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Cornell University Library 
DS 149.Z79 

What is Zionism? 

3 1924 028 583 320 

PI Cornell University 
fj Library 

The original of tliis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 


Two Chapters from 

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Two Chapters from 

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>^HAT is called the "Jewish problem" pre- 
sents itself under different aspects in 
different countries, but when we get beneath 
temporary and accidental features, the problem 
is seen to be essentially that of fitting into 
the modern world a national group which has 
survived from ancient times without the ordinary 
attributes of nationhood. This is equally true 
whether the problem be regarded from within 
or from without, from the point of view of the Jew 
or from that of the world. The modern world sets 
the Jew the problem of maintaining some sort of 
distinctive existence without the external props 
of territorial sovereignty and a political machine, 
and the Jew sets the modern world the problem of 
finding for him a place in its social structure which 
shall enable him to live as a human being without 
demanding that he cease to be a Jew. In both 
cases what gives the problem its peculiar character 
is the fact that the Jews, regarded simply as Jews, 
as members of the national group to which Pales- 
tine belonged 2,000 years ago, no longer possess 

What is Zionism? 4 

that national unity which is expressed in and 
secured by possession of a homeland, a common 
language, and common institutions. 

The persistence of the Jewish people through 
2,000 years of dispersion is due to its capacity for 
organizing a group-life of its own, under whatever 
external conditions, on the basis of a spiritual idea 
— the idea of the eternity of Israel as bound up 
with the eternity and universality of the God of 
Israel. This idea, carrying with it as a corollary 
the belief in a future restoration of the people to 
its homeland, has been at the root of the Jewish 
attitude to life, and has supplied in the Jewish 
struggle for existence the place of the more con- 
crete expressions of nationality. The people of 
Israel, the God of Israel, the land of Israel — these 
are the indestructible kernel around which has 
grown an outer shell of belief, tradition, religious 
observance, and social custom. So in Babylon, 
in Spain, in North Africa, in France and Germany, 
and later in Poland, large groups of Jews were 
able to create and carry on a distinctive life of 
their own, borrowing always from their surround- 
ings — particularly in the matter of language — but 
remaining always completely conscious of a sep- 
arate identity. The history of the Jewish people 
in exile is the history of the growth and decay of 
these successive centres of Jewish national life, 
or — if we may coin a term to indicate the absence 
of complete nationhood — sub-national life. 

By far the most important of these centres in 
modern times has been the one which arose in 

S Zionism and the Future Problem. 

Poland alter the great migrations of the Jews from 
Germany in the Middle Ages. In Poland there 
grew up a vast Jewish community, homogeneous 
m its character and type of life, and differing in 
fundamentals from the surrounding non-Jewish 
communities. It had its own language — Judeo- 
German or Yiddish, a modification of the Middle 
High German which the first Jewish immigrants 
brought with them into Poland — its own system 
of education based on the Bible and the Talmud, 
its own communal organization, its own mentalitv 
and standard of values. This homogeneous 
Jewish group survived the partition of Poland, 
which split it up politically; nay, it extended into 
Russia and Roumania, and to a less extent into 
Germany and France. It was from this group, as 
from a great reservoir, that Jews streamed out in 
ever-increasing numbers during the nineteenth 
century into the countries of the West, there to 
enjoy the political freedom and economic oppor- 
tunities which were persistently denied to the 
parent group. With relatively few exceptions, 
there is not a Jew to-day in Western Europe or 
America whose ancestors, immediate or somewhat 
remote, were not born and bred in one of the 
thousands of Jewish communities which in their 
totality make up the homogeneous, Yiddish-speak- 
ing sub-national group of Jews in Eastern Europe. 
It is therefore no exaggeration to say that East 
European Jewry has been for some centuries the 
real centre of Jewish life, and that its disruption, 
not accompanied by the establishment of another 

What is Zionism? 6 

centre, would threaten the very existence of the 
Jews as a people. 

It is one of the ironies of Jewish history that 
this vitally important centre of Jewry has carried 
on its life, especially during the last century, under 
material conditions as sorry and unenviable as 
could be imagined. Its solidarity, its faithfulness 
to its own traditions and way of life, its supreme 
value as a home of Jewish learning and Jewish 
idealism, have been maintained at a well-nigh 
incredible price. Turn where we will in Eastern 
Europe, the masses of Jews are degraded, either 
politically or economically, or in both respects, to 
a lower level than that of any proletariat in Europe. 
Exposed now to the harshest Governmental 
oppression, now to the hatred of an ignorant popu- 
lace, cut off from the soil, denied access to trades 
and professions in which their abilities could have 
free scope — the Jews have obviously no material 
inducement to remain true to their own tradition. 
That the homogeneous Jewish group has persisted 
under such conditions is little short of wonderful. 
It is to be explained only by a quite exceptionally 
strong national instinct. 

But persecution and economic misery have done 
much. Jews have been driven in increasing numbers 
to emigration, physical or spiritual. Vast numbers 
have sought refuge and betterment in Western 
Europe and America; many have given up the 
struggle and accepted baptism as a means of escape. 
And side bv side with these disintegrating forces 

o o 

another force has been at work, more subtle, but not 

7 Zionism and the Future Problem. 

less sure. The maintenance of the traditional way 
of life has involved a certain hostility to modern 
culture and ideas; but these cannot be kept out 
indefinitely, and in so far as they penetrate into 
the Ghettos, they act as a powerful' solvent of 
established Jewish belief and custom, for which 
they substitute nothing that is distinctively Jewish, 
but only (at best) a broad universalisiii which 
means in practice the adoption of the national 
culture nearest to hand. Half a century ago some 
of the more far-sighted Russian Jews began to 
realise the danger of disintegration through the 
adoption of foreign ideas and customs, and to urge 
the only possible remedy — the establishment of a 
new centre of Jewry in the old Jewish homeland 
under free conditions, in which Jewish life, rooted 
in its own soil, could develop on modern lines with- 
out losing its essential individuality. 

What further havoc these disintegrating forces 
might have wrought in the homogeneous Jewry of 
Eastern Europe during the next generation or two 
no man will ever know : for now the great war has 
come to precipitate their work. It is too early as 
yet to estimate even approximately the effect of 
the war on the great Jewish centres in which a part 
of it is being waged, but it is already obvious that 
it will deal a shattering blow at what has been for 
centuries the great reservoir of Jewish strength. 
• Thus the war brings the Jewish problem into tragic 
relief. It is not merely that hundreds of thousands 
of Jews have been turned into homeless wanderers, 
exposed to the ravages of famme and disease, 

What is Zionism? 8 

with but the slenderest prospect of ever recovering 
such economic stability as they had before. That 
IS the external aspect of the Jewish contribution to 
the tale of war-suffering, and it is sufficiently 
appalling to arrest attention even at a time when 
horror stalks the world. But the inner side of the 
tragedy, of even more awful significance for the 
Jewish people, is the destruction of the homes of 
Jewish life and learning, the break-up of the social 
organism which, despite its lack of freedom and of 
material and political strength, has embodied most 
fully in the modern world what is vital and endur- 
ing in the character and ideals of the Jewish 
people. The havoc brought by the war to the Jews 
of Poland has been compared to the destruction of 
Jerusalem by the Romans, and the comparison is 
by no means fanciful. For the fearful blow strikes 
beyond the individuals at the very heart of the 

Superficially, indeed, it might seem that the 
importance to Jewry at large of the Jewish settle- 
ments in the Eastern theatre of war is here exagger- 
ated. Granted, it may be said, that the sufferings 
of Polish Jewry are enormous, granted even that 
the ruin is irreparable, and that the Jewish people 
has indeed lost for ever one of its prime sources of 
strength, there yet remain the Jewries of the West- 
ern World, which command much greater material 
resources, and have infinitely wider .possibilities of 
political action, than the Russian and Polish Jews 
ever had or might expect to have. Is it not, in fact, 
it may be asked, a great source of strength to the 

9 Zionism and the Future Problem. 

Jewish people that it has not " all its eggs in one 
basket," so that the persistence of the people as a 
whole does not depend on the fortunes of a single 
group, however large and important? 

The question is natural enough ; but in fact the 
conditions under which the Jews live in the West- 
ern World make it impossible for their communi- 
ties to render to Jewry at large the particular 
service which has been performed hitherto by the 
Jewish settlement in Eastern Europe, despite their 
marked superiority in political freedom, in econ- 
omic stability, in adjustment to the demands of 
modern culture. For one effect of political and 
social emancipation on the Jews of the West has 
been to break up their solidarity. They have gained 
the right to participate in the lives of modern 
nations, not as a national or sub-national group, but 
as individuals. 

True, the different Jewish communities are 
still grouped around their synagogues and 
other institutions, chiefly of a philanthropic 
character. " Judaism," conceived as a religious 
system, takes the place of the sense of attachment 
■ to the Jewish people and its traditions and ideals. 
But from the point of view of Jewish solidarity the 
substitute is woefully inadequate, and its in- 
adequacy becomes more glaring from generation to 
generation. On the other hand, the culture and 
aspirations of the State in which he lives play an 
ever-growing part in the inner life of the individual 
Jew, and restrict more and more the sphere of 
activities in which his Jewishness expresses itself; 

What is Zionism? ^^ 

and, on the other hand, the conception of what it 
means to be a Jew becomes more and more vague 
and uncertain for lack of a concrete embodiment 
of Jewish life which could serve as a guiding norm. 
Hence the natural progress of the emancipated 
Jew is through assimilation to absorption in his 

This process would proceed to its logical end 
even more rapidly were it not checked by anti- 
Semitism. For the efforts of the emancipated Jew 
to assimilate himself to his surroundings, quite 
honestly meant and largely successful though 
they are, deceive nobody but himself. The record 
of the emancipated Jew in loyalty to his country, 
in devotion to its ideals and service to its interests, 
is unimpeachable. None the less, he is felt by the 
outside world to be still something different, still 
an alien, and the measure of his success and pro- 
minence in the various walks of life which are 
thrown open to him is, broadly speaking, the 
measure of the dislike and distrust which he earns.* 

* As unfair controversial use has been made of this passage 
hy a well-known anonymous opponent of Zionism, it seems 
desirable to point out — what must be obvious to everv fair-minded 
reader — that what is meant is simplv that, however like his 
neighbour the assimilated Jew becomes, the non-Jew remains 
conscious of the fact that there is a real difference between the 
Jew and himself, which is not merely ,i difference of " con- 
fession." Any student of the Jewish problem knows that this 
consciousness of difference exists, and that it is liable to take 
the form of anti-Semitism under certain conditions. It is idle to 
base generalisations about the position of the assimilated Jew on 
experience in England, where conditions are doublv favourable to 
the Jews, both because the English are exceptionally tolerant, 
and because the Jews are still a very small fraction of the popu- 
lation ; but even in England it would be absurd to deny that the 
Jew is not " recognised " as smh, hdwever genuine and however 


Zionism and the Future Problem. 

Thus the phenomena of assimilation and of anti- 
Semitism go on side by side, and the position of 
the emancipated Jew, though he does not realize it 
himself, is even more tragic than that of his 
oppressed brother. 

It is clear, then, that no set-off against the 
destruction of a great Jewish centre in the East of 
Europe can be found in the existence of materially 
prosperous communities of Jews in the West. The 
truth is that the facts of the Jewish position in East 
and West alike, properly regarded, point to the 
same fatal source of weakness in the Jewish 
struggle for existence — the lack of a stable home, 
in which the Jewish people could live and develop 
on the lines of its own national characteristics and 
ideals. Neither the herding of large masses of 
Jews in Ghettos nor the recognition of the right of 
individual Jews to live as free human beings out- 
side the Ghetto can compensate the Jewish people 
for the lack of such a home. This truth, which the 
history of Jewry in the nineteenth century had made 
evident enough, is thrown into still sharper relief by 
the events of the great war. 

It is this central problem — the homelessness of 
the Jewish people* — that Zionism attacks. Its dis- 
tinctive feature is that it sees the problem as a 

successful his efforts may be to adapt himself to the surroundings. 
The Jewish individuality can be suppressed " only very slowly. 
and the process of ' disappearing ' requires a few generations 
to be complete." 

* By this is meant homelessness of the Jews as a nation. 
Individual Jews or groups of Jews have their political homes, 
but the people have not. This home can only be established in 
Palestine for those who will Uve there. 

What is Zionism? ^^ 

national one, not as the problem of this or that 
group of individual Jews ; and it aims at removmg 
the conditions which make the problem so acute, 
not at administering a palliative here and there. 
For so long as the conditions remain, the problem 
must always recur. So long as the Jewish people re- 
mains without a home, it must always be faced with 
the same terrible alternative — either a cramped, 
stunted, and precarious life in the Ghetto, or 
gradual decay and disruption under emancipation. 
But to find a home for the Jewish people does not 
mean to congregate all Jews together in one place. 

That is obviously impossible, even if it were 
desirable. The millions of Jews in Eastern Europe 
could not be transplanted by the wave of a wand 
to a Jewish land, and any gradual emigration must 
be more or less counterbalanced by the natural 
growth of population. The political and economic 
problems of the Jews in Eastern Europe must be 
settled, for the great mass of them, in the countries 
where they live. Emancipated Jews, again, are for 
the most part unwilling to leave the countries of 
their adoption. Materially speaking, they are 
sufficiently well off where they are. and it will only 
be a minority in whom the Jewish consciousness 
will be sufficiently strong to draw them back again 
to their own- people. But, taking East and West 
together, there is a sufficiently large number of Jews 
who would be eager, given the opportunity, to help 
in laying the foundations of a new Jewish life in a 
Jewish land. 

/The task of Zionism is to create that oppor- 

^3 Zionism and the Future Problem. 

tunity. As to the land that is to be the Jewish 
land there can be no question. Palestine alone, 
of all the countries in which the Jew has set foot 
throughout his long history, has an abiding place 
in his national tradition. It was in Palestine that 
the Jews lived as a nation, and produced the high- 
est fruits of their genius. The memory and the 
hope of Palestine have been bound up with the 
national consciousness of the, Jewish people through 
all the centuries of exile, ancf have been among flfe 
most powerful forces making f^or the preservation- 
of Jewry and Judaism. '■^Tlfe' task of Zioniipi,^Rfen, 
is to create a home for the Jevwshjpeople in Pales- 
tine, to make it possible^.W^ large numbers of Jews 
to settle there and live u'nder conditions in which 
they can produce a type of life corresponding to 
the character and ideals of the Jewish people. 

When the aim of Zionism is accomplished, 
Palestine will be the home of the Jewish people, not 
because it will contain all the Jews' in the world, 
but because it will be the only place in the world 
where the Jews are masters of their own destiny, and 
the national centre to which all Jews will look as 
the home and the source of all that is most essen- 
tially Jewish. Palestine will be the country in 
which Jews are to be found, just as Ireland is the 
country in which Irishmen are to be found, though 
there are more Irishmen outside of Ireland than in 
it. And similarly Palestine will be the home of 
Judaism, not because there will be no Judaism any- 
where else, but because in Palestine the Jewish 
spirit will have free play, and there the Jewish mind 

What is Zionism? ^ 

and character will express themselves as they can 
nowhere else. 

Summing up the results of what Zionism has 
already done towards the accomplishment of this 
aim, we may say that under the influence of the 
movement, direct or indirect, there have grown up 
m Palestme the begmnmgs of a new Jewish life — 
small beginnings as yet, but full of promise for the 
future. In Palestine to-day there are Jews settled on 
the soil and in the towns whose national conscious- 
ness is Jewish and whose language is Hebrew. The 
ideal of the return to the land of Palestine, as the 
home of the Jewish people, has begun to take con- 
crete shape. And concurrently with this develop- 
ment, and partly as a result of it, there has 
gradually come about a change in the outlook of 
Jews — a change which can be more easily felt by 
those who are in touch with Jewish affairs than it 
can be measured by facts and figures. This change 
is illustrated n^ost concretely by the growth of the 
Zionist organisation itself, with its 200,000 
adherents in all parts of the world, its biennial 
representative Congresses, its network of financial 
institutions, its Press in many languages, and its 
incessant and extensive propaganda by the written 
and the spoken word. And outside the Zionist 
organisation the national idea has begun to affect 
spheres of Jewish life in which a generation ago 
the drift towards assimilation was the only visible 
movement, and its influence will grow with the 
growth of its concrete embodiment in Palestine. 

With the development of this embryo settle- 

^S Zionism and the Future Problem. 

ment into a fully-fledged and self-conscious 
national group, the Jewish problem will enter on a 
new phase. It is not pretended that the restora- 
tion of Palestine to the Jewish people will immedi- 
ately end all the ills to which Jewry is heir, or will 
solve as if by magic all the problems of adjustment 
' that the existence of the Jewish people creates both 
for Jews and for the world. A man who is rescued 
from the quicksands may still have a hard struggle 
for existence ; but at least he is on solid ground, 
and can use whatever of strength and wit he is en- 
dowed with. So it will be with the Jewish people. 
Restored once more to firm ground, it will be 
able to fight its battles for life and growth, instead of 
spending its energies in the ineffectual clutchings 
and gaspings of a drowning man. History justi- 
fies the faith of every conscious Jew that the striv- 
ing of his people after full self-expression will be 
fraught with advantage to humanity in its progress 
towards higher and higher reaches of culture and 
civilisation. The Jewish nation has stood from 
time memorial for the loftiest of spiritual ideals ; 
its life through two thousand years of exile has 
been one long tribute to the supremacy of the things 
of the spirit; the record of the Zionist movement 
itself is proof of the power of an ideal to stir the 
Jewish people to-day to new life and heroic effort. 
Nor should it be necessary to urge the importance 
of the contribution that might be made to the solu- 
tion of the age-long problem of East and West by 
a vigorous and progressive Jewish nation in 
Palestine, which is marked out by its geographical 

What is Zionism? i6 

position to be a highway of commerce and of cul- 
ture no less than the Jewish people is fitted by its 
history to be a mediator between the East, m which 
it has its roots, and the West, in which it has been 
tried and schooled for centuries. 

In the settlement which will follow the war the 
•Jewish question will demand the attention of those 
whose task it will be to build a new order on the 
ruins of the old. Jews will ask, as they have asked 
before, for equal treatment in countries where 
hitherto they have been denied the rights of men 
and citizens— and this time perhaps not in vain. 
But even more urgent than the claim of the 
individual Jew to human rights will be the claim 
of the Jewish people to that equality of opportunity 
which it can achieve only by becoming once more 
master of its own destinies. The principle of 
equality of opportunity, long recognized by pro- 
gressive states in their internal economy, is of no 
less vital importance for nations than for individ- 
uals. The Jewish people will claim the benefit of 
that principle. It will support its claim by no 
armed force, for, though Jews shed their blood for 
every belligerent country, there is no Jewish army. 
Its appeal will be based on right and justice alone. 
If right and justice are to be the foundations of the 
new order the appeal will not be unheard. 

Chaim Weizmann. 



I_IISTORIC movements of importance cannot be 
fixed within definite limits of time. Zionism, 
as the practical embodiment of an ideal, dates from 
1896, but the ideal itself, that of Jewish nationalism, 
is as old as the Dispersion. The doctrine of the 
return to Palestine has always been part and parcel 
of the belief of the Jew, expressed m countless 
sayings, prayers and poems. It is true that, as this 
return was looked upon, not as a simple historic 
event, but as part of the Divine scheme of govern- 
ance, any attempt to further that consummation by 
human beings would have appeared to be blas- 
phemy. However, with the advent of a more 
tangible view of cosmic development this belief 
was bound to take on a more human and terrestrial 

The situation of the Jews in 1896 was neither 
satisfactory in itself nor promising in the hope that 
it held out for the future. With the disappearance 
of physical and constitutional ghettos, the West- 
ern Jews felt that they had at last come into their 
heritage. In order to be at harmony with the 

What is Zionism? i^ 

" modern spirit," they had made an effort to save 
the Jewish religion at the expense of nationality 
and race, not realizing that these last two constit- 
ute its bulwarks. The violent changes which were 
consequently made in the ritual caused the Jew 
to be a stranger among his brethren in many 
countries, and the remodelling of the Jewish 
perspective removed the wide outlook of the old 
Hebrew prophets, and made Judea and the return 
of the Jews to some form of a reconstructed common 
existence the ideal of those who wished to preserve 
the national tradition. 

The forced exodus of large numbers of Jews 
from Eastern Europe had a deep and far-reaching 
effect upon the Jews of Western Europe and 
America. The active work of making proper pro- 
vision for these victims of a relentless persecution 
resulted in establishing a close bond of sympathy 
between two portions of a people that had been 
estranged for so long a time. These emigrants 
from Russia carried with them into their new homes 
an ideal that had been fostered by some of their 
most cherished leaders and popular writers — the 
ideal that had been called Jewish Nationalism. 

Perez Smolenskin had been the first to proclaim 
in Russia a view of Jewish Nationalism that was 
civic and social, not religious. The very title of his 
chief work, "Am 01am" (An Eternal People), writ- 
ten in 1873, gives us the keynote of his endeavour; 
an eternal people must keep an " eternal ideal " 
constantly in view. That ideal he finds expressed in 
the one word " Zion." Since the destruction of the 

^9 The History of Zionism. 

Temple it has represented the hopes of the Jewish 
people. It stands for the peculiar culture for which 
the Jews have striven; it connotes the Hebrew 
language, the use of which must be cultivated 
anew as the expression of that ideal ; and later in 
life it betokened to him the physical goal for which 
the Jews must strive in order to attempt the realiza- 
tion of the ideal. 

The idea that the restitution of Palestine to the 
Jews might become a matter of general European 
interest was not without its advocates eveii during 
the first half of the nineteenth century. In 1799 
Napoleon had inserted a proclamation in the Moni- 
teau- Universel inviting the Jews of Asia and Africa 
to gather under his leadership in order to re-estab- 
lish ancient Jerusalem. A French Jew, Joseph 
Salvador, publicly advocated the calling of a 
European Congress for the purpose of reinstating 
his people in their old home, an idea that is sup- 
posed to have fired the mind of Disraeli, who, in 
" Alroy," speaks the language of the most modern 
of Zionists in the words he puts into the mouth of 
the High Priest: " You ask me what I wish; my 
answer is, the Land of Promise. You ask me what 
I wish ; my answer is, Jerusalem. You ask me what 
I wish ; my answer is, the Temple, all we have for- 
feited, all we have yearned after, all for which we 
have fought — our beauteous country, our holy 
creed, our simple manners, and our ancient cus- 

An Englishman, Hollingsworth by name, 
published in 1852 a pamphlet wherein he 

What is Zionism? 20 

advocated the establishment of a Jewish State, 
urging it as a matter of much moment to Great 
Britain for the purpose of safeguarding the over- 
land route to India. Ten years later, Moses Hess, 
one of the early German Socialist leaders and a 
propagator of Proudhon's anarchistic ideas, in his 
great work, " Rome and Jerusalem — the Latest 
National Question," not only laid down the 
historic and economic bases of that which was not 
yet called Zionism, but also developed a complete 
plan for the colonization and regeneration of the 
Holy Land. 

No Christian, and perhaps no Jewish writer, 
has struck the high ncte of pathos and enthusiasm 
of George Eliot in her novel " Daniel Deronda " 
(1876). Into the mouth of one of her heroes she 
places words that show how deeply she had pene- 
trated into the Jewish soul : " There is a store of 
wisdom among us to found a new Jewish polity. 
Grand, simple, just like the old — a republic where 
there is equality of protection. . . . Then our 
race shall have an organic centre, a heart and a 
brain to watch and guide and execute ; the out- 
raged Jew shall have a defence in the court of 
nations as the outraged Englishman or American, 
and the world will gain as Israel gains. . . . Let 
the torch of visible community be lit. Let the 
reason of Israel disclose itself in a great outward 
deed ; let there be another great migration, another 
chosen of Israel, to be a nationality whose members 
may still stretch to the ends of the earth, even as 
the sons of England and Germany, whom enter- 

21 The History of Zionism. 

prise carries afar, but who still have a national 
hearth and a tribunal of national opinion. . . . 
Let us help to will our own better future, and the 
better future of the world — not renounce our higher 
gift, and say, ' Let us be as if we were not among 
the populations,' but choose our full heritage, 
claim the brotherhood of our nation, and carry it 
into a new brotherhood with the nations of the 
Gentiles. The vision is there : it will be fulfilled." 

But there was no more potent factor in finally 
creating an interest in the larger aspect of the 
Jewish question than the attempt made to resettle 
the Promised Land. It is true that all through the 
Middle Ages communities of Jews had lived in 
various parts of Palestine, chiefly in Jerusalem and 
in one or two cities of Galilee, making a brave fight 
against overwhelming political and economic odds. 
The relation of these communities with the Jews 
of other lands had not been intimate, and had been 
preserved largely by the collectors of alms, who 
gathered sustenance for the Talmudic and Cabal- 
istic Schools. 

Two events which had attracted the atten- 
tion of the whole world towards Palestine 
and Syria caused the Jews of Europe to see the 
duty that lay upon them in connection with their 
brethren in the nearer East, and to feel the bond 
that had .held so closely in times gone by. 

The first of these was the Damascus " ritual 
murder " case in the year 1840, as a result of which 
Sir Moses Montefiore, Adolphe Cremieux, and 
Salomon Munk iourneved to Mehemet Ali in 

What is Zionism? -^ 

order to obtain redress from him, and thus became 
personally acquainted with the sufferings of their 
Eastern brethren. Twenty years later the Jews 
were agam falsely implicated in the massacre of 
Maronite Christians by the Druses in the neigh- 
bourhood of Damascus. 

Even in very Orthodox circles a new con- 
ception of the role Palestine was to play 
in the future had gradually asserted itself. 
Hirsch Kalischer, Rabbi in Thorn, Prussia, in his 
work " Emunah Yesharah," published in i860, 
conceded that the Messianic idea can become a 
fact only in the slow working of historic events. It 
was Kalischer's written word that brought about 
the first attempt made by the Jews to redeem the 
Land of Promise, for it inspired Charles Netter, 
under whose auspices the Alliance Israelite 
Univers-elle founded the Mikweh Israel Agri- 
cultural School. Kalischer himself made an' 
attempt at actual colonization in the early 'seventies 
near Lake Tiberias, and at the same time a settle- 
ment was effected at Petach Tikwah, near Jaffa; 
but these were sporadic, probably unintelligent 
experiments, valuable rather as indications of a 
real interest in the matter than as successful 
political accomplishments. 

The anti-Semitic movement of 1881 and the 
following years was a practical lesson that finally 
awakened the Jews to the fact that, while the world 
had progressed in general ideas of communal and 
international comity, the Jewish position had grown 
worse. After the havoc consequent on the May 

23 The History of Zionism. 

Laws, Leo Pinsker, a physician, sent a warning 
note ringing through Russian Jewry. In his work 
" Auto-Emancipation " he concludes that the root 
of evil from which the Jews are suffering is the 
fact that since the destruction of Jerusalem the 
various peoples and rulers have never had to deal 
with the Jews as a nation, but only with individual 
settlements of Jews. It is therefore a duty which 
the Jews owe themselves to find and to found a 
centre, not necessarily in the Holy Land, but 
wherever a fitting soil can be found for the home- 
less people. But Pinsker did not only preach self- 
emancipation ; he sketched in broad outline the 
means that were to be adopted to reach this end. 
His perspicacity and clear vision are evident from 
the circumstance that in a general way the lines 
he foreshadowed, but was not destined to see 
realized, are those upon which later developments 
were to run. 

But those lofty ideas were but dimly under- 
stood by the people at large, and Dr. Pinsker, 
being unable to achieve the full measure of his 
purpose, was forced to accept less and to become 
the head of the Choveve Zion (Lovers of Zion). 
This movement, which had Odessa for its centre, 
spread into all parts of the Diaspora, and did 
excellent work in assisting colonization and 
furthering the dissemination of culture among the 
Jews of Palestine. Critics, however, urged that it 
failed to utilize the rare opportunity it had of 
making its programme large, bold, and statesman- 
like; and when Zionism started to occupy the 

What is Zionism? 24 

position which, in their opinion, the Choveve Zion 
Societies should have taken, there was noticeable 
discord between the two parties. However, the 
London body accepted the Zionist platform in' 
1898, and the Odessa Committee in 1906 
acquiesced in the resolution adopted by the 
Seventh Congress. It is, moreover, undeniable 
that, without the primal interest in Palestine 
which the Choveve Zion generated and centralized 
in Russia, it would have been difficult for Herzlian 
Zionism to penetrate there. 

In the year 1874 the first attempt was made 
to found a Jewish agricultural colony in Palestine. 
Some Jews from Jerusalem laid the first stone of 
Petach Tikwah. The second attempt dates from 
1882, when immigrants from Russia and Roumania 
settled at Rishon-Le-Zion' and Wad-el-Chanin in 
Judea, Rosh Pinnah in Galilee, and Zichron- 
Jacob in Samaria. The real impetus to these 
attempts belongs to the Choveve Zion. Although 
these pioneers suffered dire necessity, they kept 
manfully to the task they had set themselves. 
The history of , Jewish colonization in Palestine 
between the years 1882 and 1889 represents a 
further attempt at a solution of the Jewish question 
on the lines of the old philanthropic nationalism. 
It was not until 1907 that the evils of the bureau- 
cratic system and of absentee landlordism were 
fully recognised, and the colonies handed over to 
the colonists. In this way the duties of government 
were laid upon the shoulders of those who by 
rights were called upon to bear them, and a more 

-5 The History of Zionism. 

healthy spirit was engendered. Material prosperity 
followed in the wake of the change. In 191 1 the 
Vinegrowers' Association of Rishon-Le-Zion and 
Zichron-Jacob were able to pay off nearly half a 
million francs of their indebtedness to Baron 
Edmund de Rothschild. 

But the man who was finally to give to 
Palestinian colonization the full force of its 
attraction, and to endow the programme of 
Choveve Zionism with a wider appeal, was, 
curiously enough, a typical product of that very 
milieu which had for so long remained callous 
to the voice of Jewish nationalism. Theodor 
Herzl was, in point of fact, quite unprepared for 
the work which he was called upon ^o do. A 
student of law at the Vienna University, he had 
been completely drawn away by other and more 
secular interests from contact with Jewish affairs. 
His exquisite and facile pen had led him into 
literature and journalism while livmg in Paris as 
the representative of the N eue Freie Presse. The 
anti-Semitic campaign attendant upon the Dreyfus 
affair had made a deep impression upon his 
sensitive nature, and awakened with a start his 
dormant Jewish consciousness. 

" Der Judenstaat " was written in Paris in the 
year 1895. It is evident to how great an extent 
Herzl's personality was instrumental in the unify- 
ing and upbuilding work that he did, from the 
very fact that the doctrines that he propounded 
were not new. They had been set forth quite as 
translucently by Pinsker, who even suggests the 

What is Zionism? 26 

same practical measures as those enunciated by 
Herzl, by means of which the " Jewish State " was 
to be built up. 

I am assured that Herzl had never heard of 
" Auto-Emancipation " until several years had 
elapsed, nor had he known of Hess's " Rome and 
Jerusalem." It is, therefore, the more remarkable 
that the conclusions are so similar. 

Starting from the premise that anti-Semitism is 
a continually increasing menace, and that it is 
evidently ineradicable, he comes to the conclusion 
that the outside world does not desire to inter- 
mingle with the Jews except upon conditions that 
are subversive to the continuance of the Jews as 
a people. That which the Jewish people needs is 
a definite and certain home, and it is to the 
realisation of this end that Herzl devotes most of 
his attention. He demands the formation of a new 
organization, a " Society of Jews," which is to 
make all the preliminary scientific and political 
investigations and be succeeded by a " Jewish 
Company " with a capital of fifty million pounds, 
and with a seat in London. Notwithstanding a poetic 
foresight that was native in him, Herzl writes with 
the pen of a politician and speaks the language of 
a statesman. He is a cool and modern man of the 
world, speaking to moderns like himself. 

From all the evidence it is plain that Herzl 
never had the slightest idea of placing himself 
at the head of a practical organisation. When 
he moved back to Vienna, the Kadhnah, a 
nationalistically inclined society of Jewish 

^7 The History of Zionism. 

University students, addressed him a letter in 
which it acknowledged its adhesion to his views, 
and made a direct proposition, looking to the 
founding of a society of Jews to take up the work 
he had mapped out. But the first just apprecia- 
tion of the whole scope of Herzl's scheme was by 
Israel Zangwill, through whose instrumentality 
he was- invited to appear before the Maccabasans 
in London in July, 1896. Herzl himself had 
inaugurated a public discussion of what had now 
become known as Zionism by a letter to the Jewish 
Chronicle, in which he says : 

My pamphlet will open a general discussion 
on the Jewish question. . . . [The newly formed 
society] will then find out for the first time whether 
the Jews really wish to go to the Rromised Land, 
and whether they ought to go there." 

The first edition of " Der Judenstaat" had been 
published in Vienna in 1896. The question raised 
by the pamphlet had, in fact, penetrated far and 
wide. In some manner not as yet explained it had 
'been brought to the notice of the Sultan of Turkey, 
who, according, to the statement of Mr. Lucien 
Wolf, despatched to Herzl in May, 1896, a secret 
emissary, the Chevalier de Newlinsky, with the 
offer of a charter for Palestine in return for the 
cessation of the European Press campaign against 
him because of the Armenian massacres. The 
J?\vs, however, were not only not so powerful in the 
Continental Press as the Sultan supposed; they 
were also not so supine i'^ to execute such a 
bargain and reach their own poal over the dead 

What is Zionism? 38 

bodies of another race. This circumstance was at 
all events calculated to induce Herzl to persevere, 
and early in 1897 he issued the call for the First 
Congress, which was to be the beginning of his 
constructive policy. By this he meant the passage 
from discussion to deed, and it was consequently 
necessary that the various Jewish organizations and' 
certain public men should define their position 
towards the new movement. It must be admitted 
that this position was in most cases frankly hostile. 

The larger organizations, such as the Alliance 
Israelile Universellc in Paris, the Jewish Coloniza- 
tion Association, and the Vienna Allianz, an- 
nounced a determined opposition, and even the 
Choveve Zion in Western Europe refused to join 
hands. Zionism was too orthodox for the Reform 
Jews, not sufficiently religious for the Orthodox, 
and too Jewish for the Know-nothings. 

In addition to the difficulties resultmg from ■ 
purely doctrinal considerations, there was evident 
a certain solicitude, a mistrust and apprehension 
that Zionism might bring in its wake a catastrophe 
boding evil to the political position won by the 
Jews in so many modern civilised states. It was 
feared by many that the movement justified the 
charge that the Jews were strangers in the various 
lands of the Diaspora. This disquietude, as well 
as a certain Chauvinism which was deemed 
necessary as a counterblast to Zionist propaganda, 
was exhibited in various quarters. In 1897 the 
association of Rabbis in Germany suggested the 
possibility of an entente by publicly declaring that. 

29 The History of Zionism. 

while " the attempts to found a Jewish national 
State in Palestine are contrary to the Messianic 
•promise of Judaism, ... no opposition can be seen 
to the noble plan to colonize Palestine with Jewish 
agriculturists." But the limitation demanded of 
the Zionists was one which in good conscience they 
could not accept. Nationalism was the very heart 
of the movement, and without it all the other 
members would become atrophied. The contending 
positions were thus clearly defined ; the two sides 
had joined issue. 

jl have said that the summoning of the Congress 
was the first constructive work attempted by Herzl. 
Its importance lay in the fact that it was not only 
to be the means for concentrating various efforts 
that were being made towards a common goal, but 
in itself it was the announcement of a definite policy 
ultimately connected with all Zionist endeavour — 
that of organization upon a democratic basis. 

Moreover, the Jews had had no forum from 
which they could speak to the -world at large. A 
Congress of Jews speaking with a delegated autho- 
rity in the name of a large body of the people, 
and holding its deliberations m public, was 
calculated to have a wide hearing, and to serve the 
cause of the Jews in general. It has been argued 
that the Zionists arrogated to themselves an office 
they did not really possess — that of speaking in the 
name of the whole Jewish people. The arraign- 
ment is not without some justification, which, how- 
ever, on second thought is more seeming than real. 
The Congress never sought to hide the fact that 

What is Zionism? 30 

it had its many opponents, but it felt that, composed 
as it was of delegates representing all the various 
ph'ases of Jewish life and thought, it had a certain 
universal Jewish character, and that, therefore, 
its assumption to speak for what has been well 
called Catholic Israel was not the presumption it 
seemed to be at first sight. 

The first Congress met at Basle in August, 
1897. It was intended to hold it at Munich, but 
this plan was actively opposed by the official Jewish 
communit\- of that citw The chief import of this 
Congress lies in the fact that it drew up a declara- 
tion which in its opening paragraph has become 
the watchword of the whole movement, and which 
is universally known as " The Basle Programme." 
This paragraph affirms that " The object of Zion- 
ism is to establish for the Jewish people a home in 
Palestine secured by public law." In employing 
the words " secured bv public law," the Congress 
laid stress upon the fact that what was demanded 
was a right and not a favottr, that the Jewish masses 
counted upon the assistance of more fortunate 
peoples in obtaining the status which these 
enjoyed. A home, to be effectively assured to the 
Jewish people, must be legally recognized as such 
b)- the forces that control the forward movement of 
modern civilization ; under other conditions it might ' 
become as insecure as the present tenure in various 
lands. The important words " in Palestine'" 
denote a distinct change in Herzl's mental attitude, 
for in " Der Judenstaat " he speaks of Palestine or 
any other country that may be found suitable. He 

3^ The History of Zionism. 

had evidently come to see that the Jewish heart 
was beating for one spot, and could no longer have 
any doubt that the future of Israel was bound up 
irrevocably with Palestine. It is true that a strong 
minority in the organization of the Congress 
insisted upon the older standpoint, and formed 
an active opposition which led in after-years to 
the exciting scenes of the Sixth and Seventh 

Eleven sessions of the Congress were held 
between 1897 and 1913; from 1897 to 1901 yearly; 
from that time forward bi-annually. Although a 
certain change had taken place in Herzl's attitude 
regarding Palestine, he still held to the large poli- 
tical view of the whole question. He believed 
that the policy of what he called smuggling a few 
families into Palestine was unworthy of a great 
cause — that it was necessary to secure first and 
foremost political rights. This attitude, which 
caused him to be looked upon by a portion even of 
his own adherents as an opponent of Palestinian 
colonization, is explained by the precarious state 
in which the Turkish Empire was at that time. His 
negotiations with the Sultan, carried out in various 
ways between the years -1898 and 1903, seemed to 
lead to no definite result. Even if the various 
offers of the Sultan were made, in good faith, the 
Jewish people refused to give Herzl the means 
with which to close any bargain. 

In the meantime many in the Organization 
grew restless, especially two groups of the 
Congress — -one representing the older Choveve 

What is Zionism? 3^ 

Zion view, to whom the name Zioiie Zion, 
or Zionist a outrance, was given; the other 
made up of pure nationalists, whose specific inter- 
est was directed to Palestine as a possible centre 
rather than the only possible one. This latter 
group reasoned that, if the undertakings with the 
Sultan were likely to prove abortive, it behoved the 
Zionist leaders to look elsewhere, and to find 
another land in which the much-desired home could 
be established. 

It is from this point of view that we must regard 
the attempt made in 1898 by Dr. Davis Trietsch 
and others to transfer Jewish colonization to the 
island of Cyprus, as well as the concession de- 
manded for a Jewish settlement in El-Arish. The 
matter of El-Arish had originally been broached by 
the German Zionists in 1901, and was taken up by 
Herzl in the autumn of 1902. The negotiations 
opened in London were pursued in Cairo, and in 
the beginning of 1903 a scientific expedition was 
sent thither to report upon the feasibility of the 
plan." The report of this Commission has never 
been made public, but it is generally understood 
not to have been unfavourable. The negative out- 
come of the matter was, according to the Anglo- 
Egyptian Government, due to the lack of water 
there, which would necessitate the use of some of 
the Nile overflow for irrigation purposes, and this 
could not be spared by Egypt. But the spirit 
in which the British Government had treated the 
proposal concerning El-Arish was particularly 
pleasing and encouraging. The goodwill and 

33 The History of Zionism. 

support of the statesmen of a land that was thor- 
oughly imbued with liberal ideas and tendencies, 
and that had had such varied experiences in colon- 
ization, were rightly looked upon by Herzl as a 
most valuable asset. 

It was while Mr. Chamberlain was visiting the 
newly acquired East African Protectorate that he 
conceived the idea that here might be found a 
convenient place for a Jewish settlement. The 
possibility of such a settlement had first been 
mooted in the London Jewish Chronicle in July, 
1903, by a correspondent. Robert P. Yates, who 
was entirely outside the Zionist body. The negotia- 
tions culminated in an official letter from Sir 
Clement Hill to Mr. L. J. Greenberg, dated from 
the Foreign Office, August 14th, 1903. It has been 
said with reason that this letter marks an epoch in 
Jewish history. It is not concerned with individual 
Jews, nor with a small community, but with the 
whole Jewish race, and its oflier contained a measure 
of self-government which might well tempt the 
most sanguine nationalist, a grant of land, a Jewish 
head official, and practical autonomy under the 
general control of the home Government. It is as 
well to state here that official Zionist hopes and 
aspirations have never gone beyond that point. 

The position of Herzl was indeed difficult. The 
letter, of Sir Clement Hill had come to him almost 
on the eve of the Sixth Congress— August 23rd- 
28th, 1-903. By presenting this letter he ran the risk 
of alienating the Choveve Zion element, known 
to be intransigent on the subject of Palestine. 

What is Zionism? 34 

On the other hand, it was impossible to ignore 
so generous an action on the part of a great Power. 
In his masterly and carefully worded opening 
address Herzl tried to make it clear that this was 
not an alternative to Palestine, that East Africa 
could not be Zion; but the Congress by a large 
majority would have none of it. The opposition 
was made up of the democratic faction, nearlv all 
the Russians, the Choveva Zionists, and even some 
of the closest friends of Dr. Herzl. As the country 
had been imperfectly surve\'ed and studied*, it was 
evident that the one proper course to take was to 
send a commission of inquiry, on the basis of 
whose report an intelligent estimate could be made 
of the real value of the whole offer. This pro- 
position was accepted, and provision was made for 
a special meeting of the delegates at the next 
Congress, at which the report of the Commission 
could be discussed. 

The genera] view of the Commission, which 
went out to East Africa in December, 1903, seemed 
to be that the territory was insufficient for any large 
number of Jewish settlers, and that the ground was 
fit rather for grazing than for agriculture. Besides, 
a strong opposition to the grant had developed in 
the East African Protectorate, and telegrams 
arrived at the Foreign Office couched in terms that 
showed the difficulties such a settlement would 
have to encounter. Several lines of cleavage 
which had existed within the ranks of the Congress 
from the beginning had been accentuated and made 
more apparent by the East African project. 

35 The History of Zionism. 

During the sessions of the Sixth Congress a Jewish 
Congress had been held in Palestine. The organi- 
zation which this Congress proposed showed that 
Palestinian Jewry was drawing apart from the 
leaders of the Zionist movement. Most of the 
Russian leaders sympathized with it. Those of them 
who were members of the Central Committee met 
at Kharkoff in October, 1903, and agreed to obtain 
from Herzl a written promise to relinquish the East 
African project. The resolutions of the Kharkoff 
Conference were, however, permitted to drop out 
of sight, and nothing further was heard of the new 
organization projected in Palestine. The Seventh 
Congress of 1905 was to decide upon the East 
African offer. 

The final resolution that brought to an 
end official discussion on the subject declared 
that " The Zionist organization rejects either as an 
end or as a means colonizing activities outside of 
Palestine and its adjacent lands. . . . The 
Congress records with satisfaction the recognition 
accorded by the British Government to the Zionist 
organization in its desire to bring about a solution 
of the Jewish problem, and expresses a sincere 
hope that it may be accorded the further good 
offices of the British Government, where available, 
in any matter it may undertake in accordance with 
the Basle programme." Most of the Territorial- 
ists abstained from taking part in the official vote, 
and later caused the first real and effective split in 
the Zionist organization by forming the Zionistic 
Territorial Organization in Berne, which afterwards, 

What is Zionism? 36 

under the leadership of Mr. Israel Zangwill, 
became the Ito, or Jewish Territorial Organiza- 

Herzl's death in 1904 produced a change in the 
centre of Zionist activity, which had up to that time 
very naturally been in the place of his permanent 
abode. But Vienna, although it possessed certain 
natural advantages, was not a spot favourable for 
active Jewish propaganda. For a short time 
London was debated, but London was the seat of 
the Jewish Colonial Trust, and it would have been 
unwise to concentrate all the Zionist institutions in 
one locality. Germany, the home of two of the 
leaders and closest friends of Herzl, was finally 
chosen as the future home of the movement. It 
was from this very Germany that the strongest pro- 
tests and pronouncements had come during the 
earlv vears of Zionism. But the Russian and 
Roumanian Jewish students at the German Univer- 
sities, a number of them nationalists, had founded 
their own ]^ rrbindun^en, and gradually gained ad- 
herents from among the German-born Jewish 
students. These societies, of which there are a sur- 
prisingh' large number, have brought into the bonds 
of the closest ideal friendship a number of young 
men who have acted as leaven both within the 
University and without. It was this idealism that 
prepared the way for the definite leadership as- 
sumed by the German Zionists in 191 1, when the 
seat of the Inner Actions Committee was fixed in 
Berlin, and when Professor Otto Warburg was 
chosen by his colleagues to preside over the Com- 

37 The History of Zionism. 

This change to the place of the central govern- 
ing body denoted also a certain change in policy, 
or, to be more just, a greater accentuation of one 
part of Zionist activity. The old rivalry between 
the two lines along which the Movement had been 
conducted had become somewhat stereotyped in 
the designation of the one as " Political " Zionism, 
and of the other as " Palestinian '"' Zionism. The 
arch-" politicals " held fast to the formulae which 
Herzl had laid down at the beginning of his Zionist 
career. They believed that it was wrong and un- 
wise to forward colonisation before full political 
guarantees had been secured. The extreme 

Palestinian " Zionists were impatient for what 
was called " practical " work in Palestine. It was 
these latter who were in a measure to carry the 

Originally they were a group of Russians, at 
whose head was Mr. M. Ussischkin; but after 
Herzl's death their representatives at Congress 
were assisted by the German contingent, and during 
the period 1904-igii, when the Zionist organisa- 
tion was under the leadership of David Wolffsohn, 
they made rapid strides. At the Congress of 191 1 
they won a final victory, and passed from the Oppo- 
sition to the Government benches. A practical 
expression of their policy has been given by the 
Palestine Commission, which has furthered various 
Palestinian enterprises, and has made it possible 
to rally to its assistance other elements in Jewish 
life than merely affiliated Zionists. The Tech- 
nical School at Haifa, the Hebrew Gymnasium at 

What is Zionism? 38 

Jaffa, the Jewish Agricultural Experiment Station 
at Atlit, and the Bezalel School at Jerusalem, 
though all the outcome of Zionist impulse, would 
hardly have been possible without the substantial 
aid of many who would object to being classed as 

The new direction given to the Zionist move- 
ment has been strangely favoured by historic 
events in Turkey itself. During the Absolutist 
regime it had been possible for Herzl to treat with 
the Sultan alone, but with the change of govern- 
ment Charterism became impracticable, and it was 
plain that other methods would have to be em- 
ployed. In any case, it was obviously not the time 
to push whatever claims the Jews might have to " 
urge in Palestine, but simply to work there for the 
upbuilding of the country and for the economic 
and cultural strengthening of the Jewish position in 
the land, and to enlighten the Committee of Union 
and Progress upon the real ends and aims of 

Unfortunately, this enlightening process has 
not been carried very far, although in igo8 the 
Anglo- Levantine Company, a daughter institution 
of the Jewish Colonial Trust, was established at 
Constantinople for that express purpose. An 
atmosphere of suspicion and even hostility had 
been engendered, thanks to the German colonists 
in the neighbourhood of Jaffa, the restlessness of 
the Arabs, and certain Syrian agitators. During the 
early months of the Turkish Parliament, some 
members alleged in the course of a debate that 

39 The History of Zionism. 

Zionism was a world-wide intrigue against Otto- 
man statehood, behind which some great Jewish 
banking houses were seeking to gain their own 
ends ! Now, upon no point had so much insistence 
been put by Zionist leaders as upon the loyalty 
of the movement to the ruling sovereignty. In 
the pre-Herzlian period Pinsker and Achad ha-Am 
had insisted upon a proper and faithful under- 
standing with Constantinople. At the very first 
Congress in 1897 Herzl had set a seal upon an open 
and loyal intercourse with the Turkish authori- 
ties — a point which he emphasised at the Third 
Congress. The attitude of the Zionist leaders in 
this matter has been put into words by Nordau, 
Wolffsohn, and others ; they have all plainly shown 
that the Zionists conceived their mission as in no 
way hostile to the sovereign of Palestine. 

There are several other phases in the develop- 
ment of the Zionist movement which deserve 
special mention. One of these is that represented 
by the Poale Zion, or the Labour party in the 
Zionist organization, who lay stress on ,¥hat ihey 
call the social-economic side of the work in Pales- 
tine. They hold that a people can make its in- 
fluence felt only when it is attached to the ground 
on which it lives, and actually tills this ground, and 
that all the attempts at colonization made in Pales- 
tine are vitiated at the root by the fact that the 
old system of land ownership and landlordism has 
been preserved. For the Mizrachi group, on the 
other hand, the Zionist ideal is bound up with 
strict adherence to the ideas and forms of tradi- 

What is Zionism? 40 

tional Judaism. It has not at all times been easy 
to meet their exigencies on the solution of other 
than purely religious questions. With wise and 
felicitous foresight, Herzl had realised that Zionism 
can fulfil its undertaking only if it dismisses all 
such questions from its concern, and simply pre- 
pares the ground which shall make possible various 
manifestations of the Jewish spirit in Palestine. 

There is a third phase which has acquired much 
credit, not only in Zionist quarters, but in Jewry in 
general, commonly called Achad ha-Amism. 
Usher Ginzberg — or, to use his pen-name, Achad 
ha-Am — is the great preacher of prophetical 
Hebraism. His interest is centred not upon the 
political aspect of re-settlement of Palestine, but 
on the form of Jewish culture that will be fructi- 
fied. Thus Palestine is to be a " spiritual centre." 
But, in order that it may become this, the Jews in 
the Diaspora must also be regenerated spiritually, 
so that " the spiritual centre which is destined to 
be created in our ancestral country " shall come as 
a " response to a real and insistent national de- 

It is indeed a true sign that the spirit 
for which Achad ha-Am pleads is still alive, that 
the Jewish settlers of Palestine have proceeded 
directly to the cultivation of the Hebrew spirit 
along lines which lead to the goal envisaged by 
him. That spirit has been refreshed and refined 
by the surroundings in which it moves; more nor- 
mal conditions of life have had their natural effect, 
and a noble idea has not been soiled for want of 

41 The History of Zionism. 

free room in which to develop. The Hebrew lan- 
guage, which has been so important a factor in 
reviving national sentiment, is gradually driving 
J udeo- German and the European tongues to the 
wall, and the various schools, although they may be 
criticized in certain directions, are training the 
young in the spirit of the fathers and in the re- 
juvenated ideals of the past. 

It has often been said that Zionism, while it 
may be a mieans for mitigating some of the Jewish 
misery in Eastern Europe, has no real message to 
the so-called emancipated Jews. The leaders of 
American Reform have gone so far as to look upon 
Zionism as the negation of the best hope and pro- 
mise of Judaism. The dissemination and diffusion 
of the Jews is elevated by them to the position of 
doctrinal sublimity, and stress is laid upon this, 
dispersion as the means for the proper fulfilment 
of the Jewish " Mission." But how is such a mis- 
sion to be carried out if in the process the bearers, 
of the mission are bound to succumb ? It is true 
that until quite modern times the various com- 
munities of Jews, though living in agglomerations 
that were usually small in extent, were able to keep- 
up a similar communal life by means of a common 
practice. Territorial distinctions had been disre- 
garded and almost obliterated. But now that con- 
cessions are made to what is called " the needs of 
the day," the Jewish communities will tend to de- 
velop away from each other, and a consequent 
deadening of Jewish consciousness is bound to oc- 
cur. A complete reversion to the unity of practice 

What is Zionism? 42 

seems impossible. The Jewish hope must be 
reconstructed upon modern lines. Embodied m 
3. physical centre, illuminated by a rekindled light, 
it will serve as a point towards which the thoughts, 
-aspirations and longings of the Jews of the Dia- 
spora will converge, and from which they will 
draw, each in his own measure, that sufficiency 
■of moral and religious strength that will better 
-enable them to resist the encroachments of their 

The erection of a Jewish centre in Palestine 

would in no way carry with it the nullification of 

•duties resting upon Jews elsewhere. The reform . 

few, with his ideal of a mission, could carry forward 

that mission in the future as he has in the past. The' 

theory that Zionism looks for the concentration of 

-all Jews in one spot is a theory of windy unreality, 

for Palestine is insufficient to contain the whole of 

the Jewish population of the world in addition to 

Its present inhabitants. In fact, a serious stimulus 

would be given to the spreading of the very mission 

that it is feared will be endangered. 

Another serious difficulty seems to confront the 
Western Jew, which is the supposed conflict that 
might arise between his responsibility to a Jewish 
concentration and his fealtv towards the state of 
which he is a citizen. This fear is founded on the 
errors that citizenship is coincident with racial 
unity, and that a good citizen can have no other 
ties of allegiance than those which bind him to the 
'State of which he is a member. But no State can 
'dem.and that the individual shall relinquish his 

■^3 The History of Zionism. 

peculiarities, his traditions, liis family relation- 
ships; nor can it ask of any group to give up its 
historic associations, its connection with the other 
groups of the same religion living elsewhere. It 
can only demand that as citizens all elements shall 
put the needs of the State in which they live in the 
foreground of their thought, and render to it and to 
the ideals for which it stands the best efforts they 
are capable of. Should a conflict ever arise be- 
tween the duties towards the State in which the 
Jew lives and his responsibility to the Jewish cen- 
tre, he will be forced to make his choice ; but as the 
Jewish home is not to be founded for territorial or 
other aggrandizement, such a conflict lies in the 
penumbra of pure speculation. 

In preparation for this home, Zionism has com- 
menced to lay the foundation-stones. Its work in 
Palestine is a surety that the end can be reached if 
only the will is there. It is absurd to speculate 
upon the future of the movement; to predict its 
success upon the lines of its modern development 
would be as useless as to foretell its failure. But 
the continuing dispersion of the Jews into yet new 
corners of the globe makes the Jewish patriot, 
whether he be purely religious, or purely national, 
or religiouslv national, fearful of the conse- 

Some such solution of the problem as that fore- 
shadowed in the Zionist outlook seems necessary 
and desirable — if there is to be any outlook left, 
and if the "remnant that returns" is to be worthy 
of Its species. 

What is Zionism? ^4 

It has been said in another connection that a 
people that has had a great past, if it is to have a 
correspondingly great future, must also have a 
great present. For this great present Zionism is 
working, in order that Judaism may have a still 
more glorious future. In this sense Zionism and 
Judaism become one and the same. 

Richard Gottheil. 

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ly. Reprinted from 









{Reprinted from "The Jewish Chronicle" 
by kind permission of the Editor) 




L L 




The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has 
transmitted to Lord Rothschild the following letter : — 

Foreign Office, 

Novi-uibcr 2nd, 1917 

Di:ar Lord Rothschild, 

I have much pleasure in conve\ing to \'ou, on 
behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following 
declaration of sympathy \^■ith Jewish Zionist 
aspirations which has been submitted to, and 
approved by, the Cabinet : — 

"His Majesty's Qovernment view with 
favour the establishment in Palestine of a 
national home for the Jewish people, and will 
use their best endeavours to facilitate the 
achievement of this object, it being clearly 
understood that nothing shall be done which 
may prejudice the civil and religious rights of 
existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, 
or the rights and political status enjoyed by 
Jews in any other country." 

I should be grateful if >-()u would bring this 
declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist 

Yours sincereh', 



"\X T'lTH one step the Jewish cause has made a 
great bound forward. The declaration of His 
Alajesty's Government as to the future of Palestine 
in relation to the Jewish people marks a new epoch 
for our race. For the British Government, in 
accord — it is without doubt to be assumed — with the 
rest of the Allies, has declared itself in favour of the 
setting up in Palestine of a National Home for the 
Jewish people, and has undertaken to use its best 
endeavours to facilitate the achievement of that 

Amidst all that is so dark and dismal and tragic 
throughout the world, there has thus arisen for the 
Jews a great light. It is the perceptible lifting of 
the cloud of centuries, the palpable sign that the Jew 
— condemned for two thousand years to unparalleled 
wrong — is at last coming to his right. The prospect 
has at last definitely opened up of a rectification of the 
Jew's anomalous position among the nations of the 
earth. He is to be given the opportunity and the 
means whereby, in place of being a hyphenation, 
he can become a nation. 


Instead of, as Jew, filling a place at best equivocal 
and doubtful, even to himself, and always with an 
apologetic demeanour inseparable from his position, 
he can, as Jew, stand proud and erect, endowed with 
national being. In place of being a wanderer in 
every clime, there is to be a Home for him in his 
ancient land. The day of his exile is to be 

The declaration of the Government, which con- 
cedes the Zionist position in principle, must have 
effects, far-reaching and vital, upon the future of 
Jews and Judaism. A National Home for the Jewish 
people established in Palestine — whatever the exact 
form it may take in the circumstances in which it 
may be initiated — is certain to develop, and in good 
time fulfil, the fond traditional aspirations of the 
Jewish people. They will become an entity of 
which the world will have no doubt. Questions of 
religion and of race, and all other questions which 
to-day ai'e set up and tend to confuse Jewish issues, 
will have no significance in face of the fact that 
the world will have recognised the Jews as a 

The determination at which the Government has 
arrived is doubtless the result of political circum- 
stances which have taken shape through the war. 
And what has probably been one of its chief con- 
siderations in the course it has adopted is the 
necessity for making Palestine a prosperous country, 
independent and vigorous, and that by reason of 
the Empire's obligations to Egypt and its responsi- 
bility in respect to the Suez Canal. 

But this idea is by no means of to-day. The 


setting-up in Palestine of a National Jewish Home 
was favourably viewed by that great Egyptian Pro- 
Consul, Lord Cromer, as well as by that far-seeing 
Imperialist, Joseph Chamberlain. Nor has the 
Government come in haste to its conchision that a 
Jewish Palestine would be helpful to the best interests 
of the Empire. The declaration now made may be 
traced, for the beginnings of the policy which ani- 
mates it, to the days when the great founder of the 
modern Zionist movertient, Dr. Herzl, negotiated 
with the British Government in respect to pro- 
posed settlements, first in El Arish and then in 
East Africa. 

And it is of interest to recall the fact that at least 
three of those who are prominently responsible for 
the present declaration were associated with those 
schemes. Mr. Balfour, whose letter to Lord Roth- 
schild announces the Government's policy, was then 
Prime Minister. Lord Milner, as High Comm.issioner 
in South Africa, was associated with Mr. Chamberlain 
in the East African project ; while it may be added 
as an interesting fact that Mr. Lloyd George, through 
the firm of solicitors with which he was then con- 
nected, advised professionally upon the proposed 
scheme for a Jewish settlement in East Africa and 
upon the necessary papers for the expedition sent 
out to examine the territory denominated. 

Of these schemes, one failed to materialise and the 
other was practically rejected by the Zionist Congress. 
Both, however, performed, as it now turns out, 
useful foundation work. Here is yet another in- 
stance of the stone rejected by the builders ; and it 
is with proud thankfulness that we realise that it is 


in the Government of this country that the yeast has 

It would be niggardly indeed if the fullest acknow- 
ledgment were not accorded to the Zionist Movement 
for the success to which it has now attained. 
Through years of agitation and propaganda, and — 
let it be acknowledged — of opposition that not occa- 
sionally was venomous and bitter, Zionists have 
carried on their work for the Jewish cause as they saw 
■it. With splendid energy and matchless devotion, 
in face of many a setback and many a disappointment, 
they have never turned from the work that was to 
them a sacred mission. 

And now they have obtained, not merely an his- 
toric acknowledgment that their view of the Jewish 
position was the right and the practical one, but that 
their activity — so often misrepresented, so often 
condemned, so often balked by the most powerful 
sections of Jewry — was politically sound and ethically 
just. It is a great victory, which must encourage 
the movement from end to end of the world and 
give to it an enormous impetus for the labours, the 
heavy labours, that aire now before it. 

Where all, from the most prominent leader to 
the humblest follower, have wrought so valorously, it 
may possibly seem invidious to mention specially 
any names in connection with the Government 
declaration. But it would be churlish to withhold 
from Dr. Weizmann the fullest measure of praise and 
congratulation, of honour and of respect ; for it is 
his diplomatic achievement of which the declaration 
is the result. In his work in this connection he has 
been magnificently seconded by M. Sokolow, who 


was specially delegated as a member of the executive 
body of the organisation, for Zionist work in this 

What, in view of the present development, will be 
the attitude of those Jews who have hitherto been 
opponents of Jewish National aspirations is an 
interesting contemplation. Their position has been 
based in the main upon the unfeasibility of the 
Zionist proposals ; upon the undesirability of any 
National re-settlement which would come under 
the aegis of Turkish rule ; upon the plea that any 
support accorded to the movement by Jews must 
necessarily be disloyal to the countries of which our 
people are citizens ; and that the nations of the world 
would resent the setting-up of Jews as a separate 
nationality. Mr. Balfour's letter puts a summary 
end to all these stock objections of the anti-National- 

With the more specifically Jewish, or, as they are 
sometimes termed, the religious objections, we need 
not here deal. In the first place, they at best have 
run very thin, and, in the next place, we imagine 
that, in face of the expressed opinion of the British 
Government, they will not trouble very much those 
who have hitherto employed them faute de mieux — 
often insincerely, because they were really concerned 
entirely with the thought of how Jewish Nationahsm 
might affect their citizen position. We cannot 
imagine that loyal British subjects, and those who 
proclaim themselves loyal Jews to boot, will continue 
their attitude of hostility towards the Jewish National 
strivings in face of the Government statement. 

But more than ever the Conference which we have 


proposed and for which we have pleaded in recent 
issues of the Jewish Chronicle becomes vitally neces- 
sary. In view of the present position of affairs, 
every Jew will surely strive to beat out of Jewry the 
disunion hitherto rife upon the question of Palestine. 
For it is no longer a party matter. It has emerged 
into a truly National concern, in regard to 
which there must be no parties, but only one^ 
all Jewry. 

There is now opening out for Jewry a new era upon 
a higher plane, far above all our comparatively petty 
strivings and puny struggles — even the most import- 
ant — in which for the most part we have been wont 
to engage. The invitation to us is to enter into the 
family of the Nations of the Earth endowed with 
the franchise of Nationhood, to become emancipated, 
not as individuals or sectionally, but as a whole 

Not individually, nor sectionally, but as that of a 
whole people must be our response. And that, 
in the only thinkable form, can be arrived at in no 
better, in no more complete manner, we feel certain, 
than by such a Conference as that we have adum- 
brated. We still think it would be an excellent thing 
if the Government were to call such a Convention, 
and, as a basis of discussion, place before it their 
declaration. Indeed, it seems to us that the Govern- 
ment, as the natural complement to its present action, 
should lend its supreme influence to the gathering 
of such an inter-allied Jewish meeting. 

But, in any case, there must now be for the whole 
Community a stock-taking, a re-setting of Jewish 
economic and political values ; and no surer method 


for reaching a fair and equitable general opinion can 
we imagine than the taking of sweet counsel together 
between those who upon this Jewish National 
question have hitherto been opponents. 

We have called the Government declaration " a 
Jewish triumph." It is in truth much more. It 
is a triumph for civilisation and for humanity. For 
it points the way to an ending of the brutal suppres- 
sion of our people from which not alone they have 
suffered during the last two thousand years, but from 
which civilisation, albeit indirectly, has suffered no 
less certainly. It will mean releasing for mankind, 
as a great spiritual force, the soul of our people, 
cramped and bound as it has hitherto been because 
of the world-position till now assigned to the Jew. 
The time can at last be descried when the Jew will 
be able, without let or hindrance, to perform for the 
world his mission of Judaism, that mission which 
alone is the justification for his existence as a Jew, and 
the sense of his responsibility for which has alone 
enabled him to endure the untellable suffering to 
which our people have been subjected. 

Let us, however, not be mistaken. The Jewish 
fight is, we are fully conscious, not finished ; com- 
plete victory is not won. Indeed, we are not sure 
if just now is not beginning the real testing-time for 
Jews and for the Jewish National spirit ; if just now 
is not being proved for the first time the real 
measure of Zionism. 

We are not in the least unmindful of the great and 
sacred work which the Government declaration has 
opened out for Jewry. A position, a great, a vital, 
a decisive position, has been won — won for the Jew 


and won for humanity. The Government declara- 
tion marks the definite opening of a new chapter, 
we beheve a great and glorious chapter, in the history 
of our people. It is a memorable day for Israel : 
" This is the day the Lord hath made ; we will 
rejoice and be glad therein." 


Capt. L. S. Amery, M.P. : 

I am in entire sympathy with the proposal for 
re-establishing a national and spiritual home for the 
Jewish people in Palestine. 

Sir J. T. Agg-Gardner, M.P. : 

I view the aspiration of promoting an autonomous 
Jewish Community with sympathy and with every 
wish for its success. 

Major Rowland PIunt, M.P. : 

I should think it would be an excellent thing 
if the Jewish people could be re-established in Pales- 

Major Davies, M.P. : 

I am deeply interested in the movement which you 
are conducting and hope that it will soon reach a 
successful result. 


Mr. M. L. Hearn, M.P. : 

In the struggle for the re-establishment of your 
race in their ancient national home the Jewish people 
have mj?^ full sympathy and good wishes. 

Mr. J. Annan Bryce, M.P. : 

The world ought to rejoice that the race to which 
it owes the idea of a spiritual life should, at last, 
have a footing on a land which it can call its own. 

Mr. William Field, M.P. : 

I have supported this movement by attending and 
writing to meetings, and will continue to do anything 
I can to forward the legitimate aspirations of the 

Mr. John P. Boland, M.P., J.P. : 

I sympathise very much with the aspirations of 
the Jewish people to return to their own land. As 
an Irish Nationalist I fully understand their longing 
to see the full development of their nationality. 

Sir John Jardine, Bart., M.P. : 

I write to express my sympathy with the en- 
deavours of the Jewish race to re-establish itself in 
Palestine in such a way that Jews may live and thrive 
under their own institutions. 


Mr. Thomas Richards, M.P., Secretary South 
Wales Miners' Federation : 

I have always taken a very kindly interest in 
the Jewish Community, and shall be very glad to 
render any assistance in re-establishing the Jewish 
people in their ancient national home. 

Mr. T. Owen Jacobsen, M.P. : 

I entirely sympathise with the movement to re- 
establish the Jewish people in their ancient national 
home. I have always hoped that the Jews would 
return one day in triumph to Palestine, and I 
fervently hope that day may now be not far distant. 

Mr. Ronald McNeill, M.P. : 

The Zionist idea is one that enlists my warmest 
sympathy, and I ardently hope the settlement which 
tlie war will produce may be the means of re-establish- 
ing a Jewish State in the historical home of that race 
in the Holv Land. 

The Rt. PIon. Charles Hobhouse, M.P, : 

The movement which is in existence for the return 
of the Jews to Palestine has my complete sympathy. 
If they are to be — as I hope they may be — restored 
to a sense of settled nationality, then the only means 
by which that nationality can be asserted and assured 
is by the return to the land from which that nation 


Lord Claud Hamilton : 

His Lordship fully sympathises with the wish 
... to be re-established in Palestine, but he does 
not believe that any State aid from this or from 
other countries will be forthcommg in support of 
such a movement, until it is clearly established that 
all Jews, both rich and poor, are practically unani- 
mous in their desire to return to the Holy Land. 

Sir George A. Touche, M.P. : 

One result of the war has been to accentuate 
national feeling, a feeling always strong among the 
British peoples. Perhaps this was the cause of the 
sympathy extended to the Jews by the British in the 
past, and it will, I am sure, create a spirit of willing- 
ness to help when the time comes for the Jewish race 
to form a national centre in Palestine. 

Mr. J. G. Butcher, K.C, M.P. : 

I am in entire sympathy with the aspirations of 
the Jewish race for a re-settlement of their people 
in the ancient home of their fathers, and feel assured 
that the establishment of an industrious peace-loving 
people in Palestine, free from all external oppression, 
would form a. guarantee for good government and 
security in that portion of the Eastern shores of the 


Mr. H. G. Chancellor, M.P. : 

If out of this world upheaval should come a 
restoration of Palestine to your race, and a re-estab- 
lishment of a Jewish State, I, for one, should rejoice. 
Such a State could appeal as nothing else could for 
tolerance and justice to the conscience of a world 
which I hope to see restored to sanity and civilisation 
under a League of Nations which shall make peace 
secure and oppression a memory. 

Capt. W. Ormsby-Gore, M.P. : 

I have long been a keen supporter of the Zionist 
cause and am in full sympathy with Jewish National 
aspirations, and I look forward with confidence to the 
realisation of the Palestinian ideal. I have good 
friends among the Arabs, as well as among Palestinian 
Jews, and I trust that the mutual understanding 
which should exist between the two great branches 
of the Semitic family will be fruitful, not only in the 
future history of both nations, but in creating once 
more the source of so much culture and mspiration, 
which in the past has made mankind the debtors to 
Arab and to Jew. 


Great Jktim, P^^esttne 



1918 f 


Jewry's Celebration of its National Charter 






The following 'are the terms of the letter to Loed 
EoTHscHiLD in which Mk. a. J. Balpouk, Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs, declared the sympathy of the 
British Government with Zionist aspirations and its favour- 
able attitude toivards the establishment in Palestine of a 
national home for the Jewish people : 

Foreign Office, 

Novemher 2, 1917. 

Dear Lord Rothschild, — I have niucli [leasure in 
convening to you on behalf of His Majesty's Government 
the following Declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist 
aspirations, which has been submitted lo and approved 
by the Cabinet : 

"His Majesty's Govemnent view with favour the 
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the 
Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to 
facilitate the achievement of this object, it bein.? clearly 
understood that nothing' shall be done which may pre- 
judice the civil and religious rights of existing non- 
Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and 
political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country." 

I should be grateful if you would bring this Declaration 
to the knowledi^e of the Zionist Federation. 

Tours sincL'rely, 



rFMIE Declaration by the British Government in 
-■- favour of the establishment in Palestine of a 
National Home for the Jewish people constitutes the 
greatest event in the history of the Jews since their 
dispersion. The manner in which this Declaration 
has been received and celebrated in Jewish com- 
munities Ixjth here and abioad has been marked by 
boundless enthusiasm and overflowing' gratitude. 

But for the fact that the world is still groaning 
under the scourge. of war the rejoicings by the Jewish 
people would do ibtless have assumed a much more 
imposing and jubilant character. But the record 
presented in this publication shows that the House 
of Israel is fully conscious of the high significance of 
the pledge of the British Governmont concerning ifs 

This pamphlet is intended to give a brief and 
comprehensive survey of the various forms of celebra- 
tion in Jewry in honour of the promulgation of the 
British Charter of Zionism. It is inevitably confined 
to the events and utterances of the first few weeks 
following the publication oE Mr. Balfour's historic 
letter, and cannot therefore include an adequate account 
of the celebrations in other lands. But it is woi-thy 
of note that in addition to the countless secular 

A 2 


celebrations, tlie synagogues also took cognizance 
of the Grovernment declaration. 

AltlioTigh a political document, Mr. Balfoui-'s 
letter proclaims the forthcoming fulfilment of what 
has always been a religious ideal in Jewry ; and it 
was therefore but right that the letter should have 
been read in numerous synagogues during the Sabbath 
service and formed the text of countless sermons. 






The Pronouncement of the British Government 
was received with enthusiasm and expressions of pro- 
found gratitude by Zionist Organisations in all the 
principal Jewish centres of the w^orld. 

The English Zionist Federation held a special 
meeting three days after the date of Mr. Balfour's 
letter, and unanimously adopted the following 
resolution : 

" Resolved that the Executive Council of the 
English Zionist Federation has received with heart- 
felt joy and thanks the report of Dr. Weizmann, the 
President, on the issue of a Declaration by ILis 
Majesty's Grovernment in support of the establish- 
ment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish 
people, and that it sincerely congratulates the 
President on having, in conjunction with Mr. 
Sokolow, brought about this most momentous 
achievement towards the realisation of the national 
aspirations of the Jewish people. 

■' Further, that the Executive Council begs the 
hon. officers to convey to His Majesty's Grovern- 
ment, on behalf of the English Zionist Federation, 
an expression of the respectful and profound 
sentiments of gratitude evoked among English 


Zionists by tliis historic act in the national liberation 
of tbe Jewish people, wliich will for ever slied lustre 
on the proud traditions of British statesmanship, 
justice, and liberty." 


llie gratitude felt by the British Zionists was 
equalled by that felt and expressed by their colleagues 
in the United States. 

The Provisional Zionist Committee of New York 
described the Dfclai'ation of the British Grovernment 
as marking an epoch in JeAvish history. 

"The wise and magnanimous purpose of His 
Majesty's Government to use its best endeavours to 
facilitate the achievement of the Zionist aim is in 
consonance with the jDolicy of the British nation 
respecting the Jews. It is in consonance with the 
p^'licyof the liberation and protection of small nation- 
alities, which the Entente Powers, including our own 
Government, have determined shall prevail throughout 
the world." 

At a Zionist Conference, held in Baltimore, the 
following i-esolutiou was carried unanimously : 

" This conference, convened by the Provisional 
Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, do 
offer I>r. Chaim Weizmann and Mr. Nahum Sokolow 
its deep-felt congratidations on the part tlipy have had 
in these negotiations with the British Government, 
which resulted in the British Declaration favouring 
re-establishment in Palestine of a national home for 
the Jewish people, made by the Right Hon. Arthur 
J. Balfour on bclialf of the British Cabinet. We ask 
our associates in Loii.lon to convey to His ]\Iajesty's 
Government expressions of gratitude from the Jewish 


people for the Declaration, which is in consonance 
with the traditions of the British people and in 
keeping with the aims of Great Britain and her Allies 
in this war for liberation and justice. Deeply we 
rejoice in the triump.h of British arms in Palestine, 
and the taking over of Palestine as another step in 
the march of the Allied Forces which is to fstablish 
throughout the world the principles of the invincible 
integrity of smaller nationalities. For these principles 
we and our Allies are prepared to make every sacrifice 
of treasure and life, until the great war shall have 
ended in the triumph of the high aims of the Allied 


The Central Committee of the Zionist Organi- 
sation of Russia ex]3ressed the heartiest feelings and 
thanks of the Russian Zionists for the inspiring 
Declaration of His Majesty's Government " in favour 
of the establishment in Palestine of a national home 
for the Jewish people." 

"No more happy tidings could reach Russian Jewry 
than this timely expression by the British (Government 
of its attitude towards Palestine, and we cannot 
sufficiently express the importance which we attach 
thereto. We regard this noble act as a landmark in 
Jewish history. 

" We find oursel\-es particularly fo,-tunate that at 
this momentous time in the world's.^, history the 
interests of tbe British people and those of the Jewish 
nation should be identical. We also fervently hope 
and desire that the re-establishment of a Jewish home 
situated at the gateway of three continents and com- 
manding the world's cliief arteries of communication 
will greatly facilit;ite the maintenance of international 
peace, and will serve the cultural ideals of mankind. 


"His Majesty's ttovernnieut, in its noble and 
altruistic declaration, makes mention that in the 
establishment of a Jewish nation in Palestine the 
civil and relig^ious rig-hts of extstinp' non- Jewish 
communities shall not be prejudiced. We Jews who 
have suffered injustice for so many hundreds of years 
will never be able to impose any form of inequality on 
peoples living in Palestine. Furthermore, the spirit 
of our traditions and teachings forces us to recognise 
the complete equality of all mankind. 

" In the annals of Jewish history the symj^athy 
and assistance rendered by the British Government 
in the regeneration of the Jewish nation can never 
be eradicated. In her great beneticence the British 
Government offered us Jews El-Arish in 1902. Then 
again she showed us her ci^ncrete desire to assist 
Jewish nationalism by her Uganda offer in 1903. 
As the highest evidence of the benevolence of His 
Majesty's Government we see that at this very 
moment, when her armies are triumphing in Palestine, 
she is not only offering this assistance towards the re- 
establishment of a Jewish home, but at the same 
time sh(^ is pledging her great political influence 
in this worthy undertaking. 

" In the realisation of one of the greatest problems 
of the world — namely, the complete liberation of the 
most oppressed nation of all times — the British Govern- 
ment will give certain evidence to posterity that the 
many sacrifices she has made in this disastrous struggle 
were not made in vain, but were made for the greater 
enlightenment of the world." 


The Federation Sioniste de France sent the British 
Government a message of congratulation oil the 
occupation of Jerusalem. Tbey associated with that 


historic event the equally histoiic Declaration of the 
British Government in favour of a national home for 
the Jewish people in Palestine, and welcomed the 
advent of the promised day when the ancient people 
of the Book would, with the help of the glorious 
Allies, restore their ancient home on the beloved soil 
of their ancestors. 


At a meeting of the Netherlands Zionist Federa- 
tion there was repeated applause at a reference to 
Mr. Balfour's statement of accord with Zionist aims 
which, said the President, had given great joy to 
almost the whole of Jewry. Mr. Jean Fischer said 
that the Declaration of the British Government 
regarding Zionism was an historical fact of far- 
reaching- sisrnificance. The British Government had 
earned the everlasting gratitude of the Jewish people. 
It was resolved to send the following'' telegram to the 
English Zionist Federation : 

" The eighteenth General Convention of the 
Netherlands Zionist Federation expresses its grati- 
tude to the British Government for its sympathetic 
attitude towards Zionism, and for its Declaration 
that it will do its best to contribute to the fulfil- 
ment of the' Zionist programme. — Lieme, President ; 
Van Vriesland, Secretary." 


A German Zionist Conference, held in Berlin, 
adopted the following resolution : 

" The German Zionist Association greets with satis- 
faction the fact that the British Government has 


recognised in an official Declaration the right of the 
Jewish people to a national existence in Palestine." 


The Canadian Zionist Federation cabled -. 

" Cordial greetings fron) Canadian Zionists. 
Overwhelming majority Canadian Jews hail with 
utmost enthusiasm and gratitude Declaration British 
(.lovernment regarding Palestine and Jewish people. 
This Declaration i'^ one of the mo,st momentous 
in Jewish history. What Britain promises she 
will fulfil. The undying hopes for which Jews 
suffered martyrdom for twenty centuries will now 
be realised and Israel re-born. It means full 
accomplishment of Basle programme." 


From the Union of Swiss Zionists came : 

" The Swiss Zionist Federation having taken note, 
with the OTeatest satisfaction, of the Declaration of 
His Britannic ^Maje.'^ty's Government concerning the 
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the 
JeAvish people, heartily congratulates you on the great 
success. The Declaration of Mr. Balfour coincides 
with our Zionist aims. AVe hope that all the 
nations of the world will support these aims and 
thereby in a like manner assure themselves of the 
deep gratitude of the Jewish people.'" 


Till' Belgian Zionist Federation, temporarily domi- 
ciled in the Hague, welcomed with enthusiasm " the 
important Declaration of His' Britannic Majesty's 
Co\ernirient to the Jewish ])i>(i])le. It is deeply 
grateful to the magnanimity of His Britannic 
Majesty's Grovernmeut for leeognising the legitimate 


national aspirations of the Jewish people to Palestine 
and heartily congratulates you on the triumph which 
crowns the Zionist effort." 


The Norwegian Zionist Federation's message ran : 

" Though small, Norw^ay's Zionistic Jewry joins 
gladly the elder Zionist Associations the world over 
in congratulating you heartily on great success as 
recorded by Mr. Balfour's Declaration of willingness 
of British Government to fully endorse and assist 
realisation our Palestine hopes. We record joyfully 
this essential step forward, doubly welcome in times of 
tribulation, and trust in further crowning with success 
of all your endeaA'ours." 

At Stockholm the Scandinavian Zionist Association 
held a crowded meeting at which an expression of 
lively satisfaction wrs j)assed at the recent Declaration 
of His Majesty's Government regarding the future 
Jewish settlement in Palestine. A resolution was 
passed unanimously welcoming the action of His 
Majesty's Government and binding all present to use 
every effort to secure a national future for the Jewish 



The Committee of the Jewish Congress in Salonica 
sent a message to the following effect : 

" Le Comite du Congres juif de Salonique a reyu 
avec une joie indicible communication de la declaration 
faite par je gouvernement de Sa Majeste Britannique 
relativemerit a la reconstitution de la nationalite juive 
en Palestine ; son emotion est grande de voir les 
aspirations nationales du peuple juif recevoir une 
consecration aussi eclatante qui lui est donnee 


aujourd'hui par la grande et liberale nation anglaise. 
Les Israelites de Salonique communiant ;ivec le 
judaisme imiversel expriment au gouvernement de 
Sa Majeste Britanniqne leur prafonde reconnaissance 
et fornient des vceux clialeureux pour le triomphe final 
dn droit, de la justice et du principe des nationalites si 
vaillarament defendus par I'Angleterre et ses Allies." 

A large number of other messages were received 
by the London Zionist Bureau from Zionist Organi- 
sations in all parts of the world. 



At a meeting of the British Headquarters' Council 
of the Jewish Territorial Organisation it was unani- 
mously resolved to welcome the statement of the 
Govei'nment expressing sympath}' with Jewish 
aspirations, and the Jewish Territorial Organisation, 
"founded to procure a territory upon an autonomous 
basis for those Jews who cannot, or will not, remain 
in the lands in which they at present live," declared 
its r(-adiness to co-operate with the Zionists in devising 
a scliciiie for the development of Palestine in accordance 
with its programme. 


A meeting of the Jewish Board of Deputies 
adopted the foUo^s'ing resolution : 

"That this Board desires to convey its grateful 
thanks to His Majesty's (xovermnent for its sym- 
pathetic interest in the Jews ;is manifested by the 


letter addressed to Lord Eothschild by the Eight 
Hon. Arthur J. Balfour, dated November 2, 1917, 
which has been published in the Press." 


At a special meeting of the Council of the Anglo- 
Jewish Association iL w;!,s resolved : 

" That the Coancil of the Anglo-Jewish Associa- 
tion desires to convey its grateful thanks to His 
Majesty's Gr'werument for its sympathetic interest in 
the Jews, as manifested by the letter of the Eight 
Hon. Arthur J. Balfour, dated November 2, 1917, 
addressed to Lord Eothsphild, and published in the 


At a meeting of the London Lodge of the Order 
the following resolution was adopted : 

"That the First Lodge of England of the 
Independent Order of B'nai B'rith (Sons of the 
Covenant) conveys to His Majesty's Government an 
expression of heartfelt gratitude for their Declaration 
in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a 
national home for the Jewish people, and assures 
His Majesty's Government that their historic action 
has been received with profound appreciation by all 
sections of the Jewish community as this crowning 
evidence of the goodwill entertained by Britain 
towards the Jewish people." 

In addition to the resolutions adopted by tlie fore- 
going leading organisations, resolutions in :; sim.ilar 
strain have been passed by a very large number of 
Jewish Communal Councils, CoHgregational Com- 
mittees, Literary Societies, Friendly Benefit Societies, 


Trade Unions, etc., in all parts of tl;e United 


G reetings on the occa.sion of the Declaration of 
the British Governnieut supporting the establishment 
of a Jewish national home in Palestine arrived at 
Zionist headquarters in Petrograd frora all parts of 
the country. The council of the Jewish community 
in MoscoAv, which has beeii elected for the first time 
on the basis of universal suffrage, cariied, at an extra- 
ordinary meeting, a resolution in wlucli they regarded 
it as their joyful duty to hail tlie initiative of the 
British Government, ;ind expressed their firm con- 
viction tha^t the British Government's Declaration 
would call forth a most lively response, as well as 
the greatest effort on the part of, the whole of Jewry. 


The publication by the Press of Athens of the 
Declaration made b}' i\rr. Balfour aroused the utmost 
enthusiasm among the Jews of Greece. Dr. Coffinas, 
who is a member of the Chamber of Deputies, paid a 
visit t(i Lord Granville, the British ^Minister, to convey 
the oratitude of his co-reli>;ionists to that nation whom 
a Divine mission had inspired to deliver the holy 
places from the yoke of barbarians. 

MM. David Florentin and Joseph Usiel, on 
behalf of the Zionist Societies and the entire Jewish 
population of Salonika, sent the following telegram to 
Dr. Weizmann and M. N. Sokolow : 

" Foi-tified in the millenary hope for the national 
resurrection, consecjuent on the deliverance of 


Jerusalem ai;;! the whole of Southern Palestine, v.e 
beg- you to convey to the Gov'ernment of His 
Britaunic Majesty our profound gratitu(leg.for its 
historic Declaration concerning the restoration of our 
people on its ancestral soil, and our most ardent 
wishes for the decisive triumph of the English and 
Allied arms, and the realisation, without restrictions, 
of the noble promises that the British Government 
has matle to the Zionist Ovi-anisation of which you 
are in England the valiant champions." 


Eepresentative Jewisl*. residents of Tangier 
expressed qn behalf of the Avhdle Jewish population 
of Mi.irocco their highest aippreciation and heartfelt 
gratitude for the action of the British Grovernment 
in Palestine. The Jews of Morocco, they said, were 
only lately freed from the political and social dis- 
advantages under which they had lived, and the 
promise of the British (jo\'ernment awakened new 
religious hopes and u.spirations among that long- 
sufiVring and worthy people. 



In addition to the vievss expressed by Jewish 
leaders reported in this pamphlet, the following 
opinions have been declared: 

Dr. Jeciiiel Tchj.enow, Vicc-Preddent, Executive 
ComiiiUtee of I he Zioiiid Organisation. 

The Declaration of His Majesty's Government 
has changed the aspect of our movement. We have 


now the promise of (xreat Britain — that traditional 
friend of small nations — to nse its best endeavours 
to assist us in the establishment of a national home 
for the Jewish people in Palestine. The world's 
history, and in pai-ticular Jewish history, will inscribe 
in its pages this deed in letters of gold. 

The Kight Hon. Herbert Samuel, M.P. 

I rejoice wholeheartedly in the pronouncement 
that has been made by the British Government 
wnth respect to Palestine. I support the policy 
because it will furnish to the genius of the Jewish 
race an opportunit\' of again giving to mankind a 
brilliant and distinctive civilisation, and secondly for 
the sake of the ennobling influence on the millions of 
the Jewish proletariat who must continue to remain 
scattered throughout the countries of the world, which 
a successful Jewish Palestine could not fail to exercise. 

The Eight Hon. The Lord Eothschild, F.E.S. 

I consider that the Declaration is the most 
important pronuncianiento yet made, as it is the first 
recognition by a Great Power of the real status of the 
Jewish people, and that it ought therefore to find a 
wholehearted support from all Jews. I also consider it 
not only the first step tov\'ards restoring Palestine to its 
ancient prosperity, but also the fii'st step in construc- 
tive policy necessitated by the war and its inevitable 
aftermath of necessary changes iind reconstruction. 

The Eight Hon. Sir Alfred Mond, Bart., M.P., 

First Coiiuidssioiier of Works. 

The establishment in their old land, under 
the tegis of the British Government, of a home 


whnre the Jewish people will be at liberty to 
develop their national genius and freely to exercise 
their virtues of industry, thrift, and organisation 
in their own way marks an epoch in the world's 
history. The development in recent years of the 
Jewish colonies in Palestine, whose success under the 
most unfavourable and depressing conditions has been 
phenomenal, has always deeply impressed me, and 
gives assurance of still greater su.ccess in the future. 
There are some who seem to think that the policy 
adopted is likely to dam.age the position of those Jews 
— and there must be many millions of them throagh- 
out the world — who will remain, as in the past, 
identified with and loyal an I pitriofcic citizens of th? 
countries of their birth and residence, and that the 
establishment of a national home in Palestine will, in 
particular, prejudice British Jews in the eyes of their 
fellow-citizens. I do not share and never have shared 
their view. In my opinion quite the reverse will be 
the case. The dignity and importance of our whole 
race will be enhanced by the existence of a national 
home where those of our people who have been com- 
pelled to live under less favourable conditions than we 
enjoy will be able to establish themselves on the soil 
of their ancestors. 

Mr. ISTath.^n Straus, Nav York. 

My heartfelt congratulations upon the announce- 
ment of His Majesty's Government, made by Mr. 
Balfour. American Jews are deeply moved by the 
good tidings ; before our countries and their AUies 
lies the task of winning the war foi- liberation and 
justice and the sanctity of international relations, to 


the end that the sacreclrie?s of the right of small 
nations may never again he violated. This is the 
day which the Lord hath made ; let us be glad and 
rejoice therein. 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise, Chairman Provisional Zionist 
Coiinnittce, Neio York. 

The Declaration has transferred Zionism from the 
field of national aspirations to the realm of political 
fact, Not in centuries has any word been spoken 
of equally vital consequence to the well-being of 

Two things may be assumed on the basis of the 
historic uttei'ance of the British Minister of Foreign 
Affairs : the one that Britain is not acting alone. It 
is not for us to predicate that England has spoken 
and acted in concert with her Allies, but we are 
justified in believing that England, ever working in 
closest co-operation with her Allies in the War, will in 
the day of peace find herself not only supported by 
France and Italy, Ijut above all by the American 
Grovernment and people, which, under the leadership 
of President Wilson, muist needs insist that the 
destruction of the Prussian ideal must be followed by 
the establishment and maintenance of the integrity of 
the lesser nations. The other fact that is hound 
ine\'itably with the Declaration of the British Cabinet 
is that it is to be taken for granted that opposition to 
Zionism is ended. 

JuD(iE Julian W. M.-vck, CJiicago. 

American Jews, citizens of this great Republic, 
and owing' to it their sole and undivided allegiance 


and loyalty, rejoice with the Jews of all countries 
that the British Grovernment has issued this epoch- 
making Declaration. 

The dreams and prayers of twenty centuries, 
embodied in the famous Basle Zionist declaration 
that Palestine may again become the homeland of 
the Jewish people, secured and recognised as such by 
the law of the nations, is approaching realisation. 

Mr. AnoLPH Kraus, President Inde2]endent Order 
B'nai B'rifh, U.S.A. 

The Declaration by the British Grovernment that 
it is ready to support the establishment of a homeland 
for the Jewish people in Palestine gains additional 
significance by reason of the progress which the 
British Forces are making in Palestine. The declara- 
tion must have the effect of gaining for the Zionist 
cause the support of even such Jews as have hitherto 
been indifferent or opposed to the movement, for no 
Jew can consistently oppose the establishment of a 
Jewish homeland, be it ever so small. 



The greatest and most imposing public meeting 
over held in the history of British Jewry was that 
which took place on Sunday, December 2, 1917, at the 
London Opera House, for the purpose of thanking the 

s 2 


British G-ovemment for its declaration in favour of 
the establishment in Palestine of a national home 
for the Jewish people. The building was crowded 
with an enthusiastic audience representative of idl 
sections of the Anglo-Jewish community. Delegates 
were present fi'om nearly all Jewish congregations, 
organisations, institutions, and societies in the 
United Kingdon). The chair was taken by Lord 

LoR]) RoiHSCiiiLD said they were met on the 
most momentous occasion in the history of Judaism 
for the last IbOO years. They were there to return 
thanks to His Majesty's Government for a Declaration 
which marked an epoch in Jewish history of outstand- 
ing importance. For the first time since the Dispersion 
the Jewish people had received its proper status by the 
Declaration of one of the Great Powers. The Declara- 
tion, while acknowledging and approving of the 
aspirations of the Jewish people for a national home, 
at the same time placed Jews on their honour to 
respect the rights and privileges not only of their 
prospective non-Jewish neighbours in Palestine, but 
also of those of their own people who did not see eye 
to eye with the Zionist cause. Feeling as he did that 
the aims of Zionism wei'e in no way incompatible with 
the highest patriotism and loyal citizenship of the 
Jews in the various countries in which they were 
dwelling, he would like the meeting in passing the 
resolution which would be submitted to them to assure 
the Government that they would, one and all, faith- 
full v observe both the spirit and the letter of their 
gracious Declaration. (Cheers.) He felt sure that 
the principal aim of the Zionists was to provide a 
national home for those portions of the Jewish people 
who wished to escape the possibilities in the future of 
such oppression and ill-treatment as they had endured 


in the past and lie therefore held that all and every 
section of o^nnion in the Jewish people eould work 
together for the establishment in Palestine of such a 
home, so as to make it a triumphant success. 

Lord Eothschild then moved the foUowino- 
resolution : 

" That this mass meeting, representing all sections 
of the Jewish community in the United Kingdom, 
^conveys to His Majesty's Grovernment an expression of 
* heartfelt gratitude for their Declaration in favour of the 
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the 
Jewish people. It assures His Majesty's Government 
that their historic action in support of the national 
aspirations of the Jewish people has evoked among 
Jews the most profound sentiments of joy. This 
meeting further pledges its utmost endeavours to give 
its whole-hearted support to the Zionist cause." 

Lord Eobkrt Cecil, K.C, M.P., who was 
received with loud cheering, said : 

I have come here with the greatest possible 
pleasure at the request of those who represent, or who 
have led the representation of the Zionist movement of 
this country, to offer to you and to all Zionists my 
hearty congratulations on the event which you are 
celebrating to-day. (Cheers.) And perhaps you will 
allow me to mention in connection with th<-se con- 
gratulations, not only your Chairman, but also M. 
Nahum Sokolow and l)r. C. Weizmann, who liave done 
so much for the cause that we all have at heart this 
afternoon. Surely all of us must feel what a very 
striking gathering the present one is. The keynote of 
our meeting this afternoon is liberation. (Cheers.) We 
welcome among us not only the many thousands of 
Jews that I see, but also representati\es of the Arabian 
and Armenian races who are also in this great struggle 
struggling to be free. (Hear, hear.) Our wish is 


that Arabi;m countries shall be for the Arabs, Ai-meuia 
for the Arnu'uiaus, and Judaea for the Jews. (Applause.) 
Yes, and let us add, if it can be so, let Turkey, real 
Turkey, be for the Turks. 

I should like to be allowed to say that the part 
that this country is taking in this movement is not a 
new thing. (Hear, hear.) I venture to claim for 
this country that in supporting Zionism it has been 
merely carrying out its traditional jjolicy. To me, at 
any rate, it seems that there are two great foundations 
upon which the policy of this country has always been 
based. I believe they are often described by the 
two words " Liberty " and " Justice." Perhaps more 
a'^curately they ma}' be called the supremacy of the 
Law and Liberty, for, be well assured, if we are ever 
to obtain that security which we have been recently 
told is so important to us, if we are ever to Lift 
European civilisation and national relations in Europe 
out of the anarchy in which they at present are, it 
must be by the same means by which we have secured 
liberty and happiness in each country, namely, by the 
supremacy of Law. 

As for the second foundation of which I have 
spoken, and which has more practical bearing on our 
proceedings this afternoon, may I say this : We hear a 
great deal of a new word, " Self-delermination." 
Well, I don't know that it is a new thing. It certainly 
is not new in the British Empire. The Empire has 
always striA^en to give to all the peoples that make it up 
the fullest measure of self-government of which they 
are capable. (Hear, hear.) We have always striven 
to give to all peoples within our bounds complete 
libeity and equality before the Law. (Hear, hear.) 
We are adjured to respect the principle of self- 
determination ; but I say that the British Empire was 
the first organisation to teach that principle to the 
world, and one of the great causes for which we are in 
this war is to secure to all peoples the right to govern 


tbe;iiselvcs and to work out their owa destiny, irrespec- 
tive of the threats and menaces of their greater 
neighbour. (Hear, hear.) ■« 

One of the great steps — in my judgment, in some 
ways the greatest step — we have taken in carrying out 
this principle is the recognition of Zionism. This is 
the first constructive effort that we have made in what 
I hope will he the new settlement of the world after 
the war. (Cheers.) I do not say that that is the only 
thing involved It is not only tlie recognition of a 
nationality — it is much more than that. It has great 
underlying ideals of which }ou will hear this after- 
noon and of which it would be impertinent of me to 
speak. It is, indeed, not the birth of a nation, for the 
Jewish nation through centuries of oppression and 
captivity have preserved their sentiment of nationality 
as few people conld ; but if it is not the birth of a 
nation, I believe we may say it is the re-birth of a 
nation. (Applause.) I don't like to prophesy what 
ultimate results that great event may have, but for 
myself I believe it will have a far-reaching influence 
on the history of the world and consequences which 
none can foresee on the future history of the human 
race. (Loud cheers.) 

Mr. Herbert Samuel, M.P., who received an 
enthusiastic welcome, said : 

I rejoice wholeheartedly in the pronouncement 
that has been made by the British Government with 
respect to Palestine. It is a policy which for nearly 
three years I have urged in the Cabinet and out of 
the Cabinet at every opportunity that arose. (Cheers.) 
The fears and the doubts which this policy has evoked 
are, I firmly believe, unfounded. Three conditions 
must indeed be observed in any new developments that 
may take place in Palestine. In the first place, there 
must be full, just recognition of the rights of the 


Ar;il)s, who iii>\v constitute the majority of the popula- 
tion of tliat country. Secondly, there must be a reverent 
respect for the Cliristian and Mohammedan holy 
places, which in all eventualities should always remain 
in the control and charge of representatives of those 
faiths. (Cheers.) In the third place, there must be 
no attempt now or in the future to establish anything 
in the nature of political authority from Palestine 
over the Jew scattered in other countries of the world, 
who must probably always remain the great majority 
of the Jewish race. There should be no disturbance, 
large or small, direct or indirect, in their national 
status or in their national rights and duties in thu 
countries of which they are, or should be, full and 
equal citizens. On all these matters there is no 
divergence of opinion in any quarter, and the 
controversies that have taken place, I venture to 
think, are disputes over differences that do not 

The reason why, for my own part, I support the 
policy which we are here to-day to approve and 
celebrate are chief!}' these. First, it may be that the 
genius of the Jewish race will again be able to give 
to the world a brilliant and distinctive civilisation. 
(Cheers.) The richness of mankind lies in its diversity. 
We do not want the world to be like some great 
library, consisting of nothing but innumerable copies 
of one and the same book. The Jewish mind is a 
distinctive thing. It combines in remarkable degree 
the imaginative and the practical, the ideal and the 
positive. This combination of qualities enabled it for 
1500 years in Palestine to produce an almost unbroken 
series of statesmen and soldiers, judges and poets, 
prophets and seers — thinkers and leaders who have 
left for all time their impress upon the world. The mind is tenacious and persists, and now, when 
all the jjowerful Empires that overran that land have 
been cnerthrown and almost forgotten, the Jewish 


people exists and is more numerous to-duy than it 
ever has Ijeen at any period of its history. Who 
. knows, I say, Lut that if again it iinds a s2:>iritual 
centre of its own, soundly based on an industi-ioiis 
population, untrammelled, self-contained, inspired by 
the memories of a S2jlendid past, it may again 
produce golden fruits in tlie iields of intellect for the 
enrichment of the whole world. (Cheers.) 

And my other reason is this ; If this comes to be, 
what a helpful effect it would have upon the Jewish 
proletariat that will still remain scattered in other 
countries of the world ! I see in my mind's eye those 
millions in Eastern Europe all through the centuries, 
crowded, cramped, proscribed, bent with oppression, 
suffering all the miseries of active minds denied scope, 
of talent not allowed to speak, of genius that cannot 
act. I see them enduring, suffering everything, sacri- 
ficing everything in order to keep alight the flame of 
which they knew themselves to be the lamp, to keep 
alive the idea of which they knew themselves to be 
the vessel, to preserve the soul of which they knew 
themselves to be the body ; their eyes always set upon 
one distant point, always believing that somehow, 
some day, the ancient greatness would be restored ; 
always saying when they met in their families on 
Passover Night, " Next year in Jerusalem." Year 
after year, generation following generation, century 
succeeding century, till the time that has elapsed is 
counted in thousands of years, stiU they said, " Next 
year in Jerusalem." If that cherished vision is at last 
to be realised, if on the Hills of Zion a Jewish civilisa- 
tion is restored with something of its old intellectual 
and moral force, then among those left in the other 
countries of the world I can see growing a new 
confidence and a new greatness. There will be a 
fresh light in those eyes, those bent backs will at last 
stand erect, there will be a greater dignity in the 
Jew throughout the world. (Cheers.) 


That is why we meet to-day to thank the British 
Government, our own Government — (cheers) — that 
has made all this possible, that we shall be able to 
say, not as a pious and distant wish, but as a near 
and confident hope, " Next year in Jerusalem " — 
□'[^mu nxan niwb — (Loud and prolonged cheers). 

Colonel Sir Mauk Svkes said: 

When one thinks of the years that have passed, 
of the immense spaces of history which stand between 
what was and now is promised to-day, truly one is 
dazzled — one is dazzled by the possibility of the 
prospects which open before us. I say 1 am speaking 
to vou as a watcher, but you in a sense perhaps also 
are watchers ; perhaps you see as I see an Asia 
stricken with plagues and cumbered with ruins and 
a Europe a welter of blood. Perhaps you too see 
those two things, and I pray that you realise that it 
may be your destiny to be the bridge between Asia 
and Europe ; to bring the spirituality of Asia to 
Europe and the vitality of Europe to Asia. I firmly 
believe that is the mission of Zionism. I see here 
something which is greater than the dream even of 
a LeaOTie of Nations, which is a dream of a League of 
Kaces and finally a League of Ideals. There is the 
great vision ; that is what may, that is what does, 
I believe, lie before you. 

But no person realises more than I do — I know 
the ground, some of it, and boldly I dare to say 
tliat there lie before you dangers, difficulties, and 
possible obstructions ; but, ladies and gentlemen, your 
time of probation has been long. You are schooled 
in adversity ; you can look on difficulties with calm, 
and you will overcome them. I do not look for a 
sudden magic transformation. No ; but I believe 
that vou are beginning a great and beneficial and 
irresistible transition. That is what you are 


Now, r l)elie\e, 30U are going to set up a powtT 
which is not a domination of blood or a domination of 
gold, but a domination of intellectual force. I believe 
you will sec in Palestine a great centre of ideals 
radiating out to every country in the world where your 
people are. And if there is one thing that gives me 
great ]'leasure here to-day it is to feel that you — at 
this turning-point in your history, when the Govern- 
ment made its Declaration — you thought not only of 
^■urselves, but you thought also — and afterwards you 
will look back with joy on the fact — when the 
hope of redemption was held out to you, you thought 
not only of yourselves but also of your fellows in 
adversity, the Armenians and the Arabs. 

The Chief Rabbi said it was indeed a rare 
privilege to take part in that wonderful meeting 
called together to express the heartfelt thanks of 
British Jewry for the striking sympathy of His 
Majesty's Government with Jewish aspirations. The 
epoch-making Declaration on Palestine was an assur- 
ance given by the mightiest of empires that the new 
order which the Allies are now creating at such 
sacrifice of life and treasure shall be rooted in 
righteousness, and broad-based on the liberty of and 
reverence for ei^eri/ oppressed nationality. It was a 
solemn pledge that the oldest of national tragedies 
shall be ended in the coming re-adjustment of the 
nations which shall console mankind for the slaughter 
and waste and torment of this terrible world-war. In 
the face of an event of such infinite importance to the 
Jewish people, ordinary words of appreciation or the 
usual phrases of gratitude were hopelessly weak and 
inadequate. For the interpretation of their true 
feelings to-day they must turn to Scripture. Twenty- 
five hundred years ago Cyrus issued his edict of 
liberation to the Jewish exiles in Babylon ; and an 
eye-witness of that glorious day had left them in the 


I;2(5th Ps;ilm a record of how tii?ir fathers received 
the announcement of their deliverance, " When the 
Lord hrought back those that returned to Zion" — • 
a'Dism i3"n — " we were like unto them that dream. Then 
said they among the nations : ' The Lord hath done 
great things for them.' The Lord hath done great 
things for us; whereof we are glad." Theirs was a 
similar feeling of joy and wonder. With them like- 
wise it was the astonishment of the nations, the 
reassuring approbation of statesmen and rulers that 
caused them to exclaim : " We will see it done, and 
done consummately, the thing so many have thought 
could never be done ! " (Cheers.) The spirit of the 
Declaration was that of absolute justice, whether to 
Jews out of Palestine or to non-Jews in Palestine. 
They especially welcomed in it the reference to the 
civil and relisfious rights of the existingc non-Jewish 
communities in Palestine. That was but a trans- 
lation of the basic principle of the Mosaic legislation. 
(Cheers.) But it was the substance of the Deolarat'on 
— the promise of a national home for the Jewish 
people — that filled their souls with gladness. For 
only on its own soil could the Jewish people live its 
own life and make, as in the past it had made, its 
characteristic and specific contributions to the spiritual 
treasure of humanity. After the proclamation issued 
by Cyrus, the mass of the Jewish people still remained 
in Babylon. All told, only -1.2,000 men, women, and 
children took advantage of the King's proclamation 
and followed Ezra back to Zion, the land of their 
fathers. But that handful of Zionists and their 
descendants, because living on their own soil, changed 
the entire future of mankind. They.^edited and 
collected the Prophets, wrote some of the fairest 
portions of the Scriptures, formed the canon of the 
Bible, and gave the world its monotheistic religions. 
(Cheers.) Now, as then, only " a remnant shall 
return " — aiB" -\v.z>. But now, as then, it was the 


national rejuvenation of that remnant that is to open 
a new chapter in tlie annals of the. human spirit. 
Difficulties? Of course there were difficulties.^ The 
task of laying the foundations of a new Israel must 
be one of long toil and severe trial. But a people 
that for twenty-five centuries had stood victoriously 
against the storm of time possessed vitality enough, 
patience enough, idealism enough, with the help of 
Grod, to rise to the level of this unique, world-histOric 
opportunity. (Loud cheers.) 

1)r. M. (taster said that he stood before them 
as an old friend, deeply imbued with the spirit of 
faith, a dreamer of Ansions, if they would. What 
appeared to so many as a dream had now become a 
reality — (cheers) — and they were gathered there to 
begin to reap in joy what they had sown in tears and 
sorrow. It was for all of them a day of joy to see 
the fruits which they had so long wished for. Tliey 
had come together to thank the British Government 
for their Declaration of sympathy with their national 
aspirations. Therein lay the greatness of the British 
Government, that it had lifted the problem from its 
local geographical character and given to it that 
universally valued importance which they attached to 
it. What they wished to obtain in Palestine was 
not merely a right to establish colonies, or educational, 
cultured, or industrial institutions. Tiiey wanted to 
establish in Palestine an autonomous Jewish Com- 
monwealth in the fullest sense of the word. They 
wanted Palestine to be Palestine of the Jews and not 
merely a Palestine for Jews. They wished the land 
to be again what it was in olden times and what it 
had been for Jews in their prayers and in their 
Bible— a land of Israel. The ground must be theirs. 
(Cheers.) Tliey stood indeed as a people -for the 
same programme as British statesmen were standing 
to-day in a larger sphere. Jews stood for reparation, 


restitution, and guarantees — (cheers) — and it was in the 
very application of those principles that the greatness 
and importance of the Declaration of the British 
Government stood out so luminously. England owed 
to Jews no reparation. Here they had liberty, full 
freedom, eqiiality of right and equality of duty, and 
they had risen to the responsibility which had thus 
been placed upon them. For many of them there 
had their children now fighting the battles of 

But the British Grovernment had now made itself 
the champion of reparation to the Jewish people for 
the wrongs done to them by the world. It had made 
itself a champion too of the restitution of the land 
to our nation, for whom it is the old inheritafice, and 
it had given them a guarantee — security of tenure, 
independence, of right and freedom of action as a 
people in their ancient land. The establishment of a 
Jewish Commonwealth in the land of their fathers 
would also consolidate and clarify tlie position of the 
rest of the Jews throughout the world. (Hear, 
hear.) He believed that a new world was to arise in 
which the Jew, as Jew, would find himself a free man. 

In conclusion, he reminded them of an old legend 
which told that when the Temple was destroyed the 
stones split into splinters and each one entered the 
heart of a Jew. It was this memorial of our fallen 
nation which the Jew carried in his bosom and which 
l>ent his back. But they were coming together once 
again as a nation in Palestine, and they would take 
the splinters of the stones from out of their hearts — 
" and," exclaimed Dr. Graster, " I feel the stone in 
my heart already loosening." (Loud and prolonged 

Shark Ism.^il Abdul-.4l-Akki then addressed the 
meeting. He spoke in Arabic, and his speech was 
translated by Mr. I. Sieff, who mentioned that the 


speaker was under sentence of death by the Turkish 
Government for having joined the Arab national 
movement. Shahk Ismail said he desired to tender 
deep gratitude to the British nation and the British 
Grovemment for affording his countrymen and himself 
help and asylum in their hour of jiersecution. His 
country was held in chains by the Turks, who were 
supplied with (merman gold, and he looked with con- 
fidence to England and France to deliver them from 
bondage, as he believe I in the ultimate good over evil, 
and was confident in the victory of the Allies. He 
not only spoke as an Arab, but as a "Moslem" Arab, 
having studied five years in Theological Schools and 
being granted a Degree, and it was the duty of every 
Moslem to participate in the movement for the 
liberation of their countrymen. The meeting was to 
celebrate the great act of the British Government in 
recognising the aspirations of the Jewish people, and 
he appealed to them not to forget in the days of their 
happiness that the sons of Ishmael suffered also. 
They had been scattered and confounded as the Jews 
had been, and now began to arise, fortified with the 
sense of martyrs. He hoped that Palestine would 
again flow with milk and honey. (Cheers.) 

M. Wadia Kesrawani, a Syrian Christian, spoke 
in French, also to the effect that his countrymen 
appealed to England and France for their liberation, 
and applauded the Declaration of the Government. 

Mr. Israel Zangwill, who was received with 
loud and prolonged cheers said : 

In my capacity of President of the Jewish 
Territorial Organisation I have been honoured with 
an invitation to appear on your platform on this 
momentous occasion. In that capacity I have often 
criticised your leaders. But to-day I am here not for 


criticism but for congratulation and co-operation. I 
congratulate tliem, and especially Dr. Weizmann and 
M. Sokolow, npon theii- historic acliievement in the 
region of diplomacy. To see that this is followed by 
a similar achievement in the more difficult region of 
practice is the duty of all Israel. 

But I do not come to the (xONcrnment, as Lord 
Morley tells us the Kaiser came to him, with mock 
salaams and marks of Oriental obeisance, for J have 
k.)ng maintained that after a war for liberty and the 
rights of small nations this very rej^aration was due 
to that unhappy, scattered and divided people which 
has bled and suffered with all the belligerents. And 
as an English-born citizen I am proud that my 
couutr\' by this pro-Jewish manifesto has wiped out 
the stain of her alliance with the fallen Pharaoh. But 
whatever the general Jewish gratitude for this exten- 
sion of the principles of nationalities, the Jews in 
Turkey and other now enemy countries are as loyal 
to their fatherland as we are to ours, and we 
who stand here can have no claim to pledge the 
race to any Power or Powers. All we can say 
is that happily the vast majority are concentrated in 
those Allied and democratic countries with which 
they are in natural affinity. Particularly close is their 
affinity with the English. But it is not surprising 
that the nation whose noble version of our Scriptures 
has made the Bible almost a British possession should 
A'ibrate to Jewish national aspirations. 

From the first the formula of the Ito has run, 
" To procure a territory upon an autonomous basis 
for those Jews Avho cannot, or will not, remain in the 
lands in which they at present live." For those and 
for those only. Not for those who can or will remain 
in their present lands. With these there may be a 
spiritual connection, thei-e cannot be a political. And 
to-day, when, to quote your great leader. Max 
Nordau, "the period of rhetoric is over, the horn" of 


deeds is approaching," I am glad to have the 
assxirance of the Zionist leaders here that tliey 
unreservedly accept the (iovernment's stipulation that 
" nothing shall be done which might prejudice tlie 
rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any 
other country." Once Zionism is established on this 
sound basis, not only does its formula become identical 
with the Ito's, but I can see no reason why all Israel 
should not co-operate with both organisations in 
developing Palestine as a Jewish national home for 
those Jews who can or will go there. To diminisli 
the risks of confusion, let Palestine be called what 
Lord Robert Cecil called it, Judsea, and let the Jews 
who adopt its citizenship be called Judseans. Then 
all the others will remain a.< before, Jews — Jews of 
whatever political allegiance they choose. A national 
home in Palestine — freedom and equal rights every- 
where else ; here surely is a platform that can unite 
all Isra'J, and, so far as I can see, it is uniting them. 

I do not say that this autonomy must come at a 
bound. Though in my opinion the boldest way is 
always the best way and responsibility is a people's 
best educator, yet I am prepared to make all possible 
concess'ons to circumstances and history. But unless 
the Palestine colonisation is so planned that it must 
eventually produce the national autonomous home I 
for one wiU not devote my limited strength to such a 
mockery of Jewish aspirations. The times are too 
serious and tragic for such trifling. Mount Zion is in 
labour. Shall it produce a mouse? No, it must 
produce a lion — the lion of Judah. 

Seven crusades to the Holy Land have all meant 
massacre for the Jews; if the eighth crusade is to 
HK^an Palestine for the Jews, if it is to be truly a 
Christian crusade, then that very fact is a proof of a 
new world-order of love and justice. Let us Jews, 
the people of Isaiah, at such a turning-point in history, 
make a great act of faith, and, instead of disavowing 


the brotherhood of Israel,, let us proclaim from our 
Jerusalem centre the brotherhood of man. 

But tills spiritual work is not all that calls to us. 
Palestine is a place full of stones and fever. It is a 
land whose main bulk lies almost as desolate as the 
plains of Flanders — ruined not by German war, but 
by Turkish peace, by centuries of neglect and mis- 
o-overnment. With the depletion of the world's 
resources, and esj^ecially of the world's man-power, 
by this terrible war, Avho is to win this country for 
civilisation if not we Jews? Even if we had no 
historic connection with it, that would be a worthy 
mission for a people. Let m; appeal therefore to the 
British Jews to work with us and to work loyally. 
For even at the best the goal is far. Palestine is 
not yet ours, and even when it is, our work, despite 
the pioneers we shall always honour — despite even 
]!aron Edmond de Rothschild — will only begin. 
Already under the regis of England our young men 
liave died there. But eagerly as our young men have 
sacrificed themselves in Palestine for war, still more 
eager]}' will they offer themselves there for the labom's 
and sacrifices of peace. That will be the true Jewish 

And thougli our goal be ye!; far, and though we 
may not rejoice, yet already when I recall how our 
small nation sustained the mailed might of all the 
great empires of antiquity ; how we saw our Temple 
in fianies and were scattered like its ashes ; how we 
endured the long night of the Middle Ages, illumined 
by the glare of our martyrs' fires ; how but yesterday 
we wandered in our millions, torn between the ruthless 
Prussian and the pitiless Russian, yet have lived to 
see to-day the bloody Empire of the Czars dissolve 
and the mountanis of Zion glimmer on the 'horizon, 
already I feel we may say to tlie other nations: 
" Comfort ye, comfort ye, too, poor suffering peoples. 
Learn from the long patience of Israel that the spirit 


is mightier than the sword, and that the seer who 
foretold his people's resurrection was not less proplietic 
when he proclaimed also for all peoples the pi-ace of 
Jerusalem." (Loud cheers.) 

M. H. N. MosTDiTcniAN, a member of the 
Ai-menian Delegation, said lie availed himself of the 
opportunity of giving their Jewish brethren the 
heartiest greetings of the Armenians — (cheers) — and 
sincerest congratulations for the dawn about to break 
upon the glad valleys of their ancestral land. He 
made a comparison of the two nations who had gone 
through the same persecutions, but who, notwith- 
standing, were not willing to die, and had not died — ■ 
(cheers) — and who stood to-day hnnd-in-hand on the 
eve of a new era, when both of them would be able 
to live once more their national lives, of which they 
had given good evidence in the p)ast. They all knew 
that Armenia was one of the first countries mentioned 
in the history of the Jews, and there had reigned 
one thousand two hundred years ago a dynasty of 
Armenian kings who had in their veins a good deal of 
Jewish blood. After the loss of their independence 
the Jews had continued to live a life of captivity and 
exile, and the Armenians, after the loss of their 
independence, had suffered the same exile. It was not 
the time to say what the Armenians had suffered 
during the last three years — a state of things to which 
the wor.^t pogrom was a heaven ; but tbey, as well as 
the Jews, looked towards "to-morrow" with great 
fervour as a result of the Declaration. They had 
waited long enough with their Jewish brethren, for 
centui-ies and centuries, and these two nations as \vell 
as the Arabs would make Palestine another Promised 
Land and a Garden of Eden — a centre to which 
humanity might look up. (Cheers.) 

Mr. ISFaiium Sokolow said that the Zionist Organi- 
sation felt the deepest and keenest, satisfaction at the 

c 2 


Declaration of His Majesty's Government. He had 
the honour to make the following- declaration to the 
Arabs : " Relations between Jews and Arabs had 
hitherto been scanty and spasmodic, largely owing to 
mutual ignorance and indifference. There were no 
relations whatever between tlie two nations as such, 
because the oj)pressive Power did not recognise either 
of them, and whenever points of connection began to 
develop they were destroyed by intrigue, to the detri- 
ment of both nationalities. We believe that the 
present hour of crisis and the opening of a laxge 
perspective for epoch-making developments offers a 
fruitful opportunity for a broad basis of permanent 
cordial relations between two peoples who are 
inspired by a common purpose. We mean a real 
entenie cordtah between Jews, Arabs, and Armenians, 
such an entenie cordiale having already been accepted 
in principle by leading representatives of these three 
nations. From such a beginning we look forward 
with confidence to a future of intellectual, social, and 
economic co-operation ; we are one with the Arabs and 
Armenians to-day in the determination to secure for 
each of us the free choice of our own destinies. We 
look with fraternal love at the creation of the Arab 
kingdom, re-establishing Semitic nationality in its 
glory and freedom, and our heai'tiest wishes go out to 
the noble, hardly-tried Armenian nationality for the 
realisation of their national hopes in their old 
Armenia. Our roots were united in the ])ast, our 
destinies will be bound together in tlie future." 
That was their declaration to their future neighbours. 

Captain The Hon. W. Ormsby Gore, M.P., said : 

As a British subject who has no Jewish con- 
nections I stand here this afternoon the personal 
friend of the Zionist leaders, one who has seen tlieir 


work during the past year, both here and in Egypt, 
and I wisli to congrauilate tliem upon their success 
and join with them in thanking the British Govern- 
ment on the occasion of what I regard as a real epoch- 
making advance in civilisation. It was, I think, just 
about a year ago that 1 first came into contact with the 
Zionist movement in its practical form, when I was 
brought into close official contact with the Palestine 
refugees in Egypt. And from meeting them 1 
learned that the Jews were already, and have been 
during the past forty years, endeavouring to bring 
idealism into that stricken land. The raore one saw 
of Turkish rule, more particularly the rule since the 
deposition of Caliph Abdul Hamid by the Young 
Turks, the more one saw there was no hope for 
Zionism, for liberty, for fair dealing, even in such a 
matter as taxation, no hope for progressive agriculture, 
unless Palestine were delivered from the thraldom of 
alien rule. I am particularly glad that this Declara- 
tion has been made by the British Government at a 
moment when British arms are delivering that land, 
because it shows that Britain is not 'out for gain for 
herself, but is out in a greater spirit for the ideal of 
freedom, of self- development, and nationality. 

The Jewish claim to Palestine is in my mind over- 
whelming, and, as a British Member of Parliament, J 
rejoice to see from the new number of the Zionist 
Review what an overwhelming mass of British repre- 
sentative opinion, as reflected in the House to which T 
belong, is in support of this movement. One other 
reason for which I support this movement : I support 
it as a member of the Church of Eiigland. Sir Mark 
Sykes has spoken as a Eoman Catholic principally. 
I am a communicant of the Church of England, and 
in this return to Palestine to be the Jewish home I 
hold out the hand of friendship to the Zionists who 
seek to bring that into effect, and I feel that behind it 
there is the finger of Almighty God. Another thing 


I should like to say and tliat is that from the moment 
that I met the Zionist leaders, whether iu Egypt or in 
this country — from the moment of my first introduc- 
tion to them I felt that there was something so sincere, 
something so, I should call it, British — so striking — 
that at once my heart went out to them, and I say 
this, that you have as your leader in this country in 
Dr. Weizmanu a personality and a statesman who 
has shown those great qualities of patience, of skill, of 
determination, and of intellect which have endeared 
him to everyone who has come across him. I have 
•lone what little I can to help forward this movement 
whenever I have had the opportunity. In the future 
if you are looking out for friends you may count 
ine as one of them. (Cheers.) 

Mr. James de Rothschild, who was received with 
great enthusiasm, said he stood there as the son of 
one who had spent his life in endeavouring to hring 
about what they were celebrating that day. Jewish 
ideals up to that time had been met at the gate, but 
they could not get through. With one stroke of the 
pen the English (government had flung open those 
gates. Therefore in every Jewish heart gi-atitude was 
overflowing, and they must not forget that all then- 
aims of the future had been strengthened by the 
country whose Government had framed the generous 
and just Declaration. (Cheers.) 

Dr. C. Weizmann, President of the English Zionist 
Federation, upon rising, received a great ovation. He 
referred to the many good and brilliant words which 
had been said about the Jews, and he hoped that the 
Jews of to-day and the Jews of to-morrow would rise 
to the occasion in the needed power and the dignity, 
and give their answer to the great resolution, not only 
in words, but in deeds. The present generation had 
upon its shoulders the greatest responsibility of the 


last 2000 years, and he prayed that they niie-ht be 
worthy of that responsibility. \ 

He then called upon the meeting to rise, and with 
hands uplifted to take the old historic oath — each 
man and woman of them — lyo' nacn D'^jcn' iny^'n dk (" If 
I forget thee, Jerusalem, may my right hand forget 
its power"). 

The meeting rose en masse, repeating the words of 
the psalm amid great enthusiasm, which culminated 
in the singing of " Hatikvah " and " Grod Save the 
King " by the Precentors' Association. 


An overflow meeting, over which Mr. P. Horowitz 
presided, was held in the Kingsway Theatre, which 
was crowded in every part. Among those who 
addressed the audience were the Chief Eabbi, Lord 
Lamington, Mr. I. Zangwill, Mr. Joseph Cowen, 
Dr. Selig Brodetsky, Dr. D. Jochelman, and Mr. 
Israel Cohen. 

A resolution in identical terms with that carried at 
the London Opera House was passed with much 


A striking demonstration was held on Sunday, 
December 9, 1917, in the Manchester Hippodrome, 
which was crowded with an enthusiastic audience. 
Sir Stuart M. Samuel, Bart., President of the Jewish 
Board of Deputies, presided, supporte<3 by all the 
leading Jewish representatives of Manchester and 
the neighbouring towns and by a large number of 
influential non- Jewish citizens, including the Lord 
Mayor of Manchester and the Mayor of Salford. The 
proceedings began with the reading by Mr. Leon, the 


lionorary secretary, of letters from Lord Rothschild, 
Lord Eobert Cecil, llv. Herbert Samuel, M.P., the 
Chief Eabbi, and Mr. Arthur Henderson, M.P. 

Mr. Henderson wrote : 

By its Declaration in favour of the establishment 
of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine, 
till' British (ioN'ernment has vindicated the democratic 
claim that this is a war of liberation in which oppressed 
nationalities will find deliverance. The British Labour 
movement has included among its war aims a demand 
that the Jews of all countries, great and small, shall 
enjoy the rare elementary rights of tolerance, freedom 
of residence and travel, and equal citizenship that 
ought to be extended to all the inhabitants of every 
nation ; and it has also declared its belief that it would 
be practicable by agreement among all the nations to 
set Palestine free from the harsh and oppressive govern- 
ment of the Turk, in order that the country may form 
a Free Slate, under international guarantee, where the 
Jewdsh 2)eople may work out their own salvation free 
from interference by those of alien race and religion. 
To this policy the British Government and people are 
now solemnly pledged. 

Sir Stuart M. Samuel, in rising to speak, had 
an enthusiastic reception. Looking towards the 
Chanucah light just kindled, he said : 

My Lord Mayor, this candle has been lighted in 
Jewish homes for the last 2,000 years, and represents 
the undying flame of hope — the characteristic of the 
Jewish people in those long years when they never 
lost the hope that one day the Divine promise might 
be fulfilled before their eyes. 

Continuing, Sir Stuart Samuel said that, 
with regard to the Declaration of the Govern- 
ment, he thought it was far easier to return 


Palestine to the Jews than for tlie Jews to return 
to Palestine. (Laugliter.) Jews to be succetsful in 
Palestine must bo united ; not only in this country, 
but throughout the world should they present a united 
front, for united they were strong. He appealed to 
all to sink their own views for the common good. 
The welfare of their brother-Jews must be the idea 
that should permeate them all. Small ideas must 
vanish for the welfare of the whole. After centuries 
of waiting progress must be gradual ; one could not 
gamble when the fate of a people was at stake. No 
large influx of population must go forth to Palestine 
tUl it was prepared to receive them. Jews must gi^'e 
the same religious freedom to others as they them- 
selves expected. They should hold out a helping 
hand to other nations who had suffered ; firstly, to the 
Armenians, and to a less extent the Arabs as fellow- 
partners in misfortune, and show them that Jews 
desired to live in peace and amity with them. Let 
Jews always remember that it was due to the freedom 
enjoyed in this blessed country, England, that they 
could thus hold out the hope of brotherhood. Living 
in England, they could realise thoroughly the gift of 
freedom. To sympathise deeplj^, one must suffer 
deeply. The cities of Palestine would be as cities of 
refuge to the persecuted in Grod's own time and bring 
h»-\^rh Qii'B'. (Loud applause.) 

The Lord Mayor oi' Manchester, who received 
an ovation, said he spoke for the majority, perhaps 
the whole of his fellow-citizens, when he wished 
them God-speed in their movement. He had many 
good friends among the Jews in Manchester, and 
looked upon them as a very valuable part of the 
city life. He had, as it were, a personal interest 
in the Zionist movement, as he had been in 
Palestine and was now represented there by a son 
who v/as in the British iirmy. The world owed a 


great debt to the Jews, who had held up tliat 
great idea and beeu true to it through torment 
and torture, the idea of again acquiring the land of 
Palestine. He earnestly hoped that the idea woidd 
be realised, and it was best realised by winning this 
war — (cheers) — by destroying for ever German mili- 
tarism and by crushing it with ferocity. When peace 
at length came then the vision of the prophet Isaiah 
would be realised. (Applause.) 

Sill Mark Sykes said that since Mr. Balfour's 
letter to Lord Rothschild testimony had come from 
millions of Jews all over the world that the mass 
of Je\\'ry was profoundly moved. Although within 
the two thousand years past Jewry had on occasion 
been moved in unison it had always before been on 
some matter of grief and never of joy. The war had 
been fruitful in negatives, but here was a great 
positive. For centuries there had been something 
amiss with civilisation. Every nation and every 
continent had had its Jewish problem, oppressive 
laws, Ghettos, Pales ; here Jews were proscribed and 
evicted, there tolerated and assimilated, and between 
the two one did not know whether the first was not 
the better. The realisation of the Zionist ideal was 
the end of all that. Zionism would give the Jews 
of the world a higher position than they had ever 
held before. Although few might go to Palestine in 
proportion to those who remained without, the latter 
would not suffer. No British Jew would be less 
British because he could look at the cradle of his 
race with pride and at the religious centre of his faith 
with happiness and reverence. When the spiritual 
citizenship was clearly and nobly defined the civic 
citizenship would be higher than ever before. 

But there were jjractical considerations. He 
regarded it as vital for the success of the Zionist plan 


that it should rest upon a Jewish, Armenian, and 
Arab enlente. The Armenian was one of an oppressed 
people, and until he could live his life and realise his 
national aspirations the Jews could have no guarantee 
that the tyranny which fell upon him would not 
fall upon them. We had been told that the Turk 
had tolerated the Jew. It was because in Turkey the 
Jews had not been a political element, and had had 
no agrarian population. The day that -Zionism was 
realised they were land-holders, and became to the 
Turk the same as the Bulgar, the Serb, the Grreek, 
the Ai'menian, the Arab. Until they had liberated the 
Armenians they could not be secure ; they must have 
between themselves and their possible aggressor a 
stable, progressive Armenian state. 

When he spoke of the Arabs he entered into no 
nice distinctions. He referred to those in Asia who 
were one in language and in blood. By environment 
they were called Syrians, Mesopotamians, ]\Iosulis, 
Aleppines ; by religion they were called Christians, 
Mussulmans, Druses, Mitawelis, Ansaries ; in blood, 
there was on the male side a little infusion in Syria 
of the Crusader, and in Mesopotamia of Turanian and 
Iranian, but scientists would call these only traces. 
Eighty-five per cent, of the stock was Semitic. For 
800 years the Arabs had been under Turkish dynnsties. 
Their canals of Mesopotamia had been ruined, and 
when Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape he cut them 
off from European commerce. They -were bound, 
impoverished, divided by Turkish intrigue, and 
isolated by events. Were they dead ? Never. " You 
know the Semite sleeps but never dies." (Loud 
cheers.) Wherever there were men of Arab stock, 
whether in Nigeria or Chicago, Java or Manchester, 
one would find progressive people who took interest 
in art, in literature, in philosophy, and had a high 
place in commerce. The Arabs of to-day had the 
same vitality and capacity as the Arabs who under 


the Ommayads cavried civilisation from Damascus to 
Cordova in Spain, and from Basra to the wild steppes 
of Austral Asia ; as the Abbassids who spread literature 
and art from Basfdad to the whole civilised world. 

To-day the Arabs were pro-nationalist. They 
were one in blood and in tongue. There were seven 
or eight millions of them ; they were prolific. There 
was a combination of man-power, virgin soil, 
petroleum, and brains. What was that going to 
produce in 1950 ? The inevitable result was that the 
seven or eight millions v, ould turn to 20 millions; 
the Mesopotamian canal system would be recon- 
structed ; Syria must become the granary of Europe; 
Bagdad, Damascus, and Aleppo would be each as big 
as Manchester; universities and a gi-eat Press must 

Arab civilisation was coming there ; no Sultan or 
Kaiser could prevent it, and when it came no 
imperialists and financiers would be able to control it. 
It was the destiny of the Jews to be closely connected 
with the Arab revival, and co-operation and goodwill 
fi-om the first were necessary, or ultimate disaster 
would overtake both Jew and Arab. Therefore he 
\varned the Jews to look through Arab glasses. (Cries 
of " We wall, we will ! ") 

What did the Arab fear ? He feared financial cor- 
porations, pivoted on Palestine, controlling Syria and 
Mesopotamia. He feared the soil of Palestine would 
be bought by companies, and that he would become a 
proletariat working on the soil for alien masters. He 
feared the Palestinian colonists might drop their 
colonies and drift into Syria and Mesopotamia as 
middlemen and crush him out of existence. It was 
essential that Zionists should realise and face these 
dangers. He dared say these things because he 
believed in Zionism, and knew that it was idealistic 
and not a financial manoeuvre. (Loud cheers.) The 
Arabs should understaiid that the Jews sought no 


land not willingly sold ; that all land so purchased 
would only be developed through Jewish labour 
— (loud cheers) ; that the colonists would be bona fide 
colonists, and that the Jews were out to win Palestine, 
not by financial manoeuvres, but by the sweat of their 
brow. (Prolonged cheering, many rising to their 
feet.) The co-operation of the two races offered such 
prospects to mankind ; hostility would mean such an 
unthinkable tragedy that he felt it his duty to give 
the warning. 

A second warning that he would offer was that 
Zionists should remember that Jerusalem was a triple 
shrine, sacred to Christian, Jew, and Moslem alike, 
because he as a Catholic had kissed the stone of the 
Holy Sepulchre and knew something of what the 
Moslem felt in regard to the Mosque of Omar and 
something of what the Jew felt when he laid his 
hand on the stones of the Wailing Place. Jerusalem 
throbbed with histo<"y; it was inflammable ground, 
and a careless word or gesture might set half a 
continent aflame. Jewish policy would not be realised 
by diplomacy, tact, delicacy, or the virtues of the 
irawing-room politician. Jerusalem called for more 
than that. It did not call for toleration, but for 
sympathy, understanding, compassion, sacrifice — 
" sympathy with the Moslem, to whom the Mosque 
of Omar is the most sacred spot on earth ; under- 
standing the Christian, Avho, like myself, feels that ui 
helping Zionism he is doing something to make a 
great amend. Sacrifice all sense of triumph, of old 
memories of ancient wrong. Approach it not in a 
spirit of toleration, Irat of brotherhood and affection." 

He believed that, approached in the right spirit, 
Zionism would be the cause of a great reconciliation, 
not of fusion, l^ut good fellowship between members 
of three faiths of common origin. Misused it would 
be the beginning of bitterer strife than ever the world 
had known. Timidity was the road to ruin; let them 


face facts boldly. In the realisation of tlieir ideal he 
saw security for the world's peace. He saw them 
co-operating as the moral guarantors and protectors 
of small States, being perhaps the smallest and the 
greatest at the same time. He saw them healing the 
leligious distractions which had severed the best from 
the best throughout the ages. In Jerusalem there 
would be a great vital heart, healing the scars of 
Europe iind calling Asia once more back to life. 
(Prolonged cheers, the audience rising repeatedly.) 

]\Ir. Jamks dk KoTHSciiJLi) said the Briti.sli 
Government, re])resenting witliout any doxibt the 
voice of an enlightened and largi'-hearted democracy, 
had ratified the Zionist scheme. What was wanted 
from the Jewish people was no longer schemes, but 
deeds, and he hoped that in the near future cohorts of 
modern Maccabees would be fighting their way 
through the hills of Judaea. (Cheers.) The Jewish 
claim was one for justice, and that also was the basis 
of the claims of the Arabs and Armenians, claims 
wliich Jews fully endorsed and were pledged to 
support. Britain stood as the foster-mother of the 
new-born Jewish nation, and he looked forward to the 
day when that nation, steeled in adversity biit proud 
in hope, had proved itself by dint of its work to be a 
real daughter. 

Mh. JosKPii CowENj who was received with cheers, 
said the 1 )eclaration was Eestoration ; it was, perhaps, 
the one thing wliich, say 500 years hence, would be 
singled out as the most historic act of this world- 
war ; it seemed so transcendental ly important not 
only to Jews, but likewise to the world. Jews must 
not always be dreamers. They had already begun 
some pioneer work in Palestine, and in time would be 
proud of their colonists. On what they accomplished 
during the next twenty years depended the verdict of 


the world. He believed they \\'()'ild rise to the cause, 
their men and their women witli their heart in the 
good work. (Loud cheers.) 

L)k. WjiizMANN, who was received witli loud and 
long-sustained applause, said : 

I desire to associate myself on behalf of the 
organisation which I have the honour to represent, the 
English Zionist Federation, with the sincere regard 
which is tendered by this gi eat city to His Majesty's 
Grovernment. As one who had the privilege of con- 
tributing somewhat to the negotiations with that 
Government I can realise the spirit in which this 
Declaration has been gi anted to us. The friendliness, 
the understanding of and sympathy with our cause 
as shown by the statesmen who rule the destinies of 
England, would, if it were known, be regarded as a 
source of the greatest comfort to Jews all over the 
world. Moreover, not onlv has the Grovernment 
granted us this Declaration, but it means to put it 
into effect as soon as possible. I hope that when the 
military position will allow it, a Commission of Zionist 
Jews will go out to Palestine for two great purposes. 
The first and immediate purpose will be to grant relief 
and to heal the wounds which have been produced by 
the devastations of war. The distress in Palestine is 
great, and relief is needed immediately. "We have 
done what we could do at present, but much more has 
to be done in the immediate future, and that will be 
one of the objects of the Commission. 

The second and perhaps more difficult task will 
be to form plans and opinions for setting about the 
difficult task of colonising and rejuvenating the old 
country. In this mood of festivity in which you now 
are, I would also like to utter a word of warning. An 
ancient and experienced people will prove their 
wisdom by restraining themselves at the right time. 


Let us all ivnieinber that the building of Palestine is 
■A slow, gr.idiial and laborious process, which will tax 
iieavily our resources aud our jxitience. Catchwords 
such as " We must ha\'e a Jevvi;;li state at once," will 
do us a great deal of harm. We cannot have masses^ 
of immigrants streaming into Palestine before the 
country is ready to receive them. I am fearing such 
a contingency much more than any opposition which 
is at present shown to Zionism. We must never be 
afraid of our opponents. I am frightened sometimes 
by the zeal of some of our friends. 

Many a ^\ arning has been given to us to-night ; 
these warnings were grave, wise, and important; they 
are the more significant as tliey come from the man 
who has been instrumental more than anybody else 
in briiunng about the Government's Declaration. He 
has styled bin; self to-night the pilot, and indeed he 
was, is, and I hope -will be still for a long time a 
great pilot to us. But may I be permitted to state 
that 1 was listening to some of these warnings with 
a certain sense of astonishment and humiliation, 
iiecauseit seemed to me that they were not altogether 
necessary, at lea.-t as far as Zionists are c<M;cerned. 
Why, it is the very essence of Zionism not to do those 
three things against which Sir Mark Sylces has warned 
us. Have not we Zionists, as members of a demociatic 
movement, fought constantly against these so-called 
inte] national Jewish financial speculators? This 
type of Jew has always been the implacable enemy of 
Zionism. From where has the opposition to Zionism 
been recruited ? It has not come from the Grhettos 
where Jewish traditions are still alive. It has not 
come trom thos" who are ready to go and settle on 
the land. The op]x>sition to Zionism comes chiefly 
from the so-called cosmopolitan Jew for whose 
doings and dealings we decline with scorn all 
responsibility. I think there is no danger. of them 
catching the first train for Jerusalem. (Laughter.) 


It is a truism to Zionists that as long' as the land 
is bonglit by Jews and not worked by -Tews it is not 
Jewish land. (Apphiuse.) The land becomes Jewish 
not through the act of buying it but through the act 
of holding and working it. Among the many 
colonies which we have in Palesiiiie, tiiere is one, 
perhaps the least imposing, perhaps the least con- 
spicuous. The name o£ this colony is Chedera, but 
it is the most Jewish of all the colonies. And why? 
The answer to this question is written in the cemetery 
of Chedei-a, where generation after generation have 
laid down their lives because they preferred to work 
on the soil and be stricken Avith fever, rather than 
desert and leave the work to others. And this is why 
the colony has become the most Jewish of them all. 

For the last ten years of our colonising activity 
there has been an increasing tendency to 
replace systematically and sometimes at considerable 
economic disadvantage Arab labour by Jewish labour, 
and I would ask the Arabs to remember if we do it, it 
is not because A\e are against the Arabs, but because we 
desire to heed the warning of which Sir Mark Sykes 
spoke to-night, and really make the country Jewish. 
We want the colonies to be Jewish and to be worked 
by Jews, and I beg of our friends the Arabs to under- 
stand that it is an elementary postulate for those who 
desire to build up a Jewish country that this should be 
done by Jewish labour and by Jewish intellect, and not 
only by Jewish finance. Jt may all be very hard work, 
but every process of construction is a difficult one. 

Another warning has been given to iis to-night — 
you Jews try and be united. Of course Ave understand 
the absolute necessity of unity, and for years we have 
been organising and consolidating Jewry, and I think 
we ar<i able to point to notable achievements in that 
direction. It is difficult, nay impossible, for the Jewish 
people, dispersed as it is among all the peoples of the 
world, to show the same aspects of unity as a normal 


European natiou docs ; l)ut iua\' I remind jou all that 
very often Jews are reproaelied for being too united — 
the so-called Jewisli solidarity has alwaj's been a beam 
in the eyes of our enemies. 

We are further asked to understand and to respect 
others. Wlio could urLderstand and respect others 
better tlian the Jews, who have suffered so much and 
so long from lack of being understood ? Don't we try 
to understand constantly, and have we not suffered 
from the fact that we have been misunderstood ? How 
has the world treated the Jews ? It has been either 
philo-Semitic or anti-Semitic, both equally despicable. 
We don't desire to be particularly loved and patronised, 
and don't wish to be an object of hatred. We wish 
to be- taken just as we are, with all our faults and all 
our qualities, just as we try to take others. Here we 
are, just Jews and nothing else, a nation among 
nations ; take it or leave it. All these are the very 
essence of Jewish nationalism and Zionism, and if the 
improbable should happen that some of us should 
forget them for a moment, we shall be quickl^^ enough 
reminded of them by our enemies. 

We are living through a great event, an event 
\\hich imposes on us a tremendous responsibility. 
Every act we shall be performing will be watched 
and scrutinised, and all our mistakes will be magnified 
and placed m the forefront. Therefore we must try 
to do our utmost to perform all our tasks jDerfectly. 
We must double and treble our energies. All that 
we have done hitherto is only the beginning ; the 
difficulties are still m front of us. For that purpose 
we must unite and combine our forces and leave oui- 
opponents strictly alone. We are not anxious for 
their help and we are not frightened by their 
opposition. If the non-Zionists come to us they will 
always be welcome ; if they stay away we shall not 
blame them — under one condition, that they do not 
intei-fere with us. (Applause.) 


What we do we sliall do on our responsibility, 
and I think we are grown up enough to take this 
responsibility on our shoulders. Non-Zionists or 
aiiti- Zionists must not be frightened that they may 
be blamed for our faults ; we shall take the blame 
ourselves, but also the credit. For those who want 
to come to us we shall build a golden bridge, we 
shall meet them halfway, we shall ask them to 
co-operate on those practical problems on which we 
can co-operate without sacrificing the fundamental 
principles of the movement. When the day comes 
for the building and construction of Palestine to 
begin, one of our most important tasks will be to set 
our accounts right with our neighbours, the Arabs 
and the Armenians. We cannot live in harmony 
with them otherwise. That is the forceful logic of 
the events. There is enough air and land and water 
in Palestine for everybody to live on. 

We all ho]3e and believe that out of this welter 
of blood and destruction a better world will arise. " If 
misunderstandings existed in the past between Arabs 
and Jews we have not created them ; they have been 
created by those who were the masters of Palestine, 
by the deadening hand of the Turk, who can only 
rule over his empire by playing off one part of the 
population against the other. All that, we hope, will 
disappear now. Is it not imperative, is it not logical, 
that we who have suffered so much from physical 
force should try and reconstitute in Palestine an age 
of justice and right for everybody ? It is strange 
indeed to hear the fear expressed that the Jew in 
Palestine may become an aggressor, that the Jew 
who has been always the victim, the Jew who 
has always fought the battle of freedom for others, 
should suddenly become an aggressor jecause he 
touches Palestinian soil. Has the world forgotten 
that on this very Palestinian soil the Jewish genius 
gave birth to the social code which has become the 


foundation oE modern civilisation ? Peace will, we 
fervently believe, reign in Palestine, and the Word of 
Grod will come forth from Zion as of old. In a world 
without artificial frontiers and Krupp guns, with 
different nationalities living side by side peacefully, 
working and labouring for the new civilisation that 
will emerge out of this war, the Jew will take up 
again his rightful place. 

The Palestine which we expect to build up is not 
going to be a mere copy of what exists already in the 
world — it is going to be better. It will not necessarily 
be a copy of Switzerland or Belgium — it is no use 
multiplying copies. It is going to be something 
which will spring out of the Jewish soil, out of the 
Jewish soul, out of tlie Jewish genius. We shall 
utilise the accumulated experience of thousands of 
years of suffering. That is the ideal wc have before 
us, for which we live and labour, and this ideal 
excludes aggression, excludes animosity towards those 
with whom we are bound to work and live. 
(Prolonged cheers.) 

Mr. N. Sokolow said : 

For us Zionists — for I have the honour to speak 
to you in the name of the Zionist Organisation — it 
has always been one of the important points in 
our Zionist pi'ogramme to get publicly recognised and 
full political security for what we are going to build 
up in Palestine, in order that we may build on sound 
foundations. It is true that we did not wait in a state 
of passivity ; we started our work even before we had 
got these international securities. We worked to the 
utmost of our powers, and we succeeded in creating in 
Palestine a nucleus of modern agricultural colonisa- 
tion, a work in which we were generously helped by 
that great man whose son w;i~: hailed by you with so 
much enthusiasm and gratitude. (Applause.) Still, 
the security was missing. Now we hope to receive 


the essential, the most essential part of political 
security and self-government under this Declaration, 
from the greatest Power of the world, which is to 
decide the fate of Palestine — the Power which has been 
for centuries the shield and the rock of freedom and 
justice, and the school for colonisation and for a true 
and just management of its colonies. In T*relcoming 
the Declaration we are loyal and faithful to our pro- 
gramme wluch we proclaimed more than twenty years 
ago at our first Conference in Basle. That principle 
of political security and self-government is essential 
for the success and realisation of our work in Palestine, 
and therefore we Zionists are overcome with joy at 
this solemn hour, receiving a considerable j^art of what 
we claimed in the shape of the Declaration of His 
Majesty's Government. (Applause.) 

But it is not only the Jewisb people who remained 
faithful to its traditions in receiving this Declaration ; 
Great Britain in giving it has also proved once more 
her good faith. This Declaration is a continuation, 
even more a crowning, of all tbat Britain. lias done 
for the Jews duiing generations until the present day. 
(Applause.) "When the Jews were expelled from Spain 
in 1492, and from Portugal in 1552, some of them 
came to Holland, and one of the Jewish Eabbis of 
Amsterdam came in 1655 to tliis country and stood 
before Cromwell. He presented Cromwell with the 
petition for the recidmission of the Jews to this country, 
using mainly motives of a rather Zionistic character. 
The readmission of the Jews to this country was the 
first great act of justice done by England to the Jews. 
It is rather historic that the Jewish people sbould now 
give an expression of their deep gratitude to this great 
nation of Britain. And I think, ladies and gentlemen, 
that the friendship of the Jewish people is worth 
having. ( Applause .) 

You have heard somereferences to the rejoicings that 
ai'e now going on, but these are but a very small' part 


of what is transpiring at the present momenh through- 
out Jewry in all the countries of. the world. It is a 
wave not only of enthusiasm, not only of gratitude, 
but of deep consciousness, because the Jewish people 
are conscious of their responsibility for the actions 
they are about to undertake, and in view of the new 
chapter which is opening in Jewish history, a chapter 
which has to be written by the Jews all over the 
world. Not only the Zionists among the Jews, but 
the whole Jewish people is penetratrd with the 
deepest feeling of responsibility for what is about to 
happen. You will have realised already that the 
Jews in Russia are perhaps the most pronounced 
friends of England. Why are they the friends 
of England ? Not only because England has 
granted so great a boon to the Jewish people, but 
because they know what the right of a nation means, 
and because they are aware of the high ideals for 
which England is fighting. They know that England 
is the main propulsive force of the world's destiny, 
and that the diffusion of her spirit is the most 
valuable promise of true peace. They know that 
there is no free people to-day that has not fed from 
Great Britain's experience and copied her institutions. 
England has lieen and still is more than any other 
nation attached to our ]3ible. Now, by this Declara- 
tion England has played a roif that is truly biblical. 

We appreciate deeply the important remarks 
oti'ered by our distinguished friend Sir Mark Sykes 
on the . subject of the relations between the Jews, 
the Arabs, and the Armenians. My reply to these 
remarks is : We are Zionists — not only Zionists for 
ourselves, but also for the Arabs and the Armenians 
as well. Zionism means faithfulness to one's own 
old country, to one's own old home. Zionism means 
consciousness of a nation. Can we Jews be ignorant 
of the fact that the Arab nation is a noble nation 


which has been persecuted ? Is not the co-operation 
between the Arabs and ourselves, ' the Jews, in the 
Middle Ages for civilisation and for true culture 
written in our hearts and deep-rooted in our con- 
science ? Our membership of the Semitic race, our 
title to a place in the" civilisation of the world and to 
influence the world and take our share in the develop- 
ment of civilisation, have always been emphasised. 
If racial kinship really counts, if great associations 
exist which must serve as a foundation for the future, 
these associations exist between us and the Arabs. I 
believe in the logic of these facts. In the principle 
of nationality lies the certainty of our justice. There 
lies also the certainty of our brotherhood with the 
Arabs and the Armenians. We look most hopefully 
to the happy days when these three nations will 
create — in fact they have already created in the con- 
sciousness of some of their leaders — an entente cordiale 
in the countries of the Near East which have been 
neglected for so long. . 

We are not going to take away anybody's pro- 
perty or to prejudice anybody's rights. We are going 
to iind the land which is available and to settle down 
wherever there is room, and to live in the best - 
relations with our neighbours — to live and to let the 
others live. Palestine is not yet a populated, civilised, 
prosperous country. We are going to make it so by 
investing our means, our energies, and our intelligence. 
I was glad to hear that some of your speakers had 
been to Palestine. They have seen how the country 
looks. You may have read in The Times that one of 
its correspondents described the hills of Judaea as 
roadless, barren hills. But they were not always 
roadless and barren. In old times these hills were 
covered with terraces. Now the Jews have again 
gone there and hat^e rebuilt some of these terraces. 
If there is anythi^ig left of civilisation, of modern 
agricultiu'e, and of industry in the country it is due 


to the efforts of that handful of Jewish settlers 
workiuo- under the most difficult conditions. 

I would like to say also a few words on the religious 
question. 1 luid the honour to sjjeak on this cjuestiou 
to some representatives of the Church of England and 
to the head of the Eoman Catholic Cliurcb, the Pope. 
(Applause.) I made- to them a statement, which I 
can repeat to you here. We Zionists hate the word 
toleration, and Six Mark Sykes really struck the very 
point when he condemned the word. We don't like 
mere toleration by non- Jews, and we don't want them 
to be tolerated. We know that Palestine is full of 
sanctuaries and of holy places, holy to the Christian 
world, holy to Islam, holy to ourselves. Are we blind 
not to see that there are these places of worship and of 
veneration ? Palestine is the very place where religious 
conflicts should disappear. There we should meet as 
brethren, and there we should learn to love each other, 
not merely to tolerate each other. (Applause.) I 
declared this to the representatives of the great 
Churches and I can repeat it here. 

M. Sokolow concladed with some remarks in 

The Chaikman then put the following resolution, 
which was carried with acclamation : 

" Resolved that this mass meeting, representing 
all sections of the Jewish community of Manchester, 
conveys to His Majesty's Government an expression of 
heart-felt gratitude for their Declaration in favour of 
the establishment in Palestine of a national home for 
the Jewish people. 

" It assures His Majesty's Government that their 
historic action in support of the national aspirations 
of the Jewish people has evoked among Jews the most 
profound sentiments of joy. This meeting further 


pledges its utmost endeavours to give its v^diole- 
hearted support to the Zionist cause." 

In addition to the Jewisli demonstrations in 
London and Manchester, enthusiastic public meetings, 
at which similar resolutions were jiassed, were held in 
most of the Jewish communities in the United 


Thousands of New York Zionists packed the Car- 
negie Hall at a commemoration meeting. Thousands 
more crowded the streets around the building, unable 
to get in, until long after the beginning of the 
meeting. The United States, British, and Zionist 
flags, intertwined, were hung on the walls, ■ and 
songs in Hebrew were interspersed between the 
speeches. The leaders of the Zionists in New 
York and the Old' World dwelt on the significance 
of the British victorj^. 

Dr. Schmarya Levin, speaking in Yiddish, declared 
that Grreat Britain's promise was not an act of politics 
or diplomacy, but something far deeper — a stage in 
the development of history, which, in effect, added 
another chapter to the Bible — a modern chapter, 
by which Jews of to-day could link something 
of their own time to the story of the old 
Jewish kingdom. Dr. Levin spoke as the repre- 
sentative of the International Zionist Organisation. 

The Rev. Dr. O. A. Glazebrook, late United States 
Consul at Jerusalem, declared : It is the duty 
of every Jew who loves Palestine, who fosters 
the hope of the restoration of Israel, to use his 
influence, his material wealth, and his life to see that 
England and the Allies win this war. We have 
seen. Dr. Grlazebrook continued, the vision of the 


restoration of the Jewish people, and we piay that this 
vision may not be spoiled by the war, hut may he 
crowned by the war ending gloriously in a % ictory for 
the P]ntente Powers. If Palestine is to he restored to 
Israel, remember that Palestine and Syria must remain 
in the hands of the Allies, and our most important 
lesson just now, more important than the immediate 
working out of details of the Zionistic state, is that 
you see and do your whole, complete duty in this war 
— by helping to secure success for Britain, France, 
Italy, and America. 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise, chairman of the meeting, 
said that what Zionists were rejoicing over was only a 
scrap of paper, " but that scrap of paper is written in 
English, it is signed by the British Grovernment, and 
therefore is sacred and inviolable." 

An impressive mass meeting was held at Wash- 
ington at whicb Christians and Jews united to 
commemorate the taking of Jerusalem by the 
British. Notable addresses were delivered by Dr. 
Harding, Bishop of Washington, Eabbi Abram Simon, 
and Dr. James Montgomery. 

Rabbi Simon said : As one of the household of 
Israel I am glad to be with you and rejoice with you 
to-day. The better Christians you are the more I 
love you, as love was the spirit in which the British 
entered Jerusalem. Instead of wild hurrahs the 
British doffed their hats, led by the great Greneral, 
who walked humbly on foot How different from 
the way Grermans enter any city ! The Welshmen 
and Australians who led the line cut off no baby's 
hands, stabbed or ravaged no women, tore up no 
agricultural lands, left nothing to cause shame, but 
were willing to allow the sunlight of their great 
achievement to reflect its brilliancy in the exhibition 
of God's mercy. 



The Zionists of Odessa, where more than half 
the pojmlation is Jewish, organised a great demonstra- 
tion of all Jewish organisations, including Jewish 
political refugees from Rumania. Tor half a mile 
outside the Consulate the street was packed by a 
crowd of 150,000 people, and a procession two miles 
long marched past the Consulate playing British and 
Jewish National Anthems. 

An address signed by the chief of the Zionist 
movement in Odessa was handed to the British Consul 
with the request that he would express to his King, 
Government, and nation the heartfelt thanks of all 
the Jews of Odessa. The appearance of the British 
Consul on the balcony was a signal for prolonged and 
repeated cheers for the British King, the Bi'itish 
Government, and the British people. The Consul 
having thanked them in a short speech remained on 
the balcony for two hours while the procession 
continued to . march past, repeating their National 
Anthems and making public and private expressions of 
their deep thanks and emotion on hearing England's 
message of good^\■ill. After leaving the British 
Consulate the procession proceeded to the American 
Consulate, where similar scenes occurred. On the 
following day a deputation of Eabbis representing 
fifty-eight Odessa synagogues, together with some 
Vitkop parishioners, handed the Consul an address in 
similar terms to the British people. 


A mass meeting, called under the auspices of 
the Central Committee of the Zionist Organisation of 


Egypt and organised by the Zeii-e Zion Society of 
Alexandria, was attended by between 7000 and 8000 
people. The Governor of Alexandria was present. 
Twenty different organisations and institutions were 
represented by delegates, and the Chief Eabbi of 
Alexandria, Professor Delia Pergola, also attended. 

Extraordinary enthusiasm permeated the atmo- 
sphere of the meeting. It was decided to send the 
following telegram : 

" The Right Honourable Lloyd George, Prime 
Minister, Downing Street, London. Mass meeting of 
8000 Jews held to-day in Alexandria manifested 
indesci'ibable enthusiasm during reading Mr. Balfour's 
Declaration, and expressed its deepest gratitude to 
His Majesty's Government. Jack Mosseri, President, 
Zionist Organisation of Egypt." 


All Jewish newspapers in Allied and neutral 
countries, and, to a certain extent, even in the enemy 
countries, have welcomed in laudatory terms the 
British Government's Declaration. Even papers that 
were formerly opposed to the Zionist ideal have now 
assumed a friendly attitude in view of the inclusion 
of this ideal among England's war aims. The 
following is only a brief selection of Press opinions : 

17te Zionist Review (Special Supplement), December, 

The Declaration is, first, a formal public recognition 
by Great Britain (and that is by the Allies) that Israel 
as a nation lives and persists. It is, second, a recoo'- 
nition that the problem of the Jewish nation and of 

JEW ays VELimliATION of national CHARTEn. 57 

Judaism can be solved only in and tlirougli a Jewish 
Palestine. It is, tliird, a pledge thar the peace settle- 
ment must include such a solution by the establish- 
ment of a Jewish national liome in Palestine. The 
whole Jewish cause, as the Jewish people have lived 
it through eighteen hundred years and as Zionists 
have expounded it, is thus embodied in the common 
law of humanity. From that, whatever were the 
outcome of the military struggle, nothing henceforth 
could eliminate it. All this we owe even now to 
Great Britain, and in a relatively few "months we shall 
owe the full redemption of what is now pledged, the 
realisation in act of what is now written. 

The Jeioish Chronicle, November 19, 1917 : 

With one step the Jewish cause has made a great 
hound forward. The Declaration of his Majesty's 
Grovernment as to the future of Palestine in relation 
to the Jewish people marks a new epoch for our race. 
For the British Government, in accord — it is without 
doubt to be assumed — with the rest of the Allies, 
has declared itself in favour of the setting up in 
Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, 
and has undei-taken to use its best endeavours to 
facilitate the achievement of that object. Amidst all 
that is so dark and dismal and tragic throughout the 
world there has thus arisen for the Jews a great 
light. The Declaration of the Government, which 
concedes the Zionist position in principle, must have 
effects, far-reaching and vital, upon the future of 
Jews and Judaism. 

The Jewish Express : 

It is a colossal event in Judaism, a new 
epoch in the history of the Jewish people. For 
the nearest parallel we have to go back twenty- 
five centuries, when Cyrus, the King of Persia, issued 
a proclamation that Jews might return to Judsea 


to re-establish their national home. . . . What- 
ever tlie outcome, the fact itself — that the greatest 
Power in the world has recognised the claim of the 
Jewish people for its old homeland — marks a red-letter 
day in Jewish history. It is a wonderful phenomenon 
for anyone possessing an historic sense. . . . But 
the event provokes more than wonder ; it will fill 
every trulv Jewish heart with delight, for it opens a 
new horizon for the future. . . . The day when 
the Declaration was signed on behalf of the 
Government will be remembered by all Jews at all 
time with gratitude and respect to the great Power 
that had the sense of justice to support the just 
claim of a long- wronged people. Mingled with the 
breathless wonderment is the feeling of inexpressible 

The Jewish Times : 

A thrill of joy will undoubtedly run through 
the heart of national Jewry on reading the great 
news. It will be a source of inspiration for every 
truly Jewish soul. . . . The Declaration may 
rightly be regarded as a beginning of the end of the 
Jewish Golutli, the beginning of the solution of the 
Jewish national problem, the beginning of the restora- 
tion of the Jews to Palestine. . . . Never in 
history was such an assurance given to the Jewish 

Thie American Jewish Chronicle, New York : 

It is the first time in nearly two thousand years 
of our Diaspora that a Great Power has publicly recog- 
nised the Jewish nationality and its right to a home- 
land. . . . It is by no means pure accident that 
two mighty Anglo-Saxon nations and (Tovernments, 
Great Britain and the United States of America, 
should be the first among the Great Powers to 


recognise the right of the Jews to a national home- 
land of their own, and thus publicly to recognise the 
nationality of the Jews. If the ancient Jewish mind, 
as it expressed itself in the Bible, ever influenced 
a great race and helped to shape its destinies and 
policies, it was the Anglo-Saxon race. Tor tlie past 
400 years the greatest production of Jewish genius, 
the Bible, has been a powerful faptor in the life of 
the Anglo-Saxon race, and as soon as the Anglo- 
Saxons freed themselves from medisevalism they began 
to treat the Jews living among them with considera- 
tion and fairness, even before they were officially 

The Jewish Advocate, Boston : 

Whether one looks at this wonderful event from 
a religious or from any other point of view, the fact 
remains the same. The dream of ages, cherished in 
the hearts of millions of people, has come true. . . . 
Now all Jews are Zionists. 

Hatoren (Hebrew), New York : 

"We have long waited for such a Declaivation, and 
we were certain that it must come. . . . And 
yet when it did come, and we read it and re-read it, 
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The Jewish Colonisation 


in Palestine 



Agricultural Engineer, Jaifa 



One Petiay 









THERE is hardly in history a more tragically moving 
instance of fidelity of a nation to its ancestral home 
than that which is offered by the Jewish people carrying with 
it all through the ages of its long exile its undying love of 
Zion and its perpetual hope of being restored one day to its 
ancient land. Whereas all emotions and aspirations in the 
life of individual man as well as in the life of nations, if not 
fulfilled within a reasonable space of time, are gradually 
atrophied and die away, the longing of the Jew for Zion has 
became stronger with each century until at last it has found 
expression in what is commonly, but very improperly, called 
the Jewish colonisation of Palestine. 

Colonisation means the departure from the main body of 
a nation of groups of citizens who leave their homes to settle 
in foreign countries, either to people them or to open them 
to economic exploitation. The motives that prompt these 
groups to emigrate may be of an economic, social, religious or 
merely political nature ; but whatever be the motives, the 
effect of colonisation is uniformly that of calling into being in 
regions more or less distant from the mother-country com- 
munities of men sprung from a common stock, who, whether 
«r not the colonies remain politically united with the mother- 
country, are expected to continue to look to that country as 
the cradle of their culture and to draw from it the ever- 
renewed inspiration which vi'ill ensure the perpetuation of 
the particular ethos of the race. 

The Jewish re-settlement of Palestine has nothing in 
■common with " colonisation " in the sense just defined ; it is 
rather the exact reverse. It may be said for those who first 
■used the term " colonisation " in this connection that there . 
was no more proper term available, for the particular 
migration of which the Jewish re-settlement of Palestine is 


the expression has no precedent in history, and therefore has 
no name. 

Indeed, the Jewish colonisation in Palestine, unlike the 
colonisation of other peoples, is not a movement of national 
expansion, but a movement of national reunion. It is not a 
centrifugal but a centripetal force, which entails not a 
dispersion but a concentration of energy, a concentra.tion 
in fact of all the living forces in Jewry on one singlt^ and 
central purpose. That explains vvhy those who during the 
last thirty years or so have gone > ut to Palestine as pioneers, 
are really in a certain sense an elite from among the Jewish 
people, and why they have been able in such a comparatively 
short time to achieve at least as great results and as notable 
successes in their colonising work as any other, even the 
most experienced, colonising peoples of ancient times or of 
to-day have ever achieved, and that notwithstanding the 
special difficulties in their way. 

Whereas the British^ French, or German settlers" wha 
have gone abroad could count on the support and protection 
of one of the most powerful nations of the world, the 
Jews in Palestine have constantly laboured under the 
greatest disadvantages, the policy of the Turkish Govern- 
ment with regard to the Jewish colonisation having con- 
sistently been one of systematic obstruction. Yet they have 
persevered in their efforts ; and by demonstrating that both 
the country — Palestine — and the people — the Jewish settlers 
— are possessed of the attributes which are essential for the 
successful reconstitution of a national home they have con- 
vinced the world of the practicability of their objects, and 
have thus contributed, more than any other agent y, to 
winning recognition, sympathy, and practical support for the 
Jewish national aspirations. For however beautiful and just 
a cause may be, and however numerous and sincere the 
expressions of sympathy which it may receive, still that 
sympathy will remain purely platonic, and responsible states- 
men and Governments will not dare to associate themselves- 
with the cause so long as they are not convinced of the. 
possibility of the practical realisation of its objects. 


This test of practicability is the rock on which most new 
ideas, in politics as in ordinary life, are wrecked. And, for 
the outside world, Zionism was a new idea to them. Palestine 
was a waste, and the Jews were constitutionally unfit for the 
task of developing a country the basis of whose economic 
life is the cultivation of the land. But the achievements of 
the Jewish settlers have proved to the world that while it is 
true that for nearly two thousand years the land, bereft of its 
children, has been a " land that was desolate," and whereas 
it is also true that through the effects of its long exile 
from the land the people in its turn seemed to have lost 
all or nearly all those attributes of the mind and the body 
without which success in agriculture is difficult if not 
impossible, yet the reunion of the people and the land 
has changed both of them, has restored to the one its 
pristine fertility and to the other its ancient strength : a 
miracle that reminds one of the Greek legend of Antaeus, son 
of the sea god and of the earth, whom Herakles fought and 
who became weak and powerless when lifted up into the air, 
but whose invincible strength was given back to him as soon 
as his feet came into contact with his mother earth. Indeed, 
one cannot help wondering which of the two miracles is the 
greater one — the revival of Palestine at the hands of the Jews 
or the regeneration of the Jew through contact with the soil 
of Palestine. 

Yet only little more than thirty years have passed since 
the first settlers arrived in the country straight from Russia 
and Rumania. Most of them were children of the town ; 
none had the least knowledge of agriculture. Moreover, the 
conditions of the country to which they came were entirely 
different from anything that they had ever seen before. 
Ignorant of the language and the customs of the Arab inhabi- 
tants, unacquainted with the local laws, unfamiliar with those 
elementary principles of hygiene the non-observance of which 
could not remain unpunished in a country where malaria- 
fever and other epidemic diseases were rampant, these first 
pioneers of Jewish colonisation in Palestine found themselves 
confronted with a task the execution of which exceeded by 


far the possibilities of their very limited financial means and 
their still less adequate technical training. 

Such were the people. The difficulties resulting from their 
unpreparedness were intensified yet further by the unfavour- 
able conditions prevailing in the country. Public safety was 
only a word in Palestine at that time. Public hygiene did not 
receive the least attention from the authorities, and the result 
was that the most important inland towns, as well as the 
greatest part of the maritime plain, were infested with 
malaria-fever and different eye-diseases. There were no 
physicians, no chemists, no hospitals. There was as yet not 
a single railway line, and the few roads existing from of old 
had been so neglected that they had become absolutely 
impracticable; in fact, carnages, camels, and horses used to 
travel through the fields alongside the roads, the latter serving 
only to indicate the direction. 

Cattle-breeding was almost impossible, because ever- 
recurring epidemics, which nobody attempted to fight, were 
allowed every two or three years to ravage the herds through- 
out the country. As for agriculture proper, there was no 
expert direction as to which plants could most profitably 
be grown or the methods of growing them ; and in the 
absence of any guidance in this respect the only way open 
to the Jewish settlers was to imitate the neighbouring Arab 
population and try to follow, as well as they could, the 
methods used by them. Unfortunately, however, the fellaheen, 
with their typical Oriental lack of foresight, which makes 
them constantly sacrifice the future to the present, have no 
other principle of agriculture than to try to make their fields 
yield as much as they can with their very primitive methods, 
v\'ithout troubling to destroy weeds, remove stones, or even 
maintain the fertility of the soil by replacing in the shape of 
manures the elements which the crops take away. 

It does not need the mind of an expert to understand that 
centuries of such treatment must have resulted in a heavy 
strain upon the once proverbial natural fertility of the soil 
of Palestine. In the mountainous parts of the country the 
destructive hand of time had been allowed to lay in ruins the 


walls and terraces that had in the olden days maintained ■ 
on the surface of the rocks a layer of good soil, thanks to 
which the western seaward slopes of the mountains of Judah 
were covered with one never-ending succession of vineyards 
and of orchards of olives and almonds ; and as a result of 
the decay of these terraces the fertile layer of soil had been 
washed away by the torrential winter rains, and the bare 
rock, on which no tree can take root, stared to heaven like 
a mute yet eloquent witness of the criminal incapacity of 
the dwellers in the land and their governments. Such was 
the country. 

But, just as from the shock of cold flint and cold steel the 
spark is born that lies asleep in them, so the reunion of the 
desolate land and the weary people seems to have called back 
to active life the old strength, resourcefulness, genius for 
agriculture, and the love of the earth that had lain dormant in 
Israel since its divorce from the land near two thousand years 
ago. With Arab primitive tools and methods the settlers 
started work. Unskilled as they were, and without technical 
guidance, they undertook the draining and sanitary rehabilita- 
tion of fever-infested parts, in the meanwhile (as was the case 
in Petach-Tikvah) establishing provisional homes on higher 
grounds, sometimes situated at some distance from the fields. 
The soil was drained and put under proper cultivation, 
Eucalyptus trees were planted by the hundreds of thousands : 
slowly but surely the struggle against malaria progressed. 
To-day, with but very few exceptions, the sanitary conditions 
of the colonies are excellent ; but the white tombs under 
the eucalyptuses of Chederah testify to the price which this 
peaceful victory of man over the evil powers of nature has cost. 

Another difficulty the settlers had to meet was that of the 
total absence of public safety in the country. They first 
entrusted native watchmen with the task of protecting their 
fields and plantations. But they soon found out that these 
watchmen generally made common cause with the surround- 
ing marauders, organising pilfering on a large scale and thus 
multiplying the danger of conflicts and bloodshed. Then it 
was that a number of Jewish workmen formed the Hashomer, 


an organisation of exclusively Jewish watchmen for the 
protection of the Jewish colonies. 

It is no exaggeration to say that previous to the British 
occupation the Hashomer was the most efficient, or rather the 
only efficient, police-force in the country. The Shonirim, 
through their skill as watchmen and through their courage, 
have won the highest prestige amongst the Arab population 
of Palestine, and it i« thanks to their devotion that the 
inviolability of Jewish property has been secured and that the 
degree of safety which prevails in and around the Jewish 
colonies exceeds by far that which is the rule in the other 
parts of the country. But here again this priceless result has 
been achieved only at the cost of many a precious young 
Jewish life, and there is hardly an important colony in 
Palestine in the defence of which a Jewish watchman has not 
laid down his life. 

Bad sanitary conditions and insecurity were only part of 
the early troubles which beset the Jewish settlers. They had 
-come to cultivate again the soil of our fathers, but, as has 
already been mentioned, they were ignorant of the most 
elementary rules of agriculture. Still, far from being 
discouraged, they started by copying the primitive methods 
of their Arab neighbours ; little by little they became 
acquainted with the nature of the land and with the require- 
ments of the crops ; little by little they gathered information 
about the methTds in use in the advanced agricultural 
countries of Europe and America, tried these methods, 
modified them and adapted them to 'the needs of their lands. 
The result of these efforts has been a triumphant refutation 
of the fallacy that the Jews are incapable of becoming good 
agriculturists; indeed, there is no profession or occupation in 
Palestine in which the Jews have proved as successful as in 
agriculture in its various aspects — fruit-growing, cattle- 
breeding, the wine industry, for example. The yields of their 
crops are more than double those of the fellaheen ■; ■jo too 
with the yields of theii milch-cows. And Arab landowners 
■have repeatedly used Jewish agricultural workmen for the 
creation of new plantations and for the more delicate 



operation of grafting their fruit-trees. No more convincing 
demonstration could be required of the skill of the Jewish 
farmers and planters. 

But crops, once gathered in, must be transported to the 
markets or to the harbours from which they cm be shipped 
abroad; and in the Palestine of pre-war times there were 
very few roads, and those were in such a bad state that they 
were incapable of being used even for a very moderate and 
light traffic. The Jewish settlers repaired the old roads that 
connected the various colonies with one another or with the 
towns, and where roads did not exist they built them at their 
own expense 

While this handful of men were hghting and overcomnir 
difficulties which would have seemed insuperable to the 
hardiest and best-trained farmers of any old agricultural 
country, they were at the same time building up, silently 
an' I modestly, what has become probably the greatest of alt 
their achievements : the Hebrew schools. The Hebrew 
Gymnasium (Higher Grade School) of Tel-.Aviv (Jaffa), with 
its 700 pupils, has a world-wide reputation ; and such episodes 
as the victorious fight of the settlers against the German 
Hilfsverem in defence of Hebrew as the language of 
instruction in the schools are fresh in the memories of all. 
But the amount of patience, of care, of devotion, and of 
sacrifice which the building up and the carrying on of the 
Hebrew schools have entailed on the part of the settlers, 
and still more of that admirable body, of men who compose 
the Union of Hebrew Teachers (the Mcrcas Haniorim), can 
be gauged only by one who has been a daily witness ot 
these efforts. It is no little thing, indeed, to carry on schools 
of all degrees, from the Kindergarten up to the High School, 
with Hebrew as the language of instruction and yet almost 
without Hebrew text-books, and nevertheless to manage to 
give the pupils an education sufficient to secure for them 
the right to enter a European or American University on 
the mere presentation of the leaving certificate of the Hebre\v 
Hich School of Tel-Aviv. Have not these teachers too 
played nobly the responsible part entrusted to them ? 


The Hebrew High School is situated in ih^.- centre of 
Tel-Aviv, the new Jewish suburb of Jaffa. Broad streets, 
lined with well-built houses surrounded by little gardens; 
green trees alongside the streets and flowers in the squares ; 
everywhere a neatness which is probably without parallel in 
the whole of Palestine and Syria, and is particularly striking 
at the very gates of Jaffa, the town of dust and evil smells in 
summer and of mud and evil smells in winter. Tel-Aviv is, 
at the doors of the Orient, a true model and object-lesson of 
western cleanliness and hygiene. Its administration, like that 
of the rural colonies, is carried on by a town council elected 
by tTie inhabitants, and there are not many towns of its size 
in Europe that are administered more skilfully or with a more 
solicitous care for the comfort and the health of the citizens. 
Such is this small Jewish town, whose white houses and 
schools, situated near the seashore, are the first Jewish 
outposts which the traveller perceives as the ship approaches 
the old rock-built harbour where the prophet Jonah embarked 
on his journey to Tarshish. 

If Tel-Aviv is an interesting demonstration of the 
administrative skill and the genius for organisation which 
characterise the Jewish settlers of Palestine, these qualities 
appear with still greater prominence in the forty-five rural 
colonies with which they have covered the country. 

The colony of Rechoboth, situated near Ramleh, and about 
thirteen miles south-east of Jaffa, may be taken as an illustra- 
tion. This colony is ajdministered by a Council [Vaad) which 
is elected annually by a general assembly composed of all the 
owners of land as well as of all those who, without owning 
any land at all, are ordinarily resident in the colony and have 
regularly paid their taxes for the last two years. The right 
to vote is exercised by both men and women. The Vaad 
controls all the affairs of the community. It supervises the 
•quality of bread sold by the bakers ; it controls the sanitary 
conditions of the meat supply ; it regulates the supply of 
water for the houses and the gardens ; it supervises the health 
of the Hocks ; it acts as intermediary between the colonists 
-and the tax-farmers in all matters relating to the taxes payable 


to the Government. The Vaad determines the annual budget 
of the colony, and a special sub-committee assesses each 
year the amount of local taxes to be paid by each family, 
according to its income and its expenses, due regard being 
paid to the results obtained from the year's crops. 

A bachelor pays a larger tax than a family with the same 
income, and a large family pays a smaller amount of taxes 
than a small family. The doctor is paid by the colony, so 
that all persons, rich or poor, have the same right to 
medical assistance. The chemist, too, is paid by the 
colony, and the pharmacy is conducted out of public 
money, the prices charged for the medicines being the 
actual cost prices. 

The local police force is under the supervision of a special 
sub-committee of the Vaad .- only Jewish watchmen are 
employed, and they are paid by the colony. But they are 
never left alone when actual danger threatens them ; and, be 
it by day or by night, when the village bell, which is set up 
on the summit of one of the hills, sounds the alarm, there is 
hardly a more inspiring sight in the world than that of the 
whole manhood of the colony turning out within five or six 
minutes from the first signal, fully armed, and hurrying on 
foot or on horseback to the pla-e of danger. The doctor 
follows in a cart with all the necessary requisites for first aid, 
while the chemist and the nurse prepare the village infirmary 
for the reception of those who may return wounded. 

The "Council of Nine" [Vaad ha-Tisha), a permanent 
sub-committee of the Vaad, is entrusted with the revision of 
and additions to the laws of the colony. An arbitration com- 
mittee called Vaad ha-Mishpatim settles all civil disputes 
between the colonists. There are two schools : the lay school, 
which is managed by a committee of the parents of the school- 
children in conjunction with the local teachers, who act as 
representatives of the Union of Palestinian Teachers [Mertuz 
ha-Morim), and the Talmud-Torah, or religious school, 
which is also managed by the parents of the pupils in con- 
junction with the teachers ; but the sanitary conditions of 
both schools, and especially the health of the children, are 


under the immediate supervision of the Vaad acting through 
the doctor. 

The synagogue, with all that relates to its management, is 
entrusted to a committee of elders ; its budget is covered by 
those who have seats. In the immediate neighbourhood of 
the synagogue there is the " People's House " [Beth ha-Am), 
where daily, after sunset, when work in the fields and the 
plantations is finished, the youth of both sexes undergo a 
course of gymnastic exercises under the guidance of a trained 
teacher. Here also lectures are given to the parents of the 
school-children on matters of education and infant hygiene, 
and other lectures are delivered on Jewish literature and 
history, natural science, etc. 

In the Beth ha-Am also occasional charity f6tes, public re- 
ceptions, and the general assemblies of the colony are held. 
On one of the slopes of the synagogue hill and the adjoining 
plain there takes place every spring, during the Hoi ha-Moed 
days of Passover, the Hagigah, the annual feast where the 
Jewish youth and manhood of all Palestine gathers in peaceful 
competition in pedestrian and horse races and in all sorts 
of games and physical exercises, while an agricultural and 
industrial exhibition acquaints both the colonists and the 
many foreign visitors who attend these festivities with the 
products of Jewish labour in Palestine. 

It would be easy to give many more illustrations of the 
achievements of the Jewish settlers of Palestine in the fields 
of agriculture, organisation, and administration. But the few 
which have been given should suffice to show that the 
Palestinian Jews possess both the will and the capacity for 
carrying out the lofty ideal of Zionism : the reconstruction 
of the national home of the Jewish people in the country 
of their ancestors. 

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The following are the Irrms of the letter to Lord 
Rothschild in which Me. A. J. Balfour, Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs, declared the sympathy of the 
British Government with Zionist aspirations and its favour- 
able attitude towards the establishment in Palestine of a 
national home for the Jewish people : 

Foii-EiGN Office, 

November '2, 1917. 

Dear Lord Rothschild, — I have much pleasure in 
L-onveyiniJ- to you ou behalf of His Majesty's Governuient 
the following Declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist 
aspirations, which has Leen submitted to and approved 
by the Cabinet : 

"His Majesty's G-oTernment view with favour the 
estahlishmeut in Palestine of a national home for the 
Jewish people, and will use their best ende^vonrs to 
facilitate the achievement of this object, it bein? clearly 
understood that nothing shall be done which may pre- 
judice the civil and religfious rights of existing non-Jewish 
communities in Palestine or the rights and political status 
enjoyed by Jews in any other country." 

I should be grateful if you would bring this Declaration 
to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation. 

Tours sincerely, 




Thirty-three Privy Councillors, including Lord 
Robert Cecil, Yiscount Grey, Mr. Walter Long, 
Mr. Walter Runciman and Lord Selborne, have 
publicly expressed their concurrence in the British 
Grovernment's policy as expressed in the foregoing- 
letter frojn Mr. Balfour to Lord Roths'^hihl. 

Viscount Brycb, O.M., said ; — 

'I'he declaration recently made by His Majesty's 
(iavornuient has given me the pleasure, for 1 
have for years past^ and especially since a visit to Palestine 
ill 1914, desired to see that country tenanted once more by 
the Jewish people, who will there find a national centre 
and will, we may trusr, restore its former prosperity. The 
present war offers the best opportuoity that has been seen 
for centuries for delivering Palestine from the desolating 
rule of the Turk and settling in it those who are its natural 
occupants and who have never faltered in their loyalty to 
its ancient memories. 

'i'he Marquis of Crewe, K.G., said ; — 

I have long hoped that it would be possible to make 
such a declaration ; and it is now pronounced in terms that 
should be equally welcome to those Jews who have found 
happy homes on friendly shores, and to those who have 
longed for the re-establishment of their race in the ancient 
land. Within its borders even now triumphs are being 
won and noble lives laid down for the common cause of 
which this hope forms part. 

Mr. Arthur Henderson, M.P., said: — 

Labour recognises the claims generally of Jews in all 
countries to the elementary rights of tolerance, freedom 
of residence and trade, and equal citizenship that ought 


to be extended to all the iuhabitants of every natiou's 
tern'loiT.,' Further, it trusts that an understandinof may 
be I'eaclied at the close of the war whereby Palestine 
ma)' be set free and form a state under an international 
agreement to which Jewish people may return and work 
out their own salvation without interference by those of 
alien race or religion. 

0\-(;'r two hundred Members of Parliament, repre- 
sentative of all parties and all political opinions, and 
including the leaders of the Irish Nationalist Party, 
the Independent Labour Party and the National 
Party, have expressed similar opinions. A few of 
their messages follow: — 

Ma.ior Davil) Davies (Montgomeryshire) : — 

It gives me great pleasure to express tlie satisfaction 
with which I have read the declaration of the British 
Government in favour of Jewish Zonist aspirations, 'i'lu- 
rehabilitation of the Jewish nation in its ancient home 
would be a splendid achievement, and many of us hope 
that in it will be found a solution of some of the problems 
which now perplex the whole civilised world. 

Me. T. Edmund Habvey (W. Leeds) : — 

I welcome the declaration of the Government in favour 
of the establishment of a national home for the Jewish 
people in Palestine, and rejoice at the prospect of the 
restoration to Israel of its ancient heritfige. It would, I 
believe, bring new hope and life to Syria and the East, 
quite apart from its benefit to Jews themselves. The 
family of nations will be incomplete until the exiled Jewish 
people have ouce more a home of their own. 

Lieut. -Commander J. C. Wedgwood, D.S.O. (New- 
castle-uuder-Lyme) : — 
1 think the pronouncement one of the niList impor'tant 
made during the war, and one that will be a blessing to 
the whole future of the world, if not "the birth of a 
nation," it is at least the endowment of that ancient and 
virile race not only with a country of their own, but also 
with the self-respect that is given by liberty and true 

Fourteen Bishops of the Church of England 
expressed theii- agreement with tlie terms, of the 
Government's decUiration. 

The Bishop or "Chelmsford said -. — 

From a religious point of view I think the decision of 
the English Grovernment relating to the future of the Holy 
Land is not only the most interesting hut the most 
important incident of the war which h.isyet Ijuen recorded. 
I sincerely trust that the prL)jeet may hv carried to a 
successful issue, and that " G-od's Own People " may be 
led back to the land of their fathers, and that it may 
become spiritually to them a " land flowing with milk and 

The Bishop of Durham said: — 

I welcomed with emotions of far more than interest the 
recent declaration of the British Government. And as I 
mark the progress of Sir Edmund Allenby towards the 
Holy City those emotions are only deepened, and a great 
hope grows in my heart. 

The Bishop of JjIncoln said : — 

What lover of Holy Scripture and what friend of 
freedom can help rejoicing at the prospect of the Hebrew 
people returning to their own land again ? God speed 
them. They have long been divorced from their land; 
once more they will become a nation of yeomen-farmers, 
and make the Holy Land fruitful and prosperous and the 
home of a free and happy people. 

The Bishop of Llandaff said : — 

I was extremely glad to hear of the attitude adopted by 
H.M. Government towards the aspirations of the Jewish 
people as indicated in Mr. Balfour's letter to Lord Roth- 
schild. I have long believed that the best and most 
practicable solution of the questious that must arise with 
regard to Palestine after the war would be the establishment 
of a British Protectorate over that country. I think that 
then the Jews from all parts of the world who felt so 
disposed, and were able to do so with a reasonable prospect 
of success, should be iavited and encouraged to come and 
settle there. This would probably lead large numbers who 
were well fitted for agricultural, industrial, or commercial 


pursuits to make their home iu Palestiue with exeiy prospect 
of happiness and prosperity ; while mauy others, impelled 
by traditional sentiment and patriotism, and by devotion to 
the cause of peace a;nd human progress and development, 
would find there a home and a sphere of influeuce and 
opportunity that might, and probably woulW, prove to be 
a real blessing to the world for centuries to come. It 
would, I think, take some time to complete such a settle- 
ment as I have suggested, and I think that whatever 
developments there may be iu the future — and no doubt 
there are many possibilities — it would be absolutely 
necessary for the present at least that there should be 
some strong protecting Power, if not more than one ; but I 
think that past experinnce shows us that dual or triple 
control is not always the best way of ensuring happy and 
peac eful pi-ogress. 

The Bishop of Norwich wrote: — 

njb n^^fV9J nipy btfirir, -'ribs o-riby nin-; "ip-ij 

(" Blessed be the Lord Grod of Israel, who alone doeth 

Eight Bishops of the Catholic Church expressed 
similar views. 

The heads of the (jther religious denominations iu 
the United Kingdom also expressed their agreement 
with the Government policy. 

Amongst distinguished men and women who inti- 
mated their approval of the Government's action were 
Dr. Stanton Coit (of the Ethical Cliurch), Mr. Oscar 
Browning, Dr. H. Montagu Butler (Master of Trinit\- 
CoUege, Cambridge), Mrs. M. G.'Fawcett, Mr. George 
Bernard Shaw, Sir Paul Vinogradoif (of Oxford 
University), Mr. W. L. Courtney, Mr. (ieorgei 
Lausbury, Mr. H, W. Massingham and Dr. (\. W. 

The declaration of the British Government was 
received with the most cordial and almost unanimous 


approval of the IMtiyh Press. Periodicals of all 
shades of opinion, whether daily, weekly, or monthly, 
havo vied with one another in hailing the decision of 
the British Cabinet as an act of far-reaching historic 
significance. This attitude is neither new nor 
surprising, for Zionist aspirations have received the 
consistent and steadfast support of the Press of 
this country ever since the inception of the Jewish 
national movement. That the Adews of the Press on 
this question reflect the opinions of the overwhelming 
majority of the people can hardly admit of any doubt. 

The Daily Chronicle of November 9 said : — 

Epocli-making is perhaps not too strong a term to 
apply to Mr. Balfour's letter to Lord Rothscliild. x\t any 
time a formal endorsement of Zionism by a Great Power 
would command attention if couclied in such terms. But 
at the present moment, when Gaza and Beersheba have 
fallen to British armies and the distant thunder of our 
gun.s is heard in Jerusalem itself, the declaration has a 
significance that cannot be mistaken. No Power so 
situated in regard to Palestine has used such language in 
the whole cour.-e of modern history. One has to go back 
to Gyrus for a parallel. The adoption of this policy may 
be defended alike, we believe, on Bi-itish, on Jewish, and 
on European grounds. From the Jewish point of view 
sach a restoration opens the door to wonderful pussibili'ties ; 
the hopes that have never been lost during eighteen 
centuries of the Dispersion will returu within the region of 
fact and accomplishment. vScarcely less important should 
be the consequences for Europe. . . . The family of 
nations would be enriched by the retarn of one of its oldest 
and most gifted members to a regular and normal place 
within the circle. 

The Daily Newa also devoted a leading article to 
the same topic. 

If General Allenby's victories lead directly to the 
solution of the problem of the Jew in his relation to the 
modern world they will have won a great step forward, not 


merely foi- a race whicli has suffered almost more thaD any 
otlier from the European oitastroplie, but for the world at 
large. Whatever may be said against the Zionist move- 
ment — and there is not much that can reasonably be urged 
against it — it holds the field. There is no other solutioji 
which promises anything like so well. In deciding to give 
the Zionists their chance the British Goveinment have 
done a bold thing and a wise thing ; and as an honestly 
inspired and intelligent disinterestedness is sounder policy 
than the most crafty selfishness, they have incidentally 
struck in this dai-k hour a very heavy blow for the cause 
for which the free peoples of the world are fighting. 
Considered merely hs a gesture, what is there in the war 
to compare in effectiven' ss to this decision ? . . . The 
promise of the restoration of Palestine will count for more 
in the judgment of the world than m11 the desolation 
wrought b}- the German legions among the nations whom 
they have trodden nnder foot. 

T//I' Mornmcj Po^t wrote : — 

It is a sentiment and an ideal for a people to h;ive a 
country of their own to which they may send at least their 
poor and oppressed, where the wealth of the rich can be 
used for the pious support of even a few pioneers, who 
might under the protection of the British flag in time create 
a colony — the nucleus of a Jewish state. To have the 
means and opportunity tu woi-k for such an ideal would in 
itself seem to the Jewish people as an answer to the ancient 
promise and the solace to an old-time sorrow. It is one of 
the strangest, the most remarkable phenomena in the 
history of mankind that a race broken into fragments, and 
scattered, whether in bondage or power, through the four 
quarters of the earth, should keep on for close on two 
thousand years the dieara of returning to the narrow strip 
of land, half desert and half sown, from which they started. 

llii' Manchester Guardian, ever a staunch supporter 

of the Zionist movement, welcomed the decision in 

terms of whole-hearted approval ; — 

It is at once the I'ulHlment of an aspiration, the signpost 
'A a destiny. Never since the days of the Dispersion has 
tbe extraordinary people scattered over the earth in every 
country of modern European and of the old Arabic 


civilisation surrendered the hope of an ultimate return to 
the historic seat of its national existence. This has formed 
part of iis ideal life, and is the ever-recurring note of its 
religious ritual. . . . For fifty years the Jews have 
been slowly and painfully returning to their ancestral 
home, and even under the Ottoman yoke and amid the 
disordei- of that effete and crumbling dominion they have 
succeeded in establishing the beginnings of a real civilisa- 
tion. Scattered and few, they have still brought with 
them schools and industry and scientific knowledge, and 
here and there have in truth made the waste pUices blossom 
as the rose. . . . The Government have indeed laid 
down a policy of great and far-reachicg importance, but 
it is one which can bear its full fruit only by the United 
efforts of Jews all over the world. ^Vhat it means is that, 
assuming our military successes to be continued and the 
whole of Palestine to be brought securely under our control, 
then on the conclusion of peace our deliberate policy will 
be to encourage in every way in our power Jewish immi- 
gration, to give full security, and no doubt a large measure 
of local autonomy, to the Jewish immigrants, with a view 
to the ultimate establishment of a Jewish state. 

The Liverpool Courier vs^rote : — 

' Mr. Balfour's letter stating the attitude of the British 
Government towards the establishment of a national home 
for the Jews in Palestine may well be regarded as one of 
the most historic documents in the 5678 years of Jewish 
history. Its terms are eminently well considered, and the 
re-establishment of the Jewish national home is to be 
accomplished on lines which are reasonable and just. 
Indeed, we note with satisfaction that the points to which 
we have already made reference in our consistent advocacy 
of the claims of Zionism (which has been thrust to the fore 
by world-shaking events of the past year or two) have 
been covered by the terms of the Government declaration. 

The Scotsman, iu the course of a long leading- 
article, said : — 

No more pregnant event has occurred in the later 
history of the Jewish nation. It can scarcely be a chance 
coincidence that this offer of sympathy and help in 
restoring the Chosen People to the Promised Land is 


contemporaneous with tlie first definite steps towards the 
freeing of Palestine from the withering and stiHing yoke 
of the Turk. Along with the promise comes a prospect 
of performance. With the British forces in firm possession 
of part of Southern Palestine, and marching victorioush^ 
towards Jerusalem, prophecy is in course of fulfilling 

Tilt Zionist experiment, apart from any bias in its 
favour that may be felt on j'acial or religious grounds, 
seems worthy of a fair trial. It is not wholly an experiment 
made blindly and without any previous knowledge. The 
root of the Jewish race lias never been wholly removed 
out of the land which it deems its own heritage by divine 
appointment; and in the course of the last thirty years 
between forty and fifty Jewish settlements, some of them 
numbering three or four thousand persons, have been 
planted on the soil. As has been said, the hope ot this 
new return from exile has remained deeply and ineradicably 
fixed in the heart of the race for more than two thousand 
years, and remains an integral part of its faith and ritual — 
it is "the age-long dream of Jewry." 

7'//i? Gla-sffow Herald, writing in a similar vein, 

said : — 

What has long been the dream of virtually the whole 
Jewish race — even of those whose iuward despair expressed 
itself outwardly by a cynical dismissal of Zionism as the 
mirage of over-heated fancy — has now taken definite 
shape on the horizon of practical politics. Though Herzl 
himself was doomed to die before he had attained even to 
Pisgah, the persistent idealism which made him reject the 
British Government's compromise of a settlement in East 
Africa is likely to be more than justified. The present 
Jewish colonies furnish the nucleus of a community which, 
by afforestation and irrigation, could, without depending 
unduly on help from abroad, and without prejudice to the 
other races in the country, increase gradually to several 
millions and in a real sense " possess the land." Though 
complete national independence is not within the immediate 
scope of Zionism, the spiritual a.nd political freedom that 
could be obtained under the aegis of a " League of 
Nations " would be of immense benefit both to Jewry and 
to the world at lin-ge. 

Tlip In-f/i. Tinu'fi expressed its views in the fullowin^f 
passages ; — 

In this endorsement of Zionist aspirations at a. moment 
when Jerusalem can hear the distant thunder of British 
guns the Government has declared a policy of great and 
far-reaching importance. It is at last an attainable policy^ 
and it is from every point of view a desirable policy. 
Finally, even those Jews who put the countries in which 
they have made their homes before their sense of distinctive 
nationality will welcome the formal ending of the 
Dispersion. • The faith which Jewry has never surrendered 
in an ultimate return to the historic seat of its national 
existence is at last about to be redeemed. 

<.)f the weeklies The Spi-clalur, in the cuurse (J ;i 

long article, said : — . 

Like Mesopotamia, Palestine can not regain its long-lost, 
pi'osperity unless it can attract large numbei'S of hard- 
working and intelligent immigrants. The Jews from Russia 
have shown that they can thrive in Palestine, with help 
and guidance from their kinsfolk in the West, and it is 
therefore desirable that they should be given the fullest 
oppoi tuuity of developing the latent resources of the country. 
Further, it would be folly to discourage the Jews in gener'al 
from assisting the revival of the Holy Land, to which they 
are bound by aucient ties of religion and sentiment. With 
the support of so wealthy and influential a body, a, Jewish 
settlement in Palestine might be expected to grow with 
sui'prising rapidity, provided always that order were main- 
f.'iined by some form of international control. A large and 
thriving Jewish settlement in the Holy Land, under the 
supervision of Great Britain, our Allies, and America, 
would make for peace and progi'ess in the Near Bast, and 
would thus accord with British policy. It is not to be 
supposed that Palestine could ever support more than a 
small proportion of the Jewish i-aee. 

The jSaliun' was ecjually synipathetic : — 

Mr. Balfour's declaration translates into a binding 
statement of policy the general wish of British public 
opinion. It emphatically favours -'the establishment in 
Palestine of a national home for tlie Jewish people," If 


we were to analyse tliat sentimeut we should find at its 
coi-e fclie simple and humane instinct of reparation. Our 
own record towards tbe Jewish race is, from Cromwell's 
day downwards, one of relative enlightenment ; but it is 
on the conscience of all Christendom that the burden falls 
of the secular persecution which this enduring race has 
suffered. One of our solidest reasons for welcoming the 
Russian Revolution was that it had freed the whole 
Alliance from complicity in the sins of one of its chief 
partners towards the Jews. To end this record by 
restoring the dispersed and downtrodden race to its own 
cradle is a war-aim which lifts the struggle in this region 
above the sordid level of Imperial competition. We do 
not' suppose that in the return of even large numbers of 
Jewish settlers to the Holy Land there lies a solution of 
the Jewish problems of Europe. The mass of the race is 
likely to remain in Western Russia, in Poland, and in 
Rumania, and for one colonist who goes to till the soil in 
Palestine with hard work, a strange environment and an 
ideabst enthusiasm as his portion, ten will prefer the 
prospect of fortune in American cities. The gain to the 
Jews from the recovery of a "' national home " is some- 
what subtler than the solution of the genei-al problem of 
residence and emigration. Palestine will be to the whole 
dispersed race a centre of culture, a focus and symbol 
of its national life, a corner of the earth in which a 
civilisation may be built up on Jewish principles by Jewish 
hands, free from the overshadowing influence of alien 
institutions. The agricultural colonies, which have thriven 
marvellously, thanks to the tenacity and scientific intelli- 
gence of their leaders, have already recovered the vernacular 
use of Hebrew as the language actually spoken in the 
home. A Jewish society which shapes itself in this 
atmosphere ought to attain the moral and intellectual leader- 
ship of the race, and give to its persistent and original 
character a freer and more natural expression than it can 
find in any foreign environment. Palestine may be again 
the temple, the university, and the ancestral treasure of the 
Jews, but it can hardly be a home for more than a fractioii 
of the race. 

The New SInlesiiian said : — 

The British Government's declaration in favour of 
Zionism is one of the best pieces of statesmanship that we 


Can show in these latter days. Early in the war The New 
Statesman published an article giving the main reasons whv 
such a step should be taken, and nothing has occurred to 
change them. To make Palestine once more prosperous 
and populous, with a population attached to the British 
Empire, there is only one hopeful way, and that is to effect 
a Zionist restoration under British auspices. On the other 
side of the account it is hard to conceive how anybody with 
the true instinct for nationality and the desire to see 
small nations emancipated can fail to be warmed by the 
prospect of emancipating this most ancient of oppressed 

T/te Statist devoted the greater part of a page to 
" A Jewish Palestine." In its opinion ; — 

There can be no serious question that a large settlement 
of Jews in Palestine would be greatly to the benefit, not 
(luly of that country, but of Western Asia in general. 
It could not fail to exercise a most beneficial 
influence. ... If the Jews constituted the dominant 
portion of the population, they would introduce with them 
the civilisation of Europe in almost all matters. They 
would, therefore, very soon create a trade, for it is to be 
recollected that Palestine is favourably situated for trade. 
Harbours could be created ; and, as the country is almost 
at the mouth of the Suez Canal, it would be within easy 
reach of very rich productive Asiatic countries. Over 
and above this, Palestine, if the dominant influence was 
■Jewish, would exercise a good influence upon its neigh- 
bours. The Jews and the Arabs are akin, and the Arabs 
are a people of very fine qualities. It is true they have 
never hitherto been able to maintain for loug a highly- 
developed civilised government. But if they were aided 
by the Jews they would probably acquire some of the 
solid qualities of the Jews, who would be able to make 
the Arabs less military in spirit and more attached tu 
economic pursuits. At all events, a Jewish .state keepinjj; 
up very close relations with the richest Jews in Europe 
and America, and di'awing its principal element from 
the middle class, could not fail to exercise a beneficial 
effect upon the Arabians, and through them upon 


Ill T//e Obseroei- Mr. Grarvin devoted one section of 

his usual weekly article to an enthusiastic support of 

the Government's action : — 

Nearly two thousand years after the Dispersion, Zioiiisui 
has become a practical and integral part of all schemes lor 
a new world-order after the war. . . . There could 
not have been at this juncture a stroke of statesmanship 
more just or more wise. No cue need to be told that it 
will send a mystical thrill throu^'h the hearts of the vast 
majority of Jews throughout the world. ... It is no 
idle dream which anticipates that by the close of another 
generation the new Zion may become a state, incladiog, 
no doubt, only a pronounced minority of the entire Jewish 
race, yet \i umbering from a million to two million souls, 
forming a true national people with its own distinctive, 
rural, and urban civilisation, its own centres of learning 
and art, making a unique link between the East and West. 
Jews who dwell elsewhere will none the less be animated 
by a new interest, sympathy, pride, and will be able to 
contribute powerful help. So much for that aspect. We 
need hardly point out that for all the higher purposes of 
the Allies the importance of Mr. Balfour's declai-ation is 
immediate and great. From the United St;ites to Russia 
new enthusiasm for the general cause of liberty, re.stora- 
cion, and lasting peace secured by many new international 
links, moral and practical, will be kindled amongst the 
extraordinary race whose influence everywhere is out of all 
proportion to its numbers. 

Tke Near Easf, in a. leading article on " The Laud 
of Promise," said : — 

Tt was surely the happiest inspiration that pr(j(upted 
the British Government on the threshold of what it is hoped 
will prove a successful advance through Syria to remove all 
possibility of misundefstanding by making known the dis- 
interestedness of its :ittitude lovxiirds the country- The 
decision accords at once with the religious and political 
instincfv-.of the British race. That Palestine^ would 
ultimately become once more a national home for the 
Jewish people has always been a settled couviction among 
those who have pondered over its future in the light of the 
past ; and a long tradition connects England with the 


efforts directed towards that end. Politically the solution 
has much to commend it. Palestine is for all true Jews a 
spiritual centre, and deep down in their being they 
associate with it, if not their own individual place of 
residence, at least the home of a suflacient number of 
Jewish people to make it the focus of Jewish life and 
Jewish civilisation. Such a Jewish commonwealth can 
only grow up to fulfil its destiny under the protection of a 
strong and ordered State, which will guarantee it immunity 
from outside interference, security of life and jDroperty^ 
and the impartial administration of justice. For its own 
material develoj^ment it must look to itself, and in this 
connection it will be recalled tbat Jewish agricultural and 
urban settlements already exist in Palestine, and are a 
nucleus ready to hand for the new commonwealth. They 
point to the probable lines on which the deve'opment of 
The country will take place, expedited or retarded according 
lo the degr-ree of assistance on which Zionism can count. 
The valley is full of bones, and, lo ! ihey are very dry; 
Tiiany stages have to be passed through before these dry 
bones sta,nd upon their feet, au exceeding gi'eat ariijy. Of 
Palestine it will then be true that "^^ This land that wa 


desolate is become like the Garden of Eden, and the waste 
and desolate and ruined cities are become fenced and are 
inhabited." Towards that consummation it would seem 
that Great Britain in the dispensation of Providence will 
have played no small part. 

Talealine, the organ of the British Palestine Com- 
mittee, naturally rejoiced at the success towards which 
its efforts contributed in no small degree : — 

The decision of the British Government marks a turniug- 
point in the history of the Jewish people, and will, we 
believe, be for ever memorable in the history of the British 
Empire. - For more than eighteen centuries the Jews, as a 
nation, have been without a home, and the longing to 
recover their lost national home in Palestine has been the 
deepest and most abiding of their pnssious. The Jewish 
people has known, by the persistent teaching of its prophets 
and sages and by the profoundest instincts of its being, 
that it could escape from its phantom existence and return 
to a real life only in and through a restoration to Palestine j 


and it has known tliat only thus could it make again, 
as in the past it had made, its cliaracteristio and specific 
contribution to the common treasure of civilisation. A 
restor-d national homo in Palestine meant to the Jewish 
people redemption and I'c'javenation for itself and the 
reopening of a fountain of creative energj- for humanity. 
For eighteen hundred years the hope of it and the striving 
for it have been the one political passion by which the 
•Jewish people, as sucli, has lived. 

Tlie Chiiirh, Catliolic, and Nonconformist papers 
uU devoted much space to the Government decision. 

Pmit'-d in Gnat Britain by The Fielh * Queen (Hoeace Cox) Lid. 
Bream's Buildings, London, K.C. 4.