus 


DIOGENES LAERTIUS (A.D. 3) 
Vitae philosophorum 


Prooemium 12 (BT t.1, p.11.15-19 Marcovich) 84 
1.25-26 (BT t.1, p.19.1-8) 81 
1.94 (BT t.1, p.67.12-68.6) 28 
1.98 (BT t.1, p.71.11-14) 29 
1.107 (BT t.1, p.79.13-14) 4 
2.43-44 (BT t.1, p.122.2-10) 98 
3.46 (BT t.1, p. 220.17-221.7) 6 
5.86-94 (BT 1.1, p.368.3-374.15) Ι 
7.166 (BT 11. p.544.2-8) 9 
ὃ.4-5 (BT t.1, p. 574.19-575.17) 86 
8.51 (BT t.1, p. 605.8-9) 82 
8.52 (BT t.1, p. 605.12-13; 606.1-7) 83 
8.60-62 (BT t.1, p. 611.4-7; 15-612.12) 87 
8.67-68 (BT t.1, p.616.1-18) 93 
8.69 (BT t.1, p.616.19-617.5) 95A 
8.70-72 (BT t.1, p.617.6-7; 13-618.12) 94 
9.15 (BT t.1, p.641.7-11) 127 
9.50 (BT t.1, p.667.4-7) 3ST 


Auctor incerti temporis a Diogene Laertio laudatus 


DIODORUS EPHESIUS 94 


Aelius DIONYSIUS (A.D. 2) 
Nomina Attica 
17 (Untersuchungen zu den Attizistischen Lexika, AbhBerlin 
1950, p.128.7-9 Erbse) 112 


ERATOSTHENES (3 B.C.) 
Catasterismorum Fragmenta Vaticana, codex 1 = Vaticanus Graecus 
1087 (RhM 67, 1912, p.418 Rehm) 24B 


Ps.-ERATOSTHENES (incerti temporis) 
Catasterism1 
29 Οιστοῦ (BT p. 35.7-19 Olivieri 1897) 24A 


ETYMOLOGICON MAGNUM (A.D. 12) 
s.v. LTATAXATO® (col. 1833 646.39-41 Gaisford) cum 
additamento cod. Laurentiani 304 B St. Marci (E. Miller, 
Mélanges de Littérature Grecque, Paris 1868, p.233) 122B 


The Sources, Text and Translation 277 


EUSEBIUS (A.D. 3-4) 

Praeparatio evangelica 
14.23.4 (t.8, pars 2, p.325.4-8 Mras-des Places) 
15.30.8 (t.8, pars 2, p.404. 15-17) 
15.58.3 (t.8, pars 2, p.419.14-16) 


EUSTATHIUS (A.D. 12) 
Commentarius ad Homer! Iliadem 
1.39 (t.1, p.57.14-17 van der Valk) 


GALENUS (A.D. 2) 
De difficultate respirationis 
1.8 (t.7, p.773 Kuhn) 
De locis affectis 
6.5 (t.8, p.414-5 Kiihn) 
De tremore 
6 (t.7, p.615-6 Ktihn) 


Ps.-GALENUS (incerti temporis) 
De historia philosophica 
18 (DG p.610.20-611.1 Diels) 
52 (DG p.624.15-19) 
84 (DG p.633.11-13) 


Aulus GELLIUS (A.D. 2) 
Noctes Atticae 
ὃ fr. XV (OCT t.1, p.276.18-19 Marshall) 


GEMINUS (A.D. 1) 
vid. SIMPLICIUM, In Aristot. Phys. libros comm. 2.2 


GREGORIUS NAZIANZENUS (A.D. 4) 
Carmen ad Nemesium 

281-90 (PG t.37, col. 1573.5-14 Migne) 
Orationes 

4.59 (p. 164.2-166.12 Bernardi) 


HARPOCRATION (A.D. 2) 
Lexicon in decem oratores Atticos 
> 48 s.v. Στρύμη (p.242 Keaney) 


99 
75B 
65A 


142B 


90 


89 


92 


60A 
75C 
65C 


20 


71 


950 


95B 


134 


278  Heraclides of Pontus 


HERMIAS (A.D. 5) 
Scholia in Platonis Phaedrum 
230E (p.33.11-12; 17-19 Couvreur-Zintzen) 36 


Aelius HERODIANUS (A.D. 3) et Ps.- HERODIANUS 
De declinatione nominum 

ΠΕερὶ τῶν εἰς ῆς (GG pars 3, t.2, fasc. post. p.690.5-11 Lentz) 123 
De orthographia 


20 (GG pars 3, t.2, fasc. prior p.534.6-9 Lentz) 138 
De prosodia catholica 
liber 8 (GG pars 3, v.1, t.1, p.194.4-6 Lentz) 133 


HYGINUS (A.D. 27) 
De astronomia 
2.42.1 (BT p.91.1315-1322 Viré) 38B 


IAMBLICHUS (A.D. 3-4) 


De anima 

26 378 (p.54.1; 4-11 Finamore-Dillon) 50 
Vita Pythagorae 

90; 93; 147 (Pythagorean Texts p.169.5-16 Thesleff) 149B 


LACTANTIUS (A.D. 3-4) 
Divinae Institutiones 
1.6.8; 12 (p.24.3-4; p.25.11-14 Heck-Wlosok) 120A 


LEXICA SEGUERIANA (incerti temporis) 

De syntacticis, in: Anecdota Graeca 
t.1, p.145.21-7 Bekker 132 
t.1, p.178.27-31 131 


Ioannes LYDUS (A.D. 6) 


De Mensibus 
3.12 (BT p.53.12 Wiinsch) 76D 
4.42 (BT p.99.17-23) 129 


MACROBIUS (A.D. 5) 

Commentari in Somnium Scipionis 
1.14.19 (BT p.59.3-4 Willis) 46B 
1.2.20-21 (BT p.8.4-12) 148 


The Sources, Text and Translation 279 


MINUCIUS FELIX (A.D. 3) 
Octavius 
19.9 (BT p.17.5-9 Kytzler) 


Ps.-NONNUS (A.D. 6) 
Commentarius in orationem 4 
Hist. 1 (p.69.10-16 Nimmo Smith) 


ORIGENES Alexandrinus (A.D. 2-3) 
Adversus Celsum 
2.16 (p.94.21-25 Marcovich) 


ORION Thebanus (Aegypti) (A.D. 5) 
Etymologicum, cod. Paris. 2653 
p.118.17-28 Sturz 


PAPYRI OXYRHYNCHEI 
POxy. 664+3544 (A.D. 3) 


POxy. 1012 (A.D. 3) fr. 9, col. 2.1-8 (CPF pars I, tom. 1**, 


p. 215 Fanan) 


PARADOXOGRAPHI (incerti temporis) 
Paradoxographus Florentinus, Mirabilia de Aquis (p.320.59-60 


Giannini) 


Paradoxographus Vaticanus Graecus 12, Admiranda 13 


(p.334.39-42) 


PHILODEMUS (1 B.C.) 
De musica 


4, PHerc. 1497, col. 49.1-20 (Delattre) 


4, PHerc. 1497, col. 137.27-138.9 
Historia philosophorum 


PHerc. 1021 col. V.32-VI.10 (p. 134-135 Dorandi 1991) 
PHerc. 1021 col. VI.41-VII.10 (p.136-137) 
PHerc. 1021 col. [X.1-X.14 (p.139-131) 


De libertate dicend1 


PHerc. 1471, fr. 20 (BT p.10.20-11.10 Olivier1) 


De poematis 


PHerc. 1425, col. 3.11-6.5 (p.131-134 Mangon1) 
PHerc. 1677, col. 5.20-6.28 (p.195-196 Romeo) 


73 


95D 


88 


144 


159 


107 


1970 


137A 


116B 
116A 


280 MHeraclides of Pontus 


PHILOPONUS (A.D. 6) 

In Aristotelis De anima commentaria 
Prooemium (CAG t.15, p.9.5-7 Hayduck) 

In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum librum primum commentarium 
1.8 346a31 (CAG t.14, pars 1, p.117.9-12 Hayduck) 


Gaius PLINIUS Secundus (A.D. 1) 
Naturalis historia 
I Gv) (BT t.1, p.15.47, 16.49, 17.10 Ian-Mayhoff) 
1 (vil) (BT t.1, p.20.33, 21.20, 38-39) 
4.23.70 (BT t.1, p. 330.10-13) 
7.52.175 (BT t.2, p.61.7-11) 


PLUTARCHUS (A.D. 1-2) 
Alexander 
26.1-7 (BT t.2, fasc.2, p.186.16-187.17 Ziegler) 
Camillus 
22.2-4 (BT t.1, fase. 1, p.221.15-27 Ziegler) 
Pericles 
27.3-4 (BT t.1, fasc. 2, p.31.28-32.15 Ziegler-Gartner) 
35.1-5 (BT t.1, fasc. 2, p.41.20-42.22) 
Solon 
1.3-4 (BT t.1, fasc.1, p.82.8-14 Ziegler) 
22.4 (BT 1.1, fasc.1, p.109.21-28) 
31.2-5 (BT t.1, fase.1, p.122.5-21) 
32.3 (BT 1.1, fasc.1, p.123.14-17) 
Adversus Colotem 
14 LIISA (BIt.6, fasc. 2, p.189.11-19 Pohlenz-Westman) 
De audiendis poetis 
1 14E (BI 11. p.28.4-11 Paton-Wegehaupt-Pohlenz-Gartner) 
14 36B (BI t.1, p.73.11-13) 
De gloria Atheniensium 
3 347C (BT t.2, p.126.12-127.1 Nachstadt-Sieveking-Titchener) 
De Iside et Osiride 
27 361E-F (BT t.2, fasc. 3, p.26.20-24 Nachstadt-Sieveking- 
Titchener) 
De latenter vivendo 
6 1130B (BI't.6, fasc. 2, p.221.18-222.2 Pohlenz-Westman) 
Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epicurum 
2 1086E-F (BT t.6, fasc. 2, p.125.7-17 Pohlenz-Westmann) 
12 1O095A (BT 1.6, fasc. 2, p.144.11-15) 


47 


92 


135B 
91B 
135A 
91A 


108 


49 


49 
27 


33 
32 
35 
34 
79 


130 
153 


145 


125 


48 


15 
106 


The Sources, Text and Translation 281 


Ps.-PLUTARCHUS 
De libidine et aegritudine 


5 (BT t.6, fasc.3, p.54.10-20 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


De musica 


3 1131F-1132C (BT 1.6, fasc.3, p.3.1-4.8 Ziegler-Pohlenz) 


Placita philosophorum 


2.13 888F (BI 1.5. fasc. 2, pars 1, p.87.9-12 Mau) 


2.25 891C (ΒΊ 1.5, fasc.2, pars 1, p.95.3) 


3.2 893C (BI t.5, fasc. 2, pars 1, p.101.13-17) 


3.13 896A (BT t.5, fasc. 2, pars 1, p.108.5-8) 
3.17 897B (BT 1.5. fasc.2, pars 1, p.111.9-14) 
4.9 899F (BT t.5, fasc.2, pars 1, p.120.6-8) 


POLLUX (A.D. 2) 
Onomasticon 
7.45 (t.2, p.64.14-15 Bethe) 


PORPHYRIUS (A.D. 3) 
De abstinentia 
1.26.2-4 (p.60-61 Bouffartigue) 
Quaestiones Homericae ad Iliadem pertinentes 
ap. Scholion Venetum Β in Homer Iliadem 
2.649 (BT fasc.1, p.48.25-49.7 Schrader) 
3.236 (BT fasc.1, p.59.11-18) 
Quaestiones Homericae ad Odysseam pertinentes 
2.51 (BT p.26.5-12 Schrader) 
2.63 (BT p.27.4-13) 
1.309 (BT p.105.5-106.11) 
13.119 (BT p.115.9-116.13) 


POSIDONIUS (2-1 B.C.) 

Fragmenta 
fr. 49 (t.1, p.70.146-150 Edelstein-Kidd) 
fr. 49 (t.1, p.72.233-234) 


PROCLUS (A.D. 5) 

Commentarium in Platonis Parmenidem 
liber 1 (OCT p.46-47 659.14-17 Steel) 

In Platonis Rem publicam commentari 
(BT t.2, p.119.18-27 Kroll) 
(BT t.2, p.121.24-122.11) 


151 


128 


99 
100 


101 
102 
103 
104 


139 
140 


18 


04A 
06 


282 Heraclides of Pontus 


In Platonis Timaeum commentaria 
1.28C (BT t.1, p.90.21-24 Diehl) 
3.141D (BT t.2, p. 8.7-9) 
4.281E (BT t.3, p. 138.6-11) 


Michael PSELLUS (A.D. 11) 
Orationes 
1 (BI p.34.892-899 Dennis) 
24 (BT p.89.93-96 Littlewood) 


SCHOLIA 

In Euripidis Rhesum 346 (p.335.13-19 Schwartz) 

In Germanici Aratea BP p.102 (p.194.1-15 Eratosthenes, 
Catasterismorum Reliquiae, Robert) 

In Hesiodi Scutum 70 (p.26-27 Ranke) 

In Pindari Olympionicas 6.119 (t.1, p.180.3-8 Drachmann) 

In Platonis Phaedrum 244B (p.80 Green) 


SEXTUS EMPIRICUS (A.D. 2) 

Adversus mathematicos 10.318 (BT 1.2, p.368 [539.30-540.7]| 
Mutschmann) 

Pyrrhonea summaria 3.32 (BT t.1, p.142.21-25 Mutschmann-Mau) 


SIMPLICIUS (A.D. 2) 

In Aristotelis libros De caelo commentaria 
2.7 (CAG t.7, p.444.31-445.3 Heiberg) 
2.13 (CAG t.7, p.519.9-11) 

2.14 (CAG t.7, p.541.28-542.2) 

In Aristotelis Physicorum libros commentaria 
2.2 (CAG 1.9. p.292.15-26 Diels) 

3.4 (CAG 19. p.453.27-30) 


Johannes STOBAEUS (A.D. 5) 
Anthologium 
1.14.4 (t.1, p.143.22 Wachsmuth-Hense) 
1.21.3a (t.1, p.182.20-21) 
1.26 (t.1, p.218.18-19) 
1.49.1 (t.1, p.320.1) 
1.50.22 (t.1, p.475.18-22) 


149A 


540 
54Β 


111 


38A 
122A 
121 
120B 


61 
60B 


76B 
46A 
63B 


The Sources, Text and Translation 283 


STRABO (1 B.C. - A.D. 1) 

Geographica 
8.7.2 (t.2, p. 528-530 384.29-30; 33-385.9 Radt) 
12.3.1 (t.3, p.422 541.1-3 Radt) 
13.1.48 (t.3, p.590 604.20-32 Radt) 


SUDA (A.D. 10) 
E 1007 s.v. Εμπεδότιμος (LG t.2, p.259.16-20 Adler) 
Η 461 s.v. Ἡρακλείδης (LG t.2, p.581.16-19) 
H 461 s.v. Ἡρακλείδης (LG t.2, p.581.20-24) 
© 282 s.v. Θέσπις (LG t.2, p.711.11-13) 
A 867 s.v. Λύσιοι τελεταί (LG t.3, p.302.24-28) 
N 27 s.v. Ναξία (LG t.3, p.436.1-4) 
IT 449 s.v. ΠΠαραστιχίς (LG 1.4, p.43.1-4) 


TERTULLIANUS (A.D.2-3) 
De anima 
9.5 (p.11.28-29 Waszink) 
46.6 (p.63.24-25) 
57.10 (p.78.1-4) 


THEODORETUS (A.D. 5) 
Graecarum affectionum curatio 
4.20 (BT p.105.13-15 Raeder) 
4.23 (BT p.106.12) 
5.18 (BT p.127.8-9) 


THEOSOPHI GRAECI (A.D. 5’) 
fr. 1 (BT p. 60.34-61.37 Erbse) 


VARRO (2-1 B.C.) 

Saturarum Menippearum Fragmenta 
fr. 81 (t.1, p.134 Krenkel) 
fr. 445 (Quinguatrus 6) (t.3, p.824) 
fr. 560 (t.3, p.1126-1127) 


VITA HOMERI ROMANA 
6 (p. 31.17-18 Wilamowitz) 


ZENOBIUS (A.D. 2) 
Centuria 2.84 (CPG, t.1, p.53.18-23 Leutsch-Schneidewin) 


46C 
117B 
118 


75D 
76C 
46D 


120C 


JT 
16 
οἿ 


105 


124 


284  MHeraclides of Pontus 


Index of Authors, Anonymous Papyri and Speakers 
Within Texts Arranged in Chronological Order 


ARISTOXENUS (b. c. 370 B.C.) 1 (92) 
CHAMAELEON (b. c. 350 B.C.) 1 (92) 
TIMAEUS Tauromenitanus (b. c. 350 B.C.) 94: 137B T 
EPICURUS (b. 341 B.C.) 14; 15 
ANTIDORUS Epicureus 1 (92) (vid. 1 T ad v. 107) 
METRODORUS Lampsacenus (b. c. 330 B.C.) 19 
HERMIPPUS (3 B.C.) 1 (91); 95A 


ERATOSTHENES (b. c. 285 B.C.) 


Ps.- ERATOSTHENES (incerti temporis) 24A: 24B; 38A 
ARATUS (b. 271 B.C.) 

COMMENTARII IN ARATUM (A.D.7/8) 24C 
SCHOLIA IN ARATUM (incerti temporis) 38A 
HIPPOBOTUS (3-2 B.C.) 1 (90): 95A 
SOTION Alexandrinus (fl. c. 200-170 B.C.) 1 (86) 
ANONYMUS in Pap. Paris. 2 (c. 159-156 B.C.) 152 
POSIDONIUS (b. c. 135 B.C.) 54B: 139: 140 
VARRO (b. 116 B.C.) 16: 51: 57: 120A 
PHILODEMUS (1 B.C.) 7: 10: 12: 14; 115A; 115B: 116A; 116B 
CICERO (b. 106 B.C.) 19A: 19B: 21A: 21B;: 216: 21D: 


21E: 21F: 30: 72: 85: 117A; 126 
VELLEIUS Epicureus (1 B.C.) ap. Cic. 72 


DEMETRIUS Magnes (fl. 50 B.C.) 1 (89) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 285 


DIOCLES Magnes (1 B.C.) 9 
STRABO (b. c. 64 B.C.) 2: 26A; 142A 
C. PLINIUS Secundus (b. A.D. 23/4) 91A: 91B: 135A; 135B 
DIODORUS SICULUS (A.D. 1) 26B 
GEMINUS (A.D. 1) 71 
ATHENAEUS Attaliensis (A.D.17?) 92 
ARISTOCLES (1 B.C. / A.D. 1 aut 2?) 147 
PLUTARCHUS (A.D. 1-2) 15; 27. 32: 33; 34: 35: 45: 48: 49: 
79: 106: 108; 125: 130: 145; 153 
AUCTORES historiae Alexandri a Plutarcho laudati 108 (3) 
ANONYM auctores a Plutarcho laudati 80.6-8 
Ps.-PLUTARCHUS 
(De libidine et aegritudine) 80 
(De musica) 109 
(Placita) 63A: 65B: 75A: 76A: 77: 78 
DIO Prusaensis (A.D. 1-2) 96 
Aulus GELLIUS (b. c. A.D. 125) 20 
GALENUS Pergamenus (A.D. 2) 89: 90: 92 
Ps.-GALENUS 60A; 650: 750 
SEXTUS EMPIRICUS (A.D. 2) GOB: 61 
SIMPLICIUS (A.D. 2) 9: 67: 68: 69: 71 
Aelius DIONYSIUS (A.D. 2) 112 
HARPOCRATION (A.D. 2) 134 
POLLUX (A.D. 2) 151 


HYGINUS (A.D. 2?) 38B 


286 Heraclides of Pontus 


ANONYMUS (A.D. 2?) 


In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea commentarium (CAG t.20) 97 
ZENOBIUS (A.D. 2) 124 
TERTULLIANUS (b. c. A.D. 160) 46C: 117B; 118 
ATHENAEUS (ἢ. c. A.D. 200) 22: 23; 37: 39: 40; 41; 42: 

, 43. 44: 110: 113: 114: 146 
PARADOXOGRAPHUS VATICANUS (A.D. 2?) 137A 
PARADOXOGRAPHUS FLORENTINUS (A.D. 27?) 137C 


CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS (A.D. 2-3) 25:55: 64: 119: 141: 154 


ORIGENES (A.D. 2-3) 88 
PORPHYRIUS (b. c. A.D. 235) 99: 100: 101; 102: 103: 104: 128 
IAMBLICHUS (b. c. A.D. 245) 50: 54B; 149B 
MINUCIUS FELIX (A.D. 3) 73 


DIOGENES LAERTIUS (A.D. 3) 1: 4: 5: 6: 28: 29: 31: 81; 82: 83: 
84: 86: 87: 93: 94: 95A: 98: 127 


DIODORUS EPHESIUS 94 


Auctor incerti temporis a Diogene Laertio laudatus 


Aelius HERODIANUS (A.D. 3) et Ps.- HERODIANUS 123; 133; 138 


POxy. 1012 (A.D. 3) 107 
POxy. 664 + 3544 (A.D. 3) 155 
EUSEBIUS (A.D. 3-4) 59: 65A: 75B 
LACTANTIUS (A.D. 3-4) 120A 
CALCIDIUS (A.D. 4) 70 
GREGORIUS NAZIANZENUS (A.D. 4) 95B: 950 


PROCLUS (b.c. 410 A.D.) 8: 18: 54A: 56: 66: 149A 


The Sources, Text and Translation 287 


MACROBIUS (A.D. 5) 46B; 148 
HERMIAS (A.D. 5) 36 
STOBAEUS (A.D. 5) 460A: 62: 63B; 74: 76B 
THEODORETUS (A.D. 5) 46D: 75D; 760 
ORION Thebanus (Aegypti) (A.D. 5) 144 
THEOSOPHI GRAECI (A.D. 5?) 120C 
DAMASCIUS (A.D. 5-6) 08 
Ioannes LYDUS (A.D. 6) 76D; 129 
Ioannes PHILOPONUS (A.D. 6) 47: 52 
Ps.-NONNUS (A.D. 6) 95D 
OLYMPIODORUS Alexandrinus (A.D. 6) 58 
SUDA (A.D. 10) 3; 11; 13: 53; 136: 143: 150 
VITA HOMERI Romana (in cod. X vel XI A.D.) 105 
Michael PSELLUS (A.D. 11) 54Β: 54C 
EUSTATHIUS (A.D. 12) 142B 
ETYMOLOGICON MAGNUM (A.D. 12) 122B 
SCHOLION in Hesiodi Scutum (A.D. 14) 122A 
LEXICA SEGUERIANA 131; 132 
SCHOLIA 

In Euripidis Rhesum 111 
In Pindari Olympionicas 121 


In Platonis Phaedrum 120B 


288  Heraclides of Pontus 


Index of Names and Places 
The numbers refer to the translations of the fragments and to the 
notes (n.) to the translations 


Abaris 24B:; n. 1; 55; 131 ἢ. 1: 


149A: 149B: n. 1 

Academy, the 1n. 3; 4; 6n. 1; 
19A; 52 n. 1 

Acarnania 141 

Achaea(ns) 2ΘΑ: ἢ. 1; 26B; 109 
n. 7 

Acragas 7 n. 2; 87; 94 

Acropolis 42 

Actium, cape 141 

Acyta 135A 

Admetus 24A; n. 1 

Aegina 144 

Aenesidemus 4606: n. 2 

Aeolian mode 114 

Aeolians 114 

Aeschylus 97; 98; n. 3 

Aesop 130 


Aethalides, son of Hermes 86; n. 1 


Aexone, deme 40: n. 1 

Agamemnon 109 

Agrigentum 97 

Alcestis 24A n. 1 

Alcibiades 42 n. 2 

Alcinous 109 n. 6 

Alciope 112 

Alcyone, daughter of Atlas 109 
n. 2 

Alexander, the Great 108; n. 1: 
125 n. 1 

Alexandria(ns) 59 n. 1; 108 
—library 50n. 1 

Alexinus of Elis 5;n. 3 

Allia, river 49: n. 2 

Amasis of Egypt 35n. 1 

Ambracia 29: n. 3 


Ammon, nickname of Hipponicus 
I 42:n.2 

Amphion 109 

Amyclas of Heraclea 6 

Amyntas of Heraclea 2n. 2; 7 

Amyros 133; n. 2 

Anacreon 49 

Anaxagoras of Clazomenae 60A; 
60B; 61; 63B 

Anaximander 94 

Anaximenes 46C 

Anthas/es of Anthedon 109: ἢ. 2 

Antidorus, the Epicurean 1 (92) 

Antimachus of Colophon 8: n. 2 

Antiochus of Ascalon 19A; ἢ. 3 

Antiope 109 

Antiphanes 146 n. 1; n. 2 

—The Carians 146 

Antisthenes 127; n. 1 

— Qn Law or what is noble and just 
17 n. 6 

—OQn Style or on Characters 17 
n. 17 

Aornis, lake 137A; n. 2; 137B 

Aphrodite 109 n. 6; 148 n. 1 
“+ Venus 

Apollo 24A;n. 1; 24B; n. 1; 24C; 
25 n. 1: 26B n.1; 37; 55 n. 1; 86: 
109; n. 1; 4; 112; 119 
—of Actium 141 
—Pagasaean 122A; 122B 
—Smintheus 142A: n. 1: 142B 

Apollodorus 31; n. 2 
—Chronicles 883 

Aguarius 57 

Arcadia 28 


The Sources, Text and Translation 289 


Archemachus of Euboea 125: n. 3 

Archilochus 1 (87) 

Areopagus 95: 97 

Ares 109 n. 6 

Argives 26B 

Argo, the 86n. 1; 122A; n. 2: 
122B 

Argos 109; 144 

Aristaeus 95Β: 950: 95D 

Aristarchus of Samos 69: n. 1 

Aristeas of Proconnesus 54C n. 1: 
55: n. 1 

Aristides 135A 

Aristippus 87 

Aristocrates 28 

Aristomedes 28 

Ariston, Lyco 130 

Aristophanes, Frogs 138 

Aristotle of Stagira 1 (86); n. 4; 25; 
6: 7:9; 10: 15; 17 n. 4; 18; 19: 
22: 30; 34 n. 1; 49; 53 η. 1; 64: 
69: 73: 78: 81 n. 3: 83; 96; 106: 
117A n. 2; 135A; 146 n. 4; 147 

—QOn the Good 9n.2 

—Qn Heaven 79 

—QOn Soul 79 

—Theodecteia 146 n. 4 

Aristoxenus 147 n. 1; 150 n. 1 

—Life of Plato 147 

Armenios 88 

Artemis 109 

Artemis, Sibyl 119 

Artemon, engineer 45 
—Periphoretus 45; n. 4 

Artemon, father of Protagoras 31 

Asclepiades of Cius 59; n. 2; 60A; 
60B; n. 2; 61; 92: n. 2 

Asclepius 24A;n. 1; 24C 

Asia 39 

Asia Minor 138 n. 2 

Aspasia 43; n. 3 


Astydamas, the younger 98; n. 2; 3 

Athenaeus of Attalia 92: ἢ. 3 

Athenian(s) 1 n. 3; 27; 39; 42; 83: 
98: n. | 

Athens 1n.3;4;35n. 1; 37 n. 3; 
42. 43 n. 3; 52n. 1: 55 n. 2; 59 n. 
1: 113 n. 1; 147 

Atlantic sea 78 

Atlas 109 n. 2 

Attica 1 (86); 40 n. 1; 146 

Atticus 1n.12;21An. 1 

Autocles 42 

Avernus, lake 137A ἢ. 2 


Bithynia 1n. 2; 59 η. 2 

Black Sea 1 (86); n. 2; 3; 10; 138 

Boeotian(s) 3n. 1; 95D; 109; 124: 
143 

Boura 26B 

Branchidae 86 

Bromius (= Dionysus) 154 

Brundisium 21B 


CalliasI 42: n. 2 

Callias I] 43 n. 2 
—son of HipponicusI 42 n. 2 

Callias III, son of Hipponicus II 42 
n. 2 

Callimachus 1 n. 15; 50 n. 1: 134 
n.1;135A 

Callinus of Ephesus 142A; n. 2 

Calliope, Muse 111; 112 

Callipus of Athens 6 

Cancer 57 

Canobic mouth of the Nile 108 

Canobus 125 n. 1 

Canopus 125;n. 1; 4 

Cecropis, tribe 40 n. 1 

Celts 49n. 2 

Ceos 126 

Cephisogenes 12 


290 Heraclides of Pontus 


Cerberians 138 

Ceres 24C 
“Ὁ Demeter 

Chaeron of Pelllene 7 

Chamaeleon of Heraclea 1 (92); 
n. 18 

Chariton 37 

Chion of Heraclea 1 n. 11 

Chios 119n.3 

Choerilus 8 

Chrysa 142A 

Chryses, priest 142A n. 1 

Cicero 19An. 3; 19B n. 1: 2; 30 n. 
1:72 n. 1: 128 n. 2 

—Academica 19An. 1 

—De gloria 21A;n. 1;21B 

—De natura deorum 19An.5 

—Deoratore 19An.5 

—De Republica 19A; n. 6 

Cimmerians 138; n. 2 

Cimon 42n.2 

Claudius 1n. 23 

Cleanthes of Assos 127: n. 2; 3 

Clearchus, tyrant of Heraclea 1 n. 
11 

Cleon 27 

Cleonymus of Athens 56 

Clodius of Naples 128 n. 2 

Clodius Sextus from Sicily 128; 
n. 2 

Clonas 109; n. 9 

Clytus 81 

Colophon 8 

Colotes 15 

Corcyra 28n. 3; 109 n. 6 

Corinth 28n. 1; 2 

Coriscus 6 

Cotta, C. Aurelius 19A;n.5 

CotysI 1n. 11 

Cratinus 45n. 4 


Crete 4; 99: 142A 

Crito 40 

Croesus 34n. 1 

Cronus 93 n. 2; 58 

Crotius 112 

Croton 25 n. | 

Cumae 119n.3;137/7An. 2 

Cupid 38A;n. 1; 38B 

Cybisthus 81 

Cyclades 133; n. 1; 135A n. 1; 
136 

Cyclopes 24A;n. 1; 24B 

Cylon 595 η.2 

Cynegirus, brother of Aeschylus 97 

Cynic(s) 15 n. 2 

Cypselus, father of Periander 28 
n. 2 

Cypselus, son of Periander 28 

Cyrus] 120A; n. 2; 120B; 120C 


Damascius, Neo-Platonist 52: ἢ. 1 

Damis 3 

Danaeans 98 

DariusI 139 

Darius III 108 

Deinias, perfume seller 44 

Delphi(ans) 26B; 109; 119; n. 3 

Demeter 24A; 24B: 114 

—in Hermione 113; 114 
“Ὁ Ceres 

Demetrias 122A n. 1 

Demetrius of Amphipolis 6 

Demetrius of Magnesia 1 n. 11 

— Cities of the same Name 1n. 12 

— On Poets and Authors of the same 
Name 1 (89); n. 12 

Demetrius of Phaleron 30: 98 n. 1 

Demochares 12 

Democritus 1 (87); (88); n. 6; 14: 
51; 60A; 60B; 61; 63B; 64 


The Sources, Text and Translation 291 


Demodocus of Corcyra 109; n. 6 

— Marriage of Aphrodite and Hep- 
haestus 109 

— Sack of Troy 109 

Dicaearchus 30; 106 

—On Soul 79 

Dike 148 n. 2 

Dinon of Colophon 

— Persian Affairs 31;n. 3 

Diocles of Magnesia 9: n. 2 

Diodorus Cronus 59; n. 1: 60B; 
n. | 

Diodorus of Ephesus 94 

Diodorus Siculus 26B n.1 

Diodotus, the grammarian 127; 
n. 5 

Diogenes of Apollonia 98 n. 1 

Diogenes of Babylon 115B; n.1 

Diogenes Laertius 1/7 n. 1 

— Life of Heraclides Ponticus 1 
n.4 

Diomedes 111 

Diomnestus 42 

Dion of Syracuse 6; 7 

Dionysios, slave of Cicero 19B 
n. | 

Dionysius 127; n. 4 

Dionysius I of Syracuse 107 n. 1; 
117B; n. 2 

Dionysius II of Syracuse 7 

Dionysius, “the Brazen” 37; n. 3 

Dionysius of Heraclea, the defector 
1 (92); (93); 5; n. 1; 11; 17 n. 20 

—the Spark 1 n. 20 

Dionysus 125 n. 1; 136; 1483; 
151; n. 1; 154 

—the Liberator 143 

—altarof 97 

Dodona 124: n. 1 

Dorian mode 114 

Dorians 114 


Draco 35n. 1 


Ecphantus, the Pythagorean 65A: 


65B 
Egypt(ian) 108; 125 n. 1 
Elis 121 n. 1 


Empedocles of Acragas 595; ἢ. 3; 
63A; 63B; 82; n. 3; 83; 87; n. 1; 
93-94; 95A: 95B: 95C; 148: n. 1 

—of Syracuse 57 

Empedotimus of Syracuse 52; ἢ. 2; 
53; 54A; 54B; 54C; n. 1; 55; 56; 
58; 95B; n. 1; 95C; n. 1; 950: 

n. | 

Ephesus 26B 

Ephialtes 103; n. 1 

Ephorus 45 

Epinice, sister of Cimon 42 n. 2 

Epicles 42 

Epicurean (school) 1 (92); 15 n. 1; 
128 n. 3 

Epicurus 1 (94); 14; 15; n. 1; 36: 
60A; 60B;: 61; 63B; 64; 128 n. 3 

Epidaurus(ians) 27; 28 

Epimenides of Crete 59: n. 2 

Er, son of Armenios 88 

Erastus of Skepsis 6; 7 

Erato, Muse 109 n. 5 

Eratosthenes of Cyrene 50; n. 1 

Eretria(ns) 42 

Eristheneia 28 

Erythrae 119; n. 3 

Eteia 4 

Etna 95A; 950 

Euaeon of Lampsacus 6 

Euboea 42: n. 1; 125 n. 3 

Eucles 145 

Euphorbus, son of Panthous 86: 

n. 2 

Euphorion, father of Aeschylus 97; 

98 n. 3 


292 Heraclides of Pontus 


Euphron 1n. 1;3 

Euripides 1 (87); 24A n. 1; 106: 
146; n. 2 

—Alcestis 24A 

—Palamedes 98 

Euryale 103 n. 1 

Euterpe, Muse 111 

Euthyphron, father of Heraclides 1 
(86); (91); n. 1 

Euthyphron, son of Heraclides 4 


Galepsus 134 

Gauls, the 49 

Ge “Earth”, Olympian 58 

Gelon tyrant of Gela/Syracuse 
139; n. 2 

Geminus /1n. 3 

Gergetion 120B 

Gergithai 23 

Gergithium 120A; 120C 

Greeks, the 100: 114 


Hades 86:n. 1; 113; 114; 125 n. 
1: n. 2 

Hamaxitus 142A; n. 3 

Helen 100 

Hellenes, the 114 

Helike 26A;n. 1; 26B; n. 1 

Hera 22: 136 

—inArgos 144 

Heraclea Pontica 1 (86); (91); n. 2; 
11; 20; 2; 3; n. 1; 5; 12 

Heracles 57;95C 

Heraclidae 28 

Heraclides (1) 1 (89); (90); (91); 
(92); (92); (93); n. 1; 3; 13; 18; 
20: 2: 5: 9: n. 2; 12: 13; 14; 15: 
17 n. ὃ: 20; 19A; 26Α: 26B n. 1: 
29; 30 η. 1:33 n. 2; 34n. 1; 35: 
36; 42 n. 2; 46A; 46D: 49 n. 1: 
59: 62: 63A; 63B; 72 n. 1; 73: 


75A: n. 1: 75B; 75C; 75D: 76A: 
76Β: 76C: 76D: 78: 79: 79 n. 
1; 80; 81; 82: 83; 87; 88; OTA: 
93; 94: n. 4; 96 n. 1; 98; 99: 
100; 101; 102; 103; 105; 106: 
107 n. 1; 108; 109; 110 n. 6: 
111: 115A; 115B; 116A; 116B: 
117A n. 2: 117B; 118; 119 n. 3: 
121; 123; 124: 125 n. 1; 130: 
134; 135A; 135B; 136; 137A: 
137B; 140; 141; 147 n. 1 

—of Heraclea 7: 10 

—sonof Euphron 3 

—son of Euthyphron 1 (86); (91) 

—Ponticus 1n. 4; 11; 17; 4: 6; n. 
2:8: 11; 16; 17 n. 1; 18; 19B: 
20: 22: 23; 24A; 24B;: 24C: n. 
1: 25: 27; 28; 30; 31; 32; 33: 
34; 37; 38A; 38B; 39; 40; 41: 
42. 43; 44. 45; 46A n. 1; 46B: 
46C; 47; 49; 50; 51; 52 n. 2; 53: 
54A: 60A; 60B; 61; 64: 65A: 
65B; 65C; 66: n. 1; 67; 68; 69: 
70; 71: n. 1: 72; 74; 76D n.; 77: 
84; 85; 86; 89; 90; 91B; 92: 96: 
97: 104; 107; 110; 112; 119: 
114: 117A; 119; 120A; 120B: 
120C; 122A: 122B; 125: 126: 
127; 128; 129; 131; 132: 133: 
137C; 138: 139; 142A; 142B: 
143; 144; 145: 146 n. 2; 148 n. 
3: 149B n. 1: 150 n. 1 

—Abaris 17 n. 24; 130 

—Axiom 1 (88) 

— Causes relating to Diseases 1 
(87); 17 n. 10 

—Characters 1 (88) 

—Clinias 1f7n.7 

— Collection (of Tenets) of (Experts) 
in Music 109 

—Contracts 1 (87) 


The Sources, Text and Translation 293 


— (Dialogue) concerning Love or 
Clinias 1 (87) 

— Expositions in Reply to Democri- 
tus 1(88);n. 6 

— Expositions of Heraclitus 1 (88); 
n. 6 

—Foreseeings 1 (88) 

— Foundations of Sanctuaries 141 

— Generally on Virtue 1n.7 

—In Reply to Democritus 1 (87) 

—In Reply to Dionysius 1 (88) 

—In Reply to the (doctrines) of 
Metron 1 (87) 

—In Reply to the (doctrines) of Zeno 
1 (87) 

—Instructions 1 (88) 

—Involuntary 1 (87) 

—Laws 1 (87) 

—QOn Archilochus and Homer 1 
(87) 

—QOn Conjecture 1 (88) 

—QOn Courage 1 (86) 

—QOn Discoveries 1 (88) 

—QOn Diseases 82; 87 

—On Erotic Affairs 37 

—QOn Forms 1 (88) 

—QOn Governance Ἴ (87); 28 

—On Happiness 1 (87); 81 n. 1 

—QOn Homer 97;108 n. 1 

—On Images Ἴ (87) 

—OQOn Islands 133; 134 

— On Issues in Euripides and 
Sophocles 1 (87) 

—QOn Justice 1 (86); (92); 17 n. 24: 
22. 23. 24A; 24B 

—On Laws 31 

—OQOn Lives 1 (87); 81 n. 1 

—QOn Mind 1 (87) 

—On Music 1 (87); 17 n. 15; 16; 
113; 114 

—QOn Names Ἴ (87) 


—QOn Nature 1 (87) 

—QOn Oracles 26B n. 1; 108 n. 1; 
119: 122A: 122B: 121; 123 

—On Piety 1 (86); (88); 26B n. 1 

—OQOn Pleasure 1 (88); 39; 40; 41: 
42: 43; 44: 45 n. 2 

—QOn Poetics and the Poets 1 (88) 

—QOn Power 1 (88): 17 η. 4 

—OQOn Problems in Natural Philoso- 
phy 79 

— On Public Speaking or Protago- 
ras 1(88); 17 n. 7 

—OQOn Self-control 1 (86); (88) 

—On Soul 1 (87); 48 n. 1; 49 

— On the Age of Homer and Hesiod 
1 (87) 

—QOn the Good 1 (87) 

—OQOn the Pythagoreans 1 (88) 

—QOn the Things in Heaven Ἴ (87) 

— On the Things in the Underworld 
1 (87); (88); 17 n. 24; 79; 80 

—On the Three Tragic Poets 1 (88) 

—QOn Virtue 1 (87) 

— Solutions 1 (88) 

— Solutions to Eristic (Arguments) 
1 (88) 

— Solutions to Homeric (Questions) 
1 (88) 

—The Woman not Breathing 84: 
89; 90 

—Theoretic 1 (88) 

— What is attributed to Abaris 131: 
132 

—Zoroaster 79 

Heraclidean 21A; 21B; 21C 

Heraclides (2) Ponticus the younger 
1 (93); n. 23; 125 n. 1; 138 n. 1 

Heraclides (3) of Cyme_ 1 (94); n. 26 

—Persica 1n. 24 

Heraclides (4) of Cyme, orator 1 
(94) 


294 Heraclides of Pontus 


Heraclides (5) Lembus_ 1 n. 25 Hippasus 46D 
—the Succession 1 (94) Hippobotus 1 (90); 95A; n. 2 
—Lembeuticus 1 (94) —List of Philosophers 1n. 14 
Heraclides (6) of Alexandria 1(94) —QOn the Schools of Philosophy 1 
Heraclides (7) of Bargylia 1 (94) n. 14 
Heraclides (8), physician 1 (94); Hippocrates 1 n. 28 

n. 27 Hipponax of Ephesus 110; n. 6 
Heraclides (9) of Tarentum 1 (94); HipponicusI 42; n. 2 

n. 28; 16 Hipponicus II 42; n. 2; 43 n. 2 


Heraclides (10) of Phocaea 1(94)  Hippothales of Athens 6 
Heraclides (11) of Sinope 1 n. 30 Homer 1 (87); (87); (88); (92); 17 


Heraclides (12) of Magnesia 1 n. 12; 39; 58; 96; n. 1; 98; 99: 
(94): n. 31 103; 105; n. 1; 106; 108; 109; 
Heraclides (13) of Ainos 1n. 11: 6 112: 116A 
Heraclitus 1 (88); n. 6; 12; 46C; —lliad 108: n. 1 
46D: 127: n. 5; 146; n. 2: 148: —Odyssey 99 
n. 3 Hyperboreans 244: n. 2; 24B; ἢ. 
Hermarchus of Mytilene 128; n. 3 1; 49 
Hermes 86; n. 1 Hypo-Dorian mode 114 
“+ Mercury 
Hermes Trismegistus 540 Iamblichus 54B 
Hermione 113 Iamidae 121 n. 1 
Hermippus of Smyrna 1(91);n.1; Ida, Mount 142A 
15; 25; 82: n. 2; 95A; n. 1 Idomeneus 99 
Hermodorus of Syracuse / Idomeneus of Lampsacus 27; ἢ. 2 
Hermotimus 86; n. 3 Ion of Chios 131 n. 1; 150 n. 1 
Herodotus 118; 139 Ionian mode 114 
Herophila, Sibyl 119; n. 3 Ionians 26A; 26B;: 114; 144 


Hesiod 1 (87); (92); 105; n. 1; 1723 Iphimedeia 103 n. 1 


Hestiaeus of Perinthus 6:n.2:7:n. Ischomachus 42 


4:9: η. 1 Isis 125 
Hesychius 53 n. 1 Italy 137A 
Hicesius 1 (94); n. 27 Ithaca(ns) 101; 102 
Hieron of Syracuse 39 Jesus Christ 88 
Hieronymus, the Peripatetic 37;n.1 Julian the Apostate, Cronia 53; ἢ. 2 
Himera 107;n. 1:;117B Jupiter 240; 38A; 38B 
Hipparchia 15; n. 2 “+ Zeus 
Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus 113 Justinian 52 n. 1 
n. | 


Hipparete, daughter of Hipponicus Kore 113; 114 
HW 42n.2 


The Sources, Text and Translation 295 


Lacedaemon(ians) 114 

Lacratides 27 

Lasus of Hermione 113; n. 1; 114: 
n. 3 

Lebadeia 95D 

Leo 57 

Leon of Phlius 84: n. 3; 85 

Lesbos 34n. 1 

Leto 109 

Leuco, son of Talas 99 

Leuctra 26A; ἢ. 2 

Libya 139 

Linus of Euboea 109: n. 1; 3 

—son of Calliope 112 

Lybia 118 n. 1 

Lycophron 28; n. 3 

Lyctos 99 

Lycurgus 85 

Lydia(ns) 114; n. 2 

Lydian mode 114 

Lysidice 28 


Macedon(ians) 1 n. 2; 10 
Macrobius 148 n. 1; 3 
Maiandrios 91 
Marathon 39: 97: 145 
Marmessus 120A 
Marmissus 120B; n. 1 
Marpessus 120C; ἢ. 1 
Medes, the 39 
Megara(ians) 5n. 3; 43 n. 3 
Melanippus 37 
Melissa 28 
Melos 135A; n. 1 
Menedemus of Pyrrha 9; n. 4; 7; n. 
3: 10: n. 3 
Menelaus 86; n. 2 
Mercury 38A; 38B; 117A 
“+ Hermes 
Metapontium 25 n. 1 
Metrodorus of Lampsacus 19; n. 1 


Metron 1 (87); n. 9 

Middle Academy 19A n. 3 

Milesians 23: 114 

Miletus 23n.1;43n. 3 

Milky Way, the 50; n. 3; 52; 94 
n. 4 

Mimallis 135A 

Mimblis 135A 

Mithradates 1 (94); n. 31 

Mithridates I Ktistes 1 n. 2 

Mithridates VI Eupator 2; ἢ. 1 

Moses 119 

Mountain Mother 114 

Mouseion /n. 1 

Muse(s) 98; 109: n. 1; 5; 111 

Mykale 26B 

Myrtila, priestress in Dodona 124 

Myson 4;n. 1 


Nasamonians 118: n. 1 
Naxos(ian) 136 

Naxus, person 136 

Neanthes of Cyzicus 29; ἢ. 5 
Neo-pyrrhonic scepticism 46B n. 2 
Nero 1n. 23 

New Academy 19An. 3 

Nicias of Pergase 42 
Nicomedes 127 

Nile 108; 125 n. 4 
Nymphodorus of Syracuse 118 
— Sailing around Asia 118n. 2 


Oceanus 148 n. 4 

Ocellus of Lucania 76B:; n. 1 

Odryses 1 n. 11 

Odysseus 99; 102; 104; 109 n. 7; 
111 

Oedipus 1 n. 21 

Oiagros 111 

Oliaros 133; n. 1 

Olympia 121 n. 1 


296 MHeraclides of Pontus 


Olympian, Games 22; 144 n. 1 
—nickname of Pericles 43; n. 1 

Orion 103: n. 1 

Orpheus 111; n. 1; 119; n. 1; 131 
n. 1; 150 n. 1 

Orphic writings 75A; 75B; 750 

Osiris 125 n. 1 

Otos 103; n. 1 


Pagasae(an) 122A; n. 1; 122B 

Pamphila of Epidaurus 

— Historical Recollections 29: n. 2 

Pan 154 

Panionia, feast of 26B 

Panionians 26B 

Pankalés 11 

Pantheia of Acragas 95A 

Panthous 86 n. 2 

Parmenides 46D; 63B; 148; n. 2 

Paros 133 

Parthenopaeus 1 n. 21 

Patroclus 86 n. 2 

Pausanias, friend of Empedocles 
87: n. 1: 93; n. 2: 94; 9ΒΑ: n. 3 

Pausanias, the Heraclitean 127 

Peiraeus 40 

Peisianax of Syracuse 93; ἢ. 1; 94 

Peloponnesus 26B; 94; 114 

Pelops 114 

Pergase 42 

Periander, tyrant of Corinth 28; n. 
1: 3; 29; n. 3 

Periander, wise man of Ambracia 
29: n. 4 

Pericles 27; 42 n. 2; 43 n. 2; 3: 45 

—the Olympian 43 


Peripatetic(s, the) 1n. 18; 64; 77; 
79 

Peripatos, the 1n. 4; 10; 92 n. 4: 
128; 147 


Periphoretus “Carried Around” 495 


Persephassa 125 

Persephone 544: 125 

Perses, brother of Hesiod 123 

Persia(ns) 1 (94); n. 26; 39; 42: n. 
1: 123 

Persian wise man (magos) 139; n. 
1: 140 

Phaeacians 104; 109 n. 6 

Phaenon 38A;n. | 

Phaethon 38B 

Phainias of Eresus 34 n. 1 

Phainippus, father of CalliasI 42 
n. 2 

Phalaris, tyrant of Acragas 37; n. 2; 
117A: n. 1 

Phanias of Eresus 

Pharos 108 

Pheidon of Argos 144; n. 1 

Phemius of Ithaca 109 n. 7 
— Homecoming 109 

Pheneus 26B; n. 2 

Pherae 24A n. 1 

Philammon of Delphi 109; n. 4; 5 

Philippus of Opus 6 

Philodemus 

—Commentaries 115B 

— History of the Philosophy 1 n. 11 

Philolaus, the Pythagorean 65C 

Philostephanus of Cyrene 

—QOn Islands 134: n. 1 

Phlius(asians) 84; n. 3; 85 

Phocaea 1 (94) 

Phormion of Croton 55; n. 4 

Phrygia(ns) 114; n. 1; 119; n. 2 

Phrygian mode 114 

Pierus of Pieria 109; n. 3 

Pindar 39 

Pisces 57 

Pisistratus 99: n. 1; 2:34; 35: 113 
n. | 

Plato 1 (86); n. 3; ὃ: 11; 3: η. 2: 5 


see Phainias 


The Sources, Text and Translation 297 


n. 4; 6; n. 1; 2;5; 7;n.1;8;9;17  Pythodorus 40 
n. 19; 30; 50 n. 1; 66: n. 1; 72: Python of Ainos 1 n. 11; 6 
79: n.1; 85; 88; 96; 117A; 147: 


148 n. 4 Rhesus 111 
—QOn the Good 6n.2;9n. 2 Rhodes 37 n. 1 
Platonist(s) 2; 50 Romans 49 n. 2 
Plutarch 49 n. 1; 108 n. 1 Rome 1 n. 23; 49: n. 2 
Pluto 54A; 58; 125; n. 2 
Pneumatists 92 n. 3 Sallustius, C. Crispus 19B n. 2 
Poimander 54B; 54C Sallustius, Cn. 19B; n. 2 
Polyaratus of Thasos 55 Samos(ians) 41; 45; n. 5 
Polybius 94 n. 2 Sarapion 1 n. 25 
Polymnestus of Colophon 109;n.  Sarapis 125; n. 1 
10 Sarmatae 137B 
Polynices 1 n. 21 Satyrus 1 n. 25; 87; n. 2 
‘Pompicus’ 1 (86) Sauromatae 137A;n. 1; 137C 
‘Ponticus’ 1 (86) scepticism 46B n. 2 
Pontus 1 (86); n. 2; 3;n. 1; 10 Scherie 109 n. 6 
Poseidon 26A; 26B; 58; 103 n.1; Scopas, the Parian 142A 
109 n. 2 Scorpio 57 
Posidonius 54B; 71 n. 3: 139; 140 Scythians 137A n. | 
Pratinas of Phlius 114; n. 4 Seleucus of Erythrae 74 
Procles 28 Selinunt(ines) 94; n. 1 
Prometheus 38A; 38B Serapis 125 n. 1 
Protagoras of Abdera_ 1 (88); 19: Seven against Thebes 1 n. 21 
31 n. 1 Seven Wise men 4 η. 1: 29 η. 4 
—son οἵ Artemon 91 Sibyl(s) 119: η. 3; 120A 
Prusias ad Mare 59 n. 2 —ofCumae 119 n. 3 
Psamathe 112 —of Erythrae 120C n. 1 
Psyche 38An. | —the Hellespontian 120A; 120B; 
Ptolemy I Soter 125 n. 1 120C 
Ptolemy, the Platonist 50; n. 2 —of Marpessus 120C n. 1 
Pyrrhus of Delos 86 Sicily 1n.3;3;n. 2; 7; 37; 40: 
Pythagoras of Samos 15; 25; n. 95B; 114 n. 5: 117B; 139 n. 2 
1: 53; 55: 84: n. 1; 85; 86; n. 2: Sicyon 84; n. 3; 109 
128; 148: 149A: 149B n. 1 Sidonians 133 
—QOn Gods 149B Simmias 2/ 
—On Nature 149B Simonides 39 
Pythagoreans, the 1 (86); (88); Siphis 135A 
75Α: 75Β: 75C; 75D Sipulus 114 


Pythia, the 1 (91); 12; 37 Smintheus, Apollo 142B 


298  Heraclides of Pontus 


Smyrna 114n. 2 

Socrates 15; 55; 98 

Solon 32: 33: n. 1; 2: 34: n. 1; 35: 
n. 1: 120A; n. 2; 120B; 120C 

Sophocles 1 (87); (92); 11; 138 

Sotion 1n. 4; 29: n. 1 

—Successions of Philosophers 1 
(86); n. 5; 25 

Sparta(ns) 26A n. 2; 55; ἢ. 2 

Speusippus of Athens 1 (86); n. 3; 
4:6:n.1;7n.1;9n.2;10n. 1 

Sphaerus of Borysthenes 127; ἢ. 3 

Spintharus 1 n. 20 

—Parthenopaeus 1 (92) 

Sporades 135A n. 1 

Stesichorus 109 

Stoa 17n. 11; 128 

Stobaeus 46A n. 1 

Stoic doctrine ΘΑ n. 4 

—philosopher 115B n. 1 

—school 127 n. 2 

Stoicism) 5n. 1 

Strabo 122A n. 2 

Strato of Lampsacus 92; n. 4 

Stryme 134 

Strymon, river 111; 134 n. 2 

Stymphalus 26B 

Sulla Tn. 31 

Sybarites 22; 41 

Syracuse 83; 117B n. 2 


Talas, father of Leuco 99 
Tanais, river 137A n. 1 
Tantalus 114 

Tarent 1n. 28 

Telemachus 101; 102 

Telestes of Selinus 114; ἢ. 5 
Telys, tyrant of Sybaris 22; n. 1 
Terpander 109; n. ὃ 
Terpsichore, Muse 109 n. 1 
Tertullian 46C n. 1 


Tethys 148 n. 4 

Teucrians, the 142A 

Thales 81; n. 3 

Thamyris of Thrace 109; n. 5 

— War of the Titans against the gods 
109 

Thasians 134 

Thebes/ans 1 n. 21; 3; 26A n. 2 

Theodectes of Phaselis 146; n. 2; 4 

Theon 15 

Theophantus 5 

Theophrastus of Eresus 1 n. 4; 15: 
18; 27; 30; 34 n. 1; 35; 64; 73: 
92 n. 4 

—In Reply to the Natural Philoso- 
phers 79 

Thersippus 35 

Thersippus of Erchia 145 

Thespis 1 (92); n. 17 

—Pentheus 150; 151 

—Priests 150 

— The Funeral Games of Pelias or 
Phorbas 150 

—Young Men 150 

Thessaly(ians) 114; 122A; ἡ. 1; 
122B; 133 n. 2 

Thrace(ians) 109 n. 5; 134; n. 2: 
143 

Thrasyllus, son of Pythodorus 40 

Thurii 31 

Timaeus (Plato) 148; n. 1; 4 

Timaeus of Tauromenium 76D n.: 
82: 94: n. 2 

— Sicilian Histories 82 n. 1 

Timolaus of Cyzicus 6 

Tityus 103 

Troad 120C; 142A n. 3 

Trojan 119 n. 3; 120A 

Trophonius 95C; n. 2; 95D; n. 2: 
122A: n. 3: 122B; 143: n. 1 

Troy 86; 99; 100; 109; n. 6; 120B 


The Sources, Text and Translation 299 


Tusculum 19B Xenocrates of Calchedon 6: ἢ. 1; 7 
Tyrtaeus 98 n. 1: 9 η. 2; 10; n. 2 
Underworld, the 52; 54A; 88 Zeno of Citium 1 (87); 5; n. 5; 17 


n. 11; 59 n. 1; 127 n. 2; 3 
Varro, M. Terentius 19A;n.2;57; ZenoofElea 1/7 n. 11 


120A Zephyria 135A 
—Qn Agriculture 19A ἢ. 2 Zeus 24A: n. 1; 58: 109; 119; 125 
—On the Latin Language 19An. 2 n. 1; 153 
Velleius, the Epicurean 72 n. 1 “+ Jupiter 
Venus 70 Zoroaster, the Mede 55; 139 n. 1 


~+ Aphrodite