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Professors of the Chicago Theological Seminary. 

There is nothing In our lanenage of this kind. The American student 
has had to choose between the exnanstilve and unremittinf^ labors which are 
the price of first-hand knowledge, and reviews which rarely fail of being 
colored with partiality or prejudice. The volume before us is a helpful, fair 
and trustworthy statement of the present position and recent movements of 
theologj.— The Independent. 

It Ib a capital idea of the Professors of the Chicago Seminary to pub- 
Hfik ail annual volume upon current theology. Their issue for this year is so 
broad and varied in its range of themes, and so able in the treatment given 
thGitif tbat it will serve the puipoee of a small library of critical and practical 
booke^ Huch a volume as this, embodying the processes and the conclusions 
of experts, will save much labor, while giving reliable and intelligible 

Ta keep up with the times is the great care an& burden of the preacher 
of to-day. To know the last fact, the list opinion, and to ^ thoroughly con- 
versaut with the reasons therefor, and at the same time to attend to the 
pacitoral and executive work of the minister, is the sad perplexity of every 
pi-eaetier^s life. It is just here that this volume comes in as a blessing. The 
method of Its work is what really commends it. We have no hesitation 
wtiati^verin saving that any one who will purchase and study this volume 
Will Dot only oDtam a clear idea of the present state of religious thought, but 
will bd assisted to make a Judicious selection in his future readings and 
etiidite.— rA* Standard. 

It Ib an exceedingly helpful volume to all desiring current theological 
oplniou In a compact form. A capital index completes the yroTk..—The 
Putpit Treasury. 

It Ib of incalculable value to the preacher and student. There is 
tiothing like it. -^Meligioite Telescope. 

Snch an "Annual Theological Review," conducted with fairness and 
itttijiligftnce, cannot be otherwise than helpful to theological readers and 
nil Interested in the current phases of theology. —^om</«Fic Monthly, 

Certninly there can be found nowhere a more commendable enterprise 
thati that which has resulted in the publication of this "Annual Theological 
Eeview.*' It would be a really difficult matter to And fault either with the 
idf;a f)f the book or its execution. In the small amount of space at their 
dJppoBal the authors have condensed a large amount of most important 
iufornmtfon. One cannot think that there is a minister or an intelligent 
lawman of any denomination who ought not to read this most valuable and 
most timely book.— OW Testament Student. 

For men under the pressure of heavy pastorates the book is a boon and a 
blesslEg, Candor, intelligence and industry survey the whole field for the 
benet^t of those who cannot do it for themselves. And this class is wider 
thiin tha ministry, and grows wider every year. The plan of the work is a 
dlBcciTory of genius. To find an unoccupied field in these days of steam 
preaeea «nd educated crowds is the privilege of genius only. This second 
volEirne Ib so thoroughly well done that praise alone meets its merits.— i\reti' 
York Christian Advocate. 

Volume 1, 217 Pages, 12xno, fine cloth, - - $1.00 

Volume 2, 824 " »« «« «« _ _ - 1.80 

Volume 8, 860 " »» «« « _ ^ 1.80* 

Volume 4, 886 " ♦• «♦ *« - - - 1.50 

May be had of any bookseller ^ or on receipt of price these valuable works 
wiii bt mailed^ post free ^ to any address^ by the publisher. 

F, H. REVELL, Publisher, Chicago and New York. 



— BY — 


-OF — 





i^igo Madison Sth««t. I i^ijo Nassau SmMrr. 


Copyright, 1887, by F. H. Revell. 



The aim of these Discussions, as already stated in an 
earlier volume, is " to answer the question which every 
earnest student of theology and ecclesiastical subjects may 
well be supposed to ask at the close of each year, viz. : 
What has been done in the different fields of sacred learn- 
ing during the past twelve months, and what are the latest 
results of such studies? 

" In preparing this Report of Progress, critical reference 
has been made to the most recent literature, as a help to 
those who wish to prosecute their studies further along 
the lines indicated, while enough of the fruits of the latest 
investigation is given to make the work immediately 
profitable to the student." 

In summing up the labors of theologians and critics the 
natural drift of the literature leads the reviewer, in most 
departments, to dwell upon works that deviate somewhat 
from the beaten path, and in such writings to notice prin- 
cipally what is new and claims to be better than what we 
already know; for any adequate account of generally 
accepted views is precluded by the limits of the work and 
by the supposition that they are already familiar to our 
readers. Such considerations, and not any particular 
sympathy with theological novelties, explain the com- 


plexion of these Discussions, which may appear to some 
as giving undue prominence to radical teachings and 

The sudden and unexpected death of our valued col- 
league, Professor Hyde, left the New Testament Depart- 
ment without an official representative. That part of 
these Discussions has been undertaken this year by Pro- 
fessor Scott, who by previous special study in this field 
of research was enabled to fill temporarily the sad break 
in the number of workers. 

It should be noticed that the publication in October 
makes the literary year under review extend from about 
June to June, so that the present volume follows investi- 
gation to the midsummer of 1886. 

T^E Faculty. 

Chicago Theological Seminary. 
Chicago, October 30, 1886. 





Introductory Remarks, 17 


Semitic Studies, - 19-22 


Old Testament Introduction, 23-41 

Wellhausen*s Theory of the Pentateuch, 28 

■ Works in Support of the Mosaic Authorship, ... - 33 

Works of the Conservative German School, .... yj 


Hermeneutics, - - 42-47 


Old Testament Theology, 48-63 

I. The Name and Scope, 48 

II. Its Methods, 48 

HI. Its Relation to the Science of Comparative Religions, - 49 

IV. Its Relation to New Testament Theology, - - - ^o 

V. Its Relation to Systematic Theology, ... - 50 

VI. The Importance of the Study for Students of Theology, 51 

VII. Its Sources, - - - - .... ^2 

VIII. Growth of the Science, - - - - " ■ 53 

Systematic View of Jewish Eschatology, 57 





Miscellaneous Works, 64-68 

L Science and the Old Testament, ..... 64 

II. The Situation of Eden, 67 

III. Jewish History and Literature, 68 




Present State of New Testament Study. 



New Testament Introduction. 75-93 

History of the Canon, 76 

The Synoptic Gospels, 81 

The Fourth Gospel, 85 

The Acts, .86 

The Pauline Writings, 87 

The Catholic Epistles, 90 

The Apocalypse, 91 


New Testament Text, 94-99 

New Testament History, 100-105 


New Testament Interpretation, 106-112 

I. Hermeneutics, - 106 

II. Exegesis, 109 

The Gospels, 109 

The Pauline Epistles,- HO 


New Testament Theology, 113-120 







The Earlv Church, 123-152 

I* The Church and the Empire, 123 

IL History of Doctrine, 129 

III* Church Constitution, 140 

IV, Christian Art, 147 


The Church of the Middle Ages, . • . . . 153-181 

L Introduction, ^- - 153 

11. Cliurch and State, - - - - • - - • * 155 

in. The Mediaeval Papacy, 159 

* IV. The Irish Church, - - 163 

V, Doctrinal and Sectarian Movements, 165 

1. The Teaching of Abelard, - - - - - - 165 

2. The Apocalyptic School of Joachim, - - - - 168 

3. The Beghards, 171 

4. Monastic Orders and Penitents, 172 

5. The Inquisition, 175 

VI. Worship of the Virgin Mary, 177 

VIL The Crusades, - 179 


Tk« Modern Church, 182-210 

I, The Reformation, 182 

II. The Roman Catholic Church, •••-•- 185 

III. The Moravian Brethren, 188 

IV. The Huguenots, 191 

V, The German Churches, 192 

VI. Church Life in Holland, 196 

VII. The Churches of Great Britain, 202 

Vllh The American Churches, - . • .. . . . . 207 




L Alleged Improvements in Theology, - - - 213-232 

1. New Theology, --.- 213 

2. Progressive Orthodoxy, 221 

3. Regressive Orthodoxy, 224 

II. Theism, 231-249 

III. Evidences of Christianity, 250-254 


Professor Shedd on Endless Punishment, .... 355 

Probation and Punishment, Vernon, 260 

God's Revelation of Himself to Men, Andrews, . - • 263 

V. Evolution, - - - 265-269 

VI. Ethics, 270-271 

Kant's Ethics, Porter, 270 

VII. Notes Upon German Theology, ... - 272-275 




Introductory Note. 279 


Theoretical Homiletics, 280-286 

Handbook of Clerical Eloquence (Bassermann), - • - 280 

Some of ibe Great Preachers of Wales (O. Jones), - - - 283 


Practicai. Homiletics, - 287-313 

Abraham: The Typical Life of Faith (Breed), - - - - 287 

The People's Bible: Discourses upon Holy Scripture (Parker), - 288 

The Simplicity that is in Christ (Bacon), 288 

DiYine Sovereignty and Other Sermons (Thomas) - - - 293 

E^tpositionii, Second Series (Cox), 295 

Expository Sermons and Outlines on the Old Testament (Several 

Authors), --•-. 296 

The Anglican Pulpit of To-Day (Many Authors), - - - 297 

The Pattern in the Mount and Other Sermons (Parkhurst), - 300 
The Welsh Pulpit of To-Day. Sermons by Welsh Ministers, 

Pirst Series (J. C. Jones), 302 

The Greiil Question and Other Sermons (Alexander), - - 303 

Strmons and Addresses Delivered in America (Farrar), - - 304 

Sermons on the Christian Life (DeWitt), 305 

Sermons on the International Sunday School Lessons for 1886, - 307 

Sermons Preached in the First Church, Boston, t^llis), - ■• 307 

New Tabernacle Sermons (Talmage), 308 

Sermons in Songs (Robinson), • 309 

Twenty- Fo^ Sermon. (Bellows), 31O 

The Heavenly Vision and Other Sermons (Booth), - - - 312 

Soundings (Blake), •* 313 




Attendance at Church, 3*7 

The Order of Service, .-..,--•- 318 

The Sabbath Evening Service, 3*> 

History of Hymns, 3** 

Purity of the Ministry, 3*4 

Winning Adults to Christ, - 3*5 

Wmning Children to Christ, 3*^ 

Foreign Pastoral Theology, 333 








PaonssoR of Old Testament Exegesis, in Chicago 
Theological Seminary. 





The studies centering in the Bible grow in interest each 
year. After a sleep of about three and a half millen- 
iums the body of Ramses II. has been removed from the 
sarcophagus, where it had reposed, and the features of the 
proud, hard Pharaoh of the oppression have been exposed 
to the gaze of the curious in some of our public prints. 

The ancient treasure city of Pithom,^ as many believe, 
which was built by the blood and sweat of toiling Israel- 
ites, has been disclosed, and the Egypt Exploration Fund 
is making other important discoveries. 

The study of Assyrian, a Semitic language nearly related 
to the Hebrew, is steadily progressing in spite of those 
who depreciate it. An extensive literature has already 
been exhumed, and many thousand clay tablets are still to 
see the light on which may be found the earliest traditions 
of the race, the history and literature of ancient Babylonia 
and Assyria. We may well hope that Dr. Ward's explor- 
ations in Babylonia may prepare the way for important 
discoveries. Whatever mistakes may be made in the 

^Naville, The Store-City of Pitham and The Route of The Exodus, Lon- 
don, 1885. 



enthusiasm of new researches, there can be little doubt 
that Assyriology is to play a leading part in the better 
understanding of Hebrew, and perhaps of Israel's history. 
Who knows what secrets still lie buried in the tombs of 
Egypt, in the plains of Babylonia, and in the ancient mon- 
asteries of the East? Enough, surely, to quicken the 
flagging interest of biblical students. Not enough to sat- 
isfy vain curiosity, but sufficient to shed much light on the 
Sacred Scriptures, which were never more needed than 
now, not as furnishing a field for speculation, but as con- 
taining the one message which the world sorely needs. 

And yet the attacks on the Old Testament seem to 
be very severe especially on those views regarding 
composition and authorship which were commonly received 
until about one hundred years ago. Among certain 
scholars these modern critical views regarding the origin 
of the Pentateuch, are receiving a general acceptance in 
Germany; and in England and America they are widely 
known through the medium of translations. 




These are constantly advancing in America. Already 
there is provision for thorough instruction in the Semitic 
languages in two of the oldest universities in the country — 
not to speak of one of the youngest, Johns Hopkins, 
where Prof. Haupt teaches Semitic philology — namely, 
at Harvard, where Prof. C. H. Toy has the chair in 
Hebrew, and Prof. D. H. Lyon devotes especial attention 
to Assyriology, and at Yale. 

Recently Yale University has added Prof. W. R. Harper, 
called of God to be an apostle of Semitic studies, late of 
Chicago Baptist Union Theological Seminary, to its fac- 
ulty. It is expected that he will accomplish for the 
Semitic languages a work similar to that which Prof. 
Whitney has done in Sanscrit. It is hoped that he will 
invite the attention of many not only to them, but also 
that he may be successful in inaugurating a movement 
whereby the preparatory work in Hebrew shall be done 
before the admission of students to the theological semi- 

Five Hebrew schools of the Institute of Hebrew have 
been held this summer in various parts of our country for 
a month in each place. These schools tend to establish 
an esprit de corps among the Hebrew professors who partici- 
pate in them and afford a valuable opportunity for minis- 
ters to review their studies or even to lay a foundation 
where they have not studied Hebrew before. At the 



same time they do something toward the preparation of 
young men to enter the seminaries with some knowledge 
of Hebrew J although they do not carry beginners far 
enough in the elements. The writer has not yet heard of 
any method more successful than that employed in Chicago 
Theological Seminary, by which, through correspondence, 
students are well prepared to enter an advanced division.^ 
The Institute of Hebrew, under whose auspices these 
schools have been established, has made an arrangement 
for electing as Fellows of the Institute those who shall 
successfully pass examinations in one-half each of the 
three grand divisions of the Hebrew Bible (history, pro- 
phecy, poetry), including a thorough knowledge of the 
Hebrew Grammer, and two cognate languages, e, g,, 
Aramaic and Arabic, or Assyrian and Arabic, and who 
shall prepare an original thesis on some subject connected 
with Old Testament study. 

L Lextcography. 2 — Assyriology, as we have seen, is 
demonstrating its right to be considered an important factor 
in the study of Hebrew. It is natural that those who have 
been taught to regard Arabic of prime importance in the 
study of Hebrew should try to frown down this new rival. 
The Assyrian is interesting, not merely on account of its 
abundant literature^ and the evidence that it gives that 
the art of reading and writing was a comparatively com- 
mon accompHshment among a Semitic people in the clay 
tablets, which were used for contracts, deeds of sale, 
etc., but also in its close relation to the Hebrew. 

^The above paragraphs are taken from the writer's sketch of " American 
Literature," iti The Expositor ^ London, 1886, p. 392. 

*See Current Discussions y voL iii, p. 28ff., Chicago, 1885. 
^5ayce Babylonian Literature, London, p. 7a 


This has been admirably shown by Prof. Friedrich 
Delitzsch in his Prolegomena to a New Hebrew-Aratnaic 
Lexicon to the Old Testament, ^ The time may not be 
ripe for such an undertaking, but it is sure to come, and 
it will certainly shed much light on our knowledge of 
Hebrew. He proposes, in general, to prepare a much 
briefer lexicon than the works of Gesenius and Fiirst by 
excluding all extraneous matter, such as all merely specu- 
lative discussions about monosyllabic roots, which abound 
in the last two editions of Gesenius; to give a separate 
treatment of Aramaic and proper names; and to arrange 
the words, as in Gesenius' Thesaurus^ by roots. These, 
however, as he says, are merely externals. He claims that 
Assyrian is of great importance in determining the true 
meaning of certain rare Hebrew words, known as hapax 
legomena. He really sustains the reading of the Revised 
Version in Ps. xxii, 21, through the Assyrian remu^ " wild 
oxen," " yea from the horns of the wild oxen thou hast 
answered me. " Doubtless some of the meanings suggested 
as the primary signification of the Hebrew words cannot 
Btand, but the work that Dr. Delitzsch is proposing to do 
is worthy of all recognition. 

English readers may have some conception of the value 
of Assyrian for purposes of comparison with Hebrew 
roots by reading an article by Dr. Haupt, on Assyrian 
Phonology y with Special Reference to Hebrew, ^ 

II. Hebrew Grammar. — ^Two interesting articles on 
the study of the Hebrew^ language among Jews and Chris- 
tians^ have recently appeared from the prolific pen of Dr. 

^Prolegomena eines neuen Hebrdisch-Aramdisehen Worterbuchs zum 
Alien Testament^ Leipzig, 1886, pp. x — 218, with an index of Hebrew 
words, etc. 

*See Hebraica^ Chicago, January, 1885, pp. 175-181. 

^Bibliotheca Sacra for July, 1884, pp. 477ff., and for July, 1885, pp. 47offi 


B. Pick, a Jewish Christian. Our periodical literature has 
furnished other contributions of more or less merit. Prof. 
Toy has an article on the Massoretic vowel system in 
Hebraica for January, 1885. He thinks that Sh«wa was a 
real vowel sound and that the language treated it as 
forming an independent syllable. In the same article he 
argues against half-open syllables. 



Recent works on Old Testament Introduction have been 
prepared exclusively by members of the modern critical 
school. Some articles in the reviews, however, have 
appeared from men of conservative spirit. 

Prof. Bissell, of Hartford Theological Seminary, has two 
articles on the Old Testament Canon in the Bibliotheca 
Sacra, ^ He maintains that long before the time of Christ 
there was a fixed canon of Old Testament books co-ex- 
tensive with our own, and argues strongly against Kuenen 
that the Great Synagogue mentioned in the Talmudical 
writings existed for a long period, and that they were 
guardians of the Sacred Scriptures. 

Dr. Pick also furnishes an interesting article on The Old 
Testament in the Time of the Talmud,'^ which contains 
much valuable information on the canon, the order and 
number of the books, various readings, etc. 

The fifth edition of Bleek's Introduction to the Old 
Testament has just appeared. ^ This well-known book 
has had a singular history. It was first published after 
the author's death, who had read it in the form of lectures 
twenty-three times, by his son and Prof. Kamphausen of 
Bonn University. The second edition, in which few changes 
were made, came from the hand of the latter, as well as the 

*Oberlin, 1886, pp. 71-99; 264-286. 
^ffebraica, Chicago, 1885, pp. 153-174. 
^Einleitung in das Alte Testament^ Berlin, 1886. 



third, in which there were greater alterations. The fourth 
and fifth editions have been cared for by Prof. Wellhausen. 
But the last edition, according to the editor, has received 
very few changes, except the restoration of Bleek's para- 
graphs regarding the historical books in place of Well- 
hausen 's investigations, which appeared in the fourth 

Prof. Kuenen of Leiden is issuing a second edition of 
his Introduction after twenty years. The first part, which 
covers the Hexateuch, has not only been published in 
the original language, Dutch, but also in English^ and 
German* While conservative critics must differ from 
Kuenen, they cannot help according him all praise for the 
scientific manner in which he has produced this work. 
During the past twenty years he has followed every detail 
of Pentateuch criticism with the utmost interest, concern- 
ing which he might well say with reference to the most 
advanced school: ^' Magna pars ftii.'' Through the 
medium of one of the Reviews, ^ of which he is an editor, 
he has discussed the various phases of the question with 
great thoroughness. These have enabled him to present 
a very valuable discussion from his standpoint. 

In his outline of the History of the Criticism of the Pen- 
tateuch and Book of Joshua, during the last quarter of a 
century, he affirms that " five and twenty years ago the 
defenders of the * authenticity ' of the Pentateuch were 
never weary of insisting on the mutual disagreement of 
its assailants. " While he admits that " the charge was not 
altogether baseless,'* he maintains that " ^dominant theory 

^An Histi^rko^Critical Inquiry into the Origin and Composition of the 
Hexatench {i\'niateuch and Book of yoshua), London, 1886. 

^T/icoio^iic/i TijdscAri/t, Amsterdam and Leiden, 1867 to the present 


as to the origin of the Mosaic writings was certainly estab- 
lished amongst the representatives of the critical school. " 
He says: " The main points upon which unanimity seemed 
gradually to have been reached were the following: The 
Deuteronomist, a contemporary of Manasseh, or Josiah, 
was the redactor of the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua, 
and it was he who brought them into the form in which 
they now He before us. He interwove or inserted his own 
laws and narratives into the work of the Yahvist (Jehovist) 
that dated from the eighth century B. C, and was there- 
fore almost a hundred years old in his time. To this 
Yahvist we owe the first four books of the Pentateuch 
and the earlier (pra deuteronomic) recension of Joshua, 
His work was, in its turn, based upon a still earlier compo- 
sition — the * Grundschrift ' or 'Book of Origins' — which 
came from the pen of a priest or Levite, and might be 
referred to the century of Solomon. Embedded in this 
' Grundschrift ' were still more ancient fragments, some of 
them Mosaic. The Yahvist expanded and supplemented 
the Grundschrift with materials drawn in part from tradi- 
tion and in part from written sources." 

After giving a sketch of the course of Pentateuch criti- 
cism, he proceeds as follows with reference to Wellhausen's 
first volume of the history of Israel, which is now in the 
hands of English readers in translation i^ " I can hardly 
describe the delight with which I first read it — a delight 
such as seldom meets one on the path of learning. 
At one with the writer a priori^ not only in principles 
but in general results, I was able to follow him from 
beginning to end with almost unbroken assent, and at the 

"^Prolegomena to the History of Israel , Edinburgh, 1885. 


same time to learn more than I can say from every part of 
his work. " 

He continues: " Wellhausen's treatment of our theme, 
for which I must refer to his book itself, was so cogent, so 
original, and so brilliant, that its publication may be 
regarded as the ' crowning fight ' in the long campaign. 
Since 1878 the question has been more and more seriously 
considered in Germany — and in most cases to consider it 
has meant to decide it in our sense. Some eminent 
scholars still hold out against the ' Grafian hypothesis,' but 
it is no longer possible to count its supporters or to enu- 
merate seriatim the works written in its defense or built 
upon its assumptions. In setting forth, in this treatise, for 
the first time, its complete and systematic, critical justifica- 
tion, I am no longer advocating a heresy, but am expound- 
ing the received view of European critical scholarship. 
Those who dissent from it may still appeal to names 
which command universal respect, but they can no longer 
stake their case on the * consensus criticoruniy which has 
at last declared itself against them." 

This is no empty boast. It is substantially true. 
Nothing is to be gained for the cause of truth by denying 
it. But, granting that it is a correct representation, it is to 
be remembered that this is not a question to be settled by 

I. The supporters of the post-exilic codification of the 
Priests' Code, which Kuenen calls the Grafian hypothesis, 
are: Budde, of Bonn; Stade, of Giessen; Duhm and 
H. Schultz, of Gottingen; Giesbrecht, of Greifswald ; 
Kneucker, of Heidelberg'; Siegfried, of Jena; Delitzsch, ^ 

' On the 1 8th of last February, Prof. Delitzsch, in an address held before 
Albert, King of Saxony, acknowledged himself a supporter of the Grafian 


Guthe and Konig, of Leipzig; Cornill, of Marburg; Kayser 
[d 1885], Nowack and Reuss, of Strassburg; Kautzsch, 
of Tubingen; Smend, of Basel; Vuilleumeir^ of Lausanne; 
Steiner, of Zurich. 

2. The supporters of the Priests' Code as an older 
document are: Dillmann and Strack, of Berlin; Kohler, of 
Erlangen; Bredenkamp, of Griefswald; Klostermann (?) of 
Kiel; Miihlau and Volck, of Dorpat. 

3. The critics who mediate between the two schools 
are: Kamphausen, of Bonn; Ryssel (?) of Leipzig; Bau- 
dissin, of Marburg. 

Bachmann, so far as we know, is the only Old Testament 
professor in a German university who still defends the 
Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. 

Notwithstanding this classification, it must be under- 
stood that there are many differences between those who 
support the post-exilic origin of the Priests' Code, from 
Delitzsch and Konig, of Leipzig, who are zealous defenders 
of the orthodox doctrines of the Lutheran church, to Stade 
and Siegfried, who are more closely allied to a liberalism 
not unlike the Unitarianism of New England. 

Since the question of Pentateuch criticism occupies 
such an important place in Old Testament Introduction, 
and Kuenen expresses himself so cordially at one with 
Wellhausen, we shall present the theory of the latter with 
regard to the Pentateuch. 

hypothesis, although not as sharing in many of the consequences drawn from it, 
in the following words: " Wir erkennen das gute Recht der Zerlegung des 
Pentateuchs in die Quellenexcerpte, aus denen er zusammengesetzt ist; wir 
anerkennen auch die zeitliche Aufeinanderfolge der Quellenschichten, wie sic 
durch dem im J. 1874, als Professor zu St. Afra verstorbenen Carl Heinrich 
Graf in epochender Weise rectificiert worden ist, indem er der Erkenntnis, 
dass die Grundschrift, welche unter den Quellen des Pentateuchs bisher fur die 
alteste gahalten wurde, die jungste sei, zum Durchbruch verholfen hat — aber 
in den Consequenzen, die man darauszieht, erscheint unsmanches als hinwegzu- 
putzende Schnuppe oder iiber das Mass hinauschiessende Flamme. ** 



Perhaps we should form a clearer conception of the 
critical method in the analysis of the Pentateuch if we 
were to suppose that our four gospels existed only in the 
form of a harmony, as one continuous life of Christ, and 
that in such a harmony the synoptists had been united as 
much as possible by cutting out passages from one gospel 
that were found in another, by allowing some parallel 
passages to stand, and by fitting in passages from John in 
their proper places. If we now had only Tatian's 
Diatessaron of the Gospels, which began with John i. i, 
a similar problem would be presented to students of New 
Testament Criticism, as to those of the Old, for Well- 
hausen claims that we may trace four main documents in 
the composition of the Pentateuch. 

Tatian's Diatessaron, therefore, as far as we know about 
it, may serve to illustrate the process by which the critics 
claim that the Pentateuch, or rather the Hexateuch, came 
into existence. Some time during the years 850-770 
B. C, or perhaps even later, two narratives of Israel from 
the creation of the world to the conquest and settlement 
in Canaan were written. Which is the older of the two 
we cannot tell. The last part of one of these, whose 
author is called the Yahvist, from the name of God which 
he predominantly uses, breaks off with the blessing of 
Balaam. In his narrative he combined the myths, the 
legends, and the traditional histories then existing. After 
he had committed his work to writing the legends were 
still growing beside it, and from time to time were incor- 
porated into it, so that the Yahvistic work may be con- 

* Taken from the writer's article in the Expositor ^ London, 1886, pp. 85-9a 


sidered as having passed through at least three editions 
before it was united with the following book. 

The second narrative, which is not necessarily second 
in the order of time, is called the Elohistic from Elohim, 
the name of God, which is characteristic of it. We must 
not confound its author with the Elohistic writer in 
Ewald's Book of Origins, whose work appears at the very 
beginning of Genesis (i. i-ii. 4), and who is called by a 
misnomer the older Elohist, while the one of whom we are 
now speaking is called the younger Elohist, thus prejudg- 
ing the whole question of the relative age of the docu- 
ments. The history of the Elohist which Wellhausen has 
in view is unlike that of the Yahvist in extent, since while 
it first begins with the patriarchs, it extends throughout 
the Book of Joshua. It resembles the other, however, in 
having passed through three editions. 

Still later a writer, whom Wellhausen calls the Jehovist, 
wished to prepare a new history of Israel from the creation 
of the world until the settlement of Israel in Canaan under 
Joshua. The two works named were his chief although 
not his only sources of information. Instead of digesting 
them, as a modern author would do, and writing an 
entirely new history he took the existing materials much 
as a New Testament harmonist would in preparing a life of 
Christ in the words of Scripture. He made the Yahvistic 
work the basis of his narrative, and interwove with it pas- 
sages of the parallel Elohistic book. In some cases he 
has sacrificed one writer at the expense of another, in 
others he has allowed two accounts to stand side by side. 
There are, too, certain parts where he has made a much 
freer use of his materials, and where he has engaged in 
independent authorship. This work was mostly narrative, 


yet it contained a brief legal code, the so-called book of 
the Covenant (Ex. xx.-xxiii.), and Ex. xxxiv., the former 
of which at least was taken from the Yahvist. 

The third contribution to the constituent elements of the 
Pentateuch was mainly legal. Doubtless, during the reign 
of the wicked king Manasseh, the prophets and priests had 
become convinced that something must be done to check 
the growing idolatry of the people, and it is not unlikely 
that the Decalogue dates from this period. It seemed to 
them that a stop must be put to the practice of the 
Judaeans in worshiping on the high places (bamoth). 
This could be accomplished only by limiting the worship 
of Jehovah to Jerusalem. They therefore prepare a new 
book a deuteros nvmos (Deuteronomy) based on the Book 
of the Covenant, and yet differing from it in its reiterated 
command that God should be worshiped in one place, and 
in the position which it assigned to the Levites as the only 
legitimate priests. This book was at first purely legal and 
embraced only Deut. xii.-xxvi. Afterwards there were 
two recensions of it, one consisting of chapters i.-iv. ; xii.- 
xxvii,, and the other of v.-xi. ; xii.-xxvi., xxviii. These 
two were subsequently united and inserted in tlie legal code 
of the Hexateuch, when chapter xxxi. was added. This 
Book of Deuteronomy is the law book which was discovered 
under King Josiah in the year 621 B. C. 

This narrative, which comprised only a fraction of the 
present Hexateuch, was lacking in the most striking ele- 
ments now found in the Pentateuch. There was nothing 
in it about the tabernacle or the central sanctuary around 
wliich the twelve tribes were encamped, nothing about an 
elaborate system of sacrifices, nothing about an Aaronic 
priesthood. While the priests may well have had a tra- 



ditional code, it was still unwritten, and was yet destined 
to great modifications. The Deuteronomic code was not 
without effect. Its chief polemic brought the worship of 
the high places into disfavor, and the Levitical priests 
who had served the people there were degraded from 
their office, as we learn from Ezekiel, and became servants 
of their more fortunate brethren, the sons of Zadok, at Jeru- 
salem. This centralization of worship and degradation of 
the Levites could not but affect the traditional priestly 
code, but the most important factor was the Babylonian 
exile, which suddenly cut off the political and religious life 
of the nation for more than two generations. The ritual 
ceased to be practiced, it now became the object of study 
and reflection. The priests of necessity became scribes. 
How much their ideals differed from the law already found 
in the Book of the Covenant and in Deuteronomy appears 
from the sketch presented in the last nine chapters of the 
book of the priestly prophet Ezekiel. A further stage is 
indicated in the small Code, Lev. xvii-xxvi., which was 
subsequently written in the spirit of Ezekiel's code, 
although not by Ezekiel himself. Meanwhile a new 
account of Israel's history from the creation to the settle- 
ment in Canaan under Joshua was written from the stand- 
point of these new priestly enactments. How long the 
new work was finished after the exile is not indicated. 
Wellhausen calls it the Book of the Four Covenants. 
This book was made the basis of what he calls the Priest's 
Code, a work whose materials may have extended far back, 
and whrch grew up among the priests as the Mishna at a 
later period among the scribes. There were, then, two 
historico-legal works in existence, both running parallel 
from the creation of the world to the settlement of Israel 


in Canaan. At last, part of the Jews were restored to 
their own land. In the year 458 B. C, the scribe Ezra 
came to Jerusalem, and cast in his lot with his Judsean 
brethren While he was not the author of the Priest's 
Code, which had gradually grown up with the Book of the 
Four Covenants, on which it was based, among the priestly 
scribes at Babylon, yet he is supposed to be the one who 
united it with the Jehovistic edition of the Hexateuch 
which included the Book of Deuteronomy For fourteen 
years Ezra did not introduce the new law book, but con- 
ducted the congregation according to the Deuteronomic 
code. What was the reason of this delay in its introduc- 
tion does not appear. It is not unlikely that he was 
adapting this product of Babylonian wisdom to the practi • 
cal needs of the congregation, and was perhaps training 
helpers to assist him in carrying out the provisions of the 
new code. The book which Ezra introduced in the year 
444 B. C. was essentially our present Pentateuch, although 
various novels and interpolations crept in until the year 
300 B. C. 

Such is, in general, Wellhausen's theory of the origin of 
the Hexateuch as nearly as it can be gathered from his 
various writings, although he nowhere attempts the haz- 
ardous experiment of presenting a connected picture of 
the origin of the different parts, but evidently leaves each 
student of his writings to paint one for himself. 

Wellhausen's argument in favor of the post-exilic origin 
of the middle books of the Pentateuch, for a more complete 
statement of which we must refer to the Expositor ^ ^ is 
indeed a masterpiece of logic and critical investigation. 
But it has dealt with the Pentateuch about as the new 

^London, 1885, pp. 81-98. 


French Empire did with the crooked, narrow streets of 
Paris. His avenues are broad and direct, but it is very 
questionable whether they represent the ancient topo- 

If the hypothesis which we have sketched were estab- 
lished, we might as well resign the view which is still held 
by the great mass of evangelical Christians as to the author- 
ship of the Pentateuch by Moses, and we could not then 
do better than to adopt the views set forth by Konig, in 
his Religious History of Israel;'^ but American and English 
theologians should not be swept off their feet by the num- 
ber or standing of the scholars who accept it on the 

America has made an honorable beginning in works of 
a conservative character on Pentateuch criticism. There 
are three writers who are deserving of recognition for their 
defense of the Mosaic authorship. They are inclined to 
lay altogether too much stress on the disagreement among 
critics, which, as Kuenen remarks, was the favorite mode 
of argumentation twenty-five years ago. But their writ- 
ings contain some strong positions in defense of the Mosaic 
authorship of the Pentateuch. 


Prof. W. H. Green, of Princeton, has produced two 
well-known books, ^ which exhibit a good understanding 
of the subject, and are worthy of great praise. He shows 
that if we regard Moses as a historical personage, and the 
ten commandments as emanating from him substantially 
in their present form, that the critical hypothesis loses a 

^Edinburgh, 1885. 

* Moses and The Prophets^ New York, 1883; The Hebrew Feasts, New 
York, 1885. 


most important support, and that we can hold beyond all 
peradventure that law preceded prophecy. ^ His argu- 
ments in favor of unity of worship, in the earliest docu- 
ments, seem especially worthy of consideration. They 
may be stated as follows : 

1 . The Book of the Covenant indicates unity of wor- 
ship instead of various synchronous altars, for it is implied 
in Ex. XX. 21, that an altar is to be built in every place 
where God records His name. This statute was especially 
adapted to Israel's wandering life in the wilderness, but we 
may not infer that God sanctioned several altars at once. 
Moreover the feasts which were to be observed three times 
in the year (Ex. xxiii. 17), when all the males were to ap- 
pear before God, imply that they were to meet in one place, 
and not at different altars. 

2. The historical books until the capture of the ark ot 
the covenant indicate one sanctuary at Shiloh. The Levite 
in Judg. xix, 18, speaks of going to the house of the Lord 
as he if knew of but one. A feast of the Lord was 
observed annually at Shiloh (Judg. xxi. 19). It was visited 
by all Israel (i Sam. ii. 14, 22, 29). 

3. In all the Psalms of the first (or oldest) book, Zion 
is God's earthly dwelling place; no other is alluded to, and 
Prof. Green adds that the prophet Jeremiah and the Psalmist 
knew of but two sanctuaries in Israel — Shiloh and Zion. 

4. The prophets recognize only one legitimate sanctuary, 
and that is in Zion. Amos, though delivering his message 
in Bethel, knows but one sanctuary, (i. 2), which he affirms 
is Jehovah's seat. Hosea presupposes the law of the unity 
of the sanctuary when he charges the people with sin for 
multiplying altars. 

^Cf. Gardiner, The Old and New Testaments in their Mutual Rela- 
HonSy New York, 1885, p. 40. 


He admits that from the abandonment of Shiloh to the 
erection of the Temple of Solomon the worship on high 
places was allowable as never before, but for this there was 
a good reason. He also argues strongly for the existence 
of a written law in the time of the prophets. 

Prof. Bisseirs book^ exhibits great industry, and -is a 
valuable contribution to the literature of the subject. He 
h perhaps too dogmatic, and does not give a fair impres- 
sion as to the real strength of the new critical school in 
Germany. But the book is a useful and earnest endeavor 
to present arguments in favor of the Mosaic authorship of 
the Pentateuch. Like Prof. Green, he shows how incred- 
ible it is that a man writing in the time of Josiah should 
embody such commands and statements as the author of 
Deuteronomy has done. Indeed, these arguments against 
a late authorship seem far more powerful than those which 
the critics urge in favor of it. Or was the author of Deu- 
teronomy such an antiquarian that he could simulate all 
these marks of an earlier age? We know of no parallel 
example in Old Testament literature. Prof. Bissell, after 
an introductory chapter, gives a historical sketch of the 
criticism, puts the proposed analysis of the law to the test, 
considers laws peculiar to Deuteronomy, repeated and 
modified in it, laws peculiar to the Priests* Code, and the 
genuineness of Deuteronomy. He then discusses the law 
in relation to the prophets, the historical books, and the 
psalms, and appends a very complete table to the litera- 
ture of the Pentateuch and the related criticism of the Old 
Testament, besides full indexes. 

The latest work on Pentateuch criticism^ is by a Fellow 

' The 'Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure. An Examination of Recent 
Theories, New York, 1885. 

« The Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes, New York, i886. 


of Princeton Seminary, Geerhardus Vos, of Huguenot 
descent, although born in Holland. It bears the marks of 
Dutch thoroughness as well as of our American tendency 
to undertake many things. No student occupying a sim- 
ilar position in Germany would attempt to write anything 
more than a monograph, but here is a work on the Mosaic 
Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes in twenty-one chapters, 
which discusses almost every phase of the subject with 
admirable terseness and clearness. It must be admitted, 
however, that some of the subjects are necessarily treated 
in an incomplete and superficial way. The most serious 
criticism which can be made on the book is its lackof foot- 
notes and indexes. It is unfair to the critic who conscien- 
tiously desires to verify the accuracy of the statements, as 
well as to the students, who should have access to the 
authorities used by the author. In the criticism there is 
sometimes an imputation of motives which should be for- 
ever banished from such works. The second chapter, on 
the history of the linguistic argument of the critics, which 
is based on a dissertation by Konig,^ not only gives two 
dates that are wrong by a year, in one of which he follows 
his authority, but he conveys an erroneous impression as 
to the position of Ewald with reference to this argument. 
He does not seem to know that Ewald withdrew this view 
in the Studien und Kritiken, and that he speaks deprecat- 
ingly of the book in which it is found as the work of one 
only nineteen years of age. 

He is the only one of these critics who examines the 
linguistic argument. He fails to show satisfactorily, how- 
ever, how certain expressions are characteristic of Elohim 
passages, while synonymous expressions are constantly 

"^De Criticce Sacrce Argumento E Lingua Legibus Repetito, Lipsise, 1879. 


found in the Jehovah passages. But aside from these 
strictures the book is to be commended as a valuable com- 
pendium of arguments fronj a conservative standpoint for 
the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. ^ 


A very interesting address by Count Baudissin, profes- 
sor at Marburg, Germiany, is entitled: Der heutige Stand 
der alttestamenthichen Wissenschaft ^ Giessen, 1885. In 
this he simply holds the ordinary modern critical view as 
to the age of the Jehovistic document and of Deuteronomy, 
but maintains that the Priest's Code was, at least in its 
beginnings, not post-exilic. Such a position is not par- 
ticularly helpful where it is a question of only one hundred 
and fifty or two hundred years in dating the code. 

Naumann, a pastor, has written on WellhausetCs Meth- 
ode kritisch beleuchtety Leipzig, 1886. " In this treatise," 
to quote the words of the announcement, " the author seeks 
to understand the entire religious development of Israel 
internally from its monotheism, and the latter externally, 
from the connection in which the people of the divine 
election stood with the heathen peoples related by race, 
especially with the Egyptians, among whom Israel grew 
up until it became a nation, in order that in this way a 
sure position may be secured against Wellhausen's Mosaic 
primitive history.'* 

Dr. Edward Konig, of the University of Leipzig, 
although he accepts the post-exilic origin of the Priests' 
Code, has prepared an interesting and important treatise 

^ Edersheira in his Prophecy and History in Relation to the Messiah, Lon- 
don, 1885, devotes two chapters and an appendix to the discussion of the 
theories of the critics, in which he takes a conservative position. See pp. 191- 
^^^ 371-391- 


which is accessible to English readers.^ It shows how 
much that is positive may be held, even when the Mosaic 
authorship of the Pentateuch is surrendered. The dis- 
cussion, as the title indicates, is directed against the 
development theorists, such as Kuenen. 

He raises the question whether the religion of Moses 
was that of the majority of the people. He maintains, in 
accordance with the representation of the Scriptures, that 
Israel at one time reached a religious level which it after- 
ward departed from, and he finds that the tradition of the 
Old Testament brings out the fact that the contemporaries 
of Moses as a whole acknowledge one God. 

His second question is: " What was the legally appointed 
religion of Israel in pre-prophetic times?" He replies: 
" We must place the consciousness of God at the very 
beginning of Israel's history, from which the entire Old 
Testament has derived its deep signification." He says: 
" It is a matter beyond controversy that a consciousness 
of God had existed among the earliest Israelites. • • • 
God was to Israel all in all — as the soul which regulates 
the pulsations of moral and religious life." And he brings 
out the important thought that " all the great master- 
spirits of Israel regarded themselves, not as beginners, but 
as restorers of a condition of life seen in its most perfect 
form at the commencement of the national existence. " 

He adds: " This lawful religion of pre-prophetic Israel, 
furthermore, from a formal point of view represented the 
ideas of God possessed by Moses, the pious of Israel, and 

^The German title of the book is Die Hauptprobleme der altisraelitischen 
Religionsgeschichte ge^eniiber den Entwickelungs-theoretikeriiy Leipzig, 
1884. The translation IS entitled: The Religious History of Israel. A Dis- 
cussion of the Chief Problems in Old Testament History^ as Opposed to the 
Development Theorists^ Edinburgh, 1885. 



at the same time the working and writing prophets. • • • 
It is positively proved that these writing prophets unite 
with the old religious heroes of the nation, and together 
they seek to revive a relative development of religious 
progress among the people;*' and he brings out this very 
important point: " The oldest prophets regard themselves 
as the general possessors of a law by which the ethical and 
religious movements of Israel were to be regulated. This 
is beyond question, even without maintaining the old 
representation that Moses was the author of the Pentateuch. 
For the prophets knew of a Torah, which formed the 
standard code of duty in the minds of the Israelites, pecul- 
iar in itself, and different from the individual commands 
of Jehovah sent forth from time to time as the vicissitudes 
of Israel require. " 

He says further: " With the person of Moses there was 
always associated the knowledge of a new divine name, 
and at the same time the idea of a new law with its religi- 
ous and ethical claims. And no one, indeed, can gainsay 
the fact that Israel generally looked upon Moses as the 
founder of all religious customs. " 

" The whole history after Moses' time is one of continual 
backslidings. Israel has thus a knowledge of its true his- 
tory, and, moreover, it has been careful faithfully to pre- 
serve that knowledge. • • • Thus we find that it was 
between Abraham and Moses that the high standpoint was 
reached in the views possessed of God. These more fully 
revealed by Moses were faithfully adhered to in the con- 
ceptions of generations and finally expressed in writing. " 

He affirms in strong terms " that the Old Testament 
traditions in their various characteristics, and in those 
parts affecting the nation, must be considered as resting on 


satisfactory bases; (a) we find in Israel manifold traces, 
showing us that oral tradition from generation to genera- 
tion was in great force; (d) Israel possessed at a compara- 
tively early period its past history recorded in writing, 
e. g,^ the Ten Words, the Book of the Covenant; (^) no 
principle or starting-point in history, can be discovered by 
which, or when, Israel could have invented the essential 
features of the national tradition, e. g.^ the calamitous but 
victorious march out of Egypt. " 

His discussion in regard to the doctrine concerning 
Jehovah controverts the views held by the development 
theorists. They maintain that Jehovah was simply a 
national god, like Chemosh among the Moabites, who was 
worshiped under the form of a steer, and that monotheism 
was simply the result of prophetic teaching. 

He holds that since Moses* time God was known to 
Israel as Jahveh. He concedes to the critics, however, 
that he was spoken of as Baal. He sees the evidence of 
this in the frequency with which this name occurs in 
Hebrew, and in proper names, as well in the passage in 
Hos. ii. 1 6 f. 

He says plainly that " the so-called ethical monotheism 
of the prophets is a vain invention of the development 
theorists," for " the pre-prophetical religion of Israel con- 
tained the basis of true monotheism, which testified to the 
incomparable glory and most sublime power of the God 
of revelation." 

With regard to the worship of Jehovah under the form 
of a steer, he calls attention to the fact that, according to a 
well-attested tradition, Israel, when in Egypt, had pol- 
luted themselves with Egyptian idols (Ezek. xx. 7, 8; 
Josh. xxiv. 14), and had brought with them from Egypt 
their idolatry (Ezek. xxiii. 3, 8, 19, 21). He alludes to 


the fact that, in Goshen, or its boundaries, was situated 
the town of On, in which the bull Mnevis was worshipped. 
So far, then, as Jehovah was adored under the form of a 
bull, he maintains that this worship was of Egyptian origin, 
and is not to be traced to an Israelitish source. He lays 
special stress on the fact that the prophets, who must ever 
be regarded as the best representatives of Jewish tradi- 
tion, have not called in question the Mosaic origin of the 
commands against idol worship, and says: The assertion 
that the true prophets of the kingdom of the Ten Tribes 
had regarded the image- worship of Jahveh as lawful, will 
appear impossible from a glance at the oldest Scripture 

He holds, with regard to the law, that while the priests 
were its guardians and interpreters, that it was beyond 
their province to produce a law (Mai. ii. 7). The legal 
basis indeed was possessed by pre-prophetic Jahvism, 
With regard to places, persons, rites, and times, he holds 
the negative view that, parallel with the progressive 
revelation of God, new structures were set up on old 
foundations. On the other hand, he says : We are of the 
positive opinion that the fundamental basis of Israel's 
religion had already been laid down in the youth (Hos. 
xi. I), or the time of the espousals of that nation (Jer. 

ill. 4). 

It will be seen from this discussion of Konig's, that if 
criticism were to do its worst, there would still be a firm 
standing ground, but we are by no means driven to make 
such concessions as Konig has done. Wellhausen's method 
of criticism seems, through induction, to furnish the basis 
for a Hegelian treatment of history, but it is open to the 
objection that it seems to prepare many of the data on 
which such important conclusions rest. 



The doctrine of the Interpretation of the Scriptures is of 
vital importance. Although it may be held that every 
word, letter and point are inspired, as was once the case, 
yet the essential power of the Scriptures may be greatly 
weakened if the principles of exegesis are not sound, if 
interpretation be rather according to the sound than the 
Sense, or if a meaning is put in the word which was never 
intended by the writer, or if passages are deliberately 
explained away because they are thought to be unworthy 
of God. Such a method of exegesis is a dishonor to the 
Scriptures, and to the Spirit who inspired them. The 
writer has seen what purports to be an explanation of the 
opening chapters of Genesis in a certain book on healing 
by so-called " metaphysics." So far as the meaning of 
the text is concerned, they have no connection with it 
except as they are printed under it. They are tied to the 
text as oyster shells might be to an orange tree. 

All schools of critics now essentially agree on the mode 
of interpretation, which may be called " grammatico- 
historical." We assume that we have to do with a text 
that at the present stage of criticism is as perfect as we 
can secure. On the basis of this text we seek to know 
the teaching of a given Scripture taken in its connection, 
and at the time at which it was written. In regard to 
grammar, Scripture is subject to the same rules as the 
writings of any author. We have no right to vary a hair's 


breadth from the grammatical meaning of the passage 
because from our pomt of view we think it ought to mean 
something else. We are to go to Scripture to learn what 
it teaches, and not to put our interpretations into it. 
Hence our philosophical system should have nothing 
whatever to do with the interpretation of Scripture. 
When there are two or more possible interpretations, the 
history of the period must determine which is the true 
one; for example, we do not translate the last clause of 
Gen. iv. 2, " I have gotten a man, Jehovah," which is a 
possible grammatical construction, for the history of the 
Messianic idea, even if we give the Messianic interpreta- 
tion to iii, 15, does not render it at all probable that Eve 
thought she had given birth to a god-man, Jehovah, 
Hence, in view of the history we translate the passage: 
" I have gotten a man with [the help of] Jehovah. " We 
have no right, therefore, to read the New Testament be- 
tween the lines of the Old. The Old Testament leads up 
to the New, and prepares the way for it, but the Old and 
the New are not identical in their teachings. 

The direct literature on this subject has not been ex- 
tended in recent years, although a work appeared three 
years ago in the Methodist series^ which has already been 
noticed in a former volume. ^ 

Farrar's History of Interpretation^ is a very instructive 
and suggestive book, and bears marks of extensive 
acquaintance with the literature of the subject. The 
historical discussion of the question is best adapted to 
show the importance of the grammatico-historical inter- 
pretation, and the utter folly of supposing because a man 

1 Terry, Interpretation of the Old and New Testaments^ 1883. 
•See Current Discussion in Theology^ Chicago, 18S4, voL ii, p. 109. 
'London, 1886. 


can spell out the true meaning of a passage here and there 
in the original that he is competent to ascertain the real 
meaning of the Scripture in question. 

He says in his preface that " The existence of moral and 
other difficulties in the Bible • • • vanish before the 
radical change of attitude which has taught us to regard 
the Bible as the record of a progressive revelation divinely 
adapted to the hard heart, the dull understanding, and the 
slow development of mankind." He truly remarks that 
" Religious controversy went to Scripture not to seek for 
dogmas, but to find them," and he affirms that " the vast 
mass of what has passed for Scriptural interpretation is no 
longer tenable," and that the Christian expositors inherited 
the fatal legacy of Palestinian and Alexandrian methods. 
There is hardly an error in their pages," he says, " which 
cannot be traced back in principle to the Rabbis or to 

He distinguishes seven main periods and systems of bib- 
lical interpretations: The Rabbinic from 457 B.C. to 498 
A.D.; the Alexandrian from 180 B.C. to 200 A.D.; the 
Patristic from 95 A. D. to 1 117; the Scholastic from 1142 
to the Reformation; the Reformation; the Post-Reforma-- 
tion to the middle of the eighteenth; and of the modern 

He gives illustrations of the various methods, and shows 
how the Rabbinic logician, by perverting the letter of the 
law destroys the spirit; how Philo, of the Alexandrian 
school, taught negatively, that " the literal sense must be 
excluded when anything is stated which is unworthy of 
God • • • positively the text is to be allegorised when 
expressions are doubled; when superfluous words are used; 
when there is a repetition of facts already known; when an 
expression is varied; when synonyms are employed; when a 


play of words is possible in any of its varieties; when words 
admit of a slight alteration; when the expression is unusual; 
when there is anything abnormal in the number or tense. " 
He says: " Many of these rules are not peculiar to Philo, 
but ♦ ♦ ♦ were adopted by Origen. ♦ • ♦ They have 
furnished volumes of baseless application without shedding 
upon the significance of Scripture one ray of genuine light. 
The rules * * * in any case have scarcely a partiqle 
of validity." 

With regard to the third, or Patristic ^ period he says: 
" No interpreter except Origen and Jerome has ever exer- 
cised so deep an influence on the modes of exegesis as 
Augustine. His comments are sometimes painfully beside 
the mark, but we get an insight into the erroneous 
methods by which he was led astray when we find him 
endorsing with warm praise the seven rules ofTychonius." 
The foundation of these rules is in the reduction of every- 
thing to generalities and abstractions. " It is argued that 
all Scripture must be allegorically interpreted because 
David says, * I will open my mouth in parables.' • • • 
The argument, which does not hesitate to apply to the 
whole literature of a millenium and a half the misinterpreted 
expression which the Psalmist used of a single psalm, is a 
fair specimen of the futility of the proofs offered in defense 
of these bold methods. " As an example of the second 
rule about true and false Christians, he quotes the com- 
ment on Cant. i. 5, " I am black but comely," the first 
epithet refers to false Christians, the second to true. And 
he adds that " partly owing to Augustine's approval they 
(these rules) became for a thousand years the fountain- 
head of unnumbered misinterpretations." 

The Scholastic period was dominated by the pure fiction 


of the " fourfold sense," which fills volumes of elaborate 
commentary, and which with the unquestioned acceptance 
of false traditions • • • vitiates the popular com- 
pendiums of five hundred years." 

While the Reformation witnessed an immense advance, 
he shows how, in the epoch which succeeded it, the medi- 
aeval subordination of Scriptural study to Papal authority 
was succeeded by another subordination of it, nominally 
to a so-called " Analogy of Scripture " really to the cur- 
rent confessions of the various churches. The whole Bible, 
from Genesis downwards, was forced to speak the language 
of the accepted formulae, and the " perspicuity of Script- 
ture " was identified with the facility with which it could 
be forced into a semblable accordance with dogmatic 

His estimate of the character of the Old Testament 
Scriptures we cannot fully share, but we heartily assent 
to his utterance when he says: " A dogma which attaches 
to the crudest and least spiritual narratives of Genesis or 
Judges the same ethical value and supernatural infallibility 
as to the words of Christ, is the deathblow to all sane, all 
manly, all honest interpretation." And it should be 
remembered that his book affords evidence of the following 
statement: " The Rabbis, the Alexandrians, the Fathers, 
the Schoolmen, the Protestant dogmatists all assure us, 
and that repeatedly, that the words of the Old Testament 
are, in their literal sense and their obvious meaning, some- 
times trivial, sometimes imperfect, sometimes morally 
erroneous. In such cases they get rid of the letter by 
distorting it into the expression of some sentiment of their 
own by way of allegory. What we should rather do is 
to always accept the clear meaning of Scripture, but 



always to judge it by the clear light of Christ. " We should 
limit this last expression, and rather say by the clear light 
of God's Word as it is found in the New Testament, since 
we are very far from believing that the clearly revealed 
Scripture teachings, as seen in the final goal of revelation 
in the Ne\v Testament, are to be accepted or rejected 
according to our inner consciousness. 



I. The Name and Scope. 

Old Testament theology is that branch of biblical the- 
ology which attempts to present the doctrines of the Old 
Covenant as exhibited during the most important periods of 
Israel's religious history. It is the culmination of other 
branches of Old Testament study. It is directly dependent 
upon Old Testament Introduction, because the question of 
the sources from which it is to be derived, and their approx- 
imate ages, are to be determined through the study of the 
Canon and of Introduction. It is also dependent on the 
the history of Israel, so far as this traces the religious 
development of the people, and may even include some 
reference to contemporaneous and neighboring peoples, 
so far as their religious systems have been factors in 
molding the religious thought of Israel. It lays under 
contribution archaeology and geography, for the habits of 
a people and their abode give tone to their religious con- 
ceptions, and must be considered that we may determine 
what is temporal and local, in distinction from that which 
is lasting and universal. Above all things else, it is de- 
pendent upon the right theory and practice of Interpreta- 
tion, or Hermeneutics. There can be no correct Old Tes- 
tament theology without a correct exegesis. 

II. Its Methods. 

It is inductive. It simply asks: what are the facts as 
to the religious views of Israel at a given period ? What 


is the character of the revelation then made to 
them ? While it should hold certain postulates as to 
the possibility or even probability, of a supernatural 
revelation, it is neither apologetic nor harmonistic. It 
does not come within its province to justify the form of 
revelation in a given age, or the religious views which were 
held by the Israelites of a given period. It has no concern 
with the traditional explanation of passages, provided that 
explanation is contrary to the grammar and history of the 
period. Its object is a purely objective one, like that of 
the Palestine exploration survey, it seeks to find things as 
they were. 

III. Its Relation to the Science of Comparative Religions, 

There is a school of critics which regards the Israelitish 
religion merely as one of the principal religions, and the 
Old Testament Scriptures as no more divine in their origin 
than the Koran, or Zend Avesta, or the Vedas. These 
consider the religion of Israel simply as a product of the 
human mind, which began first in fetishism, or animism, 
and was finally developed through polytheism into mono- 
theism. The difference between the religion of Israel and 
the lowest form of religion among savages is simply in 
degree. There is, according to this theory, no such thing 
as a supernatural revelation. God is no more in Israel 
than in other nations. Indeed, this theory is pantheistic 
in its tendency. 

This representation, however, that the most spiritual 
conceptions of God found in the Old Testament are merely 
products of the human mind, is contrary to the represent- 
ation of Scripture, which indicates, both in its history 
and teaching, that the natural tendency of the race is 


IV. Its Relations to New Testament Theology, 

While Old Testament Theology is not on the same 
plane as New Testament with respect to the doctrines 
which it teaches, yet it is preparatory to it. We might as 
well attempt to understand the doctrines of the New Tes- 
tament without those of the Old as to scale the Cheops if 
half of the lower steps were to be removed. While we 
cannot seek in the Old Testament the proof-texts for the 
New Testament doctrines we may find them germinally 
and typically. 

The relation between Old and New Testament Theology 
is radically different from that which exists between the 
New Testament and any of those systems which are pre- 
sented in treatises on comparative religions. 

V. Its Relation to Systematic Theology. 

Systematic Theology arranges the religious truths of 
Christianity in a system. Two principal methods may be 
pre-supposed : 

1. A system of theology may be based principally on 
the revelation of God in the Scriptures, and secondarily 
on the revelation of Himself in the Church. Practically 
most of the systems of theology have been constructed 
in this way. We find ourselves at a certain point in the 
life of the Church. Our theological views are more or 
less consciously affected by those who have gone before 
us. Even if we think that we derive our statements of 
doctrine from the Bible we shall find that we are following' 
largely in the footsteps of the great teachers of the Church. 

2. There may be a system of theology which claims to 
be purely Biblical, and which may adopt the name of 
Biblical Theology. This, however, is an entirely differ- 


ent branch from that which we propose. The criticism is 
most frequently made by devout Christians that the Bible 
is not sufficiently studied in our Theological Seminaries, 
that there is too much study about the Bible, and not 
enough study of the Bible itself, hence the effort is made 
to conform systems of theology more fully to the Bible. 
But even if such systems were entirely inductive, and the 
different doctrines were taught somewhat in the propor- 
tions indicated in the Scriptures, such a system of theol- 
ogy would be very different from the study which we have 
in hand. 

Biblical theology, as a department of study, simply has 
to do with the collection of materials and their arrange- 
ment by periods, according to the religious knowledge of 
God's people as set forth in the Scriptures centuries ago. 
Systematic theology has to do with eternal truths, with 
special emphasis on those which may be demanded by the 
present condition of the church. 

Biblical theology is no more co-extensive with systematic 
theology than the history of doctrine is. BibHcal theology 
is really the history of doctrine as exhibited in the Script- 
ures. It is no more an invasion of the department of 
systematic theology that we should present the doctrines 
of the Old Testament in their historical development, than 
it is that the department of church history should exhibit 
the growth of doctrine in the church during the ante- 
Nicene period. Both biblical theology and history of 
doctrine are subjects for specialists, who have at least had 
a particular training in Old Testament, New Testament 
and ecclesiastical studies. 

VI. The Importance of the Study for Students of Theology. 

While a practical view of the subject might lead us to 


feel that both biblical theology and the history of doctrine 
are superfluous, yet if it be well that a student take any 
course of reading outside of the lectures on systematic 
theology it is perhaps quite as important to know what 
the teaching of Mosaism, Prophetism, and the Chochma 
were, as to study the works of our modern theologians. 
Indeed, both are desirable. 

While we are not to dismiss the theology which has 
been developed in the church as though God's spirit did 
not reside in it, yet we should go back to the unadulterated 
Word to see what God has been pleased to reveal at 
sundry times in the old dispensation, as well as in the new. 
And, while no essential doctrines will be changed, yet if 
instead of regarding all the Bible alike as a collection of 
proof texts, as was done in this country fifty years ago, 
we see how there has been a gradual progress in the 
revelation of divine truth we shall have a juster estimate 
of the relative importance of the various doctrines which 
have been gathered in a s)''stem. 

VII. Its Sources, 

Its sources are the canonical books of the Old Testa- 
ment. While the extent of the canon has not been deter- 
mined by divine authority, yet we may say that it has been 
providentially determined. It is probable that our Lord 
recognized substantially the same books as we now find in 
the Old Testament. It is most unlikely that Reconsidered 
a single apocryphal book as Scripture. 

While the Apocrypha forms a necessary transition 
between the Old and New Testaments, yet it cannot be 
considered a source, although it may be regarded as an 
appendix of the scources, of Old Testament Theology. 


These sources should not be regarded as containing the 
Revelation, but as the Revelation itself. We do not 
mean by this to deny the temporal, human, and imperfect 
character of Old Testament Scripture in many respects. 
But we do not relieve ourselves from difficulty when we 
say that all of which our Christain consciousness does not 
approve is of human origin, and therefore does not per- 
tain to the Revelation. We must remember that God has 
seen fit, in His providence, to allow these marks of human 
imperfection in His Revelation, just as in the revelation of 
His love to man through Jesus Christ, He allowed Him to 
be born in a manger and wrapped in swaddling clothes. 

Nor is Old Testament Theology to be concerned with 
the scientific accuracy and historicity of every part of 
its scources. Since God has been pleased to choose 
sinful man as the instrument .of His revelation, it is not 
for us to claim that the laws of human thought and mental 
activity have been miraculously set aside, in order to con- 
vey perfect science and history. While we should not be 
indifferent to the verification of the historical statements 
of the Old Testament, and may rejoice in every confirma- 
tion, yet we should not put ourselves in such an attitude 
as to tremble for the ark of God in view of modern 
investigations. It is a great misfortune that it should ever 
be supposed that there can be a conflict between science 
and religion. Faith in the saving truths of God's Word, 
and a wise conservatism should be exercised by every 
Christain scholar. 

Vni. Growth of the Science. 

Biblical theology is a child of modern Biblical criticism. 
It existed only in name before that science was fully 


developed. But nothing more was intended by the term 
than a collection of proof-texts taken indiscriminately from 
the Old and New Testaments, without reference to their 
historical setting. This is not Biblical theology in the 
scientific acceptation of the term. It has been first 
developed during the present century. The greatest 
names in the Old Testament branch of this study are 
those of Ewald (d. 1875); Oehler (d. 1872), and Schultz. 
The first and last names represent the most advanced wing 
of the earlier and later criticism, while Oehler occupies a 
conservative position. 

Three new works on Old Testament theology have 
appeared during the past year, not to mention Prof. Day's 
edition of Oehler's Old Testament Theology, which was 
published in 1 874. ^ Oehler's work is still a favorite text- 
book in Germany. Prof. Weidner, of the Theological 
Seminary of the Scandinavian Evangelical Lutheran 
Augustana Synod at Rock Island, has produced a compact 
manual based on Oehler,* which may be recommended to 
those who would not prefer the larger, fuller work edited 
by Prof. Day. 

Our interest, however, centers in two works, which have 
come from the modern critical school of Reuss, one by a 
Strassburg pastor, Piepenbring,^ and the other by a Strass- 
burg professor, Kayser,* who was an important factor in 
enforcing the views of Graf. The relations between these 
two writers is uncommon. Prof. Kayser aided his friend, 
the pastor, in the publication of his work. His own dis- 

' New York, 1874. 

"Chicago, 1886. 

^Th^ologie de UAncien Testament, Paris, 1886. 

^Die Theologie des Alten Testaments, Strassburg, 1886. 


cussion of the subject, which was first delivered in the 
form of lectures to the theological students of Strassburg 
University in 1883, were published after his death last 
year under the editorial care of the venerable Reuss. 

His position in comparison with that of Wellhausen is 
conservative, and approaches that of Konig. The same 
may be said of his friend, Piepenbring. 

We begin first with the work of Kayser. He says, in 
speaking of the importance of the science, that the pro- 
gress of exegesis has shown that Christian dogmatics 
deviate in many ways from the text, aod that the doctrine 
of the Bible is much more simple than that of the church. 
He divides his work into four periods: 
I. The origin and vicissitudes of Mosaism from Moses 
until Solomon. 2. The further development of Mosaism 
from Solomon until the Exile. 3. The fixing of the 
knowledge which had been attained from the return out 
of the Exile until the Greek dominion. 4. The time of 
the decomposition of Mosaism under external influences 
until the destruction of the second temple. 

He takes as strong ground as Konig with reference to 
the origin of monotheism in the time of Moses, for he 
affirms that Kenan's assumption that the Shemites were 
monotheists by birth is utterly contradicted by history. ^ 
He says, that according to the oldest historical documents, 
monotheism was introduced by Moses on the wilderness 
journey. He is called a messenger of Yahveh (Micah. vi. 
4), and the first incomparable prophet (Hos. xii. 14), to 
whom God previously revealed Himself on Sinai. As 
these testimonies are of comparatively recent date, one 
might be tempted to doubt them. Nevertheless, it is a 

* Kayser, Theologie des Alien Testaments^ Strassburg, 1886, p* 20. 


fact that in certain circles in the time of the Judges, mono- 
theism was predominant. No other time is to be thought 
of than that when the tribes of Israel were relieved from 
their servitude of several hundred years. The religious 
regeneration is certainly closely connected with the politi- 
cal birth of the people. We hold it, therefore, as an unas- 
sailable fact, that Moses, the liberator of Israel, was also 
the founder of its religion. 

He says that at an early period many attributed the 
superiority of Moses to his people to his Egyptian train- 
ing. They have emphasized the fact that the Egyptian 
secret instruction was monotheistic, and that one God has 
the name " I am that I am " (Cf. Ex, iii. 14). But he 
objects that the Egyptian monotheism is pantheistic, the 
one God here is the universal power of nature, while 
Moses' God is Lord over nature. He, moreover, thinks it 
unlikely that Israel, at the moment that it tore itself free 
from Egypt, would have ascribed its rescue to an Egyptian 

While he declares that Moses was not an author in 
an age when the Israelites certainly could not read, he 
holds that in a certain sense we must regard him as a 
legislator of his own people, although he says the opinion 
must be given up that he was the author of all the Penta- 
teuchal laws. He affirms that Moses did not give the 
state a constitution, that his chief concern was with relig- 
ion. He was the mediator of a covenant between God 
ajid Israel (Hos. xii. 14), and this covenant was the kernel 
of Mosaism. 

His representation of the teaching of the apochryphal 
books and the New Testament on the subject of Jewish 

"^Ihid, p. 30. 


eschatology is certainly interesting as coming from one 
who has only a scientific interest in the subject. We give 
an abridgement without the Hebrew and Greek words. 


The entire course of the world is divided into two 
periods: i. The past and present time of trouble, imper- 
fection and sin (this age, or the present age. Matt. xii. 32; 
Luke XX. 34; 2 Cor. iv. 4; Titus ii. 12); 2. The future time 
(the age to come, Matt. xii. 32; Luke xx. 35, xviii. 30), a 
time of happiness, of perfection, virtue and blessedness. 
ITie last part of the first period is called in Daniel the end 
of the days, in the New Testament, the last days, the end 
of the ages, etc. (James v. 3; 2 Tim. iii. i; i Tim. iv, 
i; I Cor. X. 11), most frequently the consummation of 
the age (Matt. xxiv. 3). Between both periods falls the 
judgment of the world, and with most thp resurrection of 
the dead and the renewal of heaven and earth. The 
Messianic kingdom synchronizes sometimes with the 
several periods, after the judgment, sometimes between 
both as the prelude of the second (4 Ezra). 

This prelude, which aims at the completion, is intro- 
duced by the appearance of a person who is to introduce 
the political and religious transformation of the church. 
This person is called the Messiah, the Anointed (Ap. Bar. 
xxix, 3; XXX. I, xxxix. 7, etc.), the Christ (Matt. ii. 4; 
Luke ii. 26; ix. 20); King of Israel (John i. 50; Luke 
xix. 38); Son of David (Matt. xxii. 42, etc.), signifying 
the same as King; Son of God, signifying the same as 
Christ in the New Testament (Matt. xxvi. 63; Luke xxii, 
70; John i. 50). 

The time of his appearance is predetermined by God. 


It is called the fullness of the times (Tob. xiv. 4S; Mark 
i. IS; Gal. iv. 4), and is for man an inscrutable secret 
(4 Ezra vi. 10; xiii. 51). Hence it is said that he comes like 
a thief in the night, or like the lightning (Matt. xxiv. 27). 
Nobody knows the hour. 

The signs of his coming are an ever increasing distress 
and corruption on the earth, a time of trouble (Dan. xii. 
i), grievous times (2 Tim. iii. i), great tribulation (Matt, 
xxiv. 21), great distress (Luke xxi. 23), • • ♦ in a word, 
the so-called birth-throes of the Messianic period (Matt, 
xxiv. 8; Mark xiii. 9). To it belong national calamities, 
war, famine, pestilence (Matt. xxiv. 6ff.; 4 Ezra ix. iff,; 
xiii. 3 iff., etc.); appearances which awaken terror in 
nature, eclipses of the sun and moon, the falling of the 
stars, earthquakes (Matt. xxiv. 29; Luke xxi. 11-25) 
• • • Further, ever-increasing moral corruption (Matt. 
xxiv. 12; X. 3S), dissolution of all the bonds of piety 
(4 Ezra v); apostasy from the faith of the fathers (Matt, 
xxiv. 5, II, 24, etc.); persecution and oppression of the 
pious (Dan. ix. 26; Matt. xxiv. 9, etc.). • • • Finally, 
the appearance of the Antichrist, a demoniacal being, an 
incarnate devil, in whom all the power of the world and 
the enmity against God is concentrated, who opposes God 
and his people, and calls down the vengeance of Heaven. 

The business of the Messiah is the founding of the 
Kingdom of God. To this belongs, first, the restoration 
' of Israel from a political point of view, as in the prophets 
♦ ♦ ♦ the raising up of the throne of David (Acts i. 6), 
finally, the rule of Israel over foreign nations (Dan. ii. 44; 
vii, 14-27, etc.). The moral restoration is contempora- 


neous with the political restoration of Israel. ♦ • • In 
connection with this is the conversion of the heatlien (Tob. 
xiv. 4ff.; xiii. 6), and at the same time the subjugation of 
all under the law of the Messiah (Ps. Sal. xvii. 32ff, etc.) 

He says that according to the ancients the Messianic 
kingdom endured forever (Dan. vii. 27). According to 
others, especially later [writers] it is not the last end of 
the world, but only a period of it. • * • According to 
the rabbis it is one thousand years. • • ♦ During this 
period Satan is bound in Sheol. As participants in this 
first Messianic period are not only the pious who are alive, 
but also the faithful Israelites who have died, especially 
the martyrs (Dan. xii. 2-13, etc.). It is called the first 
resurrection. A new and last struggle forms the close of 
this earthly period of happiness. Satan, who is let loose, 
excites a mighty war against restored Israel. A great 
army gathered from all the ends of the earth for which 
Gog and Magog ( Ez. xxxviii. 39) serve as a type, 
marches against Jerusalem, but is overcome by God Him- 
self, and is cast with Satan into Gehenna (Enoch xcix. 7). 
Thereupon follows the general resurrection to judgment 
(Dan. xii. 2), or only of the righteous (Ps. Sal. iii. 16). 
The day of judgment dawns (the last day, Judith xvi. 17, 
etc.). God is judge. * • ♦ The wicked are cast into 
hell-fire, and indeed forever (Ap. Bar. xliv. 15; li. iff; 
4 Ezra VI. i). 

The work of Piepenbring^ is admirably clear and well- 
arranged. He divides his discussion into three periods. 
The first from Moses until the commencement of the eighth 
century. It is distinguished by the preponderating 
influence of traditional ideas and usages, modified, in part 

^Theologie de VAncien Testament, Paris, 1886. 


only, by ancient prophetism. The second, from the 
appearance of the more ancient prophetic books until the 
end of the Exile, is marked by the great influence of 
prophetism, which has reached its zenith. The third, 
from the Exile until the first century before the Christian 
era, is characterized by the extraordinary influence of the 
written law and of the priesthood. ^ 

The book does not contain anything especially new. It 
seems rather to be based on works that have already 
appeared. We give, however, a free quotation from his 
discussion of the sources of Old Testament Theology, 
because it shows the view of the more moderate critics 
respecting the origin of some of the Old Testament books: 

" On an examination of the Old Testament books, we 
see that the Israelites did not have the historical sense 
more developed than most of the other people of anti- 
quity. They fashion the past invariably after the pres- 
ent, or transport the present into the past; they imagine, 
at each epoch, that existing institutions go back to a 
very remote antiquity, and they write history accord- 
ingly. We cannot be surprised, since the same phenom- 
enon is reproduced in the bosom of the Christian Church. 
Even to-day the majority of Catholics imagine that insti- 
tutions of their Church go back to Jesus and His apostles, 
and ecclesiastical history has been written in good faith 
from this point of view. In the different Protestant 
Churches also, people commonly believe that the doctrine 
which they profess is a faithful expression of the teaching 
of Jesus and His apostles, and more than once, they have 
fashioned this teaching after modern systems of dogmatics. ^ 

"^Ibidf p. 4. 
^Ibidf pp. 9-ia 


He applies this theory to the Book of Chronicles as 
compared with the Books of Samuel and Kings. This 
is a favorite theory of the modern critics, but while there 
may be some truth in it the theory is pushed altogether 
too far when the effort is thus made entirely to invalidate 
the statements of the Books of Chronicles with regard to 
the ritual and the priesthood, for Kings was written by a 
prophetic writer. Chronicles by a priestly. 

He holds views in regard to the Pentateuch and the 
connection of Moses with it which would be considered 
conservative in Germany, although not in America. 

He says: " Since the people of Israel have attributed 
the laws successively elaborated in their midst to Moses, 
as they have attributed their psalms to David and their 
proverbs to Solomon, we have a right to think Moses is a 
personage as historical as these two kings, and that he was 
the first great legislator of Israel, as David was its first 
prominent Psalmist, and Solomon was its first distinguished 
didactic poet. But as it is almost impossible to discrim- 
inate the authentic Psalms of David and the Proverbs of 
Solomon, from those which were later attributed to them 
erroneously, it is impossible to distinguish the laws pro- 
ceeding from Moses, from those which did not appertain 
to him. We are perfectly certain that a great number of 
Pentateuchal laws are not from Moses. But there are 
others which might have been without our having the 
means to establish the fact with certainty. "^ This is essen- 
tially W. Robertson Smith's theory of the growth of the 
Pentateuch, as presented some years ago.^ 

With regard to the covenant of God with Israel, he 

^Ihidy p. II. *See The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, Edin- 
burgh, i88i, pp. 335-385- 


makes this important statement : " The idea of a cove- 
nant between Jehovah and Israel goes back very far. It 
certainly goes back to Moses, the founder of the Israel- 
itish theocracy, since we do not find any place where it 
could have originated. In the Book of Judges and in 
those of Samuel, even in the most ancient fragments 
which they contain, like the song of Deborah, Jehovah is 
everywhere considered as the God of Israel, and Israel as 
the people of Jehovah. * • * This idea is the basis of 
prophetic teaching. It appears on every page of the Old 
Testament. ^ These are certainly important admissions. If 
Moses was the original law-giver, then we have a good 
basis for believing that at least much in the Pentateuch 
has come from him. 

. Orelli's interesting work on The Old Testament Proph- 
ecy of the Consummation of God's Kingdom ^^ has been 
brought within the reach of English readers. He alludes 
to the fact that twenty years ago liberalism preached on 
every house-top its favorite dogma, man's capacity for 
eternal progress. To-day, in the most advanced circles, 
this is looked down on with scorn. An actual progress 
of real value is no longer believed in. The pessimism, 
which in our days has gained so large a following, learned 
and unlearned, is itself a witness to the imperfection under 
which man groans. • » • Instead of redemption, 
nothing but a dissolution of existence will satisfy it, so 
strongly does it feel its burden. "^ 

In discussing the subject of prophecy, he says : " Com- 
parative psychology plainly teaches this much, namely : 

' Piepenbring, Thiologie de V ancien Testament^ Paris, 1886, p. 29. 
"Edinburgh, 1885. 
^Ibid^ pp. 2. 


That the Shemites were more adapted by nature than 
other peoples • • • to see the absolute in the finite, the 
working of God in nature, His action in history, and to 
hear His words in the inner spiritual life of individuals. 
• * • Revelation joins on to existing conceptions, and 
is partly determined in the shape it assumes by the temper- 
ament of the prophet, the liveliness and cast of his imag- 
ination, his mental training and calling in life."i 

He defines the kingdom of the Lord as the full working 
out of His will in the world, the dwelling of God among 
His people in most intimate fellowship with them. He 
says that the form in which the prophecy is given is 
colored by the age in which it was uttered. It pictures 
God's perfected kingdom still with national tints and colors. 
Mount Zion is the center to which all nations journey to 
worship, because at the time God's kingdom was national 
and local in character, and the chief point was that all 
nations should do homage to the God then worshipped on 
Zion. • ♦ • The old hereditary foes, Egypt, Moab, 
Edom, etc., are named as the foes who will fall before God's 
kingdom. Nor are these temporal forms to be regarded 
as a conscious accommodation of the prophet to his 
hearers ; but they were the forms in which the future pre- 
sented itself to him. 2 

In regard to the descriptions in Is. xi. and Ix., he says: 
" Here the sensuous veil bursts under the spiritual glory 
streaming through it." He argues against the conception 
that in such prophecies we have a progress from error to 
truth. The form of the prophecy is adapted to the pecul- 

^Ibid, pp. 8-9. 
^rbid, pp. 30,31. 


iar wants of the people to whom it is addressed, and is 
therefore pedagogic in design. ^ 

But he recognizes a truth of no less importance when 
he says: " And while it is certain that we ought not to 
transfer to the future any part of Old Testament prophecy 
which the Gospel has shown to be mere transient limita- 
tion, as is done to some extent by a too realistic theology, 
still, on the other hand, it is perverse to maintain that the 
only permanent elements in those oracles are certain 
abstract ideas, while the form has no enduring significance. 
As little as the agreement of the form with the appearance 
of the person of Christ was accidental, so little will it be 
unrelated to the shape of God's kingdom, that is to 





I. Science and the Old Testament. 

Nature and the Bible ^ Edinburgh, 1886, is a translation 
of the fourth edition of an admirable work by Dr. F. H. 
Reusch, Professor of Catholic Theology in the University 
of Bonn. He belongs to the old Catholic party. The 
present edition, according to the preface of the translator, 
has been corrected by the author so as to keep pace with 
the progress of scientific discoveries since the publication 
of the last German edition in 1876. It is written with 
great thoroughness and conscientiousness in a clear style. 
The author maintains: (i.) " God gave in ancient times, 
probably to the first man a revelation concerning the 

^Ibid, p. 36. 
«/^iV, p. 56. 


creation of the world. (2.) This revelation was handed 
down by tradition to Moses, and Moses, with the assist- 
ance of the Divine Spirit, so transcribed it that his tran- 
scription reproduces truly the original revelation. We 
have, therefore, in the Mosaic account of creation a divine 
and thus an undoubtedly true account of the creation of 
all things." With reference to the Bible and nature, he 
holds that " the Bible speaks of* the events, phenomena 
and laws of nature, in the same way as the ordinary man, 
whose language is formed by what he sees; " and that the 
object of the Bible is not to give us scientific teaching, 
but only to impart to us moral and religious truths. " 

He does not hold to six literal days, but rather to six 
periods or " moments '* in the history of creation. He 
maintains that when scientists speak of the eternity of 
matter, they do so not in a scientific way, and argues that 
there is no proof that there was, originally, more than one 
human pair. 

We can warmly commend this book, which discusses 
this whole subject in a reverent and fair-minded spirit. 

Guyot's Creation 1 maintains the substantial accuracy of 
the account in Genesis. The author essentially adopts 
the theory of Laplace, who " assumed, as his starting- 
point, the sun as a nebulous star with a powerful nucleus 
revolving on its axis, and whose hot, gaseous atmosphere 
extended beyond the limit of the orbit of Neptune." 
Through the cooling of this body rings were formed, 
which broke up and became planets. 

There are two questions which arise in reading this 
book, one with reference to the science, the other as 
regards the exegesis. Scientists are certainly not agreed 

^New York, 1884. 


that the theory of Laplace, simple and beautiful as it 
appears, is a correct hypothesis. PfafT says, with refer- 
ence to the rings of Saturn, which seem to furnish a 
ground for this hypothesis: ^ " The rings of Saturn, accord- 
ing to recent investigations, are not masses of gas [Gas^ 
massen], and most probably are not fluid masses, but 
probably are to be considered as a thick assemblage 
[" Haufwerk "] of small moons, which do not form a con- 
nected mass, but through their nearness to each other, 
in their great distance from us, give the appearance of a 
connected ring." 

From an exegetical point of view it is a question whether 
earth {eretz) in Gen. i. 2 can be interpreted to mean the 
matter of the universe in general, or mayim waters as 
equivalent to the gaseous atmosphere. The book, how- 
ever, is very suggestive, and in its mechanical execution 
it is a gem. 

Mr. Gladstone writes an article in an English review on 
The Dawn of Creation and Worship ^^ directed against the 
view set forth by Dr. R^ville, Professor in the College of 
France, in his Prolegomena of the History of Religions^ 
that there was no such thing as a primitive revelation of 
religious truth to humanity, in which he contends for the 
scientific accuracy of the account of creation given in Gen- 

This was followed by an article from Mr. Huxley, ^ with 
a reply from Mr. Gladstone,* a rejoinder by Mr. Huxley,^ 
and other discussions by Prof. Drummond,® and also a 

^Die Entwicklung der Welt auf Atomistische Grundlage, Heidelberg, 
1883, p. 151. 

* The Nineteenth Century, November, Philadelphia, 1885, pp. 685-706. 

^London, 1884. 

*Ibid, pp. 849-860. ^Ibid, 1886, pp. 1-21. ^IHdf pp. 191-205; 2o6-2i4« 
etc. ^Oberlin, p. 220. 


rejoinder by Dr. R^ville. Significantly enough these dis- 
cussions, omitting Prof. Drummond's, were laid hold of by 
The Truth Seeker Company y which publishes infidel and 
atheistic literature, such as the works of Thomas Paine and 
Robert Ingersoll. 

An article by Prof. Dana, of Yale College, in the Bihli- 
otheca Sacra for April, 1885, is designed to show the sub- 
stantial agreement of Genesis and Geology. He says : 
" Science has made no real progress toward proving that 
the divine act was not required for the creation of man. 
No remains of ancient man have been found that are of 
lower grade than the lowest of existing tribes; none that 
show any less of the erect posture and of other character- 
istics of the exalted species. *' 

II. The Situation of Eden, 

Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch raised the question five years 
ago, " Where was Paradise? " He answered it by argu- 
ing that Eden must have been in Babylonia, and that the 
river Phrat as is usually claimed was the Euphrates, which 
was the one river, and that Hiddekel was the Tigris, but 
that the Pishon and Gichon are respectively the canals 
Pallakopas and the so-called Shatt-en-Nil. While the 
work has been greatly admired for its erudition and bril- 
liant scholarship the theory has not yet found special 

Paradise Found — The Cradle of the Human Race at 
the North Pole,'^ is a curious and interesting book by Will- 
iam F. Warren, D. D., President of Boston University, 
in which, with much learning, he argues that, according to 
the testimony of science and ethnic tradition, Eden was 

^Boston, 1885. 


situated at the North Pole. He claims that this theory 
serves to avoid many difficulties. But, notwithstanding 
the abundant array of quotations, it is to be doubted 
whether this hypothesis will ever attain anything more 
than to be considered one of the curiosities of literature. 

Moritz Engel is equally sure that he has solved this 
biblical riddle. ^ He says that Paradise was the oasis 
Ruchbe, eastward of the Hauran. His description of it, 
which he connects with the origin of the Jewish doctrine of 
Hades, is as follows: " The waterless, red-hot volcanic 
plateau, es 3afa, which has stiffened into fluid lava, 
is a hellish formation, and awakens horror and dismay 
(Wetstein); on the contrary, the oasis Ruchbe at its side, 
separated by a black wall of lava, is almost a supernatural 
piece of land. • • » The collocation of these forma- 
tions is so remarkable that even an old Bedouin poet said 
the Safa appeared to be like a part of Hell, and the Ruchbe 
a part of Paradise. "^ 

" From the character of both these earthly localities 
comes the representation in the old Judaic popular lan- 
guage which Jesus also used. The Safa became a sub- 
terranean place where the rich man suffers from thirst and 
pain, but the Oasis Ruchbe the subterranean residence in 
Abraham's bosom. "^ Prof. Delitzsch's theory seems 
sober, and probable in comparison with Warren's and 

HI. Jewish History and Literature, 

Jewish History. — Perhaps the best book on the Jews is 
still the one by Prof. Kellogg, already mentioned in these 
discussions, * In Putnam's Series : The Story of the 

^DU Ldsung der ParadiesfragCy Leipzig, 1885. 
^Ihid, p. 84. ^Ibid^ pp. 191-192. *Vol. ii. p. 20. 


Nations is aft interesting work on the Jews^ by James R. 
Hosmer, Professor in Washington University, St. Louis. 
Messianic Expectations^ is by a Jewish rabbi, Schindler. 
He is able to clasp hands with liberal Unitarians as appears 
from the preface by Minot J. Savage. • The author says; 
" There is not one among us who expects the advent of a 
Messiah/'* He maintains that Jesus was not the founder 
of Christianity, and that " his whole history could be 
inscribed almost upon the nail of a thumb. "'^ He main- 
tains that Christianity owes its life to Paul, that Paul was 
no rabbi and no scholar whatsoever, that if ever Mes- 
sianic expectations have been realized they were realized 
in Bar Kochba. ^ He apologizes for the Jews' expecta- 
tion of a Messiah by saying; "The early Church was 
actually, for almost three hundred years, expecting the 
return of their Messiah, and thus, in a most natural way, a 
similar notion was strengthened among the Jews. When, 
finally Christ did not re-appear, the Church changed its 
front ♦ ♦ * <the kingdom of Heaven,' originally 
denoting an era of universal happiness upon earth was 
placed beyond the clouds. "^ 

Contrary to all the hopes that the Jews once entertained 
(and that the orthodox among them still entertain) that a 
Messiah would return and restore the Kingdom to Israel, 
he says: " Israel itself is the Messiah whom God has 
destined to enlighten the nations of the earth.'* * » » We 
have given up all those fanciful notions of a political 
restoration of Israel through the instrumentality of the 
Messiah, and have adopted in their place the hope that all 
humanity will sometime reach by a steady evolution a 

-"The Story of the Jews, New York, 1886. 'Boston, i88d. ^Ibid, p. 8. 
*7J></,p. 5. »Z>>V, pp. 34-40. ^Ibid,i^.Si, ''md^i^^ «i?iV, p. 84. 


degree of happiness far beyond the present, and far beyond 
description; a state in which the evils still adhering to 
mankind will be removed, and its virtues increased and 
developed. United and hand in hand with all human 
brethren we shall strive to advance toward this goal; and 
if there must be a distinction between us, let it be that of 
a generous competition as to who shall reach the mark 

In general terms this millenium, or golden age, that is 
here described is being preached by liberal theologians. 
In the early part of the century it was Hegelianism, it is 
now Darwinism applied to theology, only man is magnified 
and God's power is reduced to a minimum. 

Jewish Literature. — ^The Hebrew New Testament, 
by Prof. Delitzsch, now issued in octavo form and large 
type, can hardly be reckoned under this rubric, although 
it may be mentioned here as by far the best translation of 
the New Testament into the Hebrew tongue by a Chris- 
tian scholar who is best versed in Jewish literature. ^ It 
is doubtless destined to accomplish a great work among 
the Jews. 

We refer rather to the treasures and rubbish of Jewish 
literature, as found in the Midrashim, or commentaries, 
and the Talmud, which are to be within the reach of 
Christian scholars. As an introduction to this literature 
may be commended, although with qualification, the 
work of Gustav Karpeles,^ beginning with the Old Testa- 
ment, and extending to modern Jewish literature. 

Certain parts of Jewish literature have been translated^ 

^Thid, pp. 8, 14. "British and Foreign Bible Society, Berlin, 1885. 
^GescMchte der yudischen lAteratur^ Berlin, 1886. 


as the Mishna,! not to mention others, by Surenhusius,* 
into Latin, and by Jost' into German, although in Jewish 
characters. There are also translations of various treatises 
of the Jerusalem Talmud in some parts of UgoHni The^ 
sauruSy a great work in thirty-four folio volumes, of which 
copies can no longer be purchased, not to mention other 

Dr. August Wtinsche has done a particularly valuable 
work in translating the Midrashim,* or Jewish commenta- 
ries to the Pentateuch and Megilloth. ^ Competent Jewish 
scholars pronounce the rendering a good one. The same 
scholar has begun the translation of Haggadaic parts of 
the Babylonian Talmud, ^ The first volume contains several 

The Jerusalem Talmud, on the other hand, is being 
translated by Moses Schwab, of the National Library, 
Paris. 7 

This Jewish literature, as has been shown by the studies 
of Schoettgen,^ Lightfoot,® Delitzsch,^^ Wiinsche,^^ 
Edersheim and others, is of the highest importance for 
the right understanding of the New Testament. 

*The Oral Law of the Jews, cf. Schiller Szinessy, in the Encyclopedia 
Britannica, New York, 1883 ; pp. 502-508. 

*Amstelaedami, 1688-1702 ; Berlin, 1832-1854. 

'Venetiis, 1 744-1 769. 

*Cf. The Encyclopedia Britannicay New York, 1883 ; pp. 285-288. 

« Leipzig, 1880-1883. 

^Der Babylonische Talmud in Seinen Haggctdischen Bestandtheilen^ 
Leipzig, 1886. 

''Le TalmiMl de Jerusalem, Paris, 1886. 'Dresdae, X733-X742. 

^Horce Hebraicce et TalmudiccBy Oxford, 1859. 

"^^ZeUschriftfUr die gesammte lutherische Theologie und Kirche^ Leipzig. 
1876 ; pp. 401-409, 593-606, Ibid, 1877 ; pp. x-x6, 209-215, 599-^7- 
^ "^Neue Beitrdge zur Erlduterung der Evangelien, Gottingen, 1878. 







CmrAiso T"^T*' lyoiCAij Sbminaev^ 




Holtzmann defines^ New Testament Introduction as " that 
science which has to investigate the origin and original posi- 
tion and condition of those writings which belong to the 
Canon, and to give, as far as possible, a definite and object- 
ively supported account of them." 

This limitation is undoubtedly well grounded, for it is 
just by accepting these twenty-seven writings as chosen by 
the early Church for certain doctrinal and other sufficient 
reasons, and confining our attention to them, that New 
Testament Introduction can be treated as an independent 
study and not as a chapter in a work on early Christian 

He begins with the General Introduction, under which 
he treats first the History of the Text, defending here this 
part of his subject from the objections of Zahn and others 
who think it does not belong to a work on Introduction. 

'^Lehrbuck der historisch-kritischen Einleitung in das Neue Testament^ 
Freiburg, I. B. 1885. 

Cf. Also the new editioa of Bleek's Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 
4eAufl.,besorgtvon W. Mangold, Berlin, 1886; and Weidner's Theological 
Encyclopedia based on Hagenbach and Krauth. Part I. Introduction and 
Exegetical Theology. Philadelphia, 1885. 



It is held in reply» that since the idea of a Canon involved 
the idea of an inspired Canon, the treatment of the text, 
in which every word is from God if canonical, sheds much 
light on the history of the sacred books. The second 
part of Holtzmann's work deals with Special Introduction, 
and is a storehouse of information about each of the. New 
Testament writings, so that it may be said, without hesita- 
tion, if a, student wishes to find the fullest and clearest 
account of what every critic in every land has thought in 
these last days about the origin and aim of our New Tes- 
tament books he cannot do better thaft turn to the work of 
this Strasburg professor. 


Every careful student has noticed the great change in 
Christian literature when he passes from New Testament 
ground, including somewhat the apocryphal writings, and 
reaches the early Christian apologists. ^ Holtzmann says, 
" The last thirty years of the second century have terminal 
significance for the early Christian past and introduce a 
future essentially different in its nature. With this period 
begins old ecclesiastical literature, so-called, for although 
it grew on the soil of the Roman Empire, then permeated 
by Greek culture, it had its impelling factor in the new 
religion, which was now preparing to take possession of 
that world empire. The apologists of the second century 
moved in the current of the world literature, for they 
wrote for a heathen public." The antignostic polemics of 
Irenaeus followed the Greek method of these writers, and 
with Clement of Alexandria, the Greek-Roman literary 

*Cf. Current Discussions in Theology, 1885, p. 140 f. 


form was definitely appropriated and Patristic literature, 
in the strict sense of the word, began. 

Except the works of Justin Marytr, who was a sort of 
anticipation of the Fathers, the Christian writings before 
• Irenaeus, i. e, the New Testament and its Apocryphal com- 
panions of earlier date, also the Apostolic Fathers, belong 
as a literary product to a sort of " palaeontological forma- 
tion," the remains of a dead world now preserved in 
fragments, now in complete portions, governed by Jewish 
motives and conditions. Along this literary moraine are 
found the New Testament books. The Apostolic Church 
was not favorably situated for producing a wide literature. 
The congregations were unlearned, they looked for the 
end of the world, they lived in active, troublous times. 
Hence the writings were such as circumstances called forth. 
At the end of this first period the New Testament Canon 
was closed, for, in the consciousness of the Church, it was 
felt that in literary impulse an old was past and a new about 
to begin. In this transition time, from Jewish literary 
methods to Gentile, in the presence of Montanism, preach- 
ing a prophecy that threatened danger to ecclesiastical 
order, and of Gnosticism, which taught false doctrine based 
on spurious New Testament books, the Church settled the 
number of inspired writings which were to be read at 
public worship and be appealed to in support of truth. 
Holtzmann sums up the views of radical critics thus: " All 
fancies about a 'fall' disappear as soon as connections 
are once shown from the point of view of the Apostolic 
age to that of incipient Ecclesiasticism. Every idea 
also is fundamentally excluded which finds the origin of 
the New Testament books in such a brief space of time 
that the unity of their contents throughout could be 


regarded as vouched for solely by the circumstances in 
which they arose. The history of their rise points rather 
to a long course of development which Christianity had 
gone through, before the original congregation in Jerusa- 
lem became the Catholic Church. It is no longer possible* 
to regard these books in any other way than as the results 
of such a process*': the only question open is, how many 
of these books arose in the first century, or whether the 
process ran on far into the second. They cannot be a sim- 
ple product of an early Petrine and Pauline conflict and its 
gradual healing; for such a struggle did not wholly destroy 
the neutral basis, neither, as we can see, from Christian 
Alexandrianism, did it fill up the whole history of early 
Christianity. But they are the fruit of a similar conflict of 
religious factors about the cradle of Christianity, whether 
we follow the construction of the Tubingen or the Gottin- 
gen critics, the one making the reconciliation take place 
while Jewish Christianity was predominant, the other 
regarding the early Catholic Church as a stage in the 
development of Gentile Christianity, which itself had again 
fallen into legalism. Thus the Canon arose as part of the 
consolidation of the Catholic Church, and this process 
went on the more quickly because bishops acted later, and 
not congregations as at first. The Episcopate traced its 
origin to the Apostles, and then the Apostolic writings 
became authority for fixing what was Catholic teachings 
and practice. Bishops and Canon grew together. 

Harnack gives a similar explanation. ^ He says that as 
late as A. D. 150, there was still no New Testament col- 
lection of books put on a level with the Old Testament; 

^Lehrbttch der Dogmengeschichte, Bd. I Die Entstehung des kirchlichen 
Dogmas. Freiburg I. B. x^, p. 272 ff. 


and that apart from the Apocalypses there were no new 
writings which were regarded as holy, and as such inspired 
and authoritative. There was no canonical use then of our 
Four Gospels. Tatian's harmony, the views of the Alogi, 
the appearance of Montanism, all show that there was then 
no closed New Testament Canon. The Canon was settled 
in conflict with the Gnostics. The Roman Church and 
the Church of Asia Minor decided on the books to be 
accepted, choosing those which were used in public wor- 
ship, and bearing Apostolic names. Others, which con- 
tradicted the common faith, were rejected as spurious. 
The canonical only were thenceforth to be read in churches. 
This put an end to prophecy apart from the written 

Such are the views of the advanced critics, valuable 
in describing historic sequence, but misleading in so far 
as they ignore special revelation, and proceed to trace 
the origin of our New Testament books as a simple 
survival of the fittest from a mass of early religious 

An interesting discovery in reference to the attitude of 
the Roman Church towards the Canon has been recently 
made by Mommsen,^ which is nothing less than a list, 
hitherto unknown, of the books of the Bible, as used in 
the Latin, or, apparently more nearly, the African Church, 
in the year A. D. 359. The New Testament part is as 

Item indiculunt novi testamenti. 

evangelia iiiiy Matheum vr IIDCC, 
Marcus ver MDCC. 
Johannem vr MDCCC. 

^Hermes, Bd. xxi, H. I. S., 142-156. 


Luca vr IIICCC. 

fiunt omnes versus X. 

epics Pauli n XIII. _ 

actus aplorum ver IIIDC. 

apocalipsis ver MDCCC. 

epla Johannis III ur CCCCL. 

una sola. 

eplce Petri II ver CCC. 

una sola. 
Quoniam indiculum versuum in urbe Roma non ad 
liquiduniy sed et alibi avaricia causa non habent integrum^ 
per singulos libros computatis syllabis posui^ numero XVI 
versum Virgilianum omnibus libris numerum adscripsi. 

We see here the Four Gospels and the Pauline Epistles 
regarded as distinct collections and put first in the list, the 
remaining writings being named individually, except that 
the epistles of Peter and John are grouped. The Stichoi, 
so carefully given and remarked upon, show watchfulness 
in the fourth century against both copyists and booksell- 
ers. The order of the Gospels is not that of the early 
Latin Church — Matthew, John, Luke, Mark ; neither is it 
that found in the West after Jerome — Matthew, Mark, 
Luke, John, but presents the peculiar order of the Cure- 
tonian Syriac and the Commentary of Theophilus — 
Matthew, Mark, John, Luke (Zahn). 

Harnack thinks that Lucifer of Cagliari also shows the 
order found here, not only of the Gospels, but of all the 
New Testament books. ^ It is noticeable that the Epistle 

^ Aiitr posui a letter has been erased. Zahn adds the remark, " the words 
from posui to Virgilianum seem to be a parenthesis, and to say, * I calculated 
the hexameter at sixteen syllables.' ** Ztft. f, kirchL Wissenschft, u. k. Z. 
1886. H. iii. 

' Theologische Liter aturteitung, 1886, No. 8. 


to the Hebrews is not named anywhere in this list. It 
seems not to have belonged to the Canon of the African 
Church even in the middle of the fourth century. The 
growing tendency of this church, from Tertullian on, to 
fix the Canon, led to exclusion for a time, even of some 
books formerly more or less used. The Epistle of Jude 
went this way ; perhaps also the Epistle of James. Not 
till the end of the fourth century did the wider Canon 
of the Eastern Church supplant the narrower one of the 
West. This drift of opinion has been inferred hitherto, 
but Zahn says that the list here discovered now shows 
positively, and for the first time, that such enlargement of 
the Canon was objected to. The una sola^ after John and 
Peter, presents a difficulty. Zahn thinks it is a marginal 
note against the Second Epistle of Peter, and the Second 
and Third of Jbhn. This contradictory " one only " crept 
into the list later, though before the end of the fourth cen- 
tury, when these writings were recognized throughout the 
West. Others refer the una sola to the Epistles of Jude 
and James. 


The genesis of our Gospels, according to Holtzmann, 
was somewhat in this way: Before A. D. 70 they did not 
exist as we have them, but written accounts of the life of 
Christ somewhat like them were known, the earliest col- 
lection of such being found in the Synoptic Gospels. 
These early sketches would arise first in Jerusalem and 
spread from that church center, the parts best remembered 
being the sayings of Jesus. The germ of a New Testa- 
ment Canon may thus be found in the Xoyot xvpiov. 
Paul's account of the Last Supper (i Cor. xi. 23) begins 


in a way that shows it to come from a narrative already 
definitely formulated. It is probable that Matthew Was 
the earliest Gospel writer, though he certainly did not 
compose our Gospel of Matthew. At most he wrote the 
teachings of Jesus found in it where they agree with Luke. 
The Gospel of Mark, Holtzmann holds, is the most 
original. This well-known Mark-hypothesis, he thinks, 
finds support by taking the order of the individual 
accounts in Mark and placing those in Matthew and Luke 
on each side of them, when it will be found that both the 
others presuppose the order in Mark as the original one. 
The Gospels of Matthew and Mark arose in the Post- Apos- 
tolic period. The Gospel of Luke and the Acts probably 
did not appear till after A. D. lOO. 

Jacobson thinks^ that Luke used our Gospel of Mat- 
thew, and followed it closely in his journey account 
(ix. 51 — xviii. 14). 

Wendt approaches the origin of the Gospels in his 
search after the genuine teachings of Christ, 2 and finds 
two sources of the Synoptic writings. The first of these 
is the Gospel of Mark, which is also the earliest and the 
most exact in its chronological order. It rests upon a 
number of independent narratives, which are here brought 
together, though not to make a logically complete history. 
These early elements contained each some unity of 
thought or narration, and the direct source of them all 
must be found in the Apostle Peter. As a fair example 
of the modern critical method we give his dissection of 
Mark. The most important of the little sub-accounts are 
i. 14-45; !"• 7-12; iii. 19; iv. 3-4; vi. 1-6; vii. 24-37; viii. 

^Zeitsckriftfur wissenschaftliche Theologies l886. H. II, 
^Die Lehre Jesu. I. Theil. Die evangelischen Quellenberichte iiber 
die Lehre Jesu. G5ttingen, 1886. 


10-13; viii. 22-30; X. 40; xii. 12; XIV. i;xvi. 8. This 
group sets forth the attitude of men toward Christ in a 
series of significant events. Two sections — li. 1-36 and 
xii. 13-37 — give striking answers of Jesus and objections. 
The next series of sections, viii. 31 — ix. i; ix. 30-50; x. 
13 — xiii. 45; xii. 38 — xiii. 6; xiii. 9-13; xiii. 21-23; xiii. 
28-29 and 32-37, give the teaching of the Passion, and 
what it would bring to the disciples. The omitted sec- 
tions in Chap. xi. vss. 7-9, 14-20, 24-27 and 30-31 have 
been worked in from a Jewish-Christian Apocalypse. 
The part which Mark really produced himself, a little 
before A. D. 70, was the omitted sections i. 1-13; iv. 35 
— V. 43; vi. 14-56; viii. 1-9; viii. 14-21 and ix. 2-19. All 
the rest he found as he wrote it down for us. Our second 
Gospel as it is is from the hand of Mark, and was so used 
by the writers of the first and third Gospels. Wendt, it 
will be seen, gives the Gospel of Mark a more important 
place for the Life of Jesus than Weiss and others have 
recently assigned it. This is especially true in comparison 
with the Gospel of John. 

The second source of the Synoptists is found in the Xoyta 
of Matthew, the text of which is approximately recon- 
structed from Matthew and Luke. These \6yia contain the 
report of an eye-witness, and include not only the Ser- 
mon on the Mount, but most of what Matthew and Luke 
have, which is not in Mark. The view of Weiss, that 
Mark used the Xoyta of Matthew, is rejected. Holtzmann, 
in his review of Wendt, agrees with him,^ and also with 
the wider extension of the Xoyta. These latter fell out of 
use in the Church afler the First Gospel, and still more 
so the Third Gospel with knowledge of its predecessor, 

^In Theologische LiteraturzHtung^ 1886, No. 9. 


had worked over the^octrinal accounts of the Xoyta within 
the historical framework of the Gospel of Mark. This 
last is opposed by Hilgenfeld.^ who holds that Papias knew 
no Xoyta of Matthew, except his Hebrew Gospel. He 
still gives the second place to Mark, and makes his Gospel 
a working-over of the Evangelical history on the basis of 
Matthew; not our present Matthew, however, which is a 
working-over of the original. 

Jacobsen replies, ^ defending the priority of Mark as a 
basis of Matthew. 

A further analysis of Matthew's Gospel has been 
attempted in connection with a study of the Old Testa- 
ment quotations found in it. Massebieau finds^ two chief 
groups of these quotations: (i) Apologetic, i.e., showing 
the fulfillment of prophecy* in the life of Christ, and (2) 
those of moral and religious teaching, as found in the ser- 
mons and words of Christ. In the first case, Matthew 
followed the Hebrew, or theLXX., as suited his argument 
best. The addresses of Christ have quotations which are 
(i) common to Mark and Matthew, (2) the quotations in 
the Sermon on the Mount, marked by the introduction: 
" Ye have heard that it was said," and a free use of the 
LXX. These occur only in Matthew, and come apparently 
from the Xoyia ; (3) the quotations in the account of the 
Temptation, which Matthew and Luke have in common, 
based on the LXX., but different in tone, and likely from 
another source; (4) quotations found only in Matthew, 

^Papias und die ntueste Evangelienforschung^ in Ztft, fur kirchl, Wis^ 
senschaft, 1886, H. III. 

^Matthdus oder Marcus? ^ in yahrbiicher fiir Protestantise he Theologie^ 
1886, H. III. 

^Examen des citations de VAncien Testament dans VEvangile selon St, 
MattAieu, Paris, 1885. 


coming also from the LXX., as ix. 13; xii. $; xii. 7; 
xii. 40; xviii. 16. These last seem to come from oral 


Wendt finds the third source of Christ's teaching in a 
\6yta collection, out of which the Fourth Gospel arose in 
the circle of John's disciples in Ephesus. Some of the 
additions sprang from acquaintance with the other three 
Gospels, some came from a living tradition from John, 
and some are deductions from the teachings of the Apostle. 
The discourses of Jesus in this third source appear just as 
they would after resting half a century in the memory of 
a devoted and gifted disciple. In the original ^o^'ZAf these 
discourses are confined to the last days of Christ, but in the 
working over they are extended through His whole public 
ministry. Holtzmann agrees with Wendt, ^ that the author 
of this Gospel used sources including Pauline thought and 
the Acts; that this material was gathered in a Johannine 
atmosphere, and did not take its present form till about 
A. D. ISO. 

This Johannine thought in the air existed, he says, like 
star-dust before a star, some years previous to the appear- 
ance of the Fourth Gospel, but it became so mixed with 
meteoric material from post-apostolic sources that its his- 
toric value is greatly lessened. Hilgenfeld, in view of the 
latest research, holds^ that modern criticism has finally 
made incontrovertible that the historic Christ belongs to 

^Einleitung, p. 427. Cf. also, in general, The Teaching of the Fourth 
Gospel, and Omissions from the Fourth Gospel, by H. R. Reynolds, in The 
Monthly Interpreter, March and July, 1886. 

^Das neueste Forscher-Paar (Steck, 1884; Franke, 1885 ;) Uber das Johan" 
nes-Evangeliunty in Ztft,f. wissentL Theologie^ 1885, H. IV.' 


the Synoptic Gospels, while the pre-eminence of the Fourth 
Gospel consists in the lofty and significant teachings of 
Christ, or the apprehension of Christianity, there set 
forth. The Fourth Gospel is for him no proper biography 
of Jesus; it is a later view, a manifest doctrinal tendency, 
but it must be admitted, he adds, that it is more than a 
mere book of teaching, it is a work of such artistic bold- 
ness that its author may be called the Shakespere of the 
Evangelists. Since Baur's analysis of the book, very few 
critics have disputed a deep unity in the Fourth Gospel, 
but recent study does not seem to show such a systematic 
and conscious unity as has been long supposed. Late 
attempts to reduce this Gospel to some doctrinal plan have 
led to no agreement, and such efforts are being given up. 
The historic elements, it is found, cannot be arranged 
about any of the proposed leading ideas. Both Jacobsen^ 
and Holtzmann (1. c, p. 427) have done good service in 
opposing the ingenuity and subtle intention supposed to 
underlie this Gospel scheme. * 


Holtzman thinks ^ that the account in the first twelve 
chapters of the Acts is drawn from a Jewish source in all 
places where it contradicts the Epistles of Paul. In work- 
ing in this narrative only the direct anti-Pauline points were 
removed. The last fragment of this source occurs in the 
account of the council in the fifteenth chapter; it was writ- 

^ Untersuchungen uberdas yohannes-Evangelium^ Berlin, 1884. 

*0n external arguments cf. W. Marvin, Authorship of the Four Gospels: 
External Evidence^ New York, 1886; and for comparative study, the new 
edition of Robinson's Harmony of the Four Gospels in English^ with careful 
harmonizing notes added by the Editor, M. B. Riddle, Boston, 1886. 

^Forschungen uber die Apostelgeschichte^ in Ztft. f, wissentl. Theologie, 
1885. H. IV. 


ten in Greek; by a born Jew. The missionary activity of 
Paul was then woven in, hence some repetitions occur, as, 
for example, in introducing Barnabas and Saul. In the first 
twelve chapters the writer stands much further from the 
events described than in the later part of the book. The 
journey narrative, Acts xvi. 10 ff., at least was written 
by Luke. This is the view also of Hilgenfeld and Schiirer. 
The whole work in its present shape, as well as the Gospel 
of Luke, seems to have arisen not before the early years 
of the second century (Holtzmann). That is the view of 
the radical critics, but the great majority of writers still 
accept Luke as the author of the completed Acts, as well 
as of the Third Gospel. 


The Epistles of Paul give us the most unquestioned his- 
toric information about Apostolic times. From them we 
learn that his great aim, amid opposition and misrepre- 
sentation, was the practical edification of the churches, 
and the only Scriptural authority that he knew was the 
Old Testament, which he supposed read in the meetings 
of Christians (Holtzmann). But the undoubted Epistles 
of the great apostle (Rom., I. and IL Cor., and Gal.) took 
root, and his labors were followed by the triumph of the 
(jreritile Church. The result, we are told, was a restitution 
of Paul's glory, the elevation of his letters to almost 
canonical rank, and the production of not a few spurious 
epistles under his name. Holtzmann sets forth the details 
thus: Among the letters ascribed to Paul was the Epistle 
to the Ephesians, the writer of which makes Paul a witness 
of his victory, and puts words of peace in his mouth while 
he addresses a Gentile church, whose organization a 


second writer describes, some decades later, under Paul's 
name, in three letters known as I. and II. Timothy and 
Titus. Colossians sprang from the same soil, and stands 
related to Ephesians as Titus to I. and II. Timothy, and 
II. Peter to Jude, being working over at different times 
of common material. 

The most assailed of these Pauline writings is the group 
called the Pastoral Epistles. Besides the arguments 
against their genuineness, drawn from the style, the diffi- 
culty of finding a place for them in the apostle's life, and 
the doctrinal development supposed to be found in them, 
it has been especially urged in recent discussions by 
Hatch, Harnack and Holtzmann, that the constitution of 
the early churches here set forth shows the advanced sys- 
tem of the second century, and could not, therefore, have 
been so spoken of by Paul. But investigation still more 
recent, on the conservative side of the question, has modi- 
fied appearances a good deal, and made out a pretty 
strong argument from a direct study of the ecclesiastical 
institutions which appear in these Epistles, in favor of their 
Pauline authorship. The office of iTttaxono^ and that of 
the congregational office combined with teaching, both 
appear only in germ in the Pastoral Epistles. The first is 
illustrated by Timothy and Titus, the second is seen in 
I. Tim. V. 17 ("Let the elders that rule well, etc."), all 
of which points to the first century as the time when the 
author wrote. These Epistles show, further, a liberty of 
teaching among the brotherhood not found in the Writings 
of the second century; for even the Ai6axri speaks of 
bishops as teachers. ^ Church government in apostolic 
days and its developments have been thus set forth by 

^Cf. Kiihl, Die Gemeindeordnung in den Pctstoralbriefenj Berlin, 1885. 


another writer. ^ In the Jewish-Christian churches the 
office of presbyter developed in the Apostolic age into the 
Congregational Episcopate, and the Congregational Epis- 
copate presented itself, in consequence of the connection 
of the Palestinean churches with the church in Jerusalem, 
as an Episcopate of the churches. Rapid development of 
the office and idea of the Episcopate, as an imitation of 
Christ — the presbyters imitating the apostles — forms the 
chief peculiarity of the Jewish-Christian church constitu- 
tion — a constitution which was also influenced by Hellen- 
ism. In Gentile churches there developed, partly under 
the hastening influence of Jewish-Christian elements in 
the congregation, the office of congregational superin- 
tendent, as well as the office of deacon; through both of 
which also there grew a cordial and vital congregational 
cohesion by means of unity of faith, hospitality and mutual 
help, though there was as yet no ecclesiastical constitu- 
tional oneness. The comparatively quick growth of 
Christian church constitutions in the Apostolic age is not 
surprising, for they doubtless, in not a few respects, bor- 
rowed from the methods of the Jewish congregations in 
the Diaspora. Miiller shows that the historic proof has 
not yet been given that shows the church system of the 
Pastoral Epistles could not have arisen in the days of 
Paul, and closes thus: " We are of the conviction that 
Pauline assurance of faith shines clearly from words like 
I.Tim, i. IS; ii. iff; iii. 16; vi. 6-12; II. Tim. i. 7; ii. 8; 
lii. 16; and Titus ii. 11-14. Such a genuine legacy from 
Paul even Plitt and Hausrath could not doubt; and 
we venture still to hold to the old ' Epistle of Paul the 

* J. Muller, Die Verfassung der christ lichen Kirchen in den ersten heiden 
yahrhunderten und die Beziehungen derselben zu der Kritik der Pastor al^ 
oriefcy Leipzig, 1885. 


Apostle to Timothy and Titus.* " Weiss, who writes the 
commentary on these Epistles, to take . the place of 
Huther's in the fifth edition of Meyer's work,i also accepts 
them as from Paul, and offers a powerful defence of them; 
and though he thinks the proof is hardly a demonstration, 
he holds that there is no valid argument against them, 
while they have all the presumption in their favor. ^ 


Holtzmann says modern criticism finds two groups of 
pseudepigraphic writings in the New Testament, the first 
clinging to the name of Paul and taking the form of letters 
to particular churches or individuals, the second differing 
in this that it strikes a note of universality, and, though 
retaining the appearance of epistles, addresses the whole 
church, and that under the names of the " pillar apostles," 
Peter, James, John, then Jude, the " brother of James." 
The writers of these Catholic Epistles were, we are told, 
the " apostles, prophets and teachers," who followed the 
first apostles, and all these letters are "tendency writings." 
Thus I Peter follows closely some of Paul's doctrinal views, 
and then turns round to follow just as closely James in his 
practical moral apprehension of Christianity. The writer 
of the Epistle of James shows dependence (i, 25) upon 
Pauline formulae, though opposing Paul's teaching of faith. 
I. Peter v. 12 assures the Pauline churches that they 
enjoy the grace of God; while II. Peter iii. 15-16 goes on to 

^Kritisch exegetisches Handbtuh iiber die Briefe Fault an Timotheus 
und Titus., in Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament., von Dr. H. A. W. 
Meyer, Elfte Abthl., funfte Aufl., Gottingen, 1886. 

*Cf. in the same direction the valuable introduction to these Epistles by 
Huther, and to the Hebrews by Liinemann, in this volume of Meyer's Com- 
mentary in English, the American edition with preface and supplementary 
notes, by T. Dwight, New York, i886. 


give Paul a certificate of full orthodoxy. So post-apostolic 
men who labored for peace wrote epistles for Paul to win 
the followers of Peter, and for Peter to gain the Pauline 
churches through praise of the a{)ostle to the Gentiles. 
The Tubingen theory is here applied. Thus between the 
author of the Epistle to the Ephesians and the writer of II. 
Peter, " that late comer of New Testament Literature,"^ 
a series of nameless authors ran for the first eighty years 
of the second century. These men wrote the Pastoral 
Epistles, the Catholic Epistles, including I. Peter, I. John, as 
well as II. and III. John, and James, and with very doubtful 
exceptions everything claiming Pauline authorship beyond 
the four great Xeyo/xeva. We need hardly add that very 
few critics, even of the radical school, take this extreme 
position. So many unknown writers, and so much use of 
apostolic names as are supposed in this pseudo-literature, 
lead most New Testament scholars to accept these Epistles 
as genuine rather than receive the elaborate hypothesis 
upon which their rejection is urged. 


Holtzman follows Loman and Volter^ in thinking this 
book also may be a successive growth, beginning about 
the year A. D. 70, and receiving interpolations down to 
the time of the Antonines. He considers it, next to the 
Pauline Epistles, as a historic source for the times of the 
Apostles. Volter supposes the first part of the work, 

^Spitta'sbook, Der zwette Brief des Petrus und der Brief des Judas y 
Halle, 1885, offers an able defense of these Epistles, and makes a strong case 
against Holtzmann in favor of the priority or 1 1 Peter. He agrees with Seufert 
{m Ztft.' fUr wissentL Theologie^ 1885, H. Ill) in holding that Silas wrote 
I. Peter, and hence it is only indirectly from Peter. 

*Die Entstehung der Apokalypse^ 2 Aufl. 1885. For a more conservative 
view Cf. W. Milligan, The Revelation of St. John^ the Baird Lectures for 1885. 


depicting the judgment over Rome and the deliverance of 
the faithful through the last troubles, was written as early 
as A. D. 66. An appendix followed about A. D. 68, and 
then came a threefold amplification under Trajan, Hadrian 
and Antonine — the last touches being added about A. D. 
140. Zahn opposes all this, and appeals to the testimony 
of Irenaeus.i 

Mommsen, the distinguished historian, thinks a minute 
study of the Roman Empire in the first century has given 
him new light on the Apocalypse,^ The rider of the 
white horse with the bow (vi. 2-3) and of the red horse 
with the sword, represent the Roman and Parthian king- 
doms side by side; and the final catastrophe is regarded 
as the overthrow of the Romans through the return of 
Nero at the head of the Parthians (ix. 14; xvi. 12), when 
the united powers of the East shall break the might of the 
West at some terrible Armageddon. 

The Apocalypse was written at a time when Christians 
were still but a Jewish sect, hence the elect twelve thous- 
and from each tribe had entrance before the great multi- 
tude of other elect from the Gentiles (vii. 9). This book 
was written after Nero*s fall and when his return was 
expected from the East. The basis of the author's thinking 
is the destruction of the earthly Jerusalem and its ideal 
reconstruction in the future. The five kings who had 
fallen were, likely, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius 
and Nero. The sixth was Vespasian; the seventh is left 
indefinite for prudential reasons; his reign would be short 
and disappear when Nero returned. The beast, which 

^Cf. his Apokalyptische Studien^ in Zeitschriftfur kirchl. Wissenschaft 
und kirchl, Leben, 1885, H. x. and xi. 

*Cf. Romische Geschichte^ Bd. 5, Die Provinzen von Ccesar bis Diocletian^ 
Berlin, 1885. 


was, and is not, refers of course to Nero. The common 
explanation of this book, viz. : that it thunders against the 
persecution of the Christians under Nero, and the siege of 
Jerusalem, Mommsen considers quite mistaken; for the 
object of the writer's attack throughout is the Roman 
provincicd government, and especially the worship of the 
emperors. Nero is particularly pointed out by the number 
666, not because he was the worst emperor of the seven, 
but because it was not safe to name the ruling emperor, 
and because Nero had already become connected with 
legendary terrors. This pseudo-Nero, one Terentius 
Maximus, gathered an army about the Euphrates, and got 
power until crushed by the Parthians and given to Domi- 
tian about A. D. 88. These incidents are the framework 
of the seer's vision of a power that should destroy Rome. 
The beast of the sea and the beast of the land and their 
worship mean the adoration of the emperors in the provinces 
of Asia and also beyond the sea, and not violence done to 
Jerusalem (xiii. 16-17). The ten horns are imperial gov- 
ernors, who ruled like kings. The martyrs were those who 
would not worship the emperor's image, just as Pliny 
describes them. Babylon is Rome, the woman in purple 
is the false worship there, the blood flowing in that city 
points to the condemned martyrs brought to the capital 
where they were " butchered to make a Roman holiday. " 
The contrast, then, of the Apocalypse is that of false man- 
worship centered in the Roman emperor and true man- 
worship centered in the Divine Son of God, who gloriously 
appeared to John in vision. 



The study of New Testament sources is going on actively- 
through manuscripts, through versions, and patristic quo- 
tations. The manuscripts in the Vatican have long been a 
sealed treasure, largely because it was not known what was 
there. But now liberty to use the library is being enlight- 
ened by a knowledge of what it contains. De Rossi pub- 
lished in 1SS4. La Biblioteca delta Sede Apostolical in which 
he gave a history of former catalogujes, and an outline of 
the best of them. Now, under Cardinal Pitra, Stevenson 
has begun the publication of a complete critical list of the 
MSS. of the Papal library. ^ To the nine Greek MSS. 
of the Palatina, given by Scrivener, this catalogue adds 
three others, besides some fragments. These three are 
a codex containing the Epistles of Paul, of the tenth 
century (Cod. 10), with scholia, a MS. of the Acts, Cath- 
olic Epistles and Pauline Epistles, of the twelfth century 
(Cod. 38), and a manuscript of the Pauline Epistles with 
scholia, of the eleventh century (Cod. 204). 

A new MS. has also just been described by Batiffol, 
a member of the French Archaeological School in 
Rome. 2 He found in the library of the Metropolitan of 
Albania, in Herat, about twenty MSS., liturgical and 
biblical, and has given some account of the most val- 

'^ Codices ManuscripH Palatini Grceci Bibliothecce Vaticana, etc,^ Romse, 

* Cf. Melanges d* Archeologie et d^histoire publies par PEcole Francaise 
de Rome, 1885 ; also in separate form, Evangeliorum Codex Grcecus purpureus^ 
Romae, 1885. 



uable of them. The chief codex contains the Gospels of 
Matthew and Mark on purple parchment, like that of 
Codex Rossanensis recently discovered, and written with 
silver letters. It came from Patmos to Syria, and thence 
to Albania in the fourteenth century. A marginal note 
says it was written by John Chrysostom; but if it belongs 
to the fifth or sixth century, as seems likely, it cannot 
be by John, though the note may indicate its source in 
the school of Antioch. The MS. consists of one hun- 
dred and ninety leaves, and has the following gaps: Matt, 
i. I — vi. 3; vii. 26 — viii. 7; xviii. 2$ — xix. 3; xxiii. 4-13; 
also Mark xiv. 62 — xvi. 20, these losses coming apparently 
from defective leaves. The codex has two columns on a 
page, and is put by BatifTol in the end of the fifth or the 
early part of the sixth century. Von Gebhardt puts it a cen- 
tury later. The text promises to be of great interest 
because of the variety of its readings. It contains the long 
insertion after Matt. xx. 28, found hitherto only in Cod. D, 
and has peculiarities of both East and West, which make 
critics look with impatience for its full publication. 

BatifTol reports also a second new purple MS. of the 
Four Gospels, belonging to the tenth century, and written 
in minuscules. There are other Gospel MSS. of the 
eleventh and twelfth centuries, and a MS. of Acts of 
A. D. 1158. 

A further contribution to the text of the Gospels has 
been made by Belsheim. The manuscript of the Four 
Gospels which he introduces i* has been long known to 
exist, having been brought in 1829 by a merchant from 
the monastery of Jumisch-Khane, in Asia Minor, to St. 

^Das Evangelium des Marcus nach dent Cod, Theodora Imp. , zum ersten 
Mai herausgegeben. Aus dem neunten Jahrhundert, etc. Christiania, 1885. 


Petersburg, where it now is. It is written in golden 
cursives on purple parchment, and the silver ornamen- 
tation, as well as the pictures of the four Evangelists and 
others, make it quite possible that it belonged to the 
Empress Theodora, the friend of images, if not written by 
her, as the tradition says. Belsheim publishes the text of 
Mark and the readings of the other Gospels, which differ 
from the Textus Receptus. This he did to avoid expense 
and because Mark in this manuscript especially differs 
from the current recension, following closely the Western 
Text and agreeing frequently with Cod. D.; while the 
other three Gospels follow the Constantinopolitan Text. 

Hilgenfeld does not think the fragment found in Fa- 
youm (Cf. Current Discussions^ vol. iii., 1885, p. 99) is 
part of an unknown Gospel. ^ It has rather gone through 
the mode of treatment of the first Gospel, or is likely a 
piece of a homily of the third century. ^ 

Good work is also being done in studying Latin texts of 
the New Testament. Belsheim has published ^ portions 
of Mark and Luke in an old Latin version, which, though 
published before, were not in one book nor easily accessi- 
ble; and Corssen has edited* a critical text of the Vulgate 
version of the Epistle to the Galatians. 

The examination of Syriac versions also sheds some 
light on the New Testament text. Baethgen has sub- 

^Cf. Kein neuentdecktes Evangelium^ in Ztftyf. wissent. TheoL 1886; 
H. I. 

*Z6ckler, Die biblische Literatur des Jahres 1885, in Ztft, /. kirchL 
Wissenschaft u. kirchl. Leben, 1866 ; H, i. 

3 Codex Vindobonensis membranaceus purpureus Uteris argenteis aureis- 
que scriptus. Antiquissinus Luccue et Marci translationis Latina frag- 
menta. Lipsice^ 188$, 

^Epistula ad Galatas ad fidem optimorum Codicum Vulgatce recognavit^ 
prolegomcnis instruxit^ Vmgatam cum antiquioribus comparaznt, Berlin, 


jected^ the Curetonian recension to careful criticism, and 
by retranslating it into Greek sought to discover the read- 
ing of the text which its translators used. By this process 
he shows that not a few of the various readings quoted 
from the Syriac do not occur in it, while some must be 
corrected, and a few new ones added. A list of these last 
is given. He traces the origin of the Curetonian Syriac 
thus: Tatian first gave the Syrians the Gospel in their 
own language when he published his Harmony in Syriac. 
For nearly a century, till about A.D. 250, this was the only 
Gospel in Syria. There arose then a translation of the sepa- 
rate Gospels, based on a Greek copy, but keeping as near as 
possible to the version of Tatian. The author of it is un- 
known, but lived apparently west of the Euphrates. It is 
his work which we have in the Curetonian Syriac. This 
was used, as well as the Diatessaron. About A.D. 340, in 
the region of Mosul, traces of a revision appear, and about 
thirty years later in Edessa a text very like the Peshitto. 
This was a growth from the Curetonian, the traces of 
Tatian being much less observable here than in the Cure- 
tonian Syriac. The close connection with Tatian may 
explain the many gaps in the Curetonian. The relation of 
the Curetonian to Codex D receives striking illustration, 
also the frequent agreement with Codex Sinaiticus. 

This agreement is further illustrated and extended to 
Codex B by Harmon, 2 who shows that we get support 
here for not a few readings of these oldest MSS., just 
where they need support. The Syrian Antilegomena 

'^Der griechische Text des CuretotC schen Syrers wiederhergestellt, Leip- 
zig, 1886. 

^yournal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, Boston, 1885. 


have also been published from a new MS. source, ^ and 
while adding little to our knowledge, are interesting, 
because the MSS. of these Epistles, lacking in the Peshitto, 
are not numerous. 

This MS. counts the Acts and Catholic Epistles as 
one book, and puts the Epistle to the Hebrews in one 
book with Paul's Epistles. The stichometrical notes are 
peculiar: I. Peter has 318, II. Peter, 195, I. John, 304, 
II. John, 40, III. John, 47, while the number 1293, being 
that for all the Catholic Epistles, is the only number under 

Fragments of the First, Third and Fourth Gospels have 
also been published in a Sahidic version. ^ 

As connected with our subject, we may notice that some 
hitherto unknown MSS. of New Testament apocrypha 
have recently been brought to light. 

Meyer tells us^ of three MSS. oi Protevangelium Jacobi, 
four MSS. ofthe Acts of John, by Prochoros,one MS. of the 
Acts of Thomas, one of the Acts of Luke, two of the Acts 
of Philip, three of the Acts of Andrew. Of apocryphal 
apocalypses there is one MS. of Liber Joannis de dormi- 
tione Maria, one of the Apocalypse of Archippus, and a 
Didaskalia of the Holy Apostles, telling of their fasting- 
forty days, and then, in ecstasy, receiving replies to ques- 
tions about fasting, church discipline, etc. Lipsius has 
also received from the Monastery of St. John, in Patmos, 
a Greek MS. containing the full text of the Passiones Petri 
et Pauliy which he published for the first time in Jahr- 

^Williams* Manuscript: The Syrian Antilegomena^, I. Peter, II. and III. 
John and Jude; written A. D. 1471, edited by I. H. Hall, Baltimore, i886» 

^BrucnstUcke der Sahidischen Bibelubersetzung, von O. von Lemm, 
Leipzig, 1885. 

^ Nachrickten iiber einige Usher unhenutzte theils aiuh unhekannte 

friechische Handschriten zur biblisch — apokryphischen Literatur^ in Jahr- 
Ucherfiir Prot, Theologie, 1886, H. iil 


bucher fiir Protestantische Theologie^ 1886, H. i. He says 
this text was made from a Latin original, and shows the 
translation plainly, though it was probably not made from 
the Latin version which we now have. 

We may close these remarks on Greek MSS. with a brief 
reference to their mechanical preparation. How the 
leaves were lined and put together has been clearly shown 
for the first time by Gregory, in a paper read before the 
French Academy of Inscriptions. ^ 

The basis of the codex was a piece of parchment, which 
by one folding made two leaves. Such an unfolded 
double leaf was lined with some dull instrument on the 
hair side, showing the ruling in relief on the other side, 
and four such were laid together, with hair and flesh sides 
alternately under. The four were then fastened and 
folded and made a sheet of eight parchment leaves. 
Hence the rule in MSS. that two pages on the hair side and 
two on the flesh side always lie side by side in the open 
book. This is an important fact to bear in mind in inves- 
tigating Greek MSS. 

Not much has been done during the past year in critical 
studies of the New Testament text or the publication of 
new recensions. Westcott and Hort have issued^ a minor 
edition of their Greek text in which all is carefully revised, 
the strictly alternative readings removed from the margin 
to the foot of the page, and rejected readings put in an 
appendix. The passages, John vii. 53-viii. 11, and Mark 
xvi. 9-20, are put at the end of the respective Gospels, 
while John v. 7, finds its place among the rejected read- 
ings. This is by far the best hand-book for the use of 

^Les Cahiersdes Manuscrits Grecs^ Paris, 1885. 
'Cambridge and London, 12 mo., 1885. 



The most important work of the past year on the Life 
of Christ, is Beyschlags's book^ the first volume of which 
has appeared. In this volume he discusses, from the point 
of view of the mediating theology, the chronology, prelim- 
inary history, self-consciousness of Jesus, his Messianic call- 
ing, his miracles, doctrine, death and resurrection; the next 
volume is to tell the story of the wonderful life. Weizsacker, 
in his review of this work (in TheoL Liter aturzeitung^ 1886, 
No. 5) says it shows how much New Testament criticism 
has gained from Strauss, and also how far it has now 
advanced beyond Strauss, especially in our better appre- 
hension of the historic relations of Christ's life. Yet Bey- 
schlag goes so far as to regard a good deal of the early 
Messianic history as only indirectly historic; it must be 
considered largely as the general impressions of memory 
reproduced through a medium of reflection and emotion. 
Even the account of Christ's birth must be regarded in a 
higher sense than as literal history. He thinks, also, that 
while miracles are to be accepted, yet in such cases as 
multiplying the loaves, casting out devils, and raising the 
dead, we must give them up in our immediate understand- 
ing. He is inclined to bring in the naturalistic and vision- 
ary hypothesis to explain such wonders. Beyschlag fol- 
lows Weiss in defending the historic value of the Fourth 

^Das Leben Jesu, Bd. I. Halle, 1885. For an estimate of different Lives 
of Christ cf. E. F. Williams, Recent Lives of Christ, in Bibliotkeca Sacra^ 
April, 1886. 



Gospel. In this connection Weizsacker says: " Just what 
we can accept of the Johannine tradition as historic can 
be finally made certain only when we freely recog- 
nize Johannine speculation. What difficulties otherwise 
entangle us appear at once by a comparison of the proph- 
etic instruction of Jesus according to the Synoptists with 
Johannine words of the Lord." And yet, surely the 
prophetic utterances of the Synoptists touch very high 
ground. The Son of Man there appears in the glory 
which John ascribes to the everlasting Son of the Father. 
And if we may assume that all the Evangelists describe a 
Divine Saviour, Immanuel, who forgives sins, and whose 
incarnation is the fundamental factor in man's salvation, 
we certainly reach a very essential place of unity in the 
history, theology and prophecy of the Gospels; for here 
all exegesis and all doctrines find their vital connection. 
An English writer, pursuing this line of thought, ^ finds the 
life of Christ to be, in an important sense, the autobiog- 
raphy of every loving human souL " The word was made 
flesh," appears as a climax in the epilogue of John's Gos- 
pel, as it does in the fulfillment of the dreams, and hopes 
and prophecies of all the ages — a necessary combination, 
one might hold, with Dorner and the Franciscans, even 
had sin never broken the innocent life of the race. 

Without surrendering what is distinctive to revelation 
we may lay stress on the Logos as a meeting- place of all 
religious instincts and a satisfaction of the deistic, human- 
itarian and pantheistic aspirations of men, as well as of 
their deep longings for pardon through peace with God. 
The Greek fathers spoke of the XoyoS (TTTsp/jiarixoS ; why 

^Cf. TAe Incarnation of the Eternal Word, by J. R. Illingworth, in The 
Expositor y March, 1886. 



may we not see it still at work through modern science, 
civilization and politics, carrying on now as then the 
" Evangelical Preparation?" What the Logos was to the 
whole world in that general revelation He has become to 
every individual iu His incarnation, where He calls us all to 
follow Him as a reasonable service. 

The new birth, which underlies such religious service 
and finds expression in faith and love, may find its parallel 
in the life of Jesus, in the rise of the consciousness of His 
divine Sonship. His years of childhood must have been 
very beautifully human, and what He appropriates of the 
customs and culture of those days shows what every youth 
may enjoy without sin. ^ The turning-point in His life may 
be found in the visit to the temple in His twelfth year, the 
only incident told of His growing experience. Paul Ewald 
sees^ in the words: " Wist ye not that I must be in my 
Father's house?" a question of painful awakening to the 
consciousness of the difference of His nature from that of 
His parents, the first link in a long chain of sorrowful knowl- 
edge. Not understood by parents, a necessary separation, 
even from home, the beginning of a loneliness which ended 
in the cry, " My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken 
me?" The two great utterances of Jesus, in the Gospels — 
Son of Man, and Son of God — point back to this experi- 
ence of the boy in the temple, when the knowledge came 
to Him of forsaking father and mother and all for the king- 
dom of Heaven's sake, and the horizon of His family 
widened out to take in as brother and sister, and mother, 

^Cf. The Childhood of yesus, by W. C. Gannelt, London, 1885. 

^Der zwolfjdhrige Jesus^ in Ztjt, fiir kirchL Wissenschaft u. kirchl. 
Leben, 1886, H. in. 


every one that did the will of His Father in Heaven. ^ 
He did not cease to be son of Joseph but now saw that 
relationship, first in the wider relationship of Son of Man, 
and then in the infinite relationship of Son of God. The 
term Son of Man, which Jesus applied to himself, seems 
still to await a full explanation. Hofmann expounds it 
thus:^ " Jesus called himself the Son of Man in opposition 
to other men and in an exclusive sense, as that Son of 
Man in whom the race of Adam finds its goal. He forms 
the end as Adam formed the beginning, hence he is spoken 
of absolutely (Matt. xi. 3,) as the coming one. The term 
Son of Man does not come, as is usually said, from the 
Book of Daniel, where the words " like a Son of Man" 
stand in contrast with the mention of beasts in the vision. 
It was not a customary name for the Messiah among the 
Jews, and was not known till Jesus used it and taught it in 
the sense here given.'' 

Usteri thinks^ Jesus bore this name, not so much as 
descriptive of His being and nature, but rather to indicate 
His calling. He is the Man who came from Heaven and 
thereby has a work to do for all humanity. He, therefore, 
did not call Himself the Messiah, for that would have led 
the Jews astray into their false Messianic views, but He 
took the term found in Daniel and applied it to Himself in 
an original way to designate Himself as the Saviour of the 
world. It is His peculiar name in relation to humanity and 

^Foi the Times in which Christ lived cf. the valuable work of Schiirer, 
GeschichU des jiidischenVolkes im Zeitalterjesu Christi, Leipzig, 1886, a much 
enlarged working over of the second part of his Lehrbuch der neutestament- 
lichen Zeitgeschichte. The new edition is being published in English by T. & 
T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1886. 

^Biblische Theologie des netten Testaments, bearbeitet von W- Volck. Nord- 
lingen, 1886. 

^Die Selbstbezeichnung Jestt als des Menschen Sohn, Ziirich, 1886. 


has no direct reference to any dogmatic or theological cat- 
egory. He is the historic planter of salvation in humanity. 
So God dwelt in the ideal man and reconciled the world 
unto Himself. 

This reconciliation of redemption includes both soul and 
body of man, hence the work of Christ involved anguish 
of body and suffering in spirit. His preparation for His 
public ministry trained His body as well as soul for suffer- 
ing and death. A recent writer discusses this bodily 
culture of Christ.^ In privacy and restraint the Lord 
learned patience and educated the nervous system to 
subordinate itself to the interests of the mind. The temp- 
tation in the wilderness shows how He learned to keep the 
body under. We do not hear of nervous prostration; He 
recovered quickly from fatigue; He had no reaction after 
ecstatic states; He was satisfied with a minimum of sleep; 
He is not said to have had dreams or visions; He was never 
sick — all showing that He had educated His temperament 
as a man and made it subserve His high mission. 

Where Jesus died is still an unknown spot, the place of 
a skull. Merrill holds^ that it is now made very probable 
that the hill above Jeremiah's grotto, a little northeast of 
the Damascus gate, is the place where He was crucified. 
It is without the wall of the city, and near the castle of 
Antonia, which is now certainly fixed in the northwest 
corner of the present Haram area. 

The Lord died and His life seemed a failure. His fol- 
lowers were few, and they all forsook Him and fled. A 
writer in Tke Lutheran Quarterly^ thinks the small suc- 

^A. A. Lipscomb, Chrisfs Education of His Body, in The Methodist 
Review f September, 1885. 

^ The Site of Calvary , in The Andover Rcvie7v, November, 1885. 

'W- H. Luckenbach, The Comparatively Small Success of Chrisfs Per' 
sonal Ministry i July, 1885. 


cess which seemed to follow Christ's ministry may have 
been because it was His great office to work out the grand 
end of the gospel, rather than to preach His own gospel. 
He fulfilled prophecy, which said His preaching would have 
little success; a world converted by Christ's ministry would 
not have accorded with the divine economy in nature and 
in grace, which work gradually; the ministry of Christ 
deferred to the contemplated work of the Holy Spirit; and 
it was His purpose and prophecy that the success of His 
mission should appear only after its visible termination — 
the foundations were laid on which the building of God 
through the Spirit was to rise through all the ages. 



I. Hermeutics, 

Farrar's History of Interpretation'^ leads us into the story 
of exegesis in the Church, though not in a very judicial or 
philosophic way. He holds that the " Bible is not so 
much a revelation as the record of a revelation," its inmost 
and most essential truths being happily placed above the 
reach of exegesis to injure, " being written also in the 
books of nature and experience, and on the table, which 
cannot be broken, of the heart of Man." The theory of 
inspiration called " verbal dictation" he holds to have been 
the disastrous origin of every mistaken method of inter- 
pretation. He says that " the one aim of the interpreter 
should be to ascertain the specific meaning of the inspired 
teacher, and to clothe it in the form which will best con- 
vey that meaning to the mind of his contemporaries." 
This result has not been reached without much conflict 
and " the indefinite limitation, if not the complete aban- 
donment of principles, which prevailed for many hundreds 
of years in the exegesis of Scripture." That is the lesson 
of history, and even secular history is a revelation. Far- 
rar distinguishes seven periods of Biblical interpretation: 
— the Rabbinic, from Ezra, B. C. 457, to Rab Abina, A. D. 
498; the Alexandrian, from Aristobulus, B. C. 1 80, to Philo, 
who lived in the time of Christ — this system was continued 

iThe Bampton Lectures for 1885, New York, 1886. 


in the Christian schools till Pierius, A. D. 200; the Patris- 
tic, from Clement of Rome, A. D. 95, to Anselm of Laon, 
A. D. 1117; the Scholastic, from Abelard, A. D. 1142, to 
the Reformation; the Reformation era, in the sixteenth 
century; the Post-Reformation, till the middle of the 
eighteenth century; and the Modern epoch, " which seemed 
for a time to culminate in widespread atheism, but after a 
period of ' dispersive analysis ' has ended in establishing 
more securely • ♦ ♦ the true sacredness and eternal 
significance of Holy Writ. " The clear meaning of Script- 
ure is ever to be accepted, and that is to be judged by the 
clear light of Christ. How this clear meaning may appear 
in this clear light is illustrated by quoting approvingly a 
Scotch minister who says: " If we find even in the Bible 
anything which confuses our sense of right and wrong, 
that seems to us less exalted and pure than the character 
of God should be; if after the most patient thought and 
prayerful pondering it still retains this aspect then we are 
not to bow down to it as God's revelation to uSy since it 
does not meet the need of the earlier and more sacred 
revelation He has given to us in our own spirit and con- 
science which testify of Him." If any man asks: " How 
are we to discriminate between that which in the Bible 
ought to be to us the immediate word of God, and .that, 
which having been but relative and transient, is not His 
word to us? " Farrar gives " this absolutely plain and 
simple rule; that anything in the Bible which teaches or 
seems to teach anything that is not in accordance with the 
love, the gentleness, the truthfulness, the purity of 
Chrisfs gospel, is not God's word to us, however clearly 
it stands on the Bible page." Such is the position of this 
division of the historico-grammatical school, which traces 


itself back to Semler and Ernesti. The position of soipe 
more conservative exegetes, however, still allows them to 
hold a spiritual interpretation of Scripture. ^ 

It IS not to be rejected because practiced by Jewish 
expositors, for the New Testament interprets the Old 
mystically again and again, using historical portions as 
typical of Christ's life (Jonah, water from the rock, etc.) 
and ritualistic practices to teach gospel truth. The evan- 
gelists do this; so does Paul (Rom. ix. Gal. iv. 21 f., which 
Farrar calls the only allegory of the later style in the New 
Testament, I. Cor. x. etc.), and especially John, in the 
Apocalypse. A reasonable spiritualistic interpretation, 
we are told, must be allowed as well as the grammatico- 
historical method, avoiding, of course, fanciful allegorizing. 
Some Psalms {e. g. XLV. ) must be regarded as mystical ; 
the Parables teach spiritual lessons; the Old Testament 
ritual was a shadow of a spiritual substance; and cases of 
numbers (^. g. 40) point toward a more general interpre- 
tation. Historic parallels also {e. g, Joseph and Jesus) 
lead to a deeper meaning, for such historical types rest on 
the principle of certain things being selected for record 
and others omitted, ^ on the incomplete and preparatory 
Revelation of the Old Testament, and on the history of 
Israel, embracing in its scope the origin, destiny, and, in 
an important sense, the history of the world. In our day, 
doubtless, there seems to be some danger among advanced 
exegetes of the spiritual side of interpretation being 
thrown too much into the shadow by too rigid an appHca- 
tian of merely grammatical methods. A recent anony- 

'Cf. The Mystical Interpretation of Holy Scripture, in The Church 
Quarterly Review ^ Ai^xW, 188^ 

*Cf. The Silence of Scripture a Proof of its Divine Origin, by H. 
Johnson, in The Presbyterian Review, April, 1886. 


mous writer urges^ more consistency and simplicity in 
exegetical studies, . and not the present limping system 
which young ministers adopt, following critical principles 
in individual cases, and again falling back on dogmatic 
preconceptions. He lays great stress on the historic spirit 
which can sink the expositor into the very heart and 
thoughts and times of the writer. A reviewer of his book 
holds that a professor of New Testament exegesis should 
be called rather professor for the history of Christianity in 
the first two centuries, so intimately are the New Testa- 
ment and its history connected. 


The Gospels, 

A recent commentary ^ seeks in its New Testament part 
to combine what Delitzsch called in his Commentary on 
the Hebrews the glossatorial with the reproductive method 
of exposition, i, e.y to give an explanation of the obscure 
parts, and to present clearly the stages through which the 
movement of thought passes. Following in the footsteps 
of von Hofmann, the author recommends the student to 
master first the outline of each section which is prefixed 
to it in the Commentary, and thus gain a view of the 
course of thought; then work through at least twice the 
Greek text of the section treated, once comparing it with 
the commentator's translation and exegetical notes, again 

iDie Unzulanglichkeit des tkeologischen Sttuiiums der Gegenwart, Leip- 
zig, 1886. 

zKurzgefasster Commentar zu den heiligen Schriften Alien n, Neuen 
Testamentes, etc. herausgegeben von H. Strack und O. ZSckler. B. Neues 
Testament, Ite. AbtL Die Evangelien nach Matthaus, Marcus u. Lukasi 
von C. F. N&sgen, N5rdlingen, 1886. 


comparing it with the exposition given of the fundamental 
doctrines contained in it. This plan seeks to give the 
clear meaning of every word, and then to catch the whole 
movement of the author's thought as it passed through the 
passage under study. 

Luthardt's Commentary on John^ aims at the same 
method; and somewhat in this direction is Godet's Com- 
mentary on the Fourth Gospel, a third edition of which 
has just appeared,* and is a great improvement upon the 
second edition. 

The Pauline Epistles. 

The Pulpit Commentary* embraces this year II. Corinth- 
ians, which is expounded by Farrar, the homiletical por- 
tion by Dr. Thomas, and various homilies added by 
different authors. Galatians is prepared by Huxtable; 
Ephesians, by Blaikie; Philippians, by B. A. CafRn; and 
Colossians by G. G. Findlay. English and Scotch learning 
thus blended may well lead us to look for, what one critic 
says he found, keen research along the psychological side. 

Whether such subtle analysis of practical epistles to the 
churches is the best method, seems still questionable. Paul 
probably aimed at broader effects and more immediate 
results than many of his modern critics seem to think. 

Godet gives a good example of a more natural analysis 
in some New Testament studies in The Expositor^ In 
" Paul's Gospel to the Romans " he finds* a summary of 
the Apostle's conception of the gospel as set forth during 

I English, Edinburgh, 1879. 

^Commentary on the Gospel 0/ yohn. Vol. I. From the third French 
edition, with Preface, Introduction and Notes, by T. D wight. New York, 1886. 
3London, 1885. 
^The Expositor, April, 1886. 


two years at Ephesus. Christology and eschatology are 
not overlooked, as is sometimes said. Christ's humanity 
appears, v. 15, in the parallel with Adam; His divinity 
is seen, viii. 3, 32; ix. 5; while the "last things " are 
sufficiently set forth, xiii. 11, 12. 

Godet finds the Epistle to the Galatians group itself 
around three leading ideas: 

(i.) The apostle of liberty, called andqualifie4, no less 
than the twelve, by Christ himself. 

(2.) The doctrine of liberty, proclaimed by the Old 
Testament, no less than by the Gospel. 

(3.) The life of liberty, the holiness of which is even 
more effectively secured by the law of love proceeding 
from the Holy Spirit than by the law of Moses. 

This Epistle is thus the Act of Emancipation of the 
slaves of the law in all ages. 

The passage, II. Corinthians, xi. 32, has been expounded 
historically so as to gain a most important date for the 
life of Paul. The Nabathaeans held Damascus when Paul 
was there, and their rule has been supposed to have begun 
A. D. 37, either because the death of Tiberius in that 
year stopped Vitellius, who was on the march against 
Aretas, or because Caligula gave Damascus to that ruler 
about the same time. But Mommsen tells us^ that the 
kings of Nabat ruled beyond Damascus, and this city was 
dependent on them, for it is now known that their rule 
here continued from about the time of Sulla on into the 
reign of Trajan; this rule, however, not excluding, as held 
by commentators, Roman sovereignty also. Hence, he 
says, the supposed short rule of the Nabathaeans in Damas- 
cus must be given up as a means of fixing a supposed date 

iRomische Geschichte, Thl. 5, 1885; p. 477 — note. 


in Paul's life. The result is, we cannot tell when he was 
in Damascus. 

A most sympathetic study of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
has been recently published by Westcott^ in which he 
finds that the teaching of this Epistle may be summed up 
in the words: " Christ, the FulfiUer, Christus consum- 
mator. " The Saviour, as heir of all things for His church, 
pours out blessings in this part of Scripture in a four-fold 
stream. We see (i), how " He has fulfilled the destiny of 
man in spite of the inroad of sin, and bore humanity to 
the throne of the Father; (2) how in the plenitude of 
royal majesty He appears before God for those whose 
nature He has taken to Himself; (3) how in Him we have 
present access to a spiritual society, in which earth and 
heaven, men and angels, are united in glorious fellowship; 
and (4) how He has given us for our daily support a cov- 
enant and a service, which transfigure the conditions of 
our conflict into sacraments of a higher order." This 
covenant relation is obscured by the faulty translation of 
the word diadrjxr^, which a recent critic holds^ should be 
translated everywhere in the New Testament by covenant. 
Even Heb. ix. 16-17 is no exception, for even there .the 
usage of the LXX. , of the New Testament, the course of 
the argument and the immediate context require it to be 
so rendered. 

iThe ExJfositor,^zxL, Feb. Mar., 1886. 

2T. Gardiner, in yournal of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis^ 
Boston, 1885. 



How clearly New Testament thought grows out of the 
Old Testament may be seen in the opening words of the 
Gospel narratives. Mark follows the last verses of 
Malachi, Matthew imitates the account of Abraham's life 
(Gen. xi.), Luke has his eyes on the beginning of I. Sam- 
uel, while John echoes the first chapter of Genesis in his 
Logos prologue. 1 The Psalms, Luke i. 42-4S> 46-5S> 
68-79; xi. 29-32 are all sung to Old Testament melodies, 
and might well have stood in the Psalter of David. And 
yet they occupy a higher plane and give different promi- 
nence to old truths. They identify the Messiah with the 
Lord the Deliverer, and his Messianic work is apprehended 
as spiritual. 

The teaching of John the Baptist forms a part of the 
introduction to New Testament theology. Hofmann 
(1877) in his work, just published from the MS. of his 
lectures (see above p. 103), says that Jesus was for John 
(i) the Angel of the Covenant, (2) the Lamb of God, and 
(3) the Son of God. His work was to make real the king- 
dom of God on earth. The condition of participation in 
that kingdom was submission to the baptism of repentance 

iCf. Warfield, Messianic Psalms of the New Testament ^'va. The Expositor^ 
Oct. and Nov., 1885. 

For the general teaching of the Bible see A Layman* s Study of the English 
BibUy by F. Bowen, New York, 1885 ; Nature in Scripture^ by E. C. Cum- 
mings, Portland, Me., 1885, a suggestive book; and The Biblical Scheme of 
Nature and of Man, by A. Mackennal, London, 1885, which puts New Testa- 
ment theology in a popular form. 



for the remission of sins. Those who remain impenitent 
He will destroy, for He is judge as well as Saviour of the 
world. That was the theology of the Baptist. 

Turning to the more direct teaching of Christ, we may 
notice one or two studies in the Parables which the past 
year has given us. Dods has published an instructive 
work^ covering the whole subject, besides special studies 
in The Expositor,^ The " misunderstood parable " of the 
leaven is explained byConder^ to refer to the penetrating, 
but not assimilating, property of leaven. If the leaven 
does its work well, a chemical process goes on in which 
the yeast perishes but leaves the heavy dough wholesome 
bread. That is the key to the parable. " The corruptible 
leaven perishing, but doing a work which outlasts it, is the 
means of satisfying hunger and sustaining life." The 
agency by which God carries on this work is frail man, 
whose work perishes, and is yet immortal, as Christ com- 
pared himself to a grain of wheat dying to bear much 

Klopper explains* the new cloth on an old garment, and 
the new wine in old bottles, as follows: The old garment 
is the empirical Judaism of Christ's day; the new piece is 
the fasting and repentance which John's disciples sought to 
add to it in connection with the Messianic idea, in order 
to make the old Judaism right. Such a piecing out of 
Judaism, with teaching borrowed from Christ, would lead 
only to confusion and legality worse than before ; hence 
Jesus declined fasting and the additions of the school of 
the Baptist. 

I The Parables of Our Lord, London, 1885. 2 vols. 

2jan. and July, 1885. 

^The Expositor, June, 1886. 

/^tudien und Kritiken, 1885, H. iii. 


The new wine is the mystery of the kingdom (Mark iv. 
II ; Matt. xiii. ii), which was not to be poured into the 
Judaism of John's day. This shows the positive side of 
the same truth, new bottles for new wine, new messengers 
for the new gospel ; not lawyers, but preachers of the free 
life principle, for to try and combine old Judaism with new 
Christianity would be ruin to both. We are thus led to 
what the gospel is, and what doctrines are involved in its 
full exhibition. The work of Hofmann, already referred 
to, carries a very wholesome atmosphere into present New 
Testament study, for he lays stress on the unity of the 
teaching of Christ and the Apostles. It is Christological 
throughout. Not only is Christ the central figure, but his 
words contain the central doctrines of our holy religion. 
As well in soteriology as in ethics the fundamentals are 
all here. Hofmann shows how Jesus sets forth his expia- 
tory death as clearly as Paul afterward did. The Son of 
Man gave his life a ransom for many, and the Lord's Sup- 
per sets forth this great truth by a perpetual sacrament. 
It is atonement by blood ; it is blood of the new covenant; 
it is blood which expiates sin and purchases the New Tes- 
tament Church (Matt., xxvi. 28). Hofmann, throughout 
his book; opposes the modern German method where it 
too sharply distinguishes the doctrinal apprehension of 
different New Testament writers. He, accordingly, con- 
nects I. Peter with the Epistle to the Ephesians, while 
II. Peter is associated in teaching with the Pastoral Epis- 
tles, in which " a deterioration of Christianity into fruit- 
less exegetical learning and sectarian burdening of Chris- 
tianity " is opposed. The practical interests which Paul 
ever had in view make the great question with him always: 
A sound or an unsound system of religion? His problem 


was, how to build practical Christianity upon the great 
evangelical doctrines in opposition to all vain learning and 
divisive spirits. Such teaching from a scholar of so wide 
learning and influence is worthy of consideration in these 
days when Paul is sometimes nearly analyzed to death. 

Quite in harmony with the general position of Hofmann 
is the work of Franke on the Gospel of John and its 
theological relation to the Old Testament, ^ The relation 
of John to the Old Testament people is not anti-Judaistic, 
though he follows a certain tendency in showing how the 
Jews, by rejecting Christ, excluded themselves from 
blessing, and by wilful blindness made themselves repre- 
sentatives of the world hostile to God. This is the solu- 
tion of oifovddioi, so often appealed to. 

John here follows Isaiah, and the ideas " People of God," 
and " People of the Jews," become widely distinct, as 
already hinted at by the prophet. John's faith in the Old 
Testament Revelation is the same as that of the Synoptists, 
and everywhere recognizes the inner connection of both 
Revelations and their vital unity. The Tubingen school 
is shown to be wrong in identifying Judaism with the Old 
Testament religion. John held that " faith in the Script- 
ures and faith in Christ, the understanding of the Script- 
ures, and a perception of the ways of God for the 
salvation of the world," develop together and complete 
each other. In reference to his teaching on, (i), God 
and the world, (2), Eschatology, and, (3), the Messianic 
faith, Franke shows conclusively^ that John, like the 
Synoptists, bases his view upon the fundamental views 
of the Old Testament held by all Apostolic teachera. It 

* Das Alte Testament bet Johannes ^ Gottingen, 1885. 
■Cf. Riehm*s review in Studien und Kritiken^ 1885, H. iii. 


IS shown that in every point of the Logos teaching in 
which Philo leaves Old Testament ground, John holds true 
to the Scriptures. It is especially interesting to see that 
the Fourth Gospel, while setting forth the doctrine of life, 
still gives us all the essential elements of New Testament 
eschatology. We are shown also how the peculiar teach- 
ings of John — his view of salvation, vision of God in 
Christ, covenant sacrifice and expiation, the new com- 
mandment, eternal life through communion with God, and 
the new church — are all rooted in the Old Testament. 
Franke sums up the matter thus: " The writings of John 
are a witness to this, that already toward the end of the 
first century it was the Church, planted on Hellenistic- 
heathen soil, to which the center of the new Church had 
been transferred. And the man who speaks in them went 
unreservedly the way along which God was leading the 
Church. But the gospel of eternal life for every man who 
believes testifies at every point to this, that it was the 
Old Testament in whose light John first saw Jesus, and, 
following its guiding hand, he developed his theology, in 
which the thought of present salvation in Christ finds its 
highest New Testament expression." 

The heart of the Christian life is faith; we may well, 
therefore, close our notes on New Testament Theology by 
referring to the first exhaustive treatment of the genesis 
and growth of the word and doctrine of faith. ^ 

The rise of this principle can be traced, we are told, only 
in the events which produced the New Testament Church, 
for faith appears here in life and action as the historic 

"^Der Glattbe im Neuen Testament, Eine von der Haager Gesellschaft 
zur Vertheidigung der christlichen Religion gekr5nte Preisschrift, von A. 
Schlatter, Leiden, 1885. 


basis of the new religfion of Christ. What then, is faith in 
the New Testament? The term employed here, nitrtiveiv 
goes back to the Old Testament heemin be Jehovah^ to be 
strong in the Lord, or on the Lord, in which the ideas of 
faithfulness, truth, confidence in heart and life are all 
embraced. In Aramaic, the Hebrew term was carried over 
unchanged, and Aramaic words added to it whose central 
idea was hope, firm expectation. There was need, how- 
ever, of a word to designate faith substantively and this 
appeared in emunahy which occurs to express faith in 
Pirke Aboth and elsewhere, being limited with other terms 
to faithfulness in action. In the synagogue the change 
took place to the conception of inner faithfulness or faith, 
and meant that state of heart which clung to the law of 
Jehovah with all one's powers; for Israel must trust in 
God if it was to be true to Him. Such faith was necessary 
not only to keep the law but also to receive instruction, 
hence it was emphasized in the conversion of Gentiles to 
Judaism. But the law was hard to keep, therefore faith 
came to be looked upon as itself a meritorious thing, a 
supplement to the deeds of the law — a very sad outlook 
for the weary and heavy laden seeking rest! The word 
niari^ starts from the idea of binding, as the Hebrew 
term springs from the thought of bearing or holding. It 
was used in Greek judicial language to describe means of 
proof, as witnesses, oath, arguments. The philosophers 
used it to mean assent of the mind to a thought or argu- 
ment, though it might be but an opinion and not real knowl- 
edge, hence the contrast between niarii and yv(S(n^. 
The word was also used to signify belief in religious things, 
as myths, or to set forth trust in God, and finally to 
indicate confidence of man in man, as electors in a repre- 


sentative. The LXX. uses niari^ for the Hebrew words 
referred to; it also employs aXrjdsta to bring out the fur- 
ther element in emeth, Philo finds faith to mean man's 
trust in himself, his trust in God, and faithfulness to both. 
It unites man to God, and this is its highest value; it is 
not, however, the beginning of the virtuous life, but rather 
its end, the realization of hope. He finds the way to God 
in knowledge and subjection of the passions. The faith 
which Jesus sets forth starts from loyalty to the law, 
which he sums up in uprightness, goodness and faith- 
fulness. Such loyalty will lead to repentance. The faith 
of the Synoptists moves in Old Testament and Aramaic 
limits, not even the idea of hope being joined to faith in 
them. It is absolute trust in God as God and as Father; 
it overcomes care and sorrow; it saves from all trouble; it 
is the only condition of receiving help from Christ and 
God. Repentance and faith are the two ideas prominent 
in the Synoptists. Then, love flows from faith, because 
beneficence springs from faithfulness. Faith thus has 
repentance beneath it and love over it. 

The Fourth Gospel presents the contrast of believe and 
not believe, and its thought is thoroughly Aramaic. 
nicrreveiv eh ro ovo^a is just the phrase of the syna- 
gogue. The idea of hope is not added, but truth is made 
prominent. Faith is the recognition of Jesus as the 
Messiah, with all the blessed expectation connected with 
Him. It is essential to all forms of faith that the relation 
of Jesus to God be known and assented to. The crucifix- 
ion and resurrection are specially mentioned in connec- 
tion with faith as cases of peculiar trial. The genesis of 
faith is the new birth, which decides what man will love, 
and love decides what man will do — accept the offered 


light, or reject it. So faith is the fruit of a preceding 
moral relation to God. The contents of faith then passes 
into the affirmations of knowledge. Faith is also one with 
love because it springs from a heart made one with God. 

The teaching of Jesus on faith, according to all the 
Evangelists, is then summed up thus: (i.) He has, because 
of faith, forgiven all sins of the believer. (2.) He has prom- 
ised to faith a boundless divine gift so that because of his 
faith the believer receives all things which are given by 
God to man. (3.) He has, therefore, not left faith on the 
level of a conditional expectation, but assured it an 
unbroken certainty, which knows the divine gift as pres- 
ent and granted the believer (4.) He demands this uncon- 
ditional confidence in reference to his own work, and 
treats his own public life as sufficient ground for such con- 
fidence. (5.) He has made prominent in his work espe- 
cially miracles as proper motives to faith, so far as they 
show his limitless helping power, though he rejects the 
demand for a sign as proving his claims. (6.) He traces 
refusal to believe to an evil state of the will, which he con- 
siders a matter of guilt. (7.) He finds the origin of faith in 
the inner work of God in man. The faith here taught was 
in an important sense an inheritance of the best teaching of 
the synagogues; it developed in the Apostolic Church 
where the brotherhood were knit together as " believers" 
and " saints"; to persecute the Church was to "destroy the 
faith"; to be acquainted with a church was to "know their 
faith"; thus through all controversy the common faith in 
Christ was the meeting place of Christian hearts, and 
through all blessed activity the course of work has been 
through faith that works by love and purifies the heart; 
through faith that overcomes the world; through faith that 
leads to the vision of God. 




With Some of the More Important Results. 







I. The Church and the Empire. 

An early Christian apologist spoke of the striking fact 
that the Church of Christ and the Roman Empire rose 
together. The divine Augustus and the Son of God 
appealed to their followers of the same generation as incar- 
nate deity. The universal Roman dominion and the early 
Catholic Church felt instinctively that they were rivals for 
the rule of the world. We no longer look at those divine 
Caesars, with their altars and armies, their high-priesthood 
and their Godlike assumption of absolute control of the 
human race, as Antichrist and a satanic caricature of the 
Kingdom of God; and yet there is a strange fascination in 
the study of Pagan Imperial Rome as an introduction to 
Christian Imperial Rome, which makes us feel, with good 
Eusebius, that there was certainly here a far-reaching evan- 
gelical preparation, a great material outline to be filled with 
a great spiritual reality. Not a few breaks in this outline 
have been filled by a recent work of Mommsen,^ in which 
he gives much that is valuable for the church historian. 

^Romische Geschichte, Bd. V., Die Provinzen von Casar bis Diocletian* 
Berlin, 1885. 



He shows how and how far the Eastern provinces became 
Greek, and the Western provinces Latin, letting us see 
how each was open to the Greek and Latin Churches. In 
Moesia, for example, the Latin and Greek languages met, and 
just here was the border land of strife between the Patri- 
arch of Rome and the Patriarch of Constantinople. Spain 
was the first province out of Italy to become romanized; 
and during the Empire, this Latinizing went on faster here 
than anywhere else, earlier and faster even than in Africa. 
No province was so thoroughly Roman in religion as Spain. 
South Gaul became Roman under the Republic, though it 
was not romanized so fast. Lyons and Nyon, the latter 
a Roman colony, were the only Latin towns in Gaul, 
A. U. C. 711. Lyons was the Roman center for Gaul. In 
North Gaul the Celtic division by counties was retained, 
and these had a government of their own, a sort of parlia- 
ment representing sixty such counties. The Latin lan- 
guage, however, was pressed upon the people; though the 
Celtic religion flourished into the time of the emperors. 
In Britain the Celtic language had given way to the Latin 
before the Saxons came; it was Rome that gave up Brit- 
ain, not Britain that shook off Rome. In Asia Minor the 
Greeks and Celts were the only important races in the time 
of the Empire. Learning, which had fallen into decay, 
was much revived here under the emperors, and flourished 
as in no other part of the empire. It took the form of 
speaking rather than writing, and had its seat in the schools 
of the sophists. When Asia Minor became Christian, the 
pulture and commercial activity of its people continued, 
and even influenced the West for good. Christian Syrians 
of the fourth and fifth centuries were scattered as merchants 
through all the West; Lyons, Paris, Treves and other 


French and German cities were familiar with these Ori- 
entals from Tyre, Apameia, and Antioch. The wealth 
and wide influence of these Syrian Christians were felt until 
they were crushed by Mohammedanism. 

Of this whole period, Mommsen says: " The great 
thing in these centuries is this, that the work which 
was laid out of spreading everywhere the Latin-Greek 
civilization in the form of a fully carried-out civil -parish 
constitution, the gradual bringing of the barbarian, or 
other foreign elements, into this circle — a work which, in 
its very nature, required centuries of constant activity and 
quiet self-development — that great work now found a long 
period of peace on land and sea for its prosecution. " All 
this was laying a foundation for the work of the Church. 

Of the persecutions, he says that a full knowledge of 
Roman rule shows that they were constant, as the attacks 
upon the pirates were, only at times more severe, being 
intensified by command of the ruler. This view is being now 
accepted by church historians also. The emperors were not 
so bad as they are usually painted. Duruy holds^ that 
while it is certain that the Christians suffered wrongs and 
injustice, it is equally certain that in more than one respect 
they had the legal probability against them. The emper- 
or's great task was to preserve the unity of his vast 
dominions, and Christian activity was a serious opposition 
to his best plans. AUard shows, ^ against the school of 
Gibbon, recently represented by Havet and Aube, that 
the number of martyrs was not small; but then falls him- 
self into the antiquated view, which regards the rights of 

'^Histoire des Romains, VoL VII., Paris, 1885. 

^Histoire des Persecutions pendant les deux premiers siicles d^apres 
les documents archeoligiques^ raris, 1885. 


the State to defend itself against the new religion as 
groundless, and considers the best of the emperors as 
moved by nothing higher than superstition, brutality, 
tyranny and priestcraft, in opposing Christianity. If we 
turn to the life of a man like TertuUian, we will see that 
the relations of Christians to their fellow-citizens and the 
government, even during persecution, were not so strained 
as is often supposed. Mommsen remarks rightly that we 
must not judge of the moral condition of the empire by 
such cities as Rome and Corinth. The zealous TertuUian, 
born about 150, died about 230 A.D.,i was patriotic, and 
in defending his Punic blood, showed how Christianity had 
spread among the Provincial subjects of Rome, while the 
proud rulers were long unconverted, because they did not 
like the new religion which leveled distinctions aniong 
men. ^ He preached loyalty to the powers that be, as did 
Paul. He also employed the culture of his time more 
than is commonly stated. He used the favored Roman 
postal system; he visited the public baths; he was familiar 
with every phase of Pagan life, and could glibly call 
Callixtus ** a rope-dancer of chastity." His attitude 
toward slavery shows that, while heathen ethics in a sense 
preceded Christianity in teaching human brotherhood, the 
gospel first, as Renan puts it (Marc-Aurele, p. 609), 
" suppressed slavery by giving a moral importance to the 
slave." TertuUian helped train slaves like Blandina, whose 
heroism killed slavery. He had slaves himself, and 
expected them to obey. To punish them was not strange, 
for they must, he said, be of one mind with their master. 

^ TertuUian' s Geburtsjahr^ von E. Noldechen in Zeitschrift fiir wis- 
senschaftliche Theologie, 1886, H. ]I. 

* TertuUian als Mensch und als BUrger^ von Noldechen, in ffisto- 
rische Zeitschrift^ 1885, H. V. 


He lays stress on the equality of all Christians before God, 
but the application of this principle was just beginning. 
Only two references to freeing slaves occur in church liter- 
ature of the first two centuries. TertuUian was not very 
favorable to emancipation, standing rather below the level 
of church feeling in this matter. While our views are 
thus modified in some respects in favor of the Roman 
government, and better relations of Christians to their 
heathen surroundings, we are led by recent study to lay 
more stress than is usually done upon the powerful antag- 
onism of the Roman religion itself It is a mistaken view, 
as often set forth, that Christianity grew in the empire in 
the presence of a dead and decaying heathenism. There 
was decline in Paganism, but there were also periods of 
great restoration. One of these appeared under the 
Severi, when the old cults were revived, the worship of 
genii renewed under Neo-Platonic influences, and the ori- 
ental religious usages introduced with Mithras as the 
central deity. Three great revivals took place under three 
different emperors: the Neo-Pythagorean, led by Philos- 
tratus, who presented ApoUonius of Tyana as a demi-god 
and rival of Jesus; the Semitic sun worship of Helio- 
gabalus, which sought to form a vast eclectic cult, with 
the emperor as high priest; and the philosophic form of 
this same tendency, the pantheistic syncretism of Alex- 
ander Severus. ^ 

Among the Greeks there was a like revival, but of the 
Hellenic religion and of foreign cults. ^ The loss of 
national liberty forced the nobler minds of Greece into 
social, moral and religious activity. Such pagan revivals 

* Cf. La Religion d Rome sous les Severes^ Par J. R^ville, Paris, 1885; 
also Marius the Epicurean, by W. Pater, London, 1885. 
*Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, Bd. v. 1885, p. 257. 


were powerful hindrances to the spread of Christianity, 
and the triumph of the cross is not to be described as if 
won over an effete heathenism. On the other hand it must 
be noticed that when these efforts at pagan restoration 
were found unavailing, their very excellence made them 
a stepping-stone to the all-sufficient religion. Pessimism, 
syncretism, tolerance, stoicism, moral culture — all these 
led the disciples of Cicero, Seneca and Porphyry to turn 
with new-born hope to the gospel of Christ. In an import- 
ant sense, too, the Church became heir of this syncretistic 
Graeco-Roman wisdom. Reville says that Catholic Chris- 
tianity took shape in the period between Marcus Aurelius 
and Decius, and that it " was born of pagan syncretism 
and primitive Christianity." The religion of Christ, how- 
ever, as the unique faith, did not disappear in such eclecti- 
cism, but, while using all that was valuable in heathen 
culture, never lost its own high consciousness of being 
the Kingdom of God upon earth. 

Mommsen gives an honorable place to Africa in this 
development. He thinks later Christianity arose from a 
union of Hellenism and Orientalism, and became a world 
religion in North Africa, where Latin life lacked classic 
dignity, and Greek geniality. Heathen Africa produced 
no great writers, but Christian Africa gave the Church 
leaders in thought, who took the first place ; for that 
Christianity which arose in Syria became in Africa a uni- 
versal religion. Here the Bible was translated into popu- 
lar Latin for the Latin world, as it was translated in Egypt 
into Greek for the Greek world. When North Africa took 
the lead in this movement, the Roman Church was still 
under Greek influence. 

Early Christianity did not destroy the ancient civiliza- 


tion, but combined with the working forces in that civiliza- 
tion to transform Pagan Rome into Catholic Rome. In 
this process the Church received as well as gave ; for it 
must be admitted that Christianity became somewhat 
paganized while Paganism was becoming christianized, 
though the true faith always kept its vast superiority in 
the assimilation. This early Catholic Church, built up by 
syncretistic reform in heathenism and the teachings of the 
gospel, reached the full consummation of its union devel- 
opment in the fourth century. 

In modern times these separate elements have again 
come to consciousness in the Renaissance, and the Reforma- 
tion, through the study of which we can the better distin- 
guish the classic culture and the primitive Christianity 
which met in early Catholicism. ^ 

II. History of Doctrine. 

The most important recent work on this subject is 
Harnack's Dogmengeschichte, 2 The great question raised 
by Baur: How did the Primitive Church become the 
early Catholic Church, as we find it at the end of the 
second century, closing its Canon, opposing heretics and 
attaining full consciousness of organic unity, was answered 
by him with the synthesis of the Petrine and Pauline 
schools of doctrine in a Johannine, which ended in the 
Universal Church idea. Ritschl overthrew this theory, 

^ For some mild naturalistic Rationalism on the origin of Christianity, cf. 
A Study of Primitive Christianity^ by L. G. Janes, Boston, 1885 ; and, for 
an orthodox but uncritical book on the same subject, see The First Century of 
Christianity, by H. Cox, London. 1886. 

^ Lehrbtich der Dogmengeschichte, Bd. i. Freiburg I. B., 1886. 

For a conservative, safe work, written, however, in the antiquated frame- 
work of Hagenbach, cf. History of Christian Doctrine, by H. C. Sheldon, 
New York, 1886. 


and taught that the early Catholic Church arose as a moral 
deterioration of Christianity, growing up on heathen soil. 
Here Harnack takes up the problem, and seeks to show 
how out of the undogmatic Christianity of the first century 
the organized, dogmatic Christianity of the middle of the 
third century took its rise. The prevalent view is that the 
creed of the present Church is a development, under the 
guidance of the Holy Spirit, of the divine truth, which 
lay always in ^erm and potency in the* Scriptures. The 
seed of every doctrine now taught may be found in the 
Bible. Harnack pronounces this view wrong, and says 
that the teachings of the Bible along any line of legitimate 
development would never have produced the present creed 
of the Church. That result is the product of a union of 
early Christianity with the Greek philosophy and culture 
which filled the Roman world in the second and third 
centuries. Our present confession of faith is the fruit of a 
hellenizing or secularizing of Christianity. This is in the 
line of Ritschl's theory, which is carried out with great 
wealth of application. To get the simple, primitive belief 
of the Apostolic Fathers and the /^iSaxv we have, accord- 
ing to this view, to subtract from our creeds the elements 
borrowed from heathen systems. The Church in those 
days, we are told, believed in God, in Jesus as the Messiah, 
and His speedy return, laid great stress upon the morality 
of the Sermon on the Mount, and had no fixed or com- 
pulsory articles of faith. This " enthusiastic " Christianity 
was predominatingly ethical and eschatological, and ceased 
in the second half of the second century. * But even at 
that early period the idea of God, the views of ethics and 
allegorical exegesis, show Greek influence. It was the early 

^Cf. Holtzmann, Einleitung in das Neue Testament^ 1885, p. 104. 


Apologists, however, who intoduced the marked transition. 
They were converted philosophers, and remained such 
after their conversion. Especially through their identi- 
fying the Logos of John's Gospel with the Logos oi Greek 
philosophy — the very heart of Greek speculation — was 
this Hellenistic drift hastened. These philosophers ^rst 
used OsoXoyi^a and S(/y}jLa in the technical sense, and 
they first formulated Christian doctrines as " truths of 
reason revealed in Scripture through the prophets, which 
in their unity set forth divine wisdom, and to recognize 
which is the source of virtue and eternal life. " In this 
revealed philosophy they found three chief doctrines, (i), 
that there is one Spiritual Most High God, who is Lord 
and Father of the world, (2), that He requires a holy life, 
and (3), that He will hold a final judgment to reward the 
good with immortality, and the evil with death. We must 
remember, however, that the Apologists wrote for non- 
Christian readers — Jews and heathen — and that had they 
written for Christian edification their theological state- 
ments might Jiave taken quite a different form. Zahn 
finds! an illustration of this in a fragment of a lost work 
of Justin Martyr, in which the Apologist argues from 
I Cor. XV. SO, referring it to Paul, and expounding it to 
teach that " the Kingdom of God being eternal life cannot 
be inherited by the body, but the body by life; " the 
Kingdom takes possession of the flesh, and that is what is 
meant by death being swallowed up in victory. 

Harnack goes on to say that the Gnostics tried to hel- 
lenize church thought by violent transformation, and shows 
how that method was rejected, though he holds the same 
result was reached through long centuries, which the Gnos- 

^Zeitschriftfur Kirchengeschichte, 1885 ; Bd. viii. H. I. 


tics tried to attain in one generation. " The Gnostics 
were the theologians of the first century. They first 
changed Christianity into a system of doctrines; they first 
systematically worked over tradition; they undertook to 
present Christianity as the absolute religion, and as identi- 
cal with the results of religious philosophy, for which they 
sought the support of Revelation." They sought to win 
Christianity for Greek culture, and Greek culture for 
Christianity; hence they rejected the Old Testament to 
facilitate the union and make it possible to assert the 
absoluteness of Christianity. Out of Gnosticism came 
philosophy, Biblical science, church societies, theological 
schools, mysteries, then, sacred formulae, superstition, and 
all sorts of profane literature, only gradually, into the 
use of the Church. 

We are assured that during this early period, Pauline 
theology formed no school in the Church, and the doctrines 
of sin, total depravity, sacrificial atonement, divine sov- 
ereignty, election unto life, and justification by faith were 
little heard of. About all that the general Christian con- 
sciousness took from Paul, we are told, was his idea of a 
gospel for all men. About the only Paulinist we hear of 
IS Marcion. 

Thus it is reaffirmed that dogmatic theology, with its 
divisions and terminology, came from Greek philosophy 
added to the early Christian faith. Through the Alexan- 
drian school, the Logos christology became an article of 
faith, belief and theology became blended, Christianity 
became a theological system, and the Church a theological- 
philosophical school. 

In this change the Old Testament, the theocratic and 
the Messianic idea were succeeded by the doctrine of the 


Church and immortality, while the Messiah appeared as 
a divine teacher and God incarnate. 

We follow Harnack further. He tells us that the baptismal 
confession of Father, Son andSpirit was elevated, as early 
as A. D. 150, into an apostolic article of faith, and started 
from the Roman church. " The creation of the New Tes- 
tament gave at once a wide field for theological growth, 
and the early Fathers halt between the primitive short creed 
and the endless teaching of the New Testament. Single 
doctrines appear in a loose way around the baptismal con- 
fession, but no system took shape till Clement of Alexandria 
brought the Gnostic idea of theology into the service of 
the church. As we have noticed, the first great doctrine 
thus reached and embodied in the creed was thatof super- 
natural christology. " The more external side of the 
development Harnack sets forth thus: Apostolic-Catholic 
theology was not a continuation of biblical theology of 
the New Testament. The heathen converts were led by 
certain general views of the gospel, given in the Old Testa- 
ment as referring to Christ, and received in the Greek 
spirit. The New Testament was not for a long time used 
as the source of doctrine. Hellenistic Judaism was the 
stepping-stone by which the gospel passed from the Jews 
to the Greeks; and " the great multitude of the earliest 
heathen converts became Christians because they recog- 
nized in the gospel the glad tidings of those good things 
and obligations which they had already sought in the 
blending of J-udaism and Hellenism." From this point of 
view only, we are assured, can the origin of the Catholic 
Church and doctrine be understood; and further, that the 
meeting place of all Christians must be on this early faith, 
and not on the later theology; on this belief in Christ, 


not on creeds about Him; on this primitive life, and not 
the subsequent ecclesiasticism. 

Conservative critics object to this apprehension of earl/ 
doctrines, as they object to Ritschl's position, because it 
tears to pieces the creed of the Church by an extreme 
rejection of what are called its philosophic elements. 
Luthardt says^ such a view overlooks the regulafidei, the 
commandments, and the general belief of the early Church; 
it means, further, that the divinity of Christ, the trinity, 
and such doctrines do not belong to primitive Christianity, 
and are not taught in the Scriptures. 

Among the most important sources of post-Apostolic 
teaching are the Epistles of Ignatius. These have just 
received most exhaustive treatment by Lightfoot in the 
second volume of his Apostolic Fathers ^^ a work which 
Harnack calls " the most learned and careful Patristic 
monograph of the nineteenth century."^ The view of 
Zahn, who accepts the shorter Greek recension of seven 
epistles as genuine, is adopted by Lightfoot, and sup- 
ported by arguments which Harnack considers final. The 
Epistle of Polycarp is also genuine, though Harnack dates 
it not earlier than A. D. 130, when the Ignatian Epistles 
also were written, against Lightfoot, who dates them 
all between no and 118 A. D. Hilgenfeld* will accept 
the Epistle of Polycarp only when the interpolations are 
removed. These are chapters iii. v. 20; vii. 12-20; ix. ; 
xiii. , with some other short passages, all of which he thinks 
were added later in support of the Epistles of Ignatius. 

1 Theologisckes Literaturblatt, 1886, No. 7. 

* Part II. St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp, London, 1885. 
3 The Expositor, Dec. 1885. 

* Der Brief des Polycarpus an die Philipper, in *^eitschrift fur wissen* 
schaftliche Theologie, 1886, H. ii. 


The teaching of Ignatius, his xrfpvy/ia, respecting Christ, 
Harnack thinks would run as follows: " We believe in 
Jesus Christ, our Lord, who was according to the flesh of 
the seed of David but of the Holy Ghost, born of Mary 
(other readings, of a virgin), baptized by John, suffered 
and risen from the dead under Pontius Pilate." He does 
not identify Judaists and Gnostics and oppose Judaistic 
docetics (Lightfoot), but where he refers to docetics 
(Epp. to Eph., Trail, and Smyr.) he means not the 
earliest form of Christian gnosticism, the Judaic, but the 
usual Gentile form; and where he mentions Judaistic views 
(Epp. to Magn. and Philad.) he warns against the Ebion- 
istic danger (Harnack). 

The idea of prophetic gifts passing from the Jews to the 
Christians, after John the Baptist is a favorite thought of 
the early Fathers. The passage on which it is based 
(Matt, xi, 13; Luke xvi. 16) runs like a " winged word" 
through the writings of Tertullian,^ where its use almost 
marks his growth toward Montanism. We find him first 
regarding prophecy as sealed and the fulfillment complete, 
the Bible canon is full and no new books were to be added; 
the regular clergy were there and inspired ones besides the 
bishops were rather to be silent and learn. Then comes 
transition: he opposes Marcion, and holds that Christianity 
and Judaism are bound together; he next becomes anti- 
ecclesiastical, and at last a Montanist. In harmony with 
this drift he taught that Adam was a prophet, and in 
prophetic vision named the animals and his children. 
That was also the prevalent view till Tatian shocked the 

^Cf. Ein gelfliigeltes Wort bet Tertullian, von E. Noldechen in ZeitS' 
chriftf. wissen, TheoL, 1885, H. iii. 


Church by teaching that Adam was a sinner who could 
not be saved. ^ 

Quite in opposition to this Montanistic tendency, which 
sought to return to the primitive type of Christianity, was 
the Alexandrian movement, which aimed at reconciling the 
gospel and the philosophy of the third century. Augustine 
gave the death blow to this Alexandrian theology in the 
Western Church, and emphasized " churchliness," authori- 
tative orthodoxy, sacerdotalism and sacramentarianism, 
just the points, which, exaggerated, give the four cardinal 
errors of Catholicism. A recent writer tells us, 2 how- 
ever, that the drift in our day is from Augustine to Origen 
as a theologian, and that the great Alexandrian anticipated 
much that we have heard in Macleod Campbell's theology. 
Dean Stanley's free ecclesiastical polity, and Herbert 
Spencer's philosophy. The circumstances being similar," 
Origen, like modern apologists, laid stress on culture in 
the service of the gospel, for all great thinking would bear 
witness to God; he emphasized knowledge in Christianity, 
and in his attempt to reconcile thought and faith went far 
beyond the English apologists of the eighteenth century. 
He met agnosticism by admitting that God can be known 
only mediately, through the Logos; creation was eternal 
and a result of endless evolution, of which the fall and 
history of man were part; free human will is necessary and 
indestructible, hence universal restoration was allowed; 
the Fatherhood of God was also made prominent. This 
Alexandrian theology has been much praised by some 
advocates of what is called the New Theology, in America. 

^See Noldechen, Die Lehre vom ersten Menschen bei den christ lichen 
Lehrern des zweiten yahrhunderts^ m Ztft. f. wissen. Theol., 1885, H. iv. 

« The Alexandrian Type of Christianity, by W. F. Adeny, in The Brit- 
ish Quarterly Review y April, 1885. 


It was superior to Latin teaching; it was more humane; it 
was even much more biblical. But Harnack's book strikes 
a weak spot in this view, by arguing that the theology of 
Alexandria got all its peculiar wisdom from Pagan philos- 
ophy, and not from the Scriptures. 

A fine example of a free Greek theologian was ApoUi- 
narios of Laodicia, about whom Draseke continues to 
instruct us. 1 

He shows that the two letters written to Basil and the 
two received from him are genuine. They were written 
about A. D. 361-2, and in them ApoUinarios speaks as on 
the ground of the Nicene creed, and is in friendly inter- 
course with Basil. Three further passages, found in a 
work by Nemeseos, enlarge our knowledge of the great 
Laodicean. ^ 

The first passage, on the nature of man, says: " Plotinus 
holds that the soul and mind are different, thinking that 
man consists of three things, body, soul and mind. Such 
teachings ApoUinarios, who is bishop of Laodicia, also 
follows ; for laying this foundation of his own view, he 
built up the rest according to his peculiar doctrine." That 
Plotinus influenced ApoUinarios in this respect we learn 
first through Nemeseos. A second quotation, speaking of 
the origin of the soul, runs: " ApoUinarios thought that 
souls are begotten by souls, just as bodies by bodies ; for 
the soul was sent by succession from the first man into 
all those who descended from him, just as there was a 
bodily succession. Neither, he says, are souls stored away 
anywhere, neither are they created now, for those saying 

^ Cf. Current Discussions, 1885, p. 135, and Zeitschrift fUr Kirchen- 
gesckichte, Bd. viii. H. i, 1885. 

* See ApoUinarios in den AnfUhringen des Nemeseos , von Draseke in ZtfU 
f. wissen, TheoL 1886, H. I. 


this would make God a co-worker with adulterers, for 
children are begotten by such. Besides it would make 
that false which says : " God ceased from all the works 
which He began to do," if he were still framing souls. 
He thus rejects the preexistence theory of Plato, the crea- 
tion theory of the Latin fathers, and appears as a full 
defender of traducianism. On the creation of the world 
the passage is: " Those who explain the teaching of the 
Hebrews differ about heaven and earth. Almost all say 
that heaven and earth were made out of no previously- 
existing matter, for Moses says, ' In the beginning,' etc.; 
but ApoUinarios thinks God made the heaven and the 
earth from the abyss ; for Moses does not mention the 
abyss as existent at the creation of the world ; but in Job 
it is said, " who made the abyss ;" from this, therefore, as 
from material, he thinks all things were made. This was 
not without origin, but was produced before all bodily 
things, laid down as a foundation by the Creator, for the 
support of all else. The name abyss indicates the bound- 
less extent of matter." 

The spirit of order and conservatism, which the Latin 
Church inherits from the Roman Empire, made it more 
traditional and orthodox than the Greek Church ; hence 
Greeks persecuted for their orthodoxy looked naturally to 
Rome for sympathy and aid. Mommsen has recently 
published^ from MS. sources a correct text of the appeals 
made by Flavian, archbishop of Constantinople, and 
Eusebius, bishop of Dorylaeum, to Pope Leo, against 
their condemnation in the Eutychian controversy. These 
letters are important in reference to the question of papal 

'^IvL Neues Archiv der Gesellschaftfur alter e deutsch Geschichtskunde, Bd. 
XL H. II. 1886. 


supremacy. They address Leo as " most religious and 
blessed father and archbishop." They describe the coun- 
cil of Ephesus, and Flavian says when Dioscorus declared 
him deposed he appealed " to the throne of the Apostolic 
see of Peter, the chief of the Apostles, and to the general 
blessed synod which is under your Holiness;'* whereupon 
the mob cast him out. Eusebuis says: " I flee to thee 
as my only helper next to God." He beseeches Leo to 
pronounce his unjust condemnation void, and asks to be 
restored to his see by letters from the pope. The terms 
sanctitaSj beatitudo^ Apostolicus, etc., applied to Leo in 
these letters, lose their high pretentions when we learn that 
such words were addressed to every bishop in the West 
before the time of Gregory L, and even Gregory writes to 
Leander of Seville as Sanctitas vestra. ^ 

Arianism has been treated by Scott in his Life of 
Ulfilas.2 Its history among the Goths seems to show the 
inability of religion without a divine Saviour to develop 
historically. The story of the attempt in those early 
Germanic churches tells not only of religious ruin, but of 
its " fatal effect upon the political development of the peo- 
ple. " The Gothic churches failed because their creed was 
essentially faulty, their organization was weak, their clergy 
dependent on the court. They had no men of great 
ability save Ulfilas, and the Catholic Church opposed them 
in her might. 

The closing years of Arianism in Spain are receiving 
fresh illustration from the studies of Gorres,^ The 

^ Cf. Leander von Sevilla. von Gorres, in Ztft. f. wiss. Tkeol. 1SS6, 
H. I. 

* Ulfilas^ Apostle of the Gothsy together with an account of the Gothic 
Churches and Their Decline^ Cambridge, 1885. 

'Cf. Leovigildy Konig der Westgothen in Spanien u. Septimanicn^ dt^ ictzte 
Arianerkonigy in Jahr bb, fiir Prot. Theologie, 1886, H. I. 


Byzantine power had fixed roots in south Spain in the 
sixth century and used the conflict between the orthodox 
Spaniards and the Arian Goths to extend its influence. 
Leovigild sought to make the Visigoths rulers of all Spain, 
and this great warrior realized much of what he aimed at. 
He was tolerant of the Catholics till his son and his French 
daughter-in-law, guided by Leander of Seville, kindled 
civil war in behalf of orthodoxy; he then determined to 
make Arianism the creed of Spain, and adopted a policy 
like that of the emperor Julian. The usual statement, 
that he was a violent persecutor, Gorres pronounces incor- 
rect. Leovigild crushed the rebellion but could not 
destroy the Catholic faith. Under his son Recared all 
Spain returned to the Athanasian creed. 

III. Church Constitution. 

The constitution of the early Church has been a prom- 
inent subject of inquiry during the past year. The under- 
lying question. Does the New Testament teach a regular, 
obligatory system of church government, and if so, what 
is it? is no longer regarded as settled. The drift is rather 
toward the position, that we find in Scripture a simple, 
undeveloped order of things, out of which, in a way not 
wrong, but in some senses healthy, the future more com- 
plicated church constitution arose. Morris says:^ " Pres- 
byterianism, jure divino — a system directly prescribed 
and enjoined as to details in the New Testament — can no 
more be proven than a jure divino Prelacy or Independ- 
ency. " Cunningham goes further,^ and under the law of 

^Ecclesiology^ New York, 1885, p. 139. 

• The Growth of the Church in Its Organisation and Institutions^ Lon- 
don, 1886 ; Cf. also, The Christian Church in Relation to Human Experi- 
ence^ by Thos. Dykes, a Scotch broad churchman, Glasgow, 1885. 


development teaches that " we start from a church with a 
grand faith and noble aspirations, but rudimentary, unor- 
ganized, incomplete, and mark with wonder the growth 
of its organisation and institutes." This is declared to be 
nearly the reverse of old-fashioned church history, which 
used to begin with a perfect Apostolic Church and trace 
its decadence through succeeding ages. The stages noted 
in this development are Individualism, Congregational- 
ism, Presbyterianism, Episcopalianism and Papalisnu At 
first, he says, the Apostolic Church had no officers. The 
seven deacons were chosen for a case of emergency; 
but there was " no other jus divinum attached to the 
office of the diaconate than this — that where deacons are 
wanted they ought to be created, and where they are not 
wanted they ought to be let alone." Cunningham thinks 
bishops arose from those presbyters who were apt to teach. 
The presbyter came from the Synagogue, the deacon had 
his rise in the Church of Jerusalem. He shows that the 
last support oixki^jiis divinum^ the claim that bisliops are 
successors of the Apostles, is groundless, for Paul was no 
more a bishop than Columba was. Such reasoning would 
make Apostolic succession come through a Presbyterian 
line, for all scholars of authority admit that the post- 
apostolic bishops were presbyters. Besides, bishops and 
Apostles existed side by side, and so the one could not 
succeed the other in office. The Jidax^ supports other 
authorities in making Apostles and bishops totally diflTcr- 
ent men, the former being simply great missionaries, and 
their successors being the true preachers of every age. 
Canon Liddon seeks tofind^ the first bishops in" certain 

1 Sermon, A Father in Christy 1885. 


men," vaguely referred to by Clement of Rome, ^ while he 
argues for the divine right of Episcopacy and organization 
as part of the essence of a church. Hatch replies^ that 
two improbable assumptions underlie this position, (i) 
that Christ founded a visible society, and (2) that he 
intended such a society to have a single form of organiza- 
tion. Until these points are settled, appeals to early 
Fathers are useless ; for if Christians have a free right of 
association in the name of Christ, and if the usage of 
Apostolic times is not binding for all times, questions 
about Presbyterian or Episcopalian are matters of mere 
antiquarianism. Liddon thinks modern bishops are suc- 
cessors, not of those called bishops in the New Testament, 
but of a class of ministers represented by Timothy and 
Titus; they inherited the Apostolic-Episcopal functions, 
and not the Apostles heard of in the second century. 
Hatch says that this also rests on the unproven assumptions 
that the office held by Titus and Timothy was permanent, 
and that it carried with it plenary Apostolic power. ^ 
Cunningham argues in the same direction, and holds with 
Lightfoot that the bishop is just the chairman of the orig- 
inal presbytery, developed into- a permanent moderator 
with the Greek name of iwiaxono^. The polity of the 
Church of Scotland is, he says, a perfect fac-simile of the 
Ignatian Episcopacy, in which the presbyter-bishop, or 
minister, is theoretically on a level with the elders, though 
really superior to them. Hedge thinks the Moravian 
brethren preserve best the system of the first disciples. "* 

^Epist. C. 44. 

^The Contemporary Review^ June, 1885. 

^Cf. on the other side, The Apostolic Sticcession, in The Church Quarterly 
Review, Oct. 1885. 

^ Count Zinzendorf and the Moravians, in The Unitarian Review, Jan. 


Monarchical Episcopacy cannot be proven without the 
aid of Ignatius, as already developed under Trajan and 
Hadrian. But even Ignatius does not speak of bishops as 
successors of the Apostles. They were for him local 
officers in the local church. Harnack holds ^ that the 
Apostolic view of Irenaeus lacks earlier support, and says 
that Lightfoot transfers the theory of monarchical bishops 
from Irenaeus to Polycarp and Ignatius, who were local 
congregational bishops. He concludes the discussion thus: 
" It must be conceded to the Episcopalian that there were 
already inlaKonoi in the Apostolic age, and that not 
every npaa^vrepo? was an iniaKono?. But on the other 
hand it can be shown that the monarchical constitution of 
the churches cannot be traced to the Apostles." 

Kiihl has discussed this whole question with reference 
to the Pastoral Epistles, ^ and derives the bishop of the 
early Church as follows: The primitive Church regarded 
itself as a house of God, with God as the master, but rep- 
resented on earth by the bishop, the " overseer. " This 
conception came from heathen family life, in which slaves 
were under one or more iTciaxdnov?, He shows also that 
the Christian presbytery did not come from the Jewish 
presbytery, opposing Hatch, whose contribution to the 
subject he finds thus summed up by Harnack: He has 
shown that the " later fixed constitution of the churches 
was a combination of two different organizations, which 
had arisen after the analogy of municipal arrange- 
ments. So far as the congregation formed a system of 
leaders and followers, there arose naturally the distinction 
of presbyters on the one side and laity on the other. So 

1 The Expositor, Jan. 1886. 

^Die Gemeindeordnung in den Pastoral-brief en, Berlin, 1885. 


far as it presented an active band of brothers, there 
appeared as officials, bishops and deacons. The former 
office, of presbyter, was external, legal, resting on no 
special graces; the latter office was the particular spiritual 
office, its occupants were specially qualified by gifts and 
graces for rule and beneficence, and gave to the congrega- 
tion its characteristic stamp. These offices were essentially 
distinct, though standing side by side." Harnack thinks 
bishop and presbyter were never wholly identical; but 
Hatch thinks they were for a time " in a certain sense. " 
Harnack supposes that bishops arose more from taking 
over the functions of apostles and teachers than from their 
position in the presbytery; and he is followed by Kiihl, 
who derives the later position of the bishop from the com- 
bination of the early office of bishop and the office of the 
teachers so prominent in the ^iSaxv. Hatch's derivation 
of the bishop from the church treasurer is pronounced 
groundless. Neither was the early presbytery a sort of 
church police as these writers suppose, else how should 
Jewish Christians get to a bishop as an official of worship 
and doctrine ?i 

Kiihl rejects also Heinrici's theory, that the early Chris- 
tian organization arose in imitation of the Greek religious 
societies, {diaooi)^ for presbyters and deacons are 
unknown in such societies. He gives up, however, the 
old view, which borrowed the local presbytery from the 
synagogue, for the presbyters of the earliest Jewish Chris- 
tian churches, (Cf. Ep. of James), and much more those 
in the Gentile churches, by no means discharge the duties 

'Cf. Hilgenfeld, Z«»/ Ur sprung des EpiskopatsvaZtft, f,wissen^ TheologUy 
1886, H. I. 

See also in general Miiller, Die Verfassung derc .hristlichen Kirche in den 
beiden ersten Jahrhunderten^ Leipzig, 1885. 


of synagogue presbyters. They are rather like the 
apxKTvvaycoyo^. And as a matter of fact the name apx^^ 
IS found instead of TtpeafixStepo^ in the synagogue of the 
Dispersion. The Greek synagogue had no presbyters. 

The term eTriaxoTto^, the first technical name for Gentile 
church officials, and Stdxovo^, an officer peculiarly Chris- 
tain, are both foreign to the synagogue. Ktihl thinks the 
first deacons arose to meet a felt need in the early Chris- 
tain society. Later, and closely connected with the dea- 
cons, arose bishops as distinctively Christian officials, their 
duties being in many respects similar to those of the 
deacons. The work of such an official would naturally 
recall similar officials in civil, social or synagogue relations; 
but the origin of the office was in the needs of the Chris- 
tian Church, and not in any foreign society. The diaxovoi 
among Greek slaves were those privileged ones who served 
about the master himself; the fW(yxo;ro^ was a steward, an 
overseer over the didxovoi and all the slaves; along this 
relation of things the New Testiment terminology runs, 
and the bishop is the overseer of the Christian society, the 
servants of the Lord, and, in a narrower sense, also super- 
intendent over the deacons and their work. And that, 
we are told, is just the picture given by Ignatius. 

Hierarchical claims grew not only through respect for 
teachers and love of order, but were fostered by church 
watchfulness amid persecution. The Episcopal teaching 
in the Epistles of Ignatius bears the name of a man who 
wrote under the wrath of Rome, and was on his way to 
martyrdom. The same coincidence is found in the life of 
Cyprian. A study^ of his letters shows how his views 

^ Cyprian von Carthago und die Verfassung der Kirche^ von Otlo Rit^l 
Gottingen, 1885. 


became more prelatical as the Decian persecution went on, 
for he felt, with growing conviction, that a united Church, 
a strong bishopric, and strict discipline, were as a three- 
fold cord, which could not be broken. In those days of 
trial, there grew up in the West the idea of a Sacrament 
of Penitence and a Sacrament of Ordination. A new 
system of discipline for penitents led to a new vie^y of the 
powers of the clergy, who guarded the sacraments. From 
Cyprian to Augustine, this tendency developed, and found 
in that great Father a resting-place, for with him began 
the second great epoch in doctrinal progress, a period 
which lasted till the Reformation. The views of Augustine 
on church government have been summed up by Renter 
as follows:^ 

(i) Augustine's doctrine of the Episcopate rests essen- 
tially on that of Cyprian, but the tone of the teaching is 
different, Augustine being no Church politician. 

(2) The hierarchial element, predominant in Cyprian, 
was modified by Augustine, who nowhere traces it to a 
divine origin, and who does not make it so important for 
the Church. 

(3) Submission to the bishop, as a condition of Church 
membership, is nowhere made prominent; the mediation 
of bishops is even in some passages expressly rejected. 

(4) The difference between clergy and laity is minim- 
ized, and in some places ignored altogether in favor of the 
idea of a universal priesthood of believers. St. Peter is 
set forth as a representative of all Christians, without 
distinction of clergy and laity. 

(5) The doctrine of the Sacrament of Orders, which 

•YAugustinische Stt*dien^ in ZHtschrift fiir Kirckengeschichte^ Bd. VIIL. 
H. I., II., 1885-6. 


Augustine founded, was not to support hierarchic inter- 
ests, or a fruit of dogmatic cupidity; but was to cut off 
Donatist consequences, and defend the Catholic faith 
against them. 

(6) It is very Hkely that Augustine did not know any 
of his contemporary Roman bishops, and had little 
intercourse with them by letter. 

(7) He regarded all bishops as co-ordinate successors of 
the Apostles — Peter was but primus inter pares. 

(8) There is ascribed to Peter, however, a superiority 
as first of the Apostles, and the Roman bishup, as his 
successor, has a relatively higher authority, though the 
extent of his jurisdiction is Ifeft indefinite, for such f^ubjects 
had little interest for Augustine. 

(9) Rome, as sedes apostolica, is regarded as authorita- 
tive bearer of doctrinal tradition, but this authority was 
not infallible, for even Peter was found fallible, both in 
doctrine and life. 

(10) The idea of the infallibility of the Church has its 
roots in Augustine's common Catholic views; he nowhere 
expressly and systematically expounds it. 

(11) The Episcopate and the Roman Apostolic See, 
all relatively co-ordinate Apostolic Sees, the Plenary Coun- 
cil, are all representations of the Church, but none forms 
the infallible representation, neither do they all together 
form it; such an infallible, undoubted representative 
organism does not exist. 

IV. Christian Art. 

Interesting light continues to fall upon the whole life 
of the early Chuich from the growing interest taken iu 
Christian archaeology. Le Blant is prosecuting his work 


on the sepulchral monuments ol France, and, following 
his example, Grousset has begun similar research among 
those of Italy. ^ He gives a catalogue of sixty pages, 
enumerating Christian sarcophagi in Rome, which are not 
found in the Lateran museum. The list contains 195 
numbers from fifty different places, and, though not com- 
plete, makes a desired beginning of a collection for all 

The catacombs, in the hands of more intelligent students, 
yield less fanciful but more valuable and permanent 
results than was formerly the case. What their records 
really tell us has been well set forth recently by Ron- 
neke, chaplain to the German embassy in Rome. * He 
speaks of fifty-four Christian catacombs now known in 
Rome, in which there were once perhaps six million dead. 
Of Jewish catacombs, besides the two previously known. 
Dr. N. Miiller has found a third, which he will describe 
before long in detail. In this connection Ronneke says 
that the catacombs were the legally protected burying 
places of the Christians ; for the Jews had the right thus 
to use their catacombs, and the early Christians had the 
same civil rights as the Jews. These Christians avoided 
proud monuments to individuals as well as the pit graves 
which were used for the misera plebs, such as were 
recently uncovered at the Esquiline hill ; they loved the 
family burial place, the brotherhood in death. The Greek 
inscriptions show that Latin did not become the Church 
language in Rome till the third century. They speak also 

"^ Etude surV histoire des sarcophages chretiens, etc., Paris. 1885, Cf. also 
Lefort, Etudes sur les monuments primitifs de la peinture chretienne en 
Italie, Paris, 1885. 

^RonCs christliche KcUakomben nach den Ergebnissen der heutigen Forschung^ 
Leipzig, 1886. 


of the bishops, Anteros, Fabian, etc., all up to Lucius 
(d. 254), bearing that title, and showing that there %vas no 
pope in those days. The statement is repeated, as now 
scientifically proven, that during the first three centuries 
the Roman catacombs were never used as regular meeting 
places for Sunday public worship ; nor were arrangements 
for such meetings made in them. The " Church in the 
catacombs'* is a myth, and rests only upon Romish tradi- 
tion. The so-called chapel of the time before Constantine 
would hold less than thirty persons, while the Church in 
Rome then numbered fifty thousand souls ! Besides, the 
graves in those " chapels'* show they were family vaults. 
Much of the present decorations and inscriptions in the 
catacombs, we now learn, was due to Damasus in the lat- 
ter part of the fourth century, when freedom was granted 
and the catacombs became resorts of pilgrims. A further 
error corrected is the view that the earliest Christian art 
agreed with that of the heathen at most only in matters of 
decoration, while in all else it was creative, sett nig forth 
Christian doctrines in the symbolism of art. All tliis is an 
attempt of Roman Catholic scholars to read post- Constan- 
tine pictures and inscriptions into pre-Constantiiic faith 
and practice. It is now an assured fact that the early 
Church was not an enemy of art ; it did not hesitate to 
put D. M. (Diis Manibus) on its graves, or set Orpheus 
in its pictures, both, however, being shot through with 
gospel light, and pointing to the truth toward which 
heathenism blindly groped. The Christians did not break 
with classic art ; they used it; they transformed it, mak- 
ing it more and more a handmaid of the Church. ^ 

^Cf. V. Schultze, in ffandbuch der theologischen Wissenschafien^ zz, Auil. 
Bd. II, 1885, p. 271. 


The following details may be noticed : The sacra- 
mental bread in this early art is painted as a loaf, not as 
the host; Adam and Eve eat a fig, not the apple of 
Roman tradition {malum, meaning both apple and evil); 
the three pre-Constantine baptisms are all by affusion; the 
views of God in the first three centuries all set forth his 
omnipotence, God is never painted; the earliest picture of 
the Virgin (2nd Century) has no nimbus; Jesus is the 
center of the family group; the Apostles dress as other 
men and have the roll of teacher in their hand. Similar 
decorations have been found recently in a Gnostic burial 
place in Rome. ^ 

Turning from the catacombs, the next great subject of 
Christian art is the church building. What was its 
origin? The current view is that it grew out of the 
Roman law court. Another view, advocated first by 
Kinkel (1845), traces the Christian basilica to the ancient 
dwelling house. According to this theory, ^ in the chief 
space of the Atrium, the Tablinum, and the two Alae, are 
found the elements of the later nave, choir and transcepts 
of the Christian basilica. The oldest church organiza- 
tion was, it is held, the family group. The Tablinum was 
the place of honor for the master of the house, the did- 
xovo? of the early Church, and here began the priestly 
choir of the future basilica. In the Alae were the deacons, 
deaconesses and widows. Between Tablinum and Implu- 
vium stood in the early house a stone table; this became 
the Christian altar. During the past four years the cur- 
rent has changed somewhat against the dwelling-house 

^See An Introdttction to Early Christian Symbolism^ by Palmer, Brown- 
low and Northcote, London, 1885. 

*Cf. Dehio Die Genesis der christl. Basilica, 1882. 


origin of the Christian basilica. Schultze and others still 
hold it,i but K. Lange rejects it^ for the following reasons: 
because the Tablinum was square and the apse of the 
Christian basilica was round ; the Tuscan Atrium, 
the most common, did not have three aisles ; the 
ordinary house had no such things; the Atrium had no 
roof as the basilica had; the houses with Atrium were 
in those days fast passing away — the single house 
being succeeded by houses in blocks — and, finally, the 
Atrium was always a court, but the basilica was a hall, a 
house. He shows, further, that the church of a place did 
not meet in the house of the earliest convert, nor did he 
preside as father or deacon, as is argued from I. Cor. xvi. 
15. Lange traces the Christian basilica to the schola^ or 
building for meeting and worship of the Roman CollegiUy 
with its characteristic semi-circular apse for the teacher, 
and altar and statue of the favorite deity. Chfistian 
places of prayer consisted of one large rooi^'with a circu- 
lar apse at one end. This apse formed ' tlie choir, with 
platform and altar; here, too. Was the bishop's seat, sur- 
rounded by the seats of the elders. Such buildings were 
most suitable for the simple worship, and were most 
easily obtained or adjusted, e, g, , from baths, gymnasiums, 
etc. , which were of the same form. A consequence of 
this view is that even in Apostolic times we must think of 
the churches as mepting in their own buildings, and that 
of the kind here described. The accounts of the churches 
jn Paul's Epistles, we are told, support this theory. Thus 

»Cf. Handbuch der Theol Wissenschaften^ 2e. Aufl. Bd. ii., 1885, p. 
274; also F. Reber, Kunsigeschichte des Mittelalters^ I Halfte, Leipzig, 

^Hatis uftd ffalle, Leipzig, 1885; see further Architektonik der aUchrist- 
lichen Zeit,^ von R. Adamy, Hannover, 1884. 


in Corinth, even at a love feast, the brethren came from 
their own homes. Such a meeting house was public, for 
even heathen might enter it (Cf. I. Cor. xiv. 23f). There 
were heathen temples and heathen school houses or club 
houses — the Christians chose the latter for their gather- 
ings. Then came the historic growth from simple church 
to hierarchy, from plain hall to ornate temple, from one- 
aisled schola to three-aisled basilica, modeled on the public 
mercantile or legal basilica. No Christian basilicas date 
from before Constantine, for the transfer from the school- 
room to the basilican church took place when Christianity 
became the public or State religion. Baldwin Brown 
agrees^ with Lange in " the view that the schola of a relig- 
ious association was the original form of the Christian 
church," though he differs from him in holding that the 
meetings were, even till the close of the persecutions, 
more or less in private houses. He considers it a settled 
result of recent research that the whole procedure of 
the heathen funeral colleges was adopted, with certain 
obvious modifications, by the Christians, and that under 
cover of the privileges granted such corporations, the 
Church held cemeteries as its first real estate, while mor- 
tuary chapels and the large room of the burial club became 
the first models for Christian architecture. 

^Fr(m Schola to Cathedral, Edinburgh, iS86. 



I. Introduction. 

Hatch, in a lecture which introduces a course of study 
of the eighth and ninth centuries, says^ that " as mediaeval- 
ism contains the key to the historical answer to the ques- 
tions of our time between the church and the world, and 
within the church itself, between the ultramontane and its 
liberal elements, so do the eighth and ninth centuries con- 
tain the key to mediaevalism. Those centuries yield only 
to the first and second centuries of our era in their fruit- 
fulness in historical results, which, through the larger part 
of Christendom, have lasted for a thousand years. The 
great facts of those centuries in their ecclesiastical aspect 
are the legislation of Charles the Great, and the reaction 
against some parts of that legislation which found its 
expression in the pseudo -Isidorian decretals. Out of that 
legislation and that reaction has sprung the greater part of 
those institutions and practices which distinguish the 
primitive church from the church of later times. It is true 
that almost all those institutions and practices had their 
origin or their prototype in earlier ages; but it was in the 
eighth and ninth centuries, and under the influences of 
the two great causes which I have mentioned, that they 

^ The Students Ecclesiastical History^ by Philij) Smith, has in Part II., 
ondon, 1885, been continued from the ele 
is about the best handbook for the student. 

London, 1885, been continued from the eleventh to the sixteenth century, and 
■ ibestl " - ' 

^An Introductory Lecture on the Study of Ecclesiastical History^ London, 
1885. The lecture being out of print, a copy was kindly furnished by the author. 




assumed their later form and acquired the civil recognition 
which gave them force and permanence. It was in those 
conditions that the meshes of the hierarchical system were 
woven which covered Europe with its network of metro- 
politan and diocesan bishoprics, of archdeaconries and 
rural deaneries. It was in them that the bonds were 
forged which bound the churches of Europe together into 
a single system with a single head. It was in them that 
the early Christian practice of supplying the needs of the 
clergy and the poor by constantly-renewed gifts, finally 
passed into the system of territorial endowments, and that 
voluntary offerings were superseded by the payment of a 
fixed tenth, which might be enforced by process of law. 
It was in them that, as a consequence of this system of 
tithes, the last traces of the congregational system of early 
times vanished away, and that, just as for several centuries 
there had been the elements of a territorial jurisdiction in 
the position of a bishop in a city, so the churches of 
country parts came to have a defined area, to which the 
name " parish," which once meant a diocese, came to be 
narrowed. It was in them that the rules of ecclesiastical 
discipline, which had been in many respects vague and 
varying, came to be formulated into a recognized system, 
which ultimately became what is known as Canon Law. 
It was in them that the ecclesiastical procedure of later 
times began, and the system of appeals which,, intended 
to be a protection against local injustice, ended by crush- 
ing local liberties. It was in them that the church made 
firm its grip upon the law and the ceremonial of marriage. 
It was in them that the question of the relation of Church 
and State first received its later answer, and that out of a 
state of things which would since have been miscalled 


Erastian, there was developed the theory of the subordi- 
nation of the regal to the sacerdotal power. It was in 
them that there first began, on any considerable and 
recognized scale, the practice of the clergy livinf^ together 
in a clergy-house, under the supervision of a bishop, or an 
archdeacon, or a provost; out of which practice sprang the 
greatest internal change which Christianity has known — 
the separation of clergy from laity by the material bar- 
rier of a chancel screen, and still more by the moral 
barrier of a different code of words, a separate dress, and 
an isolated life. It was in them that the penitential system 
spread, the practice of confessing sins as a condition of 
communion, and of assigning to each fault or sin its defi- 
nite penalty. It was in them that there arose a change in 
doctrine, in practice and in ceremonial, of which it would 
be as difficult to overrate the importance as it would be to 
trace the ramifications, the change by which the Euchar- 
istic offering of bread and wine, followed by the partaking 
of that which, by virtue of blessing and thanksgiving, was 
made to the partaker the Body and Blood of Christ, was 
superseded by the offering of that Body and Blood con- 
ceived as objectively and really present, in the dements 
and not in the soul." 

II. Church and State. 

The two great factors in mediaeval history were the 
German Empire and the Italian Papacy, Their relations 
were at first those of free mutual aid; then Charlemagne 
and his followers made laws for the Church, later Gregory 
VII. and his successors issued bulls for the State to obey. ^ 

^For the old Catholic apprehension of the early middle ages see Langen, 
Die Geschichte der Romischen Kir c he von Leo I. bis Nikolaus /, Bonn, i§S5i 
and for the Ultramontane view, Jttnfflnann, Dissertationes seiectae in historiam 
ecclesiasticam, T. V. Ratisbonae, Neo-Eboraci, 1885. 


Church and State in the Holy Roman Empire of German 
nationality very early became closely blended; they were 
as the inside and the outside of the same vessel, logically 
distinct, but actually inseparable; neither can be under- 
stood without a full knowlege of the other. Hence Ranke 
puts in the foreground of his history of the Early German 
Empire its relation to the Church. ^ He says " we shall 
not be blamed for giving so much space in a general his- 
tory to spiritual movements. Events can be understood 
only by giving careful attention to the spiritual impulses 
which exercised most influence upon them, and concludes 
that " the idea of the superiority of ecclesiastical authority 
to secular power* was the most effective in the period in 
question. *' The balance of those two powers, whose rights 
can never be thoroughly settled, has made and makes the 
Europe which we see. The tenth century beheld the 
Europe of the ninth revolutionized. The priesthood rose 
superior to the worldly power until the Empire of Henry I. 
and Otto I. restored power and respect to the throne and 
freed it from submission to the papacy. Ranke lays stress 
on the influence of the pseudo-Isidorian decretals and the 
high ideal of papal power set forth by Nicholas I. in the 
conflict of authorities. He justifies the bishops that sup- 
ported Lothaire H., who wished to continue the Carolin- 
gian line through the son of Waldrada. He also finds in 
the Privilegium of Otto I. " essential limitation of the 
papal power. *' 

The theory of the relations of Church and State formed 
one of the topics upon which scholastic subtlety afterward 

^ Weltgeschichtey Seckster Theil: Zersetzung des Karolingischen^ Begrilndung 
des deittschen Retches^ 2 Abth, Leipzig 1885. 

*Cf. also ThiePs Inaugural Dissertation, Die poUtische ThdtigkeU des Ahtes 
Bemhardvcn Clairvaux, Braunsberg, 1885. 


spent itself. There were wonderful doctors with learned 
arguments to prove that pope or emperor should have the 
wider dominion. Among the latter class none occupied 
a more prominent place than the reviver of NominaClism, 
William of Occam. A recent essay^ gives the following 
synopsis of his teaching on this vexed question of govern- 

(i) He based the State on justice, and justice, as natural, 
on reason. This is the department of the State, and here it 
is independent of revelation. He seeks to apply this prin- 
ciple practically as, e, g, to see whether monarchy is the 
best form of government in Church or State. 

(2) He limits Church jurisdiction to things spiritual. 
The Church is to promote piety, make her constitution 
subserve godliness, regard all judicial matters as but means 
to this end, and so limit her claim to judgment, that col- 
lisions with the State can be avoided, because the Church 
no longer touches temporal matters with a co-operating 

(3) This division of Church and State is not to result in 
separation; but where the two meet — in matters of 
church property, etc., — the State must exercise influence 
in the case of civil justice, and the voice of the church be 
heard in spiritual concerns. This, however, does not 
affect secular rule. Neither must the right of rulers to 
govern be contingent on their being believers. 

(4) Occam's moral ideal is the monastic, hence theology 
precedes philosophy, the clerical the secular, and the 
moral standard measures worldly affairs as on a lower 
plane, though it is to be recognized as independent there. 

^Das Verhdltniss von Kirche und Stoat nctch Occam^ von A. Domer, in 
Studien und Kritiken, 1885, H, IV. 


This leaves room for casuistry. Occam also fails some- 
times to carry out his high claims for the spiritual because 
he did not regard this as synonymous with ecclesiastical, 
but as purer and somewhat apart from it. Hence he 
allowed the State, in a semi-spiritual character, as occa- 
sion required, to control outer church matters. When the 
Reformation came and recognized the civil power as hav- 
ing a moral right of existence in itself, then this confusion 
which clung to Occam's view disappeared. 

(5) Especially important for Occam was the principle 
that both State and Church form a ^social organization of 
individuals into a totality. Each is to care for its mem- 
bers, while the individual is also to defend his rights for 
himself. The standard of individual rights in matters of 
faith is the Bible — and Occam in his attacks on the 
infallibility of both pope and council from this vantage 
ground is a forerunner of Luther — but in secular affairs 
each man is free to use his reason and act when he thinks 
the good of the community is suffering. That is pretty 
revolutionary, and Occam is radical for individual rights. 
Rulers spring from the people, and should care for the 
people, else they may fall. The low view taken of secular 
power, in contrast with the monastic ideal, made such a 
position more readily plausible to him. The old notion 
of a State to give prosperity and be obeyed, or to allow 
misfortune and be overthrown, was not here overcome. 
Occam's influence was good in urging the idea of national 
states and of national churches, of secular morality and a 
maturer relation of Church and State, though his monastic, 
dualistic views of life did not let him reach a properly 
balanced position. 


III. The Mediaeval Papacy. 

Of the Papal archives, from which new source material 
is coming to light every year,i Lowenfeld has recently 
given a valuable historic account. ^ Such an archive can 
be shown to have existed first at the beginning of the fifth 
century, but there is reason to believe that such a record 
is as old as the papacy itself Besides the writings of each 
day there were kept in the archive volumes of Registers, 
i. e. books containing systematically prepared copies of 
papal correspondence. The registers of the earlier period — 
until the death of Coelestine III. (1199) — have been 
lost with the exception of a few fragments from the pon- 
tificate of Gregory I., John VIII., and Gregory VII., of 
which we have copies. With the removal of the papacy 
to Avignon, the papal archive began to wander about. 

Ehrle, a Roman Catholic scholar, has recently given 
much new information about the movements of the pope's 
library and records.^ They were taken first to Perugia, 
whence a part of the treasure was carried to St. Frediano 
in Lucca (13 12), where it was plundered by the GhibeU 
lines while on the way to Avignon (13 14). The part left 

^ Cf. Duchesne, Le Liber pontificalis^ Texte, Introduction et Commentaire. 
Fasc. I. et II, Paris, 1884-5. A new edition. He thinks the oldest part was 
written under Hormisdas (514-523). Waitz is not so favorable to it. See Neues 
Arckiv der Gesellschaft fiir alter e Deutsch Gesc/Uc/Us-fCuncUy Bd. xi, H. ii., 
1886. See also Lowenfeld, Epistolce Pontificum Ronianorum ineditcs^ Lipsiae, 
1885, containing 424 hitherto unpublished letters of popes from Gelasius I. to 
Coelstine III (493-1198), Elf Papstbullen^ by the same editor, in Neues Arckiv 
d. Gesellschaft f. ciltereD. Geschichtskunde, Bd. xi, H. ii, 1886, belonging to the 
vii-x centuries. And Regestum Clementis Papce V., Rome, 1885, edited by the 
Benedictines, and giving the important beginning of the papal regesta in 

* Geschichte des pdpstlichen Arckiv von den dltesten Zeiten bis auf Leo 
XIII. , in Sitzungs-Berickte der kist. Gesellsckaft zu Berlin^ Dec. 1885. 

^ Zur Gesckichte des SckatzeSy der Bibliotkek und des Arckivs derPdpste im 
XIV, yahrkundert^ in Archiv fiir Litteratur — und Kirchengesckichtc des 
MittelcUters, Bd. I., H. I. and II. 1885. 


in Perugia was taken to Assisi where it also fell into the 
hands of the Ghibellines (13 19). The money was lost, 
but most of the manuscripts were recovered under John 
XXII. In 1339 a portion, thirty-two out of one hundred 
and ten chests of books, went to Avignon. Of the 
seventy- eight boxes left in Assisi Ehrle gives us from 
manuscript sources a careful inventory, prepared in 1339 
by the papal secretaries. He adds also^ a list of the his- 
torical manuscripts still in Assisi. 

Returning to the archive proper, Lowenfeld tells us that 
its wanderings may be said to have ended under Paul V. 
(1605-21), who united the divided archives of the papal 
chancery, the secretaries' office and other records, thus 
becoming the creator of the present archive. During this 
period of frequent removal much archive material was 
lost. Of the part which was saved not all returned to 
Rome with the papacy; the last volumes of registers did 
not leave France till the time of the French Revolution. 
These records were kept in the Lateran; in the end of the 
fifteenth century they were in the Vatican, with a valuable 
portion in the castle of St. Angelo. Paul V. united all, 
only leaving the St. Angelo part by itself When the 
French seized Rome, 1798, Marini, was custodian, and 
accompanied the captured records to Paris, whither Na- 
poleon took them in 18 10. The archive returned to Rome 
in 18x5. Ehrle says that we hear nothing of a regular 
papal library till toward the end of the fourteenth century, 
though there was long a collection of books under care 
of a sacristan. The earliest lists of papal treasure include 
the oldest catalogue of the papal library and archives. Of 

1 In the Arc^v, H. III., 1885. 


the treasures of the popes in Avignon we have a catalogue 
of A. D. 1295, which contains eighty folio pages of the 
names of manuscripts. This catalogue Ehrle gives com- 
plete. It contains four hundred and forty-three titles of 
books. Besides bibles and commentaries there are works 
of Fathers, a liber in arte sermocinandi, a similar treatise 
by Peter of Capua, a cardinal, another liber artispredicandiy 
and seventy volumes of sermons, showing that sacred elo- 
quence was not neglected in those days. Seven books 
were added under Boniface VIII. The Vatican library 
proper was founded by the Renaissance pope, Nicholas V. 
For it he collected and copied manuscripts through all parts 
of Europe. A catalogue of the Vatican numbers eight 
hundred and seven manuscripts secured by Nicholas. For 
centuries this library was a sealed treasure. A very limited 
use of it was allowed by the younger Marini, and since the 
work of Miinch^ attention has been turned afresh to this 
great record storehouse. Scholars are now at work under 
the patronage of Leo XIII., ^ and the publication of these 
records is going on unhindered. Bresslau thinks the 
papal archive system was borrowed from the Roman chan- 
cery system, as it existed between. Constantine and 

The growth of papal independence is seen everywhere 
in the utterances and indications of these archives. Even 
so incidental a matter as the method of dating the records 
shows the ruling idea of the curia. * At first the bishops 

^ Aufschlilsse iiber daspdpstliche Archiv^ 1879. 

*Cf. Current Discussions in Theology , Vol. iii., 1 885, p. 158. 

^ Die Zusammenkdnge der dltesten papstlichefi Administration mit der rom" 
isck-JCaiser lichen in the Sitzungsberichte der hist, Gesellschaft zu Berlin^ 
Feb. 1886. 

* Cf. Pflugk-Harttung, Papstpolitik in Urkunden^ in Historische Zeitsckrift^ 
1886, H. I. 


of Rome dated by consuls, reckoning from the year of 
Flavius Basilius, with whom the office ceased, until A. D. 
550, when the year of the Eastern Emperor was added. 
In 596 the imperial consulate was joined to dates. Then 
Rome swung more and more from the Eastern Empire, till 
in 772 Hadrian I. put the sacred trinity, and then the 
year of his own pontificate as date, /. e. next to God comes 
the pope, in human history. His successor, Leo III., 
dated by the trinity, the papacy, and Charlemagne, for 
the Western Empire was now overshadowing the Eastern 
on the Roman horizon. After 800 the year of the Western 
Emperor is given and the papal year dropped. When the 
imperial throne was vacant John VIII. returned to papal 
dating, putting Christ's name in the first place, the future 
emperor's to come third. EvenaftTerOttoI. (962) the emper- 
or's name stood last, a good proof that Rome did not recog- 
nize imperial supremacy. Later, the emperor's name was 
dropped, and merely the number of his year given. From 
Leo IX. (1047) the imperial name was banished from the 
papal chancery, for the papal state was beginning to found 
itself. The rival pope, Clement III. (1086) put only the 
emperor's name in dates. Paschal II. also was obliged to 
enter the imperial year. Whether Guelph or Ghibelline 
prevailed in Rome can be seen by the dating there during . 
the eleventh century. Even the style of writing, old 
curial, Prankish, etc., reflects the party history of the 

Following the literature of the past year we come next 
to the history of the papacy in the period of the Renais- 
sance. Here recent publication of source material and 
free access to manuscript records have enabled Pastor, a 
Roman Catholic historian, to give us a work especially 


rich in its details. ^ In that time of revival the activity 
was both literary and religious. The humanists, with their 
zeal for the antique, were accompanied by the monks 
preaching the ancient doctrines of repentance. This latter 
element, Pastor justly insists, has hitherto been too much 
ignored. There was a terrible practical paganism growing 
up in literary circles, when Laurentius Valla taught that 
pleasure was the chief end of man. Immorality ran riot 
in Naples, Florence and Siena, until, as in ancient Rome, 
laws had to be passed compelling men to marry. There 
is doubtless some truth in the charge that this h'cense of 
the humanists was a forerunner of the coming Revolution 
which shook all Europe. But even Boccacio, the filthy, 
as well as Petrarch, the pure, were not unbelievers, neither 
were they hostile to the Church. The early Renaissance 
was favored by the papacy; and not till heathen unclean- 
ness followed heathen learning did the conflict come which 
arrayed zealous and often ignorant monks against the 
witty skeptics with their Greek fire. A further stage in 
the development was the appearance of men both godly 
and learned during the fifteenth century, who could defend 
the Church with weapons from classic arsenals. Such 
Christian humanists found a home at the papal court, and 
in the person of Nicholas V. the Renaissance ascended the 
throne of St. Peter. This began an important era, for the 
papacy continued in the spirit of the humanists until it 
reached full worldly development in the person of Leo X. 

IV. The Irish Church. 

Continued attention is being given to the Irish Church 
of the early middle ages, for its comparative freedom from 

^ Geschichte der Papste im ZeitaJter der Renaissance, bis zur Wahl Pius II, ^ 
Freiburg, I. B. 1886. 


Roman influence enables us the better to trace the regular 
growth of ecclesiastical institutions. The collection of 
Irish Canons, 1 which was made about the end of the 
seventh century, shows that Roman methods were in the 
ascendency, and yet the Irish customs were not extinct; 
hence the two usages occur side by side. Wide reference 
to Greek writers points to connection with the East, and 
knowledge of Greek in the far West before the time of 
Theodore of Canterbury. This acquaintance with Greek 
points also doubtless to some influence of the Egyptian 
monastery system upon the monastic church of Ireland 
and Scotland — a unique thing in the West. 

On reading the§e Canons we are struck by the little that 
is said about church constitution, organization of dioceses, 
relations of bishops to archbishops, etc. The reason is 
that the territorial system of bishops and metropolitans 
had as yet taken little root in Ireland; for Wasserschleben 
holds, against Loos, that Episcopal sees and parochial 
limits were unknown in the old Irish Church. 

These appeared first in the latter part of the seventh 
century. Ireland did not belong to the Empire, hence 
the provincial bishop borrowed from the provincial gover- 
nor, was not found there. When the bishop became a 
leader it was as a chief at the head of his clan. ^ 

Seven bishops belonged sometimes to one monastery. 
A bishop was frequently a teacher, or scribe, or might 
live as a hermit. There was no hierarchical head of the 
Irish Church; it formed a federation of monasteries and 
groups of monasteries, each one being under some 

^See Wasserschleben* s new edition, Die Irische Kanonensammlung^ 
Leipzig, 1885. 

«Cf. The Position of t/ie Old Irish Church, in The Church Quarterly 
Review, October, 1885. 


mother-monastery. Each monastery had priests and bish- 
ops in it. Such bishops had official rank, but not diocese 
rank, as elsewhere in the West. The bishop ordained and 
confirmed at the request of the abbot, and was, in a sense, 
under him as his monastic superior. 

When the Roman influence came into the Irish Church 
there was also rising a hermit tendency, which more or 
less undermined the monastic system, and in its service 
missionaries left home for heathen lands. 

On the Continent the Irish monastic method took deeper 
root than is often supposed. In Fulda, Utrecht and else- 
where the bishop is found dependant on the ruling abbot — 
and that in the territory of Boniface. Perhaps the 
conflict of Celt and Saxon was not so fierce there as is 
sometimes thought. It is certain, however, that with all 
liberty of internal government the Anglo-Saxon monas- 
teries recognized the rule of the bishop of the diocese; 
while the Irish monks in Luxeuil, Murbach and elsewhere 
claimed and exercised all such powers of rule themselves, 
including the election of their own bishop for Episcopal 
duties among them.^ 

V. Doctrinal and Sectarian Movements. 
I . TAe Teaching of Abe lard. 

We may begin this part of our theological report with 
the brilliant essay of Denifle on the works of Abelard.^ 
The relation of these writings to each other, which is 

^For the history of a similar conflict in the South between the Germans 
and the Slavs Cf. St. Cyrille et St. Metkode. Premiere Lutte des AUemands 
Contre les Slaves^ par A. D. Avril, Paris, 1885. 

*Cf. Abdlard's Sentenzen und die Bearbeitungen seiner Theologie von Mitte 
des 12. Jhs. in ArchivfUr Litteratur — und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 
1885, H. II. Ill, IV. 


referred to by mediaeval critics, has been investigated Mrith 
great thoroughness by this Roman Catholic scholar, and 
the discovery of important manuscripts has enabled him 
to solve this vexed question. Walter of St. Victor speaks 
of a work of Abelard, called Sententiae divinitatis^ which 
has come down to us, but shows by its teachings that it 
cannot be directly from him. * The explanation latterly 
given has been that these Sententiaewcv^ a student's notes of 
the teaching of Abelard. But Denifle now finds this work 
to be one of four such Sententiae , all derived from a common 
source, and that a regular course of theology. What relation 
had this to the Theologia of Abelard condemned at Sens 
1 141? The second book of Sententiae, found by Denifle, 
was composed by using the Introductio ad Theologian of 
the great teacher, for here we have his pelagian views, 
denial that the Spirit is con-substantial with the Father and 
Son, etc., hence, it is held this is the work of a true 
disciple of Abelard. A third book of Sententiae found in 
manuscript bears the name of Roland, afterward Pope 
Alexander III. It rests also on the Introductio and is the 
work of the canonist Roland. It shows a modified fol- 
lowing of Abelard. The fourth book of Sententiae dis- 
covered betrays a more faithful follower of Abelard. It 
was written by Omnibene, of whom very little is known. 
These four books of Sentences are connected with the 
Theologia of Abelard as follows : All four spring from a com- 
mon source, for they all adopt essentially the same three- 
fold divisions of (i), Faith; (2), the Sacraments; (3), Love. 
The contents, also, is in substance the same, the doctrine 
being that of Abelard. None of the four is a copy of lect- 
ures heard. Roland frequently opposes the views of 

1 Published by Rerawald as Epitome Theologiae Christianas, Berlin, 1835. 


Abelard in his Sententiae and had a written text before 
him. So had the other three. The Sententiae ol Abelard 
was a compendium of his theology written down, and to 
which these four Sententiae go baclc. They were regarded 
by most contemporary and later writers as extracts from 
Abelard's works. Thus Bernard quoted our book of Sen- 
tences as from Abelard. The result then is this: All 
four Sententiae came from Abelard's Theologia, for all 
begin with the words " There are three things in which 
the sum of man's salvation consists, faith, love and the 
sacraments," and such a beginning is found in no other of 
his writings. This Theologia of Abelard, however, is 
not his Theologia Christiana^ because it does not begin 
so, nor is it so divided. It is the Introduction for it best fits 
both these conditions. We have, therefore, only a frag- 
ment of Abelard's theology, the book on Faith, the part 
on the Sacraments and Love is lost. It was written later 
and published in portions. The short course of theology 
out of which the four Seiitentiae sprang was the Theologia 
which was condemned at Sens, 1 141 ; it was not the treat- 
ise De unitate et trinitate, which was condemned at Sois- 
sons, 1 121. It is usually taught also that Abelard left no 
school after him; but the three books of Sentences dis- 
covered by Denifle show how wide the teaching of 
Abelard influenced theological thinking. He did leave a 
school behind him, and a mild follower of his ascended the 
papal throne. These Scnteiitiae were compendia of theol- 
ogy made by professors for use with their students. 
Roland was professor in Bologna and taught in the spirit of 
Abelard. The school, however, did not survive its founder's 
death very long, though his method, as seen in Sic et non, 
prevailed, and influenced future discussions of all sorts. 


There was, accordingly, as Denifle shows, a theological- 
canonical school active in Bologna in the middle of the 
twelfth century. Roland, Omnibene and Gandulphus, of 
whom we are now learning, labored there. Three manu- 
scripts containing Sententiae of this last theologian have 
just come to light. . Omnibene was Abelardism. Roland 
was half Abelardian. Gandulphus was a student of the 
Fathers and was not influenced by Abelard. These men 
show the different theological tendencies of the middle of 
the twelfth century. 

2. The Apocalyptic School of Joachim. 

Ehrle seeks to clear the way for a proper understanding 
of the prophetic movement connected with Joachim by first 
giving a description of the Franciscan Spirituals, among 
whom it took deepest root. ^ He finds two periods in this 
history, the first ending about the middle of the fourteenth 
century, a time of conflict between different tendencies, 
conservative and lax, the period of the Spirituals ; in the 
second period, beginning 1321 with the controversy about 
the poverty of Christ, tve enter the era of the Fraticelli, 
when John XXII. decided against the strict Franciscan and 
a new party arose, distinguished from the Spirituals, though 
both ran in parallel lines. To identify Spirituals and 
Fraticelli, Ehrle says, brings confusion. The Spirituals 
divided under John XXII., some opposing him and being 
crushed by the Inquisition — these received the name 
Fraticelli ; the rest continued under Bernard of Siena, 
Jacob of the Mark and others till they reached their goal 

^Die Spiritualen^ ihr Verhdltniss zum Franciscianerorden und zuden Fra^ 
ticellen, in Archivf. Litt. und Kirchengesch. d, M. A., 1885, H. IV. He gives 
valuable material from the XIV. century hitherto unpublished. 


in the Reform provinces of the Observants. There was 
also great variety of views among the different local groups 
of the Spirituals. 

The spread of Joachimism in such circumstances cer 
tainly marked a crisis in the Church life of the thirteenth 
century. Thousands looked for the end of the Roman 
Church and the appearance of the Church of the Spirit. 
All heresies of that time laid stress on the spiritual and 
ignored largely the outer Word, the priesthood and visible 
sacraments.^ In the same direction the followers of 
Joachim preached the Church of the Holy Spirit, the priest- 
hood of monks and the everlasting gospel of the Apoca- 
lypse. Butwhatdidjoachimreallyteach? This question has, 
for the first time, received a fully satisfactory answer from 
Denifle,^ who tells us what the Evangelium Aeternum of 
Joachim really was. The name was borrowed from Rev. 
xiv., 6, and Joachim said his gospel was what proceeds 
from the gospel of Christ : this is a spiritual gospel, for 
the letter killeth and proceeds from the literal gospel as its 
permanent essence. A future Order, he held, would 
preach this gospel, their spiritual mind going into its 
spirit, while the gospel of Christ would cease. The spir- 
itual Church which should arise was the Church of Peter, 
glorified and made meet to remain for ever. The Order 
clergy would not destroy the regular clergy, as these do. 
not destroy the laity. The Everlasting Gospel of Joachim 
was, therefore, not a writing; it was the spiritual meaning 
of the gospel of Christ, reached in this Order through 
contemplation and by the illumination of the Holy Spirit. 

^Cf. E. Gebhart, Reckerches nouvelles sur Vhistoire du JoachinUsme^ in 
Rivue Historiqiu^ 1886, No. i. 

^Das Evangelium aeternum und die Commission zu Anagni, in Archivf, Z. 
«. Kirchengesck, des M, A., 1885; Bd. I., H. I. 


That was the teaching of Joachim ; but in the thirteenth 
century these views became connected with the name of 
Gerard of Borgo S. Donnino, a Franciscan, who wrote 
in 1254 the Introductorius in Evangelium aeternum^ in 
which by the Everlasting Gospel is meant the three works 
of Joachim, the Concordia Evangeliorium,'^ Expositio in 
Apocalypsin, and the Psalterium decent chordarum. Ger- 
ard took this ground because he found in those writings 
the spiritual sense of the Old and new Testament trans- 
mitted through Joachim. The meaning of th^ gospel of 
Christ in the words of Joachim made them the Everlasting 
Gospel, and the Scriptures for the Church of the Spirit, as 
the Old Testament was for the Church of the Father, and 
the New Testament for the Church of the Son. Joachim 
was, accordingly, the angel of Apocalypse, and the 
time of his revelation about 1200. In a sense, too, 
St. Francis of Assisi, was that angel, and to his Order is 
this gospel chiefly entrusted to be preached to the nations. 
Such an idea, of a written Gospel of the spirit, contra- 
dicts Joachim's teaching, and has brought great confusion 
into the accounts of this whole movement. Denifle gives 
us further new information when he adds that Gerard had 
very few followers, the disciples of Joachim remaining 
essentially true to his teaching ; the errors of the Gerard 
party must not be imputed to the Joachim school as has 
hitherto been done. The view of Haupt^ is substantiated 
by Denifle, that the thirty-one excerpts against Joachim's 
teaching were made, not by inquisitors, but by the hostile 
professors in Paris; they were a perversion of his words 

^ This writing, also the treatises Tractatus contra yudaeos and Libellus de 
articulis fidei, are new works of Joachim of which we now hear through 

*Zur Geschichte des Joachimiimus^ Gotha, 1885. 


and are not to be used in setting forth his teaching. The 
doctrines of Joachim and his pseudo-writings undermined 
scholasticism by putting intuitive knowledge of God in 
,the place of inductive reasoning, hence the opposition to 
them. The council of Aries, which condemned the writ- 
ings of Joachim, is now shown by Denifle, not to have met 
before 1263. 

3. The Beghards, 

The most important source for the history of the sects 
of the Free Spirit in the middle ages is the list of their 
pantheistic ^^teachings called Compilatio de novo spiritu^ 
which Preger published and ascribed to Albertus Magnus. 
This conjecture has now been proved correct by Haupt 
from new MS. sources.^ A Mayence MS. shows that 
the pantheistic sect spoken of by Albert lived near Nord- 
Hngen, not in Switzerland. Nicholas of Bale belonged, 
we now learn, to it, and not to the Friends of God of 
Upper Germany. From this new source we also hear of 
his death. He went about as a beghard, fled to Vienna 
with two disciples, where they were led back to orthodoxy 
by Henry of Hassia, but afterward returned to their own 
views and were burnt. He died probably between 1393 
and 1397. A second MS., Materia contra Beghardos, 
sums up their errors in the controversy which raged for 
two hundred years against them, the Dominicans leading 
the attack, the Franciscans, as the third order of Minorites, 
helping in the defence. Another MS. shows how 
the Papal Court in the XIV. century condemned both 
Begines and Beghards as if they were the wild Spirituals, 

^Die Sektevont Freien Geiste und die Begkarden, in Ztft /. Kirchenges* 
chkhte Bd. VII. H. IV., 1885. 


the Bep^ini of the Franciscans. But Haupt says that by 

1350 the earlier identification of the Beghards with the 

sect of the Free Spirit had already in some places been 

given up. He shows further that genuine Beghards and 

Begines used to beg, and mendicancy was always a mark 

of these men. They were orthodox and are not to be 

confounded with the pantheistic sects, for they laid no 

more stress on mysticism than the monks. The great « 

majority of the Beghards, persecuted as followers of the 

sect of the Free Spirit, seem to have had nothing to do 

with it. The reform movement here referred to began as 

early as the X. Century in Metz, Verdun, and, as we now 

know, in Lower Lorraine and Flanders, ^ It was parallel 

with the movement for monastic reform from Cluny, but 

not directly connected with it. 

4. Monastic Orders and Penitents, 

Recent studies^ in the history of the Minorites show 
that the usual ideas ascribed to Francis of Assisi in 
founding his brotherhood belong rather to a later time, 
and that the decline from the original plan of the founder 
began much earlier than has hitherto been supposed. Of 
the two sets of rules ascribed to Francis — those of 1209 
and 1 22 1 — the latter is a working over of the former and 
contains portions of still earlier rules. The original rules 
of Francis, Miiller finds essentially in certain parts of the 
code of 1 22 1. The new material was worked in to suit 

'Cf. Gerhard von Brogne und die Klosterreform in Niederlothringen 
u. Flandern^ von V^T. Schultze, in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte^ Bd. 
XXV, 1885. 

^Miiller, Die Anfdnge des Minoritenordens und der Bussbruderschaften 
Freiburg I. B., 1885; Cf. also -4«^z/?r^« i^rfl«mra«fl * ♦ ♦ edita a fra*.ribus 
colUgii S. Bonaventura^ etc.. T, I. Quarachii^ 1885. 



the changed relations of the fraternity, which was now 
becoming an Order. The plan of Francis was to found a 
brotherhood of laymen, who should renounce all posses- 
sions, give them to the poor, and preach the kingdom of 
God and repentance as the message of peace to men. 
Poverty, Penance, Peace — that was the burden of those 
evangelists. They went out on missionary tours and were 
not to settle anywhere. The common view, that Francis 
wished to found an Order, is shown to be wrong, also the 
idea that he went from place to place planting monasteries, 
and that his struggle between 1209 and 1223 was to get 
papal recognition. The truth is it was a free collection of 
lay brothers, united by the tie of a religious ideal of a 
peculiar sort, under the paternal leadership of Francis. 
There was no organization, and the proposal in 1209 to 
become hermits or monks was rejected. The rules were 
simple directions, but no law for a monastic order. The 
idea of Francis was to preach the gospel of the traveling 
disciples of Jesus, and not, as is commonly said, to restore 
Apostolic life according to the principles of the original 
church in Jerusalem. This plan was carried out till 12 19, 
stress being laid upon voluntary poverty and self-support. 
The rules of 122 1 made the society an order, for Francis 
set out for the East and a system was needed for the 
guidanceof the brotherhood. Disorder followed, where- 
upon Francis turned to the pope, the result being that 
the original free fraternity became a monastic order sub- 
servient to the papacy. Now the rules of 1209 were 
worked over to suit the changed circumstances. Then 
came the rules of 1223, and the growth of the order into 
mendicants; clerical privileges also were gained for the 
brotherhood. Next followed the transition from wander- 


ing preachers to permanent monks, and clerical men of 
the world, with churches, monasteries and schools. Before 
Francis died the transformation was complete — monastic, 
papal; and his original plan of humble service to the dis- 
tressed was nearly forgotten and lost. Miiller gives new 
information about the Tertiaries also. Their traditional 
rules did not come from Francis, but from Nicholas IV., 
and are, therefore, of no value for the history of the order. 
These societies of penitents were not at first always con- 
nected with the Minorites, but might be controlled by 
other Mendicant orders, or by the regular clergy. The 
bull of Nicholas IV. attempted a new thing in trying to 
put the penitents exclusively under control of the beggar 
monks, especially of his own order, the Minorites. . Hence 
his rules were accepted only by those penitents who fol- 
lowed the Franciscans. The early Tertiaries were ascetic, 
and as different from the later ones as the first disciples 
of Francis from the later Minorites. All these penitent 
societies occupied originally neutral ground, and affiliated 
now with the Franciscans, now with the Dominicans, or 
others. Further study of these revival movements in the 
Middle Ages shows how in all ages certain warm-hearted 
men have, in like manner, sought to carry the gospel to 
the poor. Francis and Dominic, Luther and Calvin, 
Loyola and Philip Neri, Charles Simeon and John Newton, 
Hurrell Froude and Cardinal Newman have been followed 
by multitudes, who, had they exchanged times and places, 
would have done pretty much what history tells us was 
done. The Franciscans were the Wesleyans of the Middle 
Ages, the Dominicans might be called the Whitefieldians 
of their time.^ 

^ Cf. Lectures on Ecclesiastical History^ by W. Fitzgerald, 2 vols. , London, 
1885. For the far-reacliing influence of the loving apprehension of Christ and 


As Miiller has explained the origin of the Minorite order, 
so has Denifle cast fresh light upon the rise of its great 
rival, the Dominican J He has just published from MS. 
sources for the first time the oldest regular Constitu- 
tion of the Preacher Order of A. D. 1228. We now see 
clearly that the Dominicans were a branch of the canonical 
regulars, and that this order was in rise and growth but a 
modification of the order of Canons. Their rules were 
partly those of the Canons. They remained always, as 
Dominic himself was, regular clergy, only widening 
their work, as their founder widened his rules by working 
over those of the Praemonstrants, so as best to do evangel- 
istic work. The field was the world, hence the Domini- 
cans differed from others in having a general over all the 
brotherhood, with weak local attachments. Pastoral work 
was not undertaken, and manual labor was omitted, so as 
to leave liberty for study and prayer. Thus the starting 
point of the Dominicans and that of the Franciscans were 
about as different as the cathedral clergy and Waldensian 
lay preachers. Fixed dwellings, long forbidden the Fran- 
ciscans, were a matter of course among canonical Domini- 
cans. Higher education among them was not an after 
growth, as among the Minorites, but was part of their 
original plan; for they first made learning a prominent 
preparation for preaching and the conversion of heretics. 

5. The Inquisition. 

The darkest part of the Middle Ages is the dungeon of 

humanity by Francis upon Mediaeval Art, see the valuable work of Thode, 
Francis von Assist una die Anfdnge der Kunst der Renaissance in Italien, 
Berlin, 1885. 

^ Die Constitution des Prediger-Ordens vom yahre 1228^ in Archiv /. 
Z. «. Kirchengesch, d, M. A. 1885, H. II. 


the Inquisition; but even this is now opening, and from 
the very record of the Holy Office we can read the theory 
and the practice of uprooting heresy. ^ Bernard Gui wrote 
his book about A. D. 1321, and gives a resume of the 
work of the dread tribunal in central France for a century. 
He was fully informed, being a Dominican, a friend of 
John XXII, and inquisitor in Toulouse from 1306 to 1323. 
He tried 647 persons, and was very familiar with the 
heresies of his time and with the Church mode of opposing 
them. His book was for the use of inquisitors, hence its 
instructions and legal forms of citation and arrest (38), of 
favor and commutation of punishment (S6), and of con- 
demnation (47 forms), are directions that were actually in 
use. He gives a careful description of the heretics — 
Manichaeans, poor men of Lyons, false Apostles, Beguins, 
Jews, sorcerers and diviners, with an account of their 
teachings and practices, and their stratagems to escape 
punishment. Warrants are prescribed for Talmudical 
books because " many blasphemies were in them against 
the name of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary and the 
Christian name." The Waldenses were condemned for 
rejecting oaths, refusing to obey the Pope, confessing to 
each other, rejecting indulgences, recognizing but three 
orders, deacon, presbyter and bishop, ordaining by simple 
prayer and laying on of hands, allowing laymen to preach, 
and denying that a sinful priest could consecrate the host. 
The Beguins were opposed, though claiming to belong 
to the third rule of St. Francis, because they held the 
early Francisan view of poverty against papal decisions. 
This rule was Gospel for them, and they held that the 

'Cf. Bernardus Guidonis Practica Inquisitionis heretice pravitatiSy now 
published for the first time by C. Douais, Paris, 1886. 


Pope had no power to interpret their rules or dissolve their 
order. Gui says they were apocalyptic in their views, 
regarding themselves as the spiritual church, but the Papal 
Church as Babylon and its worldly clergy as serving Anti- 
christ; for the Pope was Antichrist, and the end of all 
things was at hand. Their great authority in south France 
was Peter John Olivus, a Minorite. He said that all his 
knowledge had come from God by infusion, and he was 
inwardly illuminated by Christ. Gui adds that many of 
the Beguins were burnt for heresy from 1 3 17 on. 

Witchcraft also was punished as heresy. The explana- 
tion that it was a thing of the masses, which the church 
could not reach, is now seen to be incorrect, for the 
inquisition took the initiative, and the death of witches 
was part of the destruction of hereties, all of whom were 
children of the devil. ^ 

Further valuable information about the Order of the 
Apostles adds to our knowledge of the wonderful move- 
ment in the fourteenth century, in which prophets arose 
everywhere foretelling the overthrow of priests and 
papacy. This agitation was closely connected with the 
papal schism on the one hand, and with the reform efforts 
of Wiclif2 and Hus on the other. 


Christianity is the religion which rests on union with 
God through Jesus Christ, who is both divine and human, 
two natures in one person forever. Some, Protestant, 
tendencies of thought have paid too exclusive attention to 

' Cf. A. Duverger, Le premier grand proces de sorcellerie atix Pays-Bos^ 
Arras, 1885. 

«Cf.' Buddensieg, Johan Wiclif und seine Zeit, Gotha, 1885. 


the man Jesus, and have degenerated often into mere 
Humanitarianism; other. Catholic, forms of teaching have 
looked too much at the divine Christ, exalted to the right 
hand of the Father as supreme judge of the universe. 
This last one-sidedness has robbed the sorrowful human 
worshipper of that human sympathy and tenderness which 
his heart hungers for in the God who can pity and help 
him. The void thus created in the teaching of the Church 
has been largely filled by the growing worship of the Vir- 
gin Mary, of which Benrath has just given us a valuable 
historic outline. ^ Until far down in the third century 
Mary was regarded as a virgin chosen to be mother of the 
Messiah, and only in a sporadic way is a share in the work 
of redemption ascribed to her. Whether she bore other 
children was an open question; and no reverence beyond 
grateful memory was paid to her. She is not mentioned 
in the Nicene Creed. But as Christ became more tran- 
scendental in theology the beautiful humanity of Mary 
became more prominent in worship. After Athanasius 
the idea of perpetual virginity was spread by monastic 
preachers. Ambrose and Augustine then appear referring 
Gen. iii. 15, to Mary as cooperating to crush evil. In the 
fourth century her immaculate conception is heard of, but 
her worship was not yet allowed, though we now meet the 
first prayer addressed to her. Early Christian art shows 
the same drift: at first Mary is always one in a group, but 
becomes more prominent till she is represented alone. By 
the end of the fifth century in the East the worship of 
Mary was near its goal in popular usage. The Nestorian 
controversy had made her dsorono?, and the Council of 

^Zur GescMchte der Marienverehrung^ in Studien und Kritikcn^ 1886, 
H. I., II. 


Ephesus, 431, proclaimed the victory of Mariolatry over 
the earlier simple honor to the Virgin. The later worship 
did not grow, as is generally stated, out of the common 
ground in which the honor of the saints flourished, for the 
reverence of saints sprang from the respect paid to mar- 
tyrs, which is quite another source than the origin of the 
worship of Mary. At Ephesus she was made immaculate; 
the next step was to prescribe the proper worship. The 
festival of the assumption occurs in the early part of the 
the seventh century, the East preceding the West in this 
new departure. The iconoclastic controversy increased 
the glory of Mary and surrounded her with much poetry 
and praise. Then the full current of adoration in both 
East and West bore the Virgin in person and worth up to 
the place of Christ the Lord. She is "the true vine." 
John of Damascus calls her the Saviour of the world, the 
Latin church repeats it, Salvatrix mundi, Anselm puts 
her next to God, saying Deus est pater rerum creataruniy 
et Maria mater rerum recreatarum. In the ninth century 
the belief was fixed that Christ was born clause utero, 
Peter Damiani (d. 1072) secured Mary her position by 
introducing her worship into the canonical prayers of the 
monks, and having Saturday set apart for her service. 
Now arose the Ave Maria^ closing with the petition " ora 
pro nobis'' This prayer, second in use only to the Pater 
nostery became general in the thirteenth century, and in 
the next century the Angelus and rosary helped to spread 
the worship of Mary. 


Before crusades arose against the Saracens in Asia, 
recent studies show there were crusades against the Moors 


in Spain.* Gregory VII. and the Abbot of Cluny urged 
the Duke of Bourgogne to invade Spain on behalf of 
Christianity. In 1079 the Duke of Chalon fell in such a 
conflict. From 1085 on, this desultory border war con- 
tinued under cover of religion. In 11 01, Henry of Bour- 
gogne, his brother and cousin, with a number of noble 
ladies, set out for Palestine. Thus we find the knightly 
romance, the selling all to go on a crusade, the vows, the 
adventures, filling the early part of the XL century with 
holy wars against Spanish infidels, as the close of the cen- 
tury is full of armies moving against the unbelievers in 
Palestine. These Spanish wars of religion went on, also, 
parallel with the crusades proper, and continued till the 
end of the XIII. century. 

The full account of the first crusade, by Albert of Aix 
la Chapelle, which Sybel brought into discredit, has been 
redeemed by Kugler,^ who finds in it, amid much legend- 
ary material, the actual account of some man of Lorraine, 
who went on the crusade with Godfrey, and made his 
home in Palestine after the conquest. This story of an 
eye-witness he sifts out of Albert*s narrative, and finds in 
it our most reliable history of the campaign. The ac- 
count of Anna Commena is corrected, and we learn that 
Greek ambassadors cordially invited Boemund to come to 
the court in Constantinople. There was a conference of 
princes and other leaders before the city, not a convocation 
of all the pilgrims, as Sybel describes it, to determine how 
to cross to Asia. The statement is correct that only one 
ship was manned by Greeks, the rest being worked by 

^ Cf. Craisades Bourguignonnes contre les Sarrazins d"* Espagneau XI ^ 
Sikle^ par E. Petit, Revue Historique^ 1886, p. ii. 
^Albert von AacJien, Stuttgart, 1885. 


Franks. Anna and the Gesta speak only of Greeks. 
New details are learned about the siege of Nice. An 
engineer of Lombardy built the successful instrument of 
assault. The account of the conflict with Kerbogha of 
Mosul corrects Sybel in many particulars. In the first 
struggle Godfrey was defeated. The crusaders then pro- 
posed that the Emir should accept Christianity when they 
would become his vassals, or that a chosen number of 
knights from each side should appeal to God in battle. 
The first of these proposals we learn for the first time 
from the Lorraine Chronicle. Of the crusade of iioi in 
Asia Minor, the Lorraine Chronicle gives nearly all the 
reliable information which we have. 

A recent writer on the fourth crusade ^ holds that the seiz- 
ure of Constantinople by the Latins was the greatest crime 
of the Middle Ages, for it was the first step toward the over- 
throw of the Greek and the introduction of the Turkish 
power in Europe. 

' The Fall of Constantinople, Being the Story of the Fourth Crusade^ 
by E. Pears, New York, 1886. 



I. The Reformation. 

The Reformation research of our day is showing more 
and more the origin of that great movement by tracing the 
mental and religious ferment of those times along all the 
line where the old and the new met in transition. ^ The 
recent study of the correspondence of Justus Jonas^ puts 
us afresh into the very atmosphere of the great movement 
and makes us feel how men were exercised by the new 
impulses in church and religion. In the full blaze of 
Luther's leadership other men have been thrown into 
obscurity whom careful research is showing to have greatly 
influenced hira and the times. Such were Spalatin and 
Bugenhagen, whose four hundreth anniversary (b. 1485) 
has brought his wide activity into prominence. There 
were many martyrs of the reformation whose lives and 
sufferings are just coming into the light. 

These side studies show not only a corrupt papacy but 
also deep piety in many simple men. There was monkish 
Ignorance, but the relatively high culture which the Renais- 
sance brought comes also more into prominence. The 
unrest among the people in the fifteenth century, which 
came to a head later in the Peasant's War, arose not merely 
from poverty but from systematic oppression by princes, 

'Cf. Zu den Aufgahen der heutigen reformations'geschtckttichen For- 
schungt von F. Nippold, in Ztft.f. wiss. Theologie, i886, H. III. 

^Der Briefwechsel des Justus yonas, von G. Kawerau, II. Halfte, Halle, 



nobles and cities alike. To this must be added the almost 
utter lack of culture among the masses whom the Renais- 
sance did not touch. ^ The peasants' condition was equally- 
bad in the time of Luther. ^ In France, on the other 
hand, the peasants seem to have been about as well off in 
the Middle Ages as they are to-day. 8 In the Empire, 
war was often the normal condition and rulers were fre- 
quently at peace only because they had no money to sup- 
port their troops. We learn that Charles.V, through the 
Reformation conflict, was retarded often by lack of funds 
as much as by the Pope, the Protestants, the Turk or the 
King of France.* 

Turning towards the Reformers themselves, we find that 
recent study throws some new light upon the development 
of Zwingli. Usteri has carried his investigations to the 
very books which the growing Reformer used, and gath- 
ered information from the passages underlined and the 
notes written on the margin-.^ Zwingli, when a student, 
loved especially ancient history, poetry and mythology. 
His favorite books a little later were of the practical 
scientific, humanitarian sort; he also studied ancient 
models of eloquence to fit himself to be a popular speaker, 
learning Valerius Maximus by heart, and reading with 

^See Gotheim, mWestdeutsche Zeitschriftfiir Geschichteund Kunst^ 1885, 

*Cf. G. Egelhaaf, Deutsche G esc hie hie im Zeit alter der Reformation^ Ber- 
lin, 1885, where he meets the wrong views of the Roman Catholic Janssen. 

^Populations agricoles de la France^ par M. H. Beaudrillart, referred to 
YEL Revue Historiqucy 1885, N. I.,p. 108. 

New details, but changing nothing of importance, are found in Balan's 
Monumenta Sceculi XVI. Historiam illustrantia^ voL I., dementis VII. 
Epistolae, etc., Oeniponte, 1885. 

*Cf. H. Baumgarten, Geschichte Karls V., Bd, I. Stuttgart, 1885. 

^Initia Zwinglii^m Studien u. Kritiken^ 1885, H. IV. 


affection the classics. After he graduated he turned to 
philosophy, but had little real love for it. He was then 
unexpectedly made pastor in Glarus, and soon after began 
the study of the Scriptures and the orthodox Fathers, being 
stimulated to this by Wyttenbach of Bale. He soon 
knew the Vulgate almost by heart. In 15 13 he began to 
study Greek by himself and vowed to make it a life work. 
This turned his attention to exegesis. In Glarus he 
studied also the works of John Picus de Mirandola, the 
literary wonder of his time, whose philosophy, together with 
that of the Fathers, greatly influenced Zwingli's theolog- 
ical thinking. He read now, too, Lambert de Monte's 
book on the Salvation of Aristotle, which may have helped 
him to his belief that noble heathen who lived before the 
time of Christ would be saved. Thes^ and similar works, 
which he now read, were full of extracts from the great phil- 
osophers, which greatly stimulated the young priest. Eck 
was also an admirer of Mirandola, and we find in Zwingli's 
library a writing of Eck*s called Oratio adversus priscam 
et ethnicam Philosopkiam, in which the author plays with 
humanist ideas. Zwingli studied also (1516) a work of 
Eck on predestination, a favorite subject with the Glarus 
pastor. We find him further studying a Commentary of 
Cyrill, of Alexandria, on the Gospel of John. But his 
great teacher in this period was Erasmus, the king of the 
humanists. Usteri concludes that Zwingli had not got a 
theoretical view of the Evangelical doctrine of salvation 
even in Einsiedeln, but had there only found the sources 
by drawing from which he could not go astray, but would 
be led from light to light. 

Erasmus' idea of salvation was life in imitation of Christ; 
and this was the view of Zwingli. He followed Erasmus 


further in laying stress upon the social, the humane ele- 
ment in Christianity. But after his study of Erasmus 
came New Testament studies, based on the Greek text. 
He also, from 1522 on, gave greater attention to Hebrew. 
At first he prized Origin and Jerome as equal with 
Augustine, but now we find him reading Faber Stapulensis' 
Psalterium quincupleXy in which he met the Neo-Platonism 
of Pseudo-Dionysius. Through such reading we follow 
the growth of his theological thinking. He loved the 
ethical more than the dogmatic phase of truth, yet he 
broke away from the ground of Erasmus and became free. 
The influence of Luther was felt in this turning point in 
his life. Zwingli did not reach Pauline doctrines of salva- 
tion so clearly and so early as is commonly stated. He 
reached certainty here theoretically and practically later 
than Luther, and reached it only gradually. But he did 
not consider doctrine secondary to purity in worship or 
church constitution, as is usually said; neither was justifi- 
cation by faith regarded as not of prime importance, as 
Kurtz still says. ^ 


The period between 1648 and the time of Maria Theresa 
in Austria has just received full treatment, and we follow 
the reign of Charles VL with great interest because we 
now see in detail the only decisive and manly struggle 
ever made by the house of Hapsburg against the papacy. ^ 

Recent investigation of the times of Frederick the Great, 
on the other hand, show the Prussian king granting Rome 

'Cf. Baur, ZwinglVs Theologies ihr Werden und ihr System, Halle, 

*See M. Landau, Rom^ WieHy Neapel wahrend des Spanischen Erbm 
folgekrieges, etc., Leipzig, 1885. 


all possible privileges, and favoring the Jesuits in order to 
have his title of king recognized by the pope. ^ 

Another study of sources^ shows the papacy urging 
Mary Queen of Scots to deal with the heretics as Mary 
of England had done. The Jesuit nuncio of Scotland 
traced the Revolution there to church abuses, immoral 
and lazy clergy, and worldly, unworthy bishops. Yet the 
papacy was not to blame. The infallible church can do 
no wrong. She did not condemn Galileo; that was done 
by the Inquisition. Neither was the Inquisition cruel, 
for its harshness came from political connections. ^ 

That is the pseudo-liberalism of impartial research run 
to seed. St. George Mivart teaches that the Roman 
Church is fallible in matters of science. * He shows that 
the Inquisition declared by command of Urban VIII. 
" that the sun is the centre of the universe and immovable 
is absurd. " Roberts has further proven^ that Alexander 
VII. confirmed the decision condemning Galileo. The 
last Encyclical of Leo XIII. shows^ that the papacy still 
holds the theories of Gregory VII. and Pius IX.; while 
the latest practical book on Romanism^ abundantly illus- 

*I-«hmann, Preussen unddie katholische Kirche sett 1640 ^ in Publikationen 
aus den Preussischen Staatsarchiven, Bd. xviii. xxiv., Teil IVu. V., Leipzig, 

*Forbes-Leith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics under Mary Stuart and 
y antes II, Now first printed from the original manuscripts in the Vatican, 
and other collections. Edinburgh, 1885. 

i^Cf. Glover, Rome and the Inquisition, in The North American Review^ 
December, 1885. 

* Modern Catholics and Scientific Freedom, in The Nineteenth Century, 
July, 1885. 

* The Pontifical Decrees against the Doctrine of the Earth* s Movement 
and the Ultramontane Defense of Them, 1885. 

^ Epistola Encyclica de Civitatum Constitutione Christiana, Freiburg 
I. B. 1885. 

^Chiniquy, Fifty Years in the Church of Rome, Chicago, 1885. 


trates the merciless practice of the Catholic Church toward 
those whose disobedience she can punish. The truth 
which the Roman Church still teaches, and her powerful 
organization, make her a strong ally of law and order in 
controlling the more ignorant portion of the people; but 
among the educated classes her apologetic weight is not 
great, just because in defending Catholicism so much more 
than Christianity must be defended. ^ The Catholic revival 
in this century, born of the Revolutions, developed a 
Catholic apologetics, which aimed at leavening philosophy 
with the principle of authority, in opposition to all radical 
and revolutionary theories. Chateaubriand, De Maistre, 
Schlegel, illustrate this tendency. Newman puts it in the 
words, " I came to the conclusion that there was no 
medium in true philosophy between Atheism and Cathol- 
icism. 2 

But he rejects^ the statement that reason in itself is 
infidel, for it is but an agent under the moral sense. He 
could well be a theist and not be a Catholic, but the only 
safety lies within the infallible church. He points to the 
idearof a God of benevolence held a century ago, which is 
now interpreted to mean limited future punishment; mod- 
ern Christianity, unguided by the true church, is also 
inclined to shun all dogma. What then is the outcome of 
this Romanticism in the service of Rome?* Certainly 
not favorable. In Catholic countries religion and rational 

^ Cf. Fairbairn, Catholicism and Apologetics^ in The Contemporary Re* 
vieWy February, 1885. 

*Fairbaim, Catholicism and Religious Thought^ in Contemporary Re* 
vieWy May, 1885. 

^Newman, The Development of Religious Error, in The Contemporary 
Review, October, 1885. 

* Fairbairn, Recuon and Religion, in The Contemporary Remew^ Decern* 
ber, 1885. 


liberty have come to be considered incompatible; Leo 
XIII. is not so strong as the Curia; the doctrine of indul- 
gences IS being preached afresh by monastic orders;^ 
Prussia is strong and Germany an empire; papal coun- 
tries are declining, and the ultramontane powers are 
dependent more and more on Protestant nations; the 
United States are increasing at the expense of Cathol- 
icism;2 and Vaticanism is declared to be a failure.^ It is 
even predicted that the end of the papacy is nigh, for 
Italy does not want Protestantism, and the Vatican system 
seems irrefprmable; hence salvation will probably come 
through a reformed Catholic Church apart from the 
papacy. * 

III. The Moravian Brethren. 

Three great religious leaders arose in the XVIII. cen- 
tury — Swedenborg,^ Zinzendorf and Wesley — the sec- 
ond of whom shared the deep fervor of the first and the 
organizing ability of the third. All three were at one in 
their desire to act as leaven in the Church, and none aimed 
at a separate denomination or new dividing lines. Of 
the life and teaching of Zinzendorf we have recently 
received a most thorough^ account. His earliest religious 

^Cf. Ztior Characteristik des tnodernen JCathoUcismus, von A. Bacmeister, 
in Deutsch'Evang, Blatter, 1886, H. II. 

* The Decay of Ecclesiasticismy by R. H. Newton, in The North Amer- 
ican Review y September, 1885. 

^The Failure of Vaticanism, in The Church Quarterly Review, April, 

*Cf. Possibilities of Italian Religious Reform, by W. C. Langdon, in 
The Andover Review, February, 1886. 

*Cf. Emanuel Swedenborg ; a Biographical Sketch, by J. J. G. Wilkin- 
son, London, 1886. 

^ Becker, Zinzendorf im- Verhdltniss zu Philosophic und Kirchenthum 
seiner Zeit, Leipzig, z886. 


impressions was of love to the crucified Saviour, and this 
historic Christ became from childhood a personal object of 
the deepest affection. This personal Christ in his historic 
form is head of the Christian Church, the real, present, 
individual elder of the Church. And communion with 
such a head is actual and real, and may be a matter of 
experience, as much as it was in the case of John and 
Jesus. The psychological medium through which this 
communion takes place is the imagination, in which we 
see especially the suffering Saviour. Such intercourse, 
however, is not independent of the Word, but is mediated 
and ruled by it. The Word is the test of the things which 
appear to us. Zinzendorf taught that this personal com- 
munion with Christ distinguished the Brethren from other 
Christians. This was the Apostolic Christianity which he 
wished to restore; and such a basis of communion with 
the Lord is the only defensive and offensive weapon of 
the Church. Another important principle set forth by 
Zinzendorf, was that the knowledge of God comes through 
this life communion with Christ. Knowing the bodily 
Christ we learn the fulness of the Godhead in him, for 
God cannot be known except in Christ. Creation took 
place through Him, hence all knowledge of God in nature 
comes also through the Son. 

In relation to philosophy, Zinzendorf showed an inter- 
est in the men of the Illumination, and even spoke of 
philosophy as a regulator of spiritual life. The end of 
religion he found in happiness ; its organ, in the emo- 
tional nature or disposition (Gemiith), in which God 
reveals himself, where man decides for or against Him, 
and where man, a spirit incarnate, meets Christ, God 
incarnate. Revelation is the approach of God to the 


human emotional nature, and that within earthly history. 
Religion is thus the gift of God. Coming to Christianity 
in particular, he held that it is the religion of salvation 
because it offers in Christ the only sufficient revelation of 
God, from which alone all religious benefits and moral 
impulses can be gained. Revelation here is in the Scrip- 
tures and the Getnuth must decide for it and for Christ in 
it. Different parts of the Bible are of different value as 
they have more or less relation to Christ. Thus building 
solely on Christ, he called his teaching " pure theology," 
and held that his followers would survive all churches, 
because they rested upon this one great fundamental. He 
followed the Illumination in laying stress on Christianity 
as a means to temporal as well as eternal happiness, but 
it is important to notice, what Becker now makes clear for 
the first time, that Zinzendorf as late as 1746, /. e, until he 
was influenced by the Moravians, anticipated somewhat 
the position of Kant and Ritschl in sharply separating 
philosophy and religion. He followed Pietism in demand- 
ing free religious association and communion within the 
existing churches — even to organization — though sepa- 
rate churches were not meant. He was not, as often 
stated, a mystic ; but defends strongly the historic faith. 
In fact, through Dippels attack on the imputed righteous- 
ness of Christ, Zinzendorf was led into a fuller acceptance 
of it. He ever labored, though opposed somewhat by 
the Moravians, to hold the Augsburg confession, and his 
followers still claim to be Lutherans, especially in putting 
Christ at the centre of all their creed. The essence of 
Lutheranism he found in, (i.) Christ, the source of life 
and doctrine, and (2) in faith working freely, governed by 
no rules. By laying stress on these principles he sought 


to Win men back to Lutheranism. which was not repre- 
sented by the Pietist's, or the lUuminationists, or the 
orthodox, with their school theology. 

The wider history of the Moravian movement has been 
treated recently by an American writer. ^ He goes back 
to Bohemia and finds that Wiclif *s works stimulated, but 
did not originate the revival there. It was national. He 
tells us further that the Christianity taught these Slavonic 
tribes by Cyrill and Methodius was simple and pure com- 
pared with that of the Roman Church. This gentler gos- 
pel, he thinks, was never lost among the Czechs, but after 
long persecution came to light again in Conrad of Wald- 
hausen, Matthias of Janow and Hus. The Moravian 
Church would thus be, more or. less, a representative of 
Greek theology in the West. 

IV. The Huguenots. 

Nowhere does the saying of Schiller, Die Weltgeschichte 
ist aas Weltgerichtf find a more striking illustration than 
in the story of the Huguenots; for just two hundred years 
ago the Edict of Nantes was revoked, and now every 
allusion to the subject by competent scholars shows how 
France has been punished for that terrible crime. The 
only question seems to be, who was most guilty in that 
carnival of wrong and outrage? 

Schott says:^ "In the guilt of it — the revocation — 
king and court, clergy and officials, yes, all Catholic 
France had a share. Not the momentary freak of a despot 
caused it; much less was it the result of a ^plot between 

^De Schweinitz, The History 0/ the Church known as the Unitas Fratum^ 
Bethlehem, Pa., 1885. 

^DU Au/hebung des Ediktes von Nantes in Oktober 168 ^^ Halle, 1885. 


Pere La Chaise and Madame Maintenon. It was the out- 
come of a state-church system, which began with fettering 
the liberties of the Huguenots, and ended with their 
extinction. " Yet the chief guilt belongs to the priesthood, 
and their hand can be traced in every new step of legalized 
robbery and death. In 1679 Louis became " converted " 
from the sins of his youth, and then both ambition and 
zeal led him, after the death of Mazarin and Cromwell, to 
listen to priestly pleadings to give heresy a deadly blow. 
The number of expatriated Huguenots is put at 300,000 
to 350,000 during 1680-1700; the prisoners at 40,000, 
besides the numerous unknown dead. That is a sad picture 
to be lighted by the waningglory of France; hence recent 
Catholic writers are seeking to show that their clergy had 
no share in the revocation and the persecution; they were 
rather sad witnesses of a cruel state policy. Louvois was 
the guilty one. Puaux refutes this view,^ and fastens the 
crime again upon Louis and the Catholic priesthood. 

V. The German Churches. 

The last synopsis of the new theology in Germany is 
clear and instructive. ^ The grand merit of the old 
rationalism, we are told, was that it taught men once for 
all to distinguish between the form and the substance in 
Christianity. Its great mistake, on the other hand, was in 
not understanding the life of past ages, and overlooking 

^ R^ocationdeV Edit de Nantes, m Revue Historique^ 1885. N. II; Cf. also 
Les plaintes des protestans cruellement opprimez dans le royaume de France^ 
Edition nouvelle avec commentaires, etc., par F. Puaux, Paris. 1885, in 
Collection des classiques du protestantisme francais. 

^Liidemann, Die neuere Entwicklung der protestantischen Theologie^ 
Bremen, 1885. For a satirical attack on the whole orthodox i^stem cf. Die 
theologiscfie Carrier e der Gegenwart, Anonymous, Leipzig, 1880. 


the essence of the religious inner life by declaring every- 
thing mere superstition which its reason could not grasp. 
Even Hegel's teaching was just a deeper and more splendid 
rationalism than that which it overthrew. Schleiermacher 
discovered the true nature of religion, and thereby healed 
the great wound from which modern theology suffered. 
Religion, he showed, is a matter of the emotional life 
(Gemiithsleben), and not a thing of the cold understand- 
ing, as the eighteenth century taught. It is the moral 
consciousness face to face with the Infinite. This view, 
we are assured, is now supported by Comparative Religion 
at every step. Religious doctrines are, accordingly, but 
a means to nourish the inner life; and, as circumstances 
change, this life can clothe itself in the different forms of 
thought and culture which may successively appear. To 
this changing garment belong doctrinal views, which may 
be laid aside fpr others without touching the essence of 
Christianity in the heart of man; for this consists in the 
feeling of dependence, which, in Christianity, has found 
application to the purest and clearest needs of man, the 
struggle for the moral ideal, and that by teaching that the 
dependence is that of a child upon a parent. Religion 
rooted in feeling is independent of all doctrinal tenets. 
That is the standing ground of the new theology. But 
this foundation goes much deeper than that of the old 
rationalism with its cold reason, and holds that the relig- 
ious life of the advanced school is the same which was 
wisely expressed by our fathers in their dogmas and usages. 
The circumstances made such an expression then proper 
and wise, though all this was a sealed book to the old 

In reply to the question, How did this profound religious 


principle ever get into the mind of Jesus Christ? Liide- 
mann has nothing more definite to say than that the 
depths of genius are unfathomable. This is the only 
theology, it is repeated, which can mediate between mod- 
ern science and religion, and in its service there is great 
reward. Yet the essay closes with the complaint that the 
liberal theologians are being driven more and more from 
the German universities, and that the pearls of the new 
Evangel seem to be cast before swine. 

The dark side of German church life — with its State 
interference, clericalism, parishes with 50,000 souls, Sunday 
profanity, increasing crime, rationalism and materialistic 
philosophy, is familiar to all; the bright side, however, 
should also be familiar, the pulpit more Biblical and 
practical than ever, churches better attended, Christianity 
more respected, devotional literature increasing, laymen 
more active in Christian work, evangelists, abroad, with a 
school started by Prof. Christlieb in Bonn to train them, 
Sunday schools growing, young men's Christian associa- 
tions spreading, and signs everywhere that the downward 
tendency has ceased and that a strong upward tendency 
has taken its place. ^ 

Many earnest men are longing for one Evangelical 
Church for the Empire to take the place of the thirty 
Lutheran or Union State church systems which now divide 
German Christians. Wangemann works in this direction, 
though now fighting Separationists as he once did Union- 
ists. His severe words, however, about the old Lutherans^ 

^Cf. Religious Condition of Germany, by J. H. W. Stuckenberg, in 
Andover Review, Oct., 1885; also Present Aspect of Religion and Theology in 
Germany, by J. T. Bixby, in The Unitarian Review, Feb. and March, I«S6. 
*Cf. Current Discussions^ vol. iii. 1885, p. 196. 


seem to need modification. Von Treitschke says^ that 
Wangemann has not essentially changed the opinion held 
about the liturgy controversy in Prussia. His attempt to 
justify the action of the king is not successful. He goes 
too far also in holding that the Lutheran Church in Prussia 
remains free, independent and consistent within the Union. ^ 
The history of the Separate Lutherans, also, who came to 
America, shows devotion and closer conformity to the 
teachings of Luther than Wangemann seems to admit. ^ 

It sounds well to hear the Missouri brethren say that 
" The Word of God is the only judge in controversy and 
the perfect source of Christian faith." Election of grace, 
the freedom of the local church as the only possessor of 
spiritual gifts and power, these principles are set forth by 
the Old Lutherans with vigor, and with arguments that 
recall Luther against Eck and Erasmus. " The difference 
between the New Lutherans and Romanists and the real 
Old Lutherans lies," according to Hochstetter, "in the 
reply to the question: With whom is the original spiritual 
power, the power of the keys, which embraces all church 
government? The Old Lutherans hold Christ gave it to 
each congregation with Word and sacrament in its midst, 
for where two or three gather in His name they have His 
authority to ordain a preacher, for they are all spiritual 
priests and need no authority from pope or bishop or 
synod to edify and govern themselves." Prof. Walther 
teaches that the Synod has a power of advisory legislation 
only; and he argues with much cogency in favor of the 

'^Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehUn yahrhundertj iil Theil, Leipzig, 1885. 

•Cf. WangemanfCs Sieben Bikker von der Una Sancta, von Baumann, in 
Deutsch-Evangel. Blatter, 1886, H. V. 

'See Die Geschichte der evangelish-lutherischen Missouri Synodein Nord- 
Amerika und ihrer Lehrk&mpfe^yo^ C. Hochstetter, Dresden, 1885. 


Augustinian doctrines of Luther as against the Arminian 
teachings of the present Lutheran Church of Germany. 

VI. Church Life In Holland. 

In Holland the State has cut loose from Christianity, 
but supports the Churches, Catholic, Protestant and Jewish; 
every restriction is thrown off, and here is a field for the 
full play of theological and ecclesiastical theories. ^ Over 
two millions of the people call themselves Reformed; there 
are one hundred and thirty thousand Christian Reformed, 
seventy thousand Lutherans, forty-six thousand Mennon- 
ites, and about six thousand Remonstrants. The Luther- 
ans have been for a century rationalistic, and have lost the 
respect of earnest Christians, though now there are signs 
of improvement, twenty-nine of sixty- two Lutheran pastors 
being reported as conservative. The Augsburg Confession, 
however, is given up as the creed of the Church. The 
Remonstrants began as Arminians; but have now become 
so liberal under such a leader as Prof. Tiele of Leyden, 
that their object since 1879 is " to promote religious life on 
the basis of the gospel of Jesus Christ, by holding fast to the 
principle of liberty and toleration." In sharp contrast to 
these stands the Christian Reformed Church, which sepa- 
rated from the Reformed, 1834, and took its present name, 
1870. They hold the Reformed Confession, sing only 
Psalms, and have started a theological school, with eighty 
students, in Kampen. They are active Christians. 

We now turn to the theological tendencies in Holland. 
At the tercentenary jubilee of the University of Leyden, 
1875, the rector recommended that the theological Faculty 

^For this section cf. Holland* s kirchliches Lcben^ von J. Gloel, Witten- 
berg, 1885. 


should be put out of the institution. This was not done, 
but it was decided that churchly theology should no longer 
be taught in State universities. Dogmatics and Practical 
Theology were counter to the neutral character of the 
University; they must go; but Church History and Exe- 
gesis might remain. So the Faculty of Theology was made 
a Faculty of Religious Science; the subject is to be treated 
historically, and from the standpoint of Comparative 

Four professors now teach (l) The Philosophy and His- 
tory of Religion, (2) Church History, (3) The Old Testa- 
ment, and (4) The New Testament. Dogmatic and 
Practical Theology are left to the care of the Churches, 
Ethics will still be taught in the University — Christian or 
philosophical, as the professor chooses. To meet this new 
state of affairs, the Reformed Church appointed a professor 
of theology and professor of practical theology at each of 
the four universities, who should supplement the work 
done by the State, when the strange fact appeared, that 
the professors appointed by the rationalistic Church were 
not so orthodox as those appointed by the State. Widespread 
dissatisfaction followed, and, to satisfy more earnest men, 
a Christian university was founded, 1880, in Amsterdam. 

Gloel distinguishes the following schools of theology in 
Holland: First, the Ideal-deterministic school in Leyden. 
Its centre and leader was Scholten (d. 1885), who taught 
what he considered a legitimately developed Calvinism. 
Through reason we reach the knowledge of God, and on 
this God revealed in reason faith rests (Intellectualism). 
The determinism of his teaching is ethical, and rests upon 
the absolute sovereignty of God, from which all that is 
must be explained in its unity. And since free will in man 


is not in harmony with this principle, we must give up 
asserting it, for sin is not to be explained from the freedom 
of man, but from the divinely ordered natural imperfection 
of man, which cannot develop to perfection without conflict 
and fall. But with this very human weakness God has 
connected the necessary victory over it, which takes place 
through the perfect religiousness revealed in Christ, and 
coming to us by faith. Christ is not the object of our 
faith, but is the true believer, who has perfectly accepted 
divine truth and become our perfect pattern. His piety 
exerts such an influence on the moral nature of men that 
it cannot be permanently resisted: all men will finally be 
blessed, and the will of God reach its goal. All supernat- 
ural views of theology are rejected in the Leyden school, 
where the pupils of Scholten and Kuenen have drifted fast 
from liberal theology towards bitter unbelief. A second 
school is built on the Sceptical-empirical philosophy, whose 
chief teacher is Prof. Opzoomer, in Utrecht. He holds 
that the only way to certainty is observation; the only sure 
thing is what we reach by experiment. A. Pierson has 
applied this teaching to theology, and says that the right 
position here is to leave all doctrinal statements open to 
question. Like many other divines of this school, he has 
left theology for more secular work, and now lectures in 
Amsterdam on the History of Art. Dogmatism, he thinks, 
is everywhere on its death-bed, because everywhere, in 
science as well as religion, certainty is impossible. The 
chief study is history. The only satisfaction is that man 
should be his own goal and seek to become noble. Wor- 
ship will then be aesthetics and art our Heaven. For 
twenty years this Empirical school has led the thought of 
the Dutch Church, because of the ability of its professors; 


but It has failed to touch the mass of the people, or lead 
young men into the ministry, or save itself from steady 
decline. A third school is the Evangelical. This middle ten- 
dency, with its seat in Groninger, has sought the things of 
peace, but with diminishing numbers and success. Supernat- 
uralism and Naturalism were to be united here on the ground 
of a theology of Humanity. Lessing's idea was abroad; 
the end of God's loving plan was considered to be the 
education of man into likeness to God. Sin hinders, but 
cannot frustrate this growth, for Christ is the great Teacher; 
His life and death assure us of the forgiving and sanctifying 
love of God; and His resurrection gives us the hope of 
perfection. Perfection of the human race through Christ 
has remained the leading thought of this middle school, 
and the description of Christianity as a religion of redemp- 
tion is rejected as wrong. The being of Christianity is 
not centered in sin and grace, but in the life of God in 
Christ, and the union of man and God effected by His 

This school is breaking up, and its different sections are 
drifting towards the othodox or the rationalists. 

The fourth school, the Orthodox, while agreeing in 
fundamentals, differ much on particular questions. Gloel 
divides them into pietistic, biblical-apologetical, and con- 
fessional groups. The first lay great stress on the ethical in 
Christianity, resembling here the Evangelicals; they differ, 
however, widely in making regeneration the great prin- 
ciple, and not the " education of humanity/' thus recogniz- 
ing sin as much more than ignorance, and the work of 
Christ as much more than teaching. Chantepie, a leader 
in this group, laid great stress on the Christian conscious- 
ness, as the mind of the regenerate man and made this 


the creative principle and standard in theology. The 
obligatory in theology is what is approved in the Christian 
consciousness, assimilated by it, and which raises it 
higher. Here takes place that union of G6d with man 
which forms the essence of Christianity. This school is 
active at the universities and among the clergy. The 
younger men of the party apply the " ethical principle " 
so as to make the inner consciousness a standard of belief, 
and the Bible rather a means of grace. A doctrine is to 
be believed, not because taught in Scripture, but because 
it is approved by the voice of God in the soul. Hence 
chief stress is laid in exegesis upon the psychological 
analysis of the word of Scripture. The higher criticism of 
Kuenen and Wellhausen is accepted, though with more 
reverence than in the radical school. This Old Testament 
criticism and the free treatment of the historic in Chris- 
tianity have provoked much opposition to this school, as 
dissolving truth into individual subjectivity. 

The Biblical-apologetic group includes the majority of 
the moderate orthodox under the lead of Van Oosterzee 
(d. 1882). He was a" pectoral "1 theologian of the type of 
Neander. His pupils, Prof. Doedes in Utrecht and Van 
Toorenenbergen in Amsterdam are continuing this mild 
apologetic school. 

The Confessional-Reformed party represents orthodox 
Calvinism and Pietism. Its leader is Kuyper, the most 
prominent man to-day in Holland — a politician, theo- 
logian, and popular champion of orthodoxy. He studied 
all through the modern theology, and found no rest 
till he reached the historic faith. He then preached 

n'he terra comes from the saying of Neander: "It is the heart (pectus) that 
makes the theologian. ** 


the old doctrines in his country parish, with such good 
result that he has given his life to the work of reform and 
restoration. He preached next in the Hague, became a 
journalist, member of parliament, and is now head of the 
Christian University in Amsterdam — everywhere active 
against " Moderns " and " Ethicals," and " Higher Critics," 
and rousing men to return to the old godliness and faith. 
The school of Leyden is already waning. Next, says 
Kuyper, the Ethicals must go, with their Schleiermacher 
pantheistic vagueness. Lutheran errors must be weeded 
out, and Bible and Calvinism restored. He rejects all 
distinctions between the Bible and the Word of God; to 
reject the Word is to be a traitor to God. The Bible is 
not to be filtered through the inner consciousness, but 
accepted as a letter or will, in which every word is impor- 
tant and to be acted upon. It is a fatal mistake to try to 
divide the human and divine sides in revelation, and claim 
the former as a field for boundless criticism. The common 
people follow Kuyper, also some ministers, and a few of 
the upper classes. The movement is growing. There are 
fifty students under his instruction, most of them studying 
for the ministry. The national pulpits are not yet legally 
open for young men from this free university, but already 
twenty churches have promised to take them, even if they 
lose State aid by doing so. Thus the revival goes on, 
stimulated by the ruin which rationalism has wrought. Of 
1,6 1 1 churches in Holland, nearly 300 have no pastors, 
because many rationalistic ministers gave up preaching. 
Sixty ministers a year are needed, but in 1884 only thirty 
young men entered upon dy of theology. 


VII. The Churches of Great Britain. 

The rise of the Protestant Church in Britain is losing 
much of its romance, but is gaining greater truthfulness in 
all its elements by recent historic research. In the cor- 
respondence of Henry VIII. we can now trace^ year by 
year all the human relations and plans of emperor, pope 
and king. They appear very unlike the " defender of the 
faith," the holy Roman emperor, and the vicar of Christ. 
The reign of Edward VI. was also less heroic than we 
think. In the social revolution, which then elevated the 
middle classes of the people and gave England her Protest- 
ant Church, much early beauty was lost, though much 
greater freedom was gained. ^ The leading characters, 
such as Cranmer, appear less ideal and more time-serving 
than in the heroic light usually shed upon them; while the 
men of resolve and purpose, such as Gardiner and Bonner, 
are found rather in the service of the old faith. This view 
robs the birth period of the English Church of much of the 
sacredness with which it is usually regarded, but helps 
toward a better apprehension of it. The long and bitter 
struggle for uniformity had its roots in just the time-serving 
elements hitherto too much overlooked in the earlier 
history. Local liturgies were also very powerful. It took 
years to get the people to give up Latin prayers and 
accept them in English. ^ Through the seventeenth cent- 
ury the battle of the old and the new went on. There 
were, however, many sweet spirits, like Bunyan, who rose 

^Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. , in the Master of the Rolls Series. 
Vols. V.-VIII. 1880-85. 

*Cf. R. W. Dixon, History of the Church of England from the Aboli" 
tion of the Roman Jurisdiction. Vol. III., London, 1885. 

'See Troubles Connected with the Prayer Book of iS49t t>y E. Pocock, 
Camden Society, 1885. 


above party hate. He was a kind of Baptist himself, but 
his children were baptized in the parish church. ^ His 
godly heart taught him more than he could have learned 
among the polemic divines of his age. And yet we are 
now finding out that the Church of those days was marked 
by more activity, learning and zeal, as can be seen in the 
religious and benevolent societies of the last part of the 
century, than have been usually ascribed to that period. ^ 
The eighteenth century has been divided into a non-religious 
period, before Wesley, a religious period, begun by 
Methodism, and an anti-religious period, which followed.^ 
Then came the great awakening and theological activity of 
recent history, of which Tulloch has just given us a 
graphic account from the Broad Church point of view. * 

Coleridge was the leading influence in the early years 
of this century in England. He gave a definite impulse to 
current Christian ideas, to Biblical study, and to the con- 
ception of the Church. He made religion subjective, a 
full development of humanity rather than something added 
to it, and included all knowledge as part of religion. The 
Evangelical School of Newton, Foster and Wilberforce, we 
are told, " destroyed the largeness and unity of human 
experience," not only by separating religion from art and 
philosophy, but by tending to separate it from morality 
also, Coleridge harmonized religion and reason, oppos- 
ing both materialistic negation and credulous enthusiasm. 
His faith was ** a living expression of the spiritual con- 

* Cf. Brown's Life of John Bunyan, London, 1885. 

•Cf. Overton, Life in the English Church (1660-1714), London, 1885, a 
sort of biographical dictionary of tne lay and clerical leaders of the period. 

' Cf. J. W. Mendenhall, in The Methodist Review^ Nov. 1885. 

^Movements of Religious Thought in Britain during the Nineteenth 
Century, New York, 1885. 


sciousness." The divinity of the Bible is in its spirit, and 
when this spirit speaks it is responded to by the spirit of 
man. Of the Church, Coleridge taught that it is catholic 
and not national. This universal church has its local 
manifestation in the national church, which should include 
among its clerisy not only the clergy, but the learned of 
all denominations. 

The disciples of Coleridge, Julius Hare, John Sterling, 
and later, Edward Irving, Maurice and Kingsley made 
these teachings popular and widespread. 

A second movement of religious thought arose in " The 
Early Oriel School and its Congeners," in which, from 1820 
on, Copleston, Whately, Arnold, Milman and their follow- 
ers made Oxford a fountain-head of so-called Noetic think- 
ing. This school was critical and historical. Whately called 
Apostolic succession " Apostolic fiddlesticks. " Clerical 
priesthood, verbal inspiration and the Old Testament Sab- 
bath were thrown aside together. He fought both 
Puritanism and Sacerdotalism; he assailed both Anglo- 
Catholicism and German Rationalism. Arnold made this 
view of Christianity very plain, and applied it to every-day 
needs. He would have Church and State one in their full 
development, and the national church should include all 

The publication of Schleiermacher's essay on Luke by 
Thirlwall (1825) was " an epoch in the history of English 
theology, '* and stirred the quiet British air by the first 
drops of a German thunder-shower. The critical sifting 
of Biblical books began; Milman carried this method into 
his historic works, and the Noetic school cleft asunder in 
its course traditional and vital Christianity, laying great 
stress upon the essential, immutable truth in Christ. 


A third movement was the Anglo-Catholic, which suc- 
ceeded the Noetic at Oxford, and was led by Keble, R. H. 
Froude and Pusey. It was a reaction against the Roman- 
ticism of the Lake school of Scott and Coleridge, and was 
a return toward Catholicism, as the only refuge from 
Rationalism. The Tracts for the Times fought for dogma, 
a visible Church, and the Anglican Church as the true 
Church. Many of this school landed in Romanism, but 
the Anglo-Catholic movement remains perhaps the great- 
est fact in the history of recent Anglican Christianity. It 
has broadened the sympathy of its followers in both 
directions, giving them more charity for the Church of 
Rome, and less severity for Nonconformists. The spir- 
itual unity and independence of the Church are more 
preached, and Erastianism is hated as an unclean thing. 
There is, moreover, more preaching of salvation and more 
love for sinners. This movement has also greatly influ- 
enced English Catholics, and they have now become 
English as never before since the Reformation. 

A parallel religious movement took place in Scotland, 
where the Romanticism of Scott, Carlyle's Gospel of 
Work, and the theology of Thomas Erskine, Macleod 
Campbell and Edward Irving were influencing religious 
thinking. Erskine taught that divine truth must be 
reasonable, and as such must approve itself to the 
Christian consciousness. Religion must always be its 
own light, for if it is real it must be self-evidencing by its 
good effects. Thus, external evidences were largely 
ignored, and, like Schleiermacher and Coleridge, Erskine 
taught the theology of the Christian consciousness. Mac- 
leod Campbell in Scotland and Maurice in England carried 
out this teaching, especially Erskine's later view of the 


essential character of the gospel as a revelation of divine 
love. During ten years (1820-30) a revolution had taken 
place in much of the religious thinking of Britain. The 
New Theology, which came in, TuUoch sums up thus: 
" Its character may be said to be expansiveness. There 
is a general breaking-up of the traditional systems trans- 
mitted from the earlier time. The idea of God as the 
loving Father of all men, of the religious life as having its 
root in immediate contact with the divine, rather than in 
adherence to any definite forms, whether of Church belief 
or Church order; the recognition of the religious conscious- 
ness as a pervading element of human nature, with its 
own rights in the face of Revelation, and especially in the 
face of the scholastic dogmas which had been based on 
Revelation, • • • and more than all, perhaps, an 
optimist Catholic ideal displacing the sectarian ideals of 
the older schools of thought" — all these mark the new 

The last great movement, that of the Broad Church, 
arose in this way. The Anglo-Catholic party as it drifted 
towards Rome, opposed every form of Liberalism; the 
result was a reaction toward utter unbelief. The Mills, 
father and son, Darwinism, and the teaching of Spencer, 
show how the current ran toward blank negation. The 
Broad Church school appeared to deliver Christianity from 
this new foe. Maurice, Kingsley , F. Robertson and Stanley 
led in this effort to save religion though it should lose 
theology. Maurice taught " that every man is in Christ; 
and the condemnation of every man is that he will not own 
the truth. " Every man is a Christian; let him believe it 
and act accordingly. That is the very opposite of the usual 
doctrine that all men are born out of Christ, must repent 


and become sons of God. On such a basis Maurice sought 
to unite all Christians. The stress, however, should be 
laid on what all believe, the centre and test being life in 
Christ, without whom none is a Christian or is to be 

Tulloch ignores the Evangelical School. It did not pre- 
sent anything new; there is, also, some truth in the state- 
ment that this movement produced " no theologian even 
of the second rank," and that " from the time when the 
Church was mainly under their influence the separation 
between religion and learning may be dated. "^ He fails, 
on the other hand, to follow Broad Churchism through the 
" Essays and Reviews " and the " Scotch Sermons," in 
which a spirit appears hostile to doctrine and primitive 
teaching of all sorts, and which lands its followers in 
pretty clear view of Unitarianism, Theism and Humani- 
tarianism. ^ 

VIII. The American Churches. 

It is as true in America as in Scotland and Holland, 
that the Augustinian theology still makes itself felt along 
the lines of historic development. The doctrines of the 
New England divines partook of the decisiveness of their 
authors' characters, but at the same time showed a philo- 
sophic freedom and logical analysis in reaching ultimate 
principles which later writers often do not recognize. * For 

'Cf. The History of Religion in England^ by H. O. Wakeman, London, 

* For the recent history of the Church of Ireland see, The Church of Ireland^ 
by H. Seddall, Dublin, 1886, and for the earlier, Ireland under the Tudors^ 
by R. Bagwell, London, 1885. 

'Cf. F. Foster, The Eschatology of the New England Divines^ in Bihli- 
otheca Sacra^ January and April, 1886; and, on later questions, The History 
of Andover Theological Seminary^ by L. Woods, Boston, 1885. 


example, Edwards, when treating eternal punishment, 
took the high ground that such punishment is philosophic- 
ally just, and is to be held against both annihilation and 
final restoration. Bellamy added the idea of vindictive 
justice in divine punishment, this justice being but God's 
love as a consuming fire against sin. He also showed 
that the heathen have a sufficient probation in this life. 
Chauncy taught (1743) the restoration of all men through 
remedial punishment hereafter, and was answered by Dr. 
Jonathan Edwards. The doctrinal system of the early 
divines is still largely accepted, but its teachings have lost 
in definiteness and intensity. Current theology in our day 
is said^ to be marked by (i) familiar subjects of thought 
" having become fixed, they have largely lost their fresh 
interest as living issues in relation to living needs, and are 
thus mainly historical questions,'* (2) by " critical investi- 
gations now emphasizing questions belonging to the Begin- 
nings, and (3) by a large and increasing place being given 
to Christ as a personal power in the believer's heart. " Or, 
it is said, 2 that as Christianity in the past won victories 
preaching the duty of Christ, it is now turning to final 
conquest in proclaiming Him as type and symbol of a 
Divine Humanity; this is a peaceful growth as the Trini- 
tarian controversy was one of war. The weak points of 
evangelical faith are found to be^ sectarianism, a more or 
less disintegration of the formulated evangelical faith, which 
may be due to an ideal rather than real presentation of God, 

^Current Theology^ in The New Englander^ November, 1885, by S. S. 

*H. N. Brown, The Divine Humanity y in The Unitarian Remew^ July, 

'W. W. Patton, Weak Points of the Evangelical Faith as it is commonly 
statedy in The New Englander^ January, i8~ 


insistence on a " regulation piety," too severe reasoning 
from metaphysical and ethical principles respecting divine 
relations and action, an unbiblical weakness which adopts 
theories centering the human race in Adam rather than in 
Christ, and a failure to connect religion with the daily life 
of man. The last weakness here enumerated, and the 
worst, seems, however, to cling just as tenaciously to the 
most advanced theology as to the orthodox teaching. 
Destructive criticism, we are told,^ has done its work, the 
ground has been plowed, the true seed sown, audit is time 
to look for harvest along the line of constructive effort. 
The need now is self-conscious, organized religious fellow- 
ship beyond what radical theology has yet attained. The 
religious training of children after the manner of the 
Episcopal Church is especially recommended in the service 
of advanced thought. On the other hand, the extreme 
Unitarians of the West have sought, during the past year, 
to put themselves abreast of the times by refusing to make 
even the recognition of God a test of Church membership, 
thus seeming to meet on the low plane of mere ethical 

The growth of the Episcopal Church in this country, 
especially the moderate form of it, shows a similar, but 
much more conservative, contact of Christian thought 
with the ideas of the time. One half of the 3,572 Episco- 
pal ministers in America were brought up in other com- 
munions. The comprehensiveness of the Episcopal Church , 
we are told, makes her " everywhere the residuary legatee 
of other bodies." Her membership has increased twenty 
per cent., while the population increased ten per cent., and 

^Cf. Confirmation^ by S. C. Beach, in The Unitarian Review^ January, 


her influence is growing fast. On the other hand, we 
learn^ that the most characteristic feature of the Episcopal 
Church in our land is the inevitable " Congregational system 
tempered with Episcopacy ** which marks it. ^The tradition 
of the Pilgrim Fathers is too strong even for Apostolic Suc- 
cession. A further concession is more surprising; in 
reference to the needs of the laboring classes, the Church 
in England is said to be " asleep," but in America she is still 
" snoring. " The negatively broad creed of the Unitarian 
churches and the positively comprehensive faith of the 
Episcopal Church seem still far from meeting the thought 
and every-day life of the times any more effectively than 
the belief and practice of ordinary orthodox denominations. 
Still, in the face of Materialism, which Robert Buchanan 
calls^ the god of American boasting, and of political and 
business life, the two currents of our activity which most 
need cleansing, Farrar continues to repeat^ that the 
Church can fulfill her true mission only in the full spirit of 
Tolerance, Freedom and Progress, " for it is the special 
work of the Church in these days to teach a true and an 
intelligent, as opposed to a delusive and obsolete view of 

' The Church in the United States of America^ in The Church Quarterly 
Review i Jan., 1886. 

^Free Thought in America^ in The North American Review^ April, 1885. 

' The Work of the Church in America^ in The North American Rezdew^ 
Jan., 1886. 

*For new information with special reference to the Presbyterian Church in 
America, cf. The Days of MakemiCy by L. P. Bowen, Philadelphia, 1885 ; 
Church History in Briefs by J. C. Moffat, Philadelphia, 1885, and History of 
the Presbyterian Church in the Dominion of Canada ^ by W. Gregg, To- 
ronto, 1885. 






Professor of Systematic Theology, in Chicago Theological 




No marked publications in the department of Systematic 
Theology have fallen under our observation during the past 
year. Two works of no little interest, however, are 
awaiting perusal, viz., Dorner's Ethics and Strong's Sys- 
tematic Theology. We have no space for them at present, 
but they will be noticed hereafter. We must confine our 
attention the present year to a few unpretending works, 
some of which, however, treat of topics of the first impor- 
tance. We will begin our survey with a glance at works 
treating of the new departure in theology. 

I. Alleged Improvements in Theology. 

I. New Theology,'^ 

The work of Rev. J. B. Heard under this title is worthy 
of notice because of the subject of which he treats, rather 
than for the value of the material which he presents. There 
is indeed no lack of ability in the author, no lack of learn- 
ing, but a w^nt of method, a failure to present his views 
clearly, naturally and comprehensively. He calls his 
work " A Constructive Critique,*' but he should either 
have given a definite system to criticise, or have made his 
own teachings a system. Still, as this is a careful exhibi- 
tion of the new, the coming, the needed theology, we are 
grateful for the service the author has rendered. Any 
reader will see the similarity of the new theology as here 

^ Old and New Theology, By Rev. J. B. Heard, A. M., Edinburgh, T. & T. 
Clark, 1885. 



delineated and that bearing the same name in this coun- 
try. Still the advocates of the latter are not in any way 
to be held responsible for the views contained in the book 
before us. It is instructive, however, to notice what an 
able, candid and learned theologian supposes to be 
involved in a rounded system embracing the new doctrines 
recognized alike in this country and abroad. We shall 
not follow the order of argumentation adopted by the 
author, but present an outline of his views in an order 
which will render them, as we think, most readily appre- 

The author discards the doctrine of dualism in philoso- 
phy, the doctrine that the objects of our knowledge fall 
into two great departments mutually exclusive of each 
other, viz.. Matter and Spirit, and holds to the system of 
monism. The universe is, he assumes, at every point a 
manifestation of a force which is the essence of the whole. 
" We have gone back in one sense to the old Platonic con- 
ception of the universe as a great living thing. What in 
Spinoza was an evil dream of science yet unborn, is now a 
sober reality. Instead of conceiving of God as a Being 
above and outside the universe, the transcendent Deity of 
the past, men now think of Him as the immanent and liv- 
ing center of Force, the battery, so to speak with rever- 
ence, whence proceed all the forces of the universe. "^ 
" Matter is simply the form in which some formative prin- 
ciple, which is force in its primary conception and God in 
its ultimate, clothes itself. "^ 

Such a scheme does away with any distinction, other 
than verbal, between the natural and the supernatural, 

~^P. 57. 
•P. 60 


between the spiritual and the material, and makes soul 
and body one — the body the clothing which the soul 
forms for itself. As God covers Himself with Hght as with 
a garment, so the soul clothes itself for this life with a 
natural body — flesh — and will clothe itself hereafter with 
a spiritual body — the body of the resurrection. This 
philosophy has also its own method of explaining miracles. 
They are exhibitions of force latent in nature, but not yet 
understood. They are anticipations of developments yet 
to be realized — manifestations of laws of which the coming 
ages will avail themselves. No intelligent man, it is said, 
now speaks of miracles as violations of the laws of nature, 
though we see not yet all things put under man. Christ 
was able to work miracles because he kept himself in inti- 
mate sympathy with the will of the Father, the Force 
that is immanent in the world. ** What is to-day a miracle 
may be to-morrow a market produce."^ 

This monistic philosophy has a simple way of disposing 
of some difficult problems. It makes creation and redemp- 
tion manifestations of one Force in one line of operation, 
redemption being, in fact, only a part of creation. The 
distinction between natural theology and revealed theology 
is to be rejected; the distinction between nature and grace 
is wholly artificial; salvation is simply one of the results 
appearing in the evolution of the primal force. The offices 
of the different persons of the Trinity are simply modes of 
the manifestation which force makes of itself. " Thus 
creation and redemption are in reality only stages of one 
great process, which is the successive manifestation of 
God as Light, Life, Love, or, as we say in the language of 

^P. 79. 


Scripture, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 
Theism which is not triune, is thus no theism at all."^ 

The author considers that correct views of the father- 
hood of God are indispensable to the new theology. 
Heretofore it has been held that Christ only is the real son 
of God, and that men become sons only by adoption. 
But it is to be maintained that all men are by nature sons 
of God; sonship is their inalienable birthright, theirs 
because of their descent from Adam. They become con- 
scious of this relation to God through the second Adam, 
perhaps, would be able to recognize it in no other way 
than through union with Him; but it is a fact inherent 
in humanity itself, based on a dormant faculty, the waking 
of which is regeneration. Waking the consciousness of 
sonship in the human race is the sufficient reason for the 
incarnation of Christ."* To this assertion the author 
appends another, that our belief of the incarnation rests on 
that ground. He probably had misgivings in ascribing 
the incarnation to a final cause, since evolution dominates 
the universe; still with him divine fatherhood and human 
sonship are the center of a true scheme of theology. In 
the development of this truth he has, as he evidently 
believes, done his chief service to this science. " We must 
look out for some element in man's nature in which soul, 
or our intellectual self, is sublimated into spirit, and which 
is as much above self-consciousness as sense is below it. 
In this upper air of God-consciousness there is born in us 
instinctively the sense that we, too, are his offspring."^ 
This faculty is the spirit — nvev/ux in Greek — as distin- 

ip. 8i. 
«p. 8. 

9P. 86. 


guished from soul and body. This missing link in the 
elements of our being, for which the author says he began 
to search more than twenty years ago, he has treated of in 
his work. The Tripartite Nature of Man^ which reached 
its fifth edition in 1882. When this faculty is roused to 
activity, man becomes a new creature, feels himself akin 
to God, and lives the life of religion. 

How an author can make such a distinction between 
soul and spirit, when he makes none between soul and 
body, and how he bases sonship to God on this faculty, 
when it is no more than matter and mind an emanation 
from God, he has not explained, but he evidently has 
strong convictions on this point. 

The effect of the divine fatherhood upon God's dealings 
with men is to be considered not less than this natural rela- 
tionship. The Father is the Educator of His children. The 
supposition of a governmental relation between God and 
His children is to be discarded. The idea that there are 
covenant relations subsisting between God and man, so 
that God must do this or that, in order to fulfill an obliga- 
tion, is out of date. That men are to secure a promised 
good by keeping an implied contract is merely transferring 
a false human theory to our relations to God. That God 
must take measures to save His character as a Ruler, if 
He ever departs from the letter of the law, is a childish 
supposition. The author speaks of Israel as a covenant 
people — a sentiment hardly in accord with his general 
views, it seems to us — but a covenant theology he treats 
as quite too antiquated to deserve respectful notice. 
His view of the divine freedom in the treatment of men 
seems to be that sometimes called the Middle- Age view: 
God can do as He pleases. He has put Himself under no 


restraints, no one can put Him under restraints, and He 
is at full liberty to exercise all fatherly kindness, to gratify 
His own longing desires, to punish or pardon, to caress or 
repel, as best suits His feelings. 

The author's view of sin separates him widely from 
orthodox Christians. He does not accept the idea that 
the atonement delivers man from sin as a whole, therefore 
does not accept the Protestant doctrine of justification. 
Sin is a disease which is to be cured — cured, in part, at 
least, by punishment. " Any doctrine of future punish- 
ment, which is to commend itself to a humanitarian age 
like ours, must have these two characteristics: It must be 
retributive and remedial; also, the one must pass into the 
other. "1 Sin is like a parasite on a vine, which kills the 
plant unless it is destroyed. To extirpate this disease is 
the problem of grace. 2 The author does not admit the 
total depravity of men, yet thinks there is a certain pro- 
priety in the doctrine that Adam fell, and, apparently, 
still more, that men are born in sin — the disease of sin is 
inherent. Why the disease is not more easily and quickly 
cured he admits to be unaccountable, but believes that the 
remedy will be, in the end, substantially effective, that it 
will accomplish much of its appointed work in the future 
life. He has no doubt that evil is one of the resorts of 
the Deity in the development of the universe, and that it 
will be, in some way, finally eradicated. " As all evil is 
only the instrument for the production of higher good, 
man and his fall become the platform for a higher mani- 
festation still, which we call redemption." ^ " What we 
cannot surrender is the very opposite truth [i, e,, the 

1 P. i8. « p. 258. 8 P. 8i. 


opposite of immortality], that evil is something instantly 
self-destructive, and carrying with it the principle of its 
own dissolution. If men could see this truth, half of their 
difficulties as to the duration and extent of future punish- 
ments would melt away."^ It is somewhat difficult to 
reconcile this moderate view of sin, as a disease to which 
we are subject by birth, with other statements which the 
author makes. He considers that we are shut up to one of 
the following explanations of the existence of evil: Either 
we sinned in a former state, and are sent here for punish- 
ment; or" we start faix at birth, and life is a preparation for 
a higher state of being. As for the troubles that we meet 
with and overcome in life, they are chastisements sent by 
our Heavenly Father to discipline us, and to purge our 
spirits from the dross of fleshly- mindedness."^ It is clear, 
whatever may be his prevailing sentiment, that he does 
not attach much of guilt to sin. 

The author says we must look at the atonement in the 
light of the incarnation, not the incarnation in the light of 
the atonement. This must mean that the incarnation, the 
appearance of the second Adam, wakens into activity the 
spirit, the pneumUy which is also the God-consciousness, 
and in this way leads to reconciliation with God. But on 
this point he is by no means as explicit as he should be. 
The author gives the most important place, practically, in 
his system of doctrine to education — /. ^., the education 
to which we are subjected under the watchful care of the 
Father. He thinks, if Adam fell, as in a certain sense he 
did, that the Father then entered upon a severer course of 
discipline with him, but kept on in the career already 
begun, and that he accomplished his education by more 

» P. 357. » P. 222. 


efficient means than those intended for one who had not 
sinned. Adam was driven from Paradise, but that was 
for his good; if he had eaten of the tree of life, his 
diseased state might have been made immortal. His 
trials are more severe than they would have been if he had 
remained innocent, but lead finally to a higher position 
than he could have attained without sin. He finds the key- 
note to the philosophy of history in Lessing's expression: 
" Education is revelation"; and seems to find here the 
key-note of the philosophy of redemption as well. He 
says that he would be willing to leave the subject of the 
future state untouched, if the theologians had left it so, 
but since they have made such bad work with it, the new 
theology must speak. He therefore teaches that educa- 
tion probation, must extend into the future life, and he 
quotes approvingly Lessing's question: " If we have lost 
our opportunities in time, is there not eternity lying before 

There are several other points touched upon in the 
work before us, but too slightly to make it worth while to 
notice them, yet the author could not do the world a 
greater favor than by a convincing treatise upon them. 
If he would, after his severe criticism of individualism, 
show how men are saved collectively, he would do a sub- 
stantial service to theology. 

Why he should call his scheme a new theology we do 
not understand. The combination of parts may be new, 
but each item may be found in well-known writers, such 
as Dorner, and Bushnell, and Theodore Parker. The 
advocates of the new theology in this country — a scheme 

1 Pp. 219-225. 


in some points certainly the same as that here presented — 
consider their theology in reality old rather than new. 

2. Progressive Orthodoxy, 

At the time of writing our article for Current Discussions 
last year, the editors of The Andover Review\^2A^^3^iX\^^^ 
four articles on progressive orthodoxy, which were briefly 
noticed. Since that time the number has been increased 
to eight, and the entire series has been republished in a 
volume. We will notice only the later numbers, and as 
they appear in the periodical. The subjects of the last 
four articles are: The Work of the Holy Spirit; The 
Christian; The Scriptures, and Christianity Absolute and 
Universal. The article on the Holy Spirit is quite as im- 
portant as any in the series, and taken with that on the 
Atonement, shows clearly the theological position of 
the authors. They adopt distinctly what is known as the 
Moral-Influence Theory of the Atonement. They teach 
that " the Holy Spirit in His work represents the place of 
motive in Christianity," and that the material which He 
presents as motive is furnished by the life, death and resur- 
rection of Christ. The work of the Spirit is dependent on 
that of Christ, a knowledge of the work of Christ is neces- 
sary to the natural work of the Holy Spirit. ^ When the 
work of Christ is seen as the Holy Spirit presents it, sin 
is understood, its heinousness apprehended, and penitence 
becomes possible. " The Holy Spirit alone can reveal 
that righteousness through which sin becomes shameful, 
and that love through which the sinner becomes penitent."^ 
As we noticed in the essay of last year, repentance is 
recuperation and revolution; it is regeneration, wrought 

1 V. pp. 259-60. » V. p. 261. 


ethically by communion with Christ, not by the almighty 
power of the Holy Ghost. 

The effect of the atonement is then made to depend upon 
a knowledge of it, and its work is wrought through the 
intellect of the one who receives the benefit of it. Any 
other scheme of redemption is ridiculed as salvation by 
magic. The author of the article on the Holy Spirit quotes 
from his own article on the atonement. " This (that all 
generations are dealt with through Christ) is admitted in prin- 
ciple, but denied in fact, by those who assume that salva- 
tion is possible only through Christ, but believe that the 
power of the gospel is felt by those, and may be availing 
for those who know nothing about it. This reduces God's 
dealings with men to magic, and makes the cross super- 
fluous, "i 

This is clearly discarding any governmental effect from 
the atonement, is denying to it any address to God in 
itself, denying that it opens to God new methods of dealing 
with men, except as it gives Him new means for work- 
ing on their intellects, and through their intellects upon 
their feelings. 

This Andover theology seems to us essentially Pelagian, 
though there are many expressions in these essays which, 
taken by themselves, point to a different scheme. These 
authors make the final power which decides as to personal 
salvation the mind of the sinner. It is a mind in rebellion 
against God that accepts the truth under the demonstra- 
tion of the Spirit, and a sinner's choice brings the person 
into the kingdom of God. In this scheme salvation is 
made to depend on righteousness, not on grace. One 
editor says: " It is intelligible that those who do not know 


Christ during the earthly life may yet live so righteously 
that they will have a place in the kingdom of the redeemed 
at last."^ He makes the remark as a concession, but is 
it intelligible, if the principles of Christianity are admitted? 
We have supposed all were saved, who are saved at all, 
as pardoned sinners. He continually implies that salvation 
depends on character, not on relation to God, seems to 
have no thought of a present condemnation of sinners as 
such, but makes the judgment of God depend on the 
crystallization of character into righteousness or wicked- 
ness. This scheme makes the origin of righteousness in 
man the counterpart of the Pelagian view of the origin of 
sin. The latter makes sin the result of following a bad 
example, the former makes regeneration likeness to Christ. 
The Holy Spirit so presents righteousness that sin by the 
contrast is seen to be shameful, and the mind now enlight- 
ened follo^ys the better example and becomes Christ-like. 
The scheme furnishes no adequate view of the new birth. 

This scheme seems to us much weakened by its vague- 
ness and inconsistencies. It teaches universal sinfulness, 
yet sinfulness of such a sort that one cannot tell how God 
judges it; it holds to a sacrificial view of the atonement, 
yet teaches that the sacrifice which is the chief indictment 
against sin is made by righteousness in expressing itself; * 
it reiterates the necessity of a knowledge of Christ in order 
to salvation, but finally assents that the knowledge may 
be only that of the redeeming love of God. " Neither 
have we at any point so narrowly interpreted Christianity 
as to limit knowledge of Christ to acquaintance with the 
facts of the earthly life of Jesus of Nazareth. "^ While the 

~^ni. p. 573. 
«v. 262. 
5VIII., p. 575. 


scheme teaches the actual sinfulness of men, it does not 
seem to imply the immediate duty of ceasing from sin, for 
it admits that with some " protracted processes of educa- 
tion and discipline may be necessary to make them ripe 
for decision. " Indeed the ground of condemnation seems 
to be incompetency to salvation, not sin. 

The Andover editors make much of the position that all 
men are to be judged by this test: their acceptance or rejec- 
tion of Christ. They infer that they must, therefore, have 
a knowledge of Christ. The inference would be good if 
their views of the premise were granted, but to demand 
that it be granted is simply to beg the question. They, 
however, attempt to prove the premise, from the fact that 
Christ is the Judge. But this is a non-sequitur. Christ 
is not limited as to his principles of judgment by the fact 
that He is the Redeemer. The Andover scheme lacks 
much in a thorough carrying out of its principles to their 
logical consequences. When this is done, we believe both 
its advocates and opponents will have better grounds for 
judgment concerning it. 

3. Regressive Orthodoxy. 

The Continuity of Christian Thought. ^ — Allen. This 
work, originally prepared as the Bohlen Lectures, and 
published in 1884, has just appeared in its third edition, 
and may be noticed as indicative of one of the present cur- 
rents of thought. It bears a strong likeness to the Old 
and New Theology by Heard, and to Progressive Ortho- 
doxy, This similarity is significant when taken with the 

^ 1\i^ Continuity of Christian TkaughV Astudyof modem theology in the 
light of history. By Alexander V. G. Allen, Professor in the Episcopal Theo- 
logical School in Cambridge. Third Edition. Boston: Houghton, Idifflm and 
Company, 1886. 


fact that, in aim and spirit, it differs from both. The pur- 
pose of the author seems to be to show that the thought 
or idea distinctive of Christianity pervades its entire history. 
He seems to imply that this idea has developed itself 
throughout the progress of the Church, yet that can hardly 
be called development, which is a fullest manifestion at first, 
afterward a suppression, and later on a feeble re-appear- 
ance. The author thinks Christianity appeared in the 
fullest and most perfect form yet accorded to it in Alex- 
andria, as presented by Clement about A.D. 200. Under 
the immediate successors of Clement the main idea of 
Christianity became somewhat clouded, was very much 
suppressed in after centuries, and is just now resuming its 
due prominence. It would be in accordance with modem 
nomenclature to entitle the book Regressive Orthodoxy, 
The author pictures to himself the progress of theology as 
a straight line, but it would be more expressive to consider 
it a movement in a circle, — a movement around a column, 
through a shadow, back into the light. In the second 
century after Christ, as Professor Allen represents, the Plat- 
onic idea was returning; God was considered as afar off; men 
were becoming gloomy in their feeling; the sense of sin was 
oppressive; judgment seemed impending, when Clement 
commended Christianity as a remedy for the evils of the 
times. " He (Clement) is mainly concerned in enforcing 
the immanence of God. Christ is everywhere presented by 
him as Deity indwelling in the world. The world is 
viewed as part of an organic whole, moving on to some 
exalted destiny in the harmony of the divine order. 
Humanity has its life and being in Christ, to whom also it 
is constitutionally related; the whole human race, not any 
elect portion only, is included under the operation of grace 


as well as of law; all human history is unified and conse- 
crated by the visible traces of divine revelation. * * * 
He attempts no formal explanation of how Deity in his 
immanence is to be reconciled with the transcendent and 
unknown essence of God. But there is no qualification, in 
his belief, that Christ is in the fullest sense God indwelling 
in the world and in humanity. ♦ * * 

Nor does Clement formally endeavor to demonstrate the 
connection between the historic personality of Jesus, and 
the Deity whom he held to have been incarnate in Him. 
This is the assumption which underlies his thought, that 
which he takes for granted, because, in his own exuberant 
faith he feels no need of labored demonstration." After 
saying that Clement relied on the *' life of the Church " as 
proof of the above views, he proceeds: " Since Christ is 
the indwelling God, His incarnation is not a thing new or 
strange, an abrupt break in the continuity of man's moral 
history ; ♦ • • it was not merely an historical inci- 
dent by which He came into the world from a distance, 
and, having done His work, retired again from it. He was 
in the world before He came in the flesh, and was prepar- 
ing the world for His visible advent. As indwelling Deity, 
He was to a certain extent already universally incarnated, 
as the light that lighteth every man, the light shining in 
the darkness, the light and life of men in every age. i * ♦ 

The substance of Clement's view of Christianity as a 
force operative in the world, according to our author's 
representations, is given in the above quotations. His 
theology is in accord with it. He did not hold to any 
fall of man by which union with God was severed. The 

^Pp. 45-47. 


freedom of the will remained, man's kinship with Go 
remained, the capacity to apprehend divine truths and 
accept them as motives of conduct remained. Still men 
were sinners ; they did not understand what was right and 
wise, and were unwilling to follow the Divine commands. 
Two obstacles to a godly life were to be removed — ignor- 
ance and unwillingness to obey God. The problem before 
the mind of the Alexandrian teacher was, How are the 
obstacles to be set aside? His solution was, it must be 
* done by education and discipline. Our life is an educa- 
tion. God IS our teacher. The indwelling God enlight- 
ens the mind, gives intuitions of truth, enforces convictions 
of the right. If men believe that which is false, they may 
still be seeking for the truth, and God with unwearied 
patience continues to show them the true way. If they 
are sluggish and rest in error, or self-conceited and cherish 
falsehood, God disciplines them by experiences which fur- 
nish abundant motives for a better life. Fear has a large 
place in the divine government of men, and seems to rouse 
them from lethargy and waken them to thought. But 
beyond this God resorts to judgments, by which he chas- 
tises, punishes those who are out of the way. By such 
processes salvation is effected. Salvation is not a deliv- 
erance of the man from himself, or from the power of 
nature, but a development of the true humanity by union 
with the indwelling Deity, or more exactly a theizing of 
humanity by the immanence of Deity. 

Our author represents that in the theology of Clement 
the doctrine of expiation for sin finds no place. Redemp- 
tion does not depend on sacrifice, but on assimilation of 
man to God. There is no need of propitiating God, for 
He is already extending to man the means of coming into 


full communion with himself. There is no need of adopt- 
ing any measures for restoring communication between 
man and God, for it has never been broken; the only need 
is that the indestructible relationship of humanity with 
Deity be more fully disclosed. 

The sacraments are symbols of what is going on with 
men in their natural state; inspiration is an enlightenment 
of the mind, enjoyed by Hebrew prophets and Greek 
philosophers alike. Greek philosophy was a preparation 
for Christianity as truly as the Hebrew theocracy, the 
warrant for truth is to be found in the human conscious- 
ness. Faith is spiritual insight by which religious truths 
are discerned, as the bodily eye discerns external objects. 

This is the theology, as our author thinks, to which we 
are now returning. It underwent an eclipse, never quite 
total, of about fourteen hundred years. It was displaced 
by the Augustinian theology, which may be said to have 
prevailed from about A.D. 400, was not restored by 
Protestantism, and did not reappear so as to be effective 
in molding religious institutions till Schleiermacher, whose 
work may be conveniently associated with the year 1800. 
Prof. Allen says: " In Schleiermacher we have also, for 
the first time since the days of Greek theology, a repre- 
sentative theologian of the highest intellectual capacity, 
who had drunk deeply at the springs of Greek philosophy 
and culture. * ♦ * " 

In this revived theology, the natural and supernatural 
are returned to their proper relation, and both together fall 
under the divine eternal law. The true test of truth, that 
by which the Bible must be tried, is also set forth; it is the 
human consciousness. Yet it is not the consciousness of 
the individual, but the consciousness of humanity as 


developed by the immanent Deity. " And this conscious- 
ness in man, it is necessary to repeat it, to which is referred 
the divine revelation as the only authority capable of 
attesting its truth and preserving it inviolate, is bound in 
eternal ties to an infinite spirit, whose work is to educate 
it to its task. It is a consciousness, in which lie imbedded 
the germs of a vast process. It is not an isolated or indi- 
vidual thing. It exists necessarily in relationships ; on the 
one hand, with God, who is its author ; ^nd on the other, 
with humanity. It involves in its highest, completest 
action the idea of humanity as a corporate whole. "^ It is 
worth while to remark here, parenthetically, that attempts 
to explain inspiration philosophically generally tax our 
faith, and call in marked interpositions of Providence 
more than the ordinary doctrine. 

From the adoption of this test of truth rose, so our 
author maintains, the modern principles of biblical criti- 

Thus Schleiermacher and Clement join hands across a 
chasm of fourteen centuries. It is, however, the ostensible 
aim of this book to show that there is no real chasm, that 
the true doctrine of the redeeming immanence of God has 
endured through these ages, and is the real source of the 
new movement. But in this we do not think the author 
has been very successful. His generalizations are some- 
times very sweeping; details are quite disregarded. He 
does not interpret history as he yvould have us interpret 
the Bible, but interprets " according to the analogy of 
faith," i. e,, he studies it in the light of a theory. 

Notwithstanding any defects, this work is one of much 

1 P. 392- 


merit. It is clear, bold, earnest. It affirms distinctly 
what some authors seem to us half to affirm and half to 
conceal. It deserves study on this account, and is of 
interest also because of its forcible presentation of the 
main current of the doctrinal history of the church. 

We have noticed only the beginning and the close of 
this treatise. But the intermediate portion does not really 
fall within the range of topics appropriate to Current Dis- 
cussions, The thoughts of the present time gather round 
the themes which have already been noticed. It will not 
be out of place, however, to notice, in passing, the • parts 
of our accepted theology which would be set aside, which 
would cease from troubling us, if we were to accept this 
new theology. 

We should have no occasion for the doctrine of inspira- 
tion, or of miracles, or of the sufficiency of the Scriptures 
as a rule of conduct. The fall, the apostasy, original sin, 
total depravity, inability to good, dependence on grace 
would be dismissed as inconsistent with Christianity, given 
over to those who were willing to accept the logical con- 
sequences of their pessimism, and go on into Buddhism. 
Atonement, election, grace would be looked upon as the 
fever-dreams of a conscience having no knowledge of the* 
nature of redemption. The resurrection and the judgment 
of the last day would be looked upon as figures of speech 
petrified, and everlasting punishment would be seen to be ' 
the imaginings of despair. All this Latin theology, 
Augustinian and Calvinistic, carrying in itself the germs 
of gnosticism, deism, Buddhism, being at bottom the 
essence of skepticism, would yanish before the returning 
light of the old theological school of Alexandria. 


II. Theism. 

Special attention was given to theism in Current Dis- 
cussions for 1884, and we desire to give it but brief space 
the present year. The topic, however, is too important 
to be passed unheeded whenever interesting and suggest- 
ive treatises bring it to our notice. Especially works in 
which it is connected with the engrossing theme of evolu- 
tion are entitled to our regard. In Theism and Evolution^ ^ 
Dr. Van Dyke attempts to show that evolution is consist- 
ent with theism, and may be even made to furnish an 
argument in its favor. He says: " Is it not possible that he 
[the theist] will find evolution an efficient instrumentality 
in strengthening the foundations of revealed religion? We 
confidently believe he may. This, Henry Drummond, in his 
Natural Laws in the Spiritual Worlds has made apparent." 
He, however, allows to evolution a more limited range 
than is claimed for it by many of its advocates. The 
author attempts in the first part of his volume, the first 
ten chapters, to show that evolution, if admitted to be 
true, must accept the doctrine of theism, because (i) it 
does not wholly account for the things for which it accounts 
in part, (2) it does not at all account for some facts which 
science must admit, (3) it needs to be accounted for 

He says: " The issue still is, as it always has been, 
whether organic nature is the result of design or of chance," 
and adds, " Unless an evolutionist affirms that the causes 
to which he refers changes are self-sufficient, he is not 
open to the charge of atheism. "^ He admits that changes 

* Theism and Evolution: An Examination of Modern Speculative Theories^ 
as related to Theistic Conceptions of the Universe. By Joseph S. Van 
Dyke, D. D. New York: A. C. Armstrong & Son, 1886. 

«P. 41. 


take place within the species, and does not deny that new 
species may be formed by development, but still maintains 
that evolution does not account for the human species. 
It does not even account for the human body. Natural 
selection cannot be shown to have secured anything more 
than slight improvements in physical structure, and those 
such as had already occurred and were the ground of the 
selection, but were not the product of selection. The 
survival of the fittest in the struggle for existence does 
not at all account for the transformation of one species 
into another. Struggles through hardship and suffering, 
in which vast numbers of individuals were destroyed, 
would tend to the deterioration of those that survived 
rather than their improvement. Improvements in species 
may be due to reversion, may be a recovery of that which 
was lost under unfavorable circumstances, instead of being 
referable to inherent, undeveloped power. Nor can long 
periods of time be made, with any assurance, a factor in 
the improvements of species. If, within the historical era, 
there has been no real movement of species, indicating a 
probability of passing beyond their barriers, a multiplica- 
tion of such eras would not make the passage probable. 
Moreover, the indications are that the period of life on 
earth has not been at all adequate to produce the changes 
which have occurred. The length of time required for 
the successive developments demanded by thorough-going 
evolution is beyond computation; not so the era of life. 
Again, progress toward a higher form within the species 
would at first often be a source of weakness rather than 
strength. In the words of the author: " Even the highest 
intelligence conceivable seems inadequate to account for 
changes which, during their progress, and until the trans- 


formation was nearly or quite complete, must have been 
positively detrimental. During the entire period that the 
fore-feet of the gorilla were developing into hands, he 
must have been less perfectly fitted to his previous mode 
of life, and as yet but ill adapted to even the lowest savage- 
life. In like manner, it is nearly impossible to conceive 
that he should have possessed intelligence sufficient to 
perceive the advantages ultimately to arrive from assuming 
a more erect position; and unless he foresaw these advan- 
tages, and in fact deliberately decided on present self- 
denial for the sake of advantages to his posterity, we are 
forced to adopt some other explanation quite as unreason- 
able, chance, or an innate power unconsciously evincing 
superior intelligence. ^ 

The author considers it impossible to hold that the 
human mind is a development of the brute mind. And if 
we concede that the intellect is immediately from the hand 
of God, the physical organism must be also, for they cor- 
respond to each other. Still more obvious is it, in his 
opinion, that we cannot account for our moral qualities by 
evolution. There is no process by which the advantageous 
can be transformed into honor, gratitude, reverence, into 
a proper regard for sanctity, chastity, truthfulness. " To 
see beauty in goodness and charity and forgjiveness and 
love; to admire them even when they are not permitted to 
mold the life; to condemn wrong-doing, even when prac- 
ticing it — these are strong proofs that conscience is an 
essential element of human nature, the direct workmanship 
of ^ a hand divine.' "2 

It is, however, according to our author, the religious 

«P. 98. 


nature which furnishes tne chief objection to the evolu- 
tionary doctrine of man's origin. He believes that the 
general belief in witchcraft and in spiritual agencies, found 
among the lowest savages, is a relic of a primitive 
religion, and quotes Max Miiller as authority for the posi- 
tion that every religion is exposed to inevitable decay. He 
denies, therefore, that religion is gradually acquired, as 
men emerge from the savage state — a position maintained 
by Huxley, Spencer and others. If gross and wretched 
beliefs are fragments of a system of doctrine passing from 
the better to the worse, not from the worse to the better, 
then religion must at first have been a divine bestowment. 
The author charges the evolutionists who controvert this 
view with abandoning their own professed method of argu- 
ing from induction, and with adopting the a priori 
argumentation to sustain their cause. 

The author sustains quite effectively, it seems to us, 
the position that evolution itself needs to be accounted 
for. The following will indicate his method of treating the 
subject: " And yet, strange to say, it is frankly conceded 
that spontaneous generation does not now occur — cannot 
now occur — and has occurred but once. Are we to under- 
stand, then, that spontaneous generation is causeless gen- 
eration? If it is not causeless, why has it occurred but 
once? The cause which produced it that once still lives, 
for no force has been annihilated. To say that it was 
causeless would be unscientific. ♦ ♦ * if spontaneous 
generation is inconceivable even on the theory that life 
is merely a particular molecular arrangement, it is of course 
no less inconceivable on any higher theory of life. If life 
is a directing agency capable of organizing matter into a 
living structure, then how came * the ill-defined compound 


known as proteine to possess this directing agency? * "^ 

The author seems not to be satisfied with the present 
state of the teleogical argument in natural theology, and 
intimates that there is a larger teleology, which embraces 
evolution and may be made much more effective in the 
establishment of theism. We do not think he has here 
presented his thoughts with the clearness which the sub- 
ject demands, nor does he appear to apprehend exactly 
the use made of the old teleology by those who have con- 
fidence in it. 

In the second part of his work — eight chapters, begin- 
ning with the eleventh — Dr. Van Dyke treats of matter, 
or rather of the origin of matter. His conclusions under 
this head do not seem so carefully supported as those in 
the former portion of the book, but they indicate a cur- 
rent of thought — a current which, we believe, has not yet 
run its course — and we therefore briefly state his opinions. 
To the question, " What is matter? " he replies: " This 
question has received no satisfactory answer, and probably 
never will. Apparently, no adequate answer is possible. "* 
He accepts, however, the old idea of essence and proper- 
ties, and concerning its origin, says: " Matter, even if it 
could be proved to be self-existent and eternal, would not 
answer the necessities of the case. The human intellect 
refuses to rest in any first principle which is not absolutely 
first, in any reality which is not an Unconditioned Reality, 
in any unity which is not the Ultimate Unity. It affirms 
that the cause of causes must be the personal will of a 
self-existent, eternal Being. • • • Will, not matter, 
not force, not thought, is the Final [First] Cause of all 

ip. 168. 
•P. a8s. 


things. "^ In saying that force is not the cause of material 
existences, he refers to force apart from God, who is Him- 
self force. After urging that force is spiritual and imma- 
terial, he says: *' We act reasonably in concluding that 
science does not pronounce against the theory that the 
universe continues to exist because an Omnipotent Per- 
sonal Will so decrees; indeed, we are safe in affirming 
that such a theory is regarded with favor by advanced 
science. The Divine Will is the infinite energy which 
produces all effects, each of which, as it streams forth from 
the fountain of all power, becomes a cause producing 
effects, • • • secondary causes and secondary effects 
being, in fact, convertible terms. "^ How that energy of 
Deity which we call life differs from other second causes, 
the author does not tell us, but says: " It is reasonable to 
assert that there is such an entity as * vital force,' distinct 
alike from matter and from the ordinary forces of nature,"^ 
a point which he argues carefully, with a good deal of 
accumulation of detail. 

In two chapters at the close the author argues that there 
is no conflict between Science and the Bible; both make 
the Divine Will the cause of all things, both teach devel- 
opment, both teach teleology, both affirm that there have 
been breaks (the author speaks of seven^) in the ordinarily 
continuous flow of events, both teach that the Cosmos had 
a beginning and will have an end. 

Dr. Abbot has given us in his Scientific Theism^ the 

^P. 219. 
«P. 276. 
spp. 324-330- 
*P. 241. 

^Scientific Theism^ by Francis Ellingwood Abbott, Ph. D. Boston: Little, 
Brown & Co. 1885. 


result of long-patient thinking. It is a thoroughly original 
work. Not that the thoughts are not elsewhere to be 
found, but they are set forth as he thinks them, and they 
represent him, not any one else. The work is not to be 
estimated by its size — about 230 pages — and should be 
read two or three times by any one who thinks a small 
book is of small account. The author is not a pedant, 
though he has read many books; not an advocate, though 
he is much in earnest in presenting his views, but thor- 
oughly a philosopher who writes for the truth's sake. He 
says: " The novelty of this book lies in its acceptance, on 
the warrant of modern science and the scientific method^ 
of the fact that we do know the objective relations of 
things, and in its attempt to develop the necessary philo- 
sophical implications and consequences of this fact, which 
phenomenistic modern philosophy steadily denies."^ He 
considers that modern philosophy has been fruitless, while 
science has been eminently successful, and that an impor-^ 
tant problem of the age is to make philosophy scientific 
and give to science its support. ^ The author's views will 
not receive the assent of the orthodox theologian, but they 
illustrate a strong tendency of modern thought, if they do 
not wholly coincide with it. 

The author's scheme of philosophy is really determined 
by the office which he assigns to man's intellect. He 
holds that it deals with relations, and that in three ways, 
viz.; perception, reproduction and construction. The 
perceiving intellect apprehends the relations of objects first 
brought before it by the sensibility. The sensibility appre- 
hends unrelated qualities, but this apprehension is not 
intellectual. There is no understanding in the case till the 

ip. X. P. 55. 


relations of the qualities appearing in the sensibility are 
perceived. Perception is dependent on sense, but the act 
of sense is not an act of understanding. This act of the 
intellect is intuitive or analytical, it approaches the thing 
examined directly, face to face, and sees what its relations 
are, for instance, sees the form of an object brought before 
the eye. The eye itself does not see the form, but the 
mind sees it. The second function of the intellect is 
reproduction or conception. If the perception were com- 
plete, this would be, we suppose, a mere act of memory. 
But let the author state his own idea: " The conceptive 
understanding unites perceived relations, after the pattern 
of the real systematic unity discovered in the thing by the 
perceptive understanding, into permanent thought-systems, 
which persist in the mind after the disappearance of the 
percepts. "1 The constructive intellect, which he describes 
also as creative, forms ideal systems of relations which are 
to be realized in the future. The creative use of the intel- 
lect is essentially teleological, i. e. it adapts means to ends. 
When the end is suggested by the feeling, it is happiness, 
either of self or of another, when it is suggested by the 
higher reason, the end is truth, beauty, goodness. ^ " Thus 
the perceptive understanding discovers objective systems 
of relations; the conceptive understanding re-creates or 
reproduces them; the creative understanding, in its pure 
activity, recombines them, and thereby /r^^/;/ creates new 
subjective systems of relations. The supreme construction 
of the creative understanding is Method^ which is also 
the highest perfection of teleology; for it is the adaptation 
of means to ends, not for a single act or judgment, but for 

iPage 138. 
«Page 143. 


the universal series of acts or judgments. Hence, method 
being the highest potency of intellect in actu, the essen- 
tially tieleological nature of all intellect is plainly apparent. "^ 
He sums up his discussion thus: " Intelligence is that whicfi 
either discovers or creates relational systems or constitu- 
tions,'^^ He clearly includes sense in the cognitive facul- 
ties, though inferior to the intellect, and seems to include 
in them the higher reason — " the supreme faculty of the 
Ideal** — but as a power above the intellect. 

The object of the understanding, the thing understood, 
should also be noticed. This is relations; nothing else is 
intelligible. But the relation carries with it the things 
related. Though these two objects are distinguishable, 
they are not separable. Neither in fact nor in thought 
can they be divorced from each other. There is no form 
without a content; there is not content without a form. 
To perceive the beauty of a statue is to perceive the rela- 
tions subsisting between its parts, but there is no perceiv- 
ing of the beauty separate from its parts. Again, the 
parts are not perceived separately as wholes, but as parts 
which together constitute a whole. The perceiving or 
analyzing intellect never reaches everything; further search 
will always reveal new objects, but the method of under- 
standing is always the same; parts are known as related 
by their combination in a whole. " Scientific discovery 
has thus far stopped with the atom and \S\&persony as the 
practical limits of its analysis of the universe into single 
things; the universe itself is the all-thing (AUding); 
between these extremes is a countless multitude of inter- 
mediate composite things (molecules, masses, compounds, 
species, genera, families, societies, states, etc). The 

ipp. 145,' 147. 


systems of internal relations in all these various things 
vary immensely in complexity and comprehensiveness, 
• • • but in every case the immanent relational con- 
stitution of the thing constitutes the real unity, quiddity, 
noumenal essence, substantial form, formal cause, or 
objectively intelligible character,''^ 

This theory of knowledge the author calls noumenism in 
distinction from phenomenism. Phenomenism makes 
the object perceived a mere appearance, subjective, the 
mind's apprehension of a thing. He illustrates it by an 
extract from a story, Alice in Wonderland^ where a grin- 
ning cat, being simply a phenomenon, vanished slowly, 
beginning at the tail and ending with the grin, which 
remained some time after the rest was gone. On the other 
hand, the authorholds that the object known is a noumenon, 
a thing in itself, and that the phenomenon is simply the 
appearing of the noumenon. The two are inseparable, a 
phenomenon without a noumenon would be a contradiction 
in terms, and a noumenon which did not or could not 
appear wouldbe nonsense. The noumenon is the intel- 
ligible, not the unintelligible, as has been assumed since 
Kant's day. The consequence of separating the phenom- 
enon from thenoumepon has been the prevalence of 
idealism in modem philosophy and the skepticism which 
must flow from it. Science, by adhering to realism, has 
made wonderful advances, while philosophy has maundered 
hopelessly and aimlessly. " Hence it is hardly presump- 
tuous to believe that scientific men themselves, whether 
prepared to go with me further or not, will at least go 
with me thus far without the slightest hesitation, admit 
thiit noumenism is the only just and philosophical interpre- 

1 p. 129. 


tation of the scientific method, and concede the truth of 
the principle that the universe per se^ as discovered by the 
use of that method, is infinitely intelligible. "^ This doc- 
trine of noumenism or realism is the basis of the author's 
system. That things are intelligible, possess an immanent 
relational constitution, appear as they are, and are preceived 
as they appear, is a fundamental principle, and is to be 
accepted as truth. What else do we know or can we know 
than that which appears. And that which appears must be 
a reality. The question to be decided is whether it appears 
or not; that is to be decided by experience. " What dis- 
tinguishes appearance from apparition or delusion is 
congruity with the entirety of experience; there is no 
positive test of knowledge or criterion of truth save 
universal human experience, which constitutes the final 
appeal of science itself. "^ If^ however, it appears, we 
must fix upon it as the known, not simply upon appear, 
" Hence the doctrine of the * Unknowable,' which has no 
foundation whatever, except the theory of phenomenism, 
is the concentrated essence of unreason, if made itself the 
foundation of a philosophy, and, if this philosophy founded 
on nothing is then made the foundation of a religion, it 
becomes thereby the concentrated essence of super- 
stition — the worship of the Non -Existent and the Non- 

The author holds that all that exists is intelligible, can 
only exist as such. He does not hold that finite mind can 
comprehend all things perfectly, but that whatever exists 
must have some relations, and these must be possible 
objects of intellectual apprehension. Even disordered 

ip. 127. 2P. 103. 
«P. 124. 


relations, decay, death, dissolution in the great whole of 
nature, are intelligible, though within a certain finite range 
of relations they may be discordant and unintelligible. 
" An actual universe can exist only on condition that it be 
cosmos, and not chaos; for an actual universe must be 
self- existent, and self-existent chaos would be nothing but 
self-existent universal disorder — that is, a self-existent 
system of non-system^ which is a jflat contradiction in 
terms. '*! 

The universe, being intelligible, infinite and perfect, 
must be an organism. An organism is that which lives 
and grows. Finite organisms appropriate that which is 
outside themselves, and so reproduce themselves; but the 
infinite organism " lives by eternally converting itself as 
force into itself as form^ and it dies not, because it has no 
need to convert the not-itself into itself — because its eter- 
nal self -conservation is its eternal self-creation. "^ 

This brings us to the theistic portion of the work before 
us. " The great principle of the infinite intelligibility of 
the universe is the corner-stone of scientific theism."^ It 
has already been noticed that intellect is that which either 
discovers or creates relational systems; but the universe is 
an intelligible self-existent relational system, and must 
have intellect corresponding to its intelligibility. If intel- 
ligible, its parts must be determined in relation to each 
other; and if self-existent, its relations must be self- 
determined, and if self-determined, then it must be self- 
conscious, and the system must be self-created. Infinite 
intelligibility is also infinite intelligence. This affords lis 
the idea of God. When we add that the universe is an 

1 P. 132. « p. 164. » P. 125. 

it- -"TM 


infinite organism, we see that God, the Supreme Intelli- 
gence, works teleologically, for an organism is for an end. 
The end which God secures is the end of being, in itself 
fulfilling (" full-filling ") of its own life. 

The author supposes that by an argument like this (the 
details have not been given), theism is set upon a founda- 
tion which cannot be shaken. He does not, indeed, 
express any interest in establishing theism merely as a doc- 
trine, but his interest is in the truth; and in such a view of 
the universe he believes the truth is to be found. The 
question whether his scheme is pantheistic, he thinks, 
depends on the meaning of terms. If the doctrine that 
God and the universe are one is pantheism, then he is a 
pantheist. He believes in one substance — monism — not 
in dualism, not in two diverse substances, matter and 
spirit, without common properties, yet related. He thinks 
God is continually objectifying Himself in nature. But if 
pantheism denies personality to God, and teaches the 
existence of a spirit blindly exerting its power, and first 
coming to consciousness in man, then he is no** a pan- 

He accepts the doctrine of evolution , considers it the 
great discovery of the age, and looks upon it as a confir- 
mation of his scheme of philosophy. He holds, however, 
that the mechanical view of evolution is wholly untenable, 
and that only the organic view, that which teaches a theo- 
logical scheme of the universe, developed intelligently and 
for a purpose, can be maintained. His remarks upon 
mechanical evolution, that is, a scheme of evolution that 
takes cognizance of efficient causes only, are well worthy 
of notice. He says : " If any further proof is wanted of 
the absolute necessity of the principle of teleology in 


science itself, it is forthcoming in the fact that no mechan- 
ical theory of evolution has yet appeared, as far as my 
knowledge goes, which does not deny itself, beg the ques- 
tion, and surrender the whole point at issue, by con- 
sciously or unconsciously, overtly or covertly, introducing 
of itself the teleological principle, the moment itapproaches 
the province of biology. I will only mention Herbert 
Spencer and Ernest Haeckel, the two ablest defenders of 
the mechanical philosophy. "^ He quotes Spencer as 
defining life to be adjustment, etc., while he rejects teleol- 
logy, and concludes: *' Thus Spencer has written down the 
absolute and irretrievable failure of his whole philosophy, 
as a mechanical theory of evolution, in that one word 
* adjustment.' "^ He says that Haeckel, though a " more 
sequent thinker," does the same thing. " Neither of them 
has the faintest conception of the new, monistic, strictly 
natural and purely organic teleology of scientific philoso- 
phy. Their systems, therefore, are out of date already ; 
they are not abreast of the age. "^ 

The author considers that evil is incident to a finite sys- 
tem, but that the system of nature is as perfect as possible, 
certain imperfections being unavoidable. 

He is somewhat cureful to show that his scheme of 
philosophy is not that of the Scotch school, the common- 
sense philosophy. It is very clear that the two are not 
identical taken in their length and breadth, but his expo- 
sition of the common-sense belief in the external world is 
not correct, as it seems to us; that doctrine is, that we 
believe in the external world, because we believe we know 

ip. 194. 
« P. 196. 

»P. 199. 


it — know it through perceptio^n. Hamilton founds all 
knowledge on belief, but does not Mr. Abbot also? Does 
not all knowledge rest upon confidence in, trust accorded 
to, the knowing faculty? More thoroughly than most 
philosophers, Mr. Abbot rests in belief. He accepts things 
as they appear — it makes no difference how long and 
careful the process of verification may be — and holds 
that in apprehending the appearance of things he knows 

The most obtrusive objection to the scheme of thought 
before us is the fact that it excludes morals. The doctrine 
concerning evil here presented makes the proper distinction 
between sin and virtue impossible. But that distinction 
is the last "which human philosophy will surrender. 

Our author's humor reminds us of Jonathan Edwards, 
but it is not as reposeful as that of the great Northampton 
divine. We have given this work more space tham we 
should, but that it presents a scheme of American philoso- 
phy as well as a scheme of theism. 

The Idea of God, ^ This little work is one of marked 
interest for its boldness, its clearness, and the ability which 
it manifests. The idea which is the basis and postulate of 
the treatise is this: " Paley's simile of the watch is no 
longer applicable to such a world as this. It must be 
replaced by the simile of the flower. The universe is not 
a machine, but an organism, with an indwelling principle 
of life. It was not made, but it has grown. That such a 
change in our conception of the universe marks the 
greatest • revolution that has ever taken place in human 
thinking need scarcely be said. • • • The all-pervading 

^ The Idea of God as Affected by Modern Kncwledge^ by John Fiske. Bos- 
ton and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., i886. 


harmony of nature is thus itself a natural product, and the 
last inch of ground is cut away from under the theolog^ians 
who suppose the universe to have come into existence 
through a supernatural process of manufacture at the hands 
of a creator outside of itself."^ The ordinary arguments 
for the proof of the being of God, the author considers 
fallacious. The argument from design, he says, in its 
palmiest days, manifested its weakness by proving too 
much. It made it impossible to suppose the Creator both 
omnipotent and benevolent, and thus led to Manicheism, 
or its theological equivalent, the doctrine of original sin. 
Besides, it is clear that design cannot prove the existence 
of an omnipotent creator, for omnipotence does^not adopt 
means to ends but accomplishes its purposes directly by a 
word. " God said. Let there be light ; and there was 
light. " But more positively still, the argument from design 
is baseless. " It was in the adaptations of the organic 
world, in the manifold harmonies between living creatures 
and surrounding circumstances that it has seemed to find 
its chief support ; and now came the Darwinian theory of 
natural selection, and in the twinkling of an eye knocked 
all this support from under it. "He maintains that creatures 
seem adapted to their surroundings, because only those 
adapted survive the struggle for life, and says: " The 
demonstration of this point, through the labors of a whole 
generation of naturalists, has been one of the most notable 
achievements of modern science, and to the theistic argu- 
ments of Paley and the Bridgewater treatises it has dealt 
destruction. "2 
The question rises at once, whether we are left without 

~^. 131. 
«Pp. 128-9. 


a God after the demolition of the favorite theistic argument. 
To answer this question the book before us was written. 
How is the idea of God affected by modern knowledge? 
The author holds that God is immanent in the universe, a 
power pervading every part, accomplishing all that is 
done. There are no secondary causes, all events flow 
. directly from the eternal first cause. There are no physical 
forces; matter to which they are attributed is simply a 
manifestation of the omnipresent creative power of God. ^ 

The process of mind by which the author arrives at this 
conclusion may be presented by a few brief quotations. 
" Now the whole tendency of modern science is to impress 
upon us even more forcibly the truth that the entire know- 
able universe is an immense unit, animated throughout all 
its parts by a single principle of life. This conclusion, 
which was long ago borne in upon the minds of prophetic 
thinkers, like Spinoza and Goethe, through their keen 
appreciation of the significance of the physical harmonies 
known to them (why not give some credit to Paley's keen 
appreciation?) has during the last fifty years received some- 
thing like a demonstration in detail. "^ "The farthest 
reach in science that has ever been made, was made when 
it was proved by Herbert Spencer that the law of universal 
evolution is a necessary consequence of the persistence of 
force. It has shown us that all the myriad phenomena of 
the universe, all its weird and subtle changes in all their 
minuteness from moment to moment, in all their vastness 
from age to age, are the manifestations of a single animat- 
ing principle that is both infinite and eternal."^ " It (the 

ipp. 103-153. 
«P. 145. 
ap. 15a 


law of evolution) means that the universe, as a whole, is 
thrilling in every fibre with Life — not, indeed, life in the 
usual restricted sense, but life in a general sense. The 
distinction, once deemed absolute, between the living and 
the not living is converted into a relative distinction; and 
Life, as manifested in the organism, isr seen to be only a 
specialized form of the Universal Life."^ 

This pervasive life of the universe is God. Professor 
Fiske asks what name shall be given it. Force is the term 
ordinarily used in physics, but it explains nothing and is 
an abstract term, while the animating principle of the uni- 
verse is a concrete reality. He prefers the term Power as 
a designation of that " which is always and everywhere 
manifested in phenomena. " This Power is not material, 
because it is the source of matter — the scene of certain 
states of consciousness — but is physical, akin to the 
human spirit, " the very same power which in ourselves 
wells up under the forms of consciousness. "^ Our author 
speaks of the divine nature as quasi-physical in one or two 
passages, because he desires to avoid making God anthro- 
pomorphic, and does not ascribe to Him personality as 
that term is understood in its application to men. He 
does, however, consider Him a Being working intelli- 
gently, working for a purpose, constructing a reasonable 
universe. He seems even to forget evolution, and 
argue from the constitution of the mind. " The teleolo- 
gical instinct in man cannot be suppressed or ignored. 
The human soul shrinks from the thought that it is without 
kith or kin in all this wide universe. Our reason demands 
that there shall be a reasonableness in the constitution of 

^P. 149. 
«P. 157. 


things. • • • Nothing can persuade us that the uni- 
verse is a farrago of nonsense. "^ He feels under obliga- 
tion to find a response to this demand of reason in the 
creation. Accordingly, he finds in nature a dramatic tend- 
ency which points to a consummation. " The glorious 
consummation toward which organic evolution is tending 
is the production of the highest and most perfect psychical 
life."^ This is realized, or is to be realized, in man, — 
aimed at in all animate existence, — and to be perfected in 
his further development, when the brute inheritance shall 
have been fully eliminated and natural selection set aside 
by intelligent choice. " When from the dawn of life we 
see all things working together toward the evolution of 
the highest spiritual attributes of man, we know, however, 
the words may stumble in which we may try to say it, that 
God is in the deepest sense a moral being. The everlast- 
ing source of phenomena is none other than the infinite 
Power that makes for righteousness. "^ 

Both the argumentation and the spirit of this work are 
cheering when compared with some mechanical schemes 
of evolution, for example, those which the author, in the 
preface, calls pantheistic. But his God clearly is not the 
God of the Bible, and is a .God who denies the needs of 
humanity rather than supplies them. Moreover, the trea- 
tise itself, without regard to the conclusion which it reaches, 
seems to us defective. The doctrine of natural selection 
is not universally admitted, but without it this work would 
be an airy vision. The author's objection to the super- 
natural, e. g,y to miracles, is of no validity to one who does 

~^p. 137-8. 

*P. i6o. 

*P. 167. 


not look at things from his standpoint. We think Paley 
could find quite as strong objections to his positions as he 
does to Paley's, and that if his positions can be sustained, 
Paley's can also. But we have not space to present these 
views in detail. 

III. Evidences of Christianity. 

We have no works of special interest to be noticed in 
this department of theology. Professor R. A. Lipsius has, 
however, written a long article, comprising a good part of 
three numbers of the Jahrbiicher fiir Protestantische Theo- 
logic for 1885, entitled " New Contributions to the Scien- 
tific Founding of Dogmatics," which he closes with a 
section on " The Proof of the Truth of Religion. " This last 
section is worthy of a passing notice. The entire article 
is written as a reply to criticisms upon his former works, 
and contains his mature and well-settled views. 

The author considers religion to be, not the feeling of 
entire dependence on God, but a life of freedom from the 
world through dependence on God and help from Him. 
He says: " When a man lifts himself in faith towards God, 
he performs an act of intelligible freedom. When he in 
piety realizes his dependence on God, he experiences the 
reality of the religious relation as one different in kind 
from his relation to the world. » » » The reality of 
the religious relation, which may be experienced but can- 
not be explained, is the mystery of religion. Its realm is 
the inner life of the personal subject ; its essence is a life 
hid in God."^ He explains a statement to which allusion 
had been made thus: " Religion is exaltation above the 

*Viertes Heft, p. 59a 


finite {t, e., empiric) dependence of man in the world to 
intelligible freedom above it in an infinite {i. e., tran- 
cendental) dependence."^ 

The author holds to the objective reality of this tran- 
scendental dependence — makes it a dependence on God, 
who reveals Himself to men by objective means. He says: 
" All religion sets out from faith in a divine revelation. 
However this revelation is presented, religion is to its con- 
fessors never a mere complex of subjective human repre- 
sentations of God and of deeds corresponding 'to these 
representations, but it is always presupposed in these repre- 
sentations and deeds, that they rest on divine disclosures, 
by which the religious representation and conduct are 
regulated. "2 

The point to which we call attention is his method of 
establishing the objectivity of the religious relations, and 
especially the objective reality of Christianity. He denies 
that our proof of the existence of God comes through the 
revelation in Christ, and maintains that our faith in God is 
a condition precedent to our faith in the Christian salva- 
tion. Even if the experience of those brought up under 
the influence of the Church brings Christianity into the 
foreground, still, in the logical order, the being of God is 
first. 8 He holds that a scientific proof of the objects of 
faith is impossible; that it must be derived from our prac- 
tical religious needs. ^ He says: "When I have spoken 
of its (religion's) foundation in the essence of man or in 
the human self-consciousness, I have had in mind nothing, 
absolutely nothing, else than the practical need of religion 

^Ditto, p. 564. 
*Viertes Heft, p. 60a 
f.Ditto, p. 607. 
*Ditto, pp. 599, 6sa 


(Nothigungen zur Religion) which man experiences when 
he seeks to raise himself above dependence on the world, 
to freedom over it, and seeks thereby to maintain his per- 
sonal life in opposition to the mechanism of nature. These 
necessities are not the essence of religion, but its origin. "^ 
He implies that these necessities afford the proof of the 
objectivity of God,^ and refers to Kant's well-known views 
as sustaining him in his assertion, that the unconditional 
obligation rising from the moral law involves faith in an 
objective power of good pervading the moral world. 
" Also the further insight is herewith given that this power 
not only sets the individual moral life in harmony with the 
general moral life, but also makes the natural world ser- 
viceable to an objective moral aim. * * * Therefore 
it remains correct that the ethical necessities (Nothigungen, 
compulsions) are ' the royal way ' which leads to faith in a 
moral will-force pervading the world.''* The convictions 
produced by our religious necessities do not flow from the 
existence of those necessities, but from their effect upon 
our experience. And the convictions are personal, not 
such that they can be imparted as convictions to others. 
He says: " From this it follows immediately that practical 
religious experience is the sole criterion for that truth 
which man seeks in revelation, viz. , for the actual posses- 
sion of the good things in the possession of which revela- 
tion promises to set him. Only when the religious subject 
makes this experience actual is the claim to validity, which 
the outer revelation presents, established in his own soul. 
* * * What has already been said of religion is also 

^Ditto, p. 639. 
*Viertes Heft, p. 599. 
'Ditto, pp. 606-7. 


true of the revelation to which its confessors appeal; the 
criterion of its truth is, that it does not disappoint the 
expectation of man; that it actually helps him to the 
possession of the good things he expected from it. " ^ This 
inner assurance of the truth is, he says, what Protestants 
have called the testimony of the spirit, fides divinay and 
carries with it the assurance that it is God " who, by 
means of that revelation, produces these effects in the 
human spirit, and immediately reveals himself as the 
efficient one in their production." 

Lipsius bases the evidence of Christian truth on expe- 
rience, as he does that of religious truth. The testimony 
of believers may incline one to faith in God and faith in 
Christ, but assurance of reality must come from personal 
experience — it is a personal realization. He says of 
Christ: " As the revelation of God, He discloses not 
merely God's purposes of love in general, but His special 
will concerning His kingdom; and He does this not merely 
by His doctrine, but also through His life-work. As the 
Founder of the Christian community. He gives basis to 
the new divine light, while He develops in the ideal form 
the perfect religious principle of divine Sonship, and 
transfers His personal consciousness of Sonship to His 
disciples. "2 After speaking of the historical revelation of 
Christ as of value, but not the immediate ground of faith, 
he says: " The individual should rather himself prove in 
experience (make the experience) that God reveals Him- 
self in Christ. This is the significance of the testimonium 
Spiritus sancti internum. It emancipates the believing 
individual from the mere fides humana of the Church tes- 

^ Ditto, p. 613. 
•Ditto, p. 624. 


timony, while it wakens in him a fides divina, » • • 
As verification of the outer revelation of God in Christ, it 
is an act of divine revelation in the soul of the believer. 
As for content, this act of God in man is no new revela- 
tion, but only the appropriation of the historical revelation 
for a personal possession. But it is the subjective form 
in which the believer experiences the eternal content of 
this historical revelation, as the divine content of his own 
Christian consciousness. This appropriation of the his- 
torical revelation, the personally-assured possession of the 
subject, is the single direct proof of the truth of the Chris- 
tian religion. The proof of the objectivity of the religious 
relation is implied in it." 

Our author considers that this method of establishing 
the truth of Christianity affords a positive and independent 
proof of its reality, so that the system may be adhered 
to without regard to the objections made against it. " This 
justification (of the Christian estimate of the world ) fol- 
lows here, not in an apologetic way, through the defense of 
Christianity against the attacks of its opponent, but by 
the simple building up of that estimate of the world 
since this single topic, taken by itself, must, if fully 
carried out, furnish the proof that Christian truth has 
no contest to fear from science outside of religion. 
This proof can be afforded in the same measure that suc- 
cess is attained in bringing back the religious judgments 
of Christendom to the fact of ethico-religious experi- 
ence. "^ The author's entire argumentation on this topic 
is based on the position that man, as a person, is inclined 
to be religious. The roots of religion are to be found in 

1 Viertes Heft, p. 658. 


the spirit-life of man. These roots are the same for reh'g- 
ion and for ethics, without the life-realm of the two being 
identical. "1 

Professor Shedd on Endless Punishment, ^ 

This is a work of marked excellences. Each of its three 
chapters is important and interesting. The first, on the 
history of the doctrine of endless punishment, is quite too 
brief — ten pages — but as a sketch of early opinions and 
of the opinions of modern German theologians — topics on 
which the author is peculiarly fitted to speak — is very 
valuable. The second chapter constitutes the body of the 
book. It presents the Biblical argument in support of 
endless punishment, and, as it seems to us, very forcibly. 
The opening argument, from the words of Christ, is very 
solemn and impressive in its effect; and, as the author asks 
at the close: " Do these representations, and this phrase- 
ology, make the impression that the future punishment of 
sin is to be remedial and temporary? " the reader feels 
that the question is already settled. The main stress of 
the Biblical argument, however, is connected with the 
words SheolzxiA Hades. The author attempts to show that 
these words, as used in the Scriptures, do not designate the 
Underworld, where all the dead, good and bad, are con- 
gregated, but designate, generally, the places of punishment 
for the wicked, sometimes the grave. The argumentation 
on this point is very satisfactory, both from its fullness and 
from the principles on which it is based. The author says 

1 Ditto, Pp. 642-645. 

^ The Doctrine of Endless Punishment, by William G. T. Shedd, D. D. 
Roosevelt Professor of Systematic Theology in Union Theological Seminary. 
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1886. 


in the preface: " The argument from Scripture here given 
turns principally upon the meaning of Sheol and Hades, 
and of the adjective aionios. In determining the significa- 
tion of the former, the author has relied mainly upon the 
logic and aim of the inspired writers. The reasoning of 
a writer is a clue to his technical terms. When his object 
unquestionably is to alarm and deter, it is rational to infer 
that his phraseology has a meaning in his own mind that 
is adapted to this. When, therefore, the wicked are 
threatened with a Sheol and a Hades, it must be an erro- 
neous interpretation that empties them of all the force of a 
threat. And such is the interpretation which denies that 
either term denotes the place of retributive suffering."^ 

The third chapter, on the rational argument, is too brief. 
This argument is the chief resort and reliance of those who 
oppose the doctrine of endless punishment. The health- 
ful tone that pervades this chapter makes one regret its 
lack of completeness. The view of humanity which 
attributes to it character, responsibility, and, in its proper 
development, worth, the view of God which ascribes to 
him justice and faithfulness in threats as well as in prom- 
ises, and the view of the relation between God and man, 
a relation involving law, covenant and judgment, stand in 
refreshing contrast with the views of certain modern 
authors, fairly represented by Mr. Heard, who seem intoxi- 
cated with their own ideas of the Divine Paternity. The 
Fatherhood of God is a most cheering theme of contem- 
plation, but not at all new. There is, however, a new 
sentiment connected with it by some recent theologians, 
which does no honor either to God or to man. They talk 
about the Fatherhood of God, but they have in mind the 


babyhood of men. They teach, impliedly — to make their 
arguments of any account must teach — that God is a 
Father after the pattern of Eli, that he loves his children 
with a softness and tenderness that forbids rigid justice 
and does not permit him to say: " Judgment also will I lay 
to the line, and righteousness to the plummet." An 
infusion of Professor Shedd's ideas concerning ill-desert 
and retribution into the ministry and the membership of 
our churches is specially desirable at the present time. It 
would enlarge men's views of the dignity of the divine 
government; of the heinousness of sin; of the mercy of God; 
of the sure foundation on which the scheme of redemption 

While we can speak thus in cordial approval of the work 
before us, we are obliged to say that it has defects which 
ought not to have been permitted. A good hand-book on 
this doctrine of punishment would, at just this time, be a 
great boon to our churches. No one could perform this 
service better than Professor Shedd. But his book does 
not fully meet the demand. It has no index, its table of 
contents is as good as none, the main chapters — the sec- 
ond and third — have no sections and few way marks to 
indicate the progress of the argument and to aid the 
reader in finding special topics. We think even the argu- 
ment itself suffers from the want of clear divisions ; that 
it would have been better rounded and more complete if 
the author had considered that there were minor points 
on which this and that reader would desire to know his 

If the author had devoted a few pages to a presentation 
of the present state of the question, he would have added 
much to the value of his work. A map of the modern 


views is much needed. How much of purgatory is there 
in universalism? how is conditional immortality, as held 
by its advocates, related to sin and punishment? what 
are the different forms of the doctrine of future probation? 
what do the advocates of restoration, and what the advo- 
cates of annihilation teach? are questions that need an 
answer from one who can think carefully and discriminate 
accurately. We believe a fair presentation of the antagon- 
ism of these different views would help many Christian 
people to settle their own minds, and do much toward 
establishing the true doctrine. 

In some instances the author seems to us to allow him- 
self to be carried away by the logical form of an argument 
without having carefully estimated its content. He says, 
for example, in proving the falsity of the doctrine of anni- 
hilation, that " death is the opposite of birth, and birth 
does not mean the creation of substance."^ The argu- 
ment seems to assume that death is not an event ia the 
progress of the individual as he advances from birth 
toward the goal of his existence, but an undoing of that 
effected in birth. Would not this require that the soul of 
the child return to the parent soul from which it came? 
and all souls finally to that from which the race originally 
started? The entire argument against annihilation seems 
to us not likely to have much influence with the adherents 
of the doctrine. 

We doubt whether Prof Shedd's arguments from infinity 
add to the popular power of his work. A good many 
questions about the divine attributes and the measuring 
line of suffering suggest themselves when one reads such a 
sentence as this: *' The infinite, incarnate God suffered 


more agony in Gethsemane than the whole finite human 
race could suffer in endless duration."^ 

It may be questioned whether the author is not too rigor- 
ous sometimes in the application of his logic; whether he 
is not too oblivious of ethical considerations. He seems, 
in his rational argument, to assume that God cannot remit 
a just punishment in any case of impenitence; that He 
could not be permitted to put an end to the suffering of 
the guilty under any circumstances. He admits that God 
might annihilate a good angel for good reasons, but seems 
to hold that one who has sinned must be kept in existence 
forever for the sake of punishment. ^ We have no doubt 
that retributive justice is an adequate ground of punish- 
ment, but should not like to defend the position that 
retributive justice, acting simply a tergOy without any 
regard to resulting good, without any ethical considera- 
tion whatever, must endlessly make every culprit wretched. 
Endless punishment is taught in the Bible, but we believe 
is inflicted for wise ends. If after a period of time the 
stability of the moral universe is absolute, and the guilty 
are suffering for nothing that is to come, but only because 
they sinned and justice is, could not God say it would be 
possible, it would not be sin, to put them out of existence? 
Prof. Shedd does indeed say: " God is not obliged, by His 
justice, to perpetuate a conscious existence which he 
originated ex nihilo, '* But this does not seem to set aside, 
in his mind, the necessity of punishing sin to the exact 
extent of its ill-desert. 

^P. 131. 

«Pp. 92, 132-135- 


Probation and Punishment, Vernon. ^ This work, simi- 
lar to Professor Shedd's in doctrine is quite unlike in style 
and method of argumentation. The idea of hell, as it 
rests in the author's mind, assumes much more the form of 
a natural result in the development of the moral world, 
less the character of a resort of vindicatory justice. Dr. 
Vernon does not insist that the word sheol itself contains 
a threat of punishment, but holds that it must often designate 
a place of punishment, cannot actually be interpreted as 
meaning anything else. His arrangement and interpreta- 
tion of the Scripture texts upon this doctrine is not pecul- 
iar, but is skillful and very satisfactory. There is one 
sentiment pervading this book which is worthy of notice, 
though the author does not draw special attention to it. 
We may call it his doctrine of correspondence. He says: 
* * * " All the provisions love has made for man's 
happiness are capable of being so perverted or abused as 
to become the source of pain and suffering. What God 
intended for a blessing may be transformed into a curse. "^ 
" Love ignored and opportunity neglected are naturally 
followed by the rejected prayer and the closed door. We 
may, therefore, conclude that this double potentiality, so 
manifest in nature and revelation, is a necessity in the 
the nature of things, from which there is no escape, even 
when the eternal interests of the soul are involved. If we 
follow the stream to the fountain, we shall find love itself, 
by the necessity of its nature, having always a double 

'^Probation and Punishment, A rational and Scriptural exposition of the 
doctrine of the future punishment of the wicked, as held by the great body of 
Christian believers of all ages, with special reference to the unscriptural doc- 
trine of a second probation. By Rev. S. M. Vernon, "D.Yi, Philadelphia: 
J. B. Lippincott Company, 1886. 

«P. 13. 


expression, the one the opposite of the other. It is impos- 
sible to love without hating, or to hate without loving." ^ 
This sentiment the author applies to the entire range of 
God's moral government, including, of course, rewards 
and punishments. " If revelation were silent on the sub- 
ject, clear thinking would lead us to see that in the Divine 
nature, as everywhere else, love must have its double 
expression."^ In accordance with this principle infer- 
ences are drawn as to the amount of punishment to be 
inflicted. " A second thing necessary in such a system is, 
that there shall be some correspondence between the 
rewards and the penalties of the law. If the law is of 
sufficient importance to justify a great reward for obedi- 
ence, it will justify and require a severe penalty for diso- 
bedience."* " Analyze the matter carefully as we may, 
and it will appear that there is no blessing which is not 
so by contrast with an opposite evil; that eternal life as the 
reward of obedience necessarily implies eternal death as a 
penalty for disobedience."* In some instances the author 
seems to us to rely too much upon this double expression 
of love, but nt times he applies the principle with great 
force. He insists with great positiveness upon the truth, 
that the doctrine of punishment must be consistent with 
that of the love of God, that " if there is a hell, love made 
it," and that from its nature, in a world of sin, it must 
make it. The sentiments of the writer on this point 
remind us of those uttered years ago by Dr. N. W. Taylor, 
in his lecture-room at Yale College. " If, then, in such a 

ip. i6. 
«P. 19. 
'P. 46. 


system the moral governor does not secure the highest 
happiness of the obedient subject which he can secure, 
• • • he is not benevolent, and has no right to give 
law to a moral kingdom. **i " Whatever be the reason for 
refusing to do it [inflict the highest possible misery on the 
disobedient], it is an insufficient reason. He fthe moral 
ruler] furnishes not the shadow of evidence that he acts 
upon the principle of immutable rectitude of benevo- 
lence."* Dr. Vernon says: " It is objected against the 
doctrine of eternal punishment, that the penalty is too 
severe for the sins of this short life. But so far from 
being an argument against, it is rather in favor of the 
doctrine, that the penalty is so great."* 

The entire doctrine of punishment is treated in the work 
before us as a doctrine determined by the moral system 
with which we are connected, not at all as determined 
by the arbitrary will of God. A serious business- 
like conduct of affairs requires a hell, which begins in 
this life and must continue while love and law continue. 
" The beginning of hell may be found in every commu- 
nity, yea, in every conscience, and the laws of growth are 
sufficiently illustrated in the progress evil makes in this 
world to enable us, by the light of nature, to announce 
hell as one of the great realities of the universe."* 

The most rigidly argumentative part of the work before 
us is that in reply to the objections to eternal punishment. 
The reply to the doctrine of annihilation is perhaps the 
most complete, but that to the doctrine of probation after 

^Moral Gout, I. 162. 
•Ditto, 165. 



death is the fullest and the most carefully prepared. The 
author seems to us to show, upon the latter point, very 
clearly that there is not sufficient evidence of a future pro- 
bation to justify a reliance upon it. A refutation of the 
doctrine to this extent ought to be sufficient for all practi- 
cal purposes. He shows acutely the difficulty we should 
find in drawing a line between those allowed and those 
denied a future probation. Those who have not had a 
fair chance in this life are to have a chance in the future 
life. But who has not had a fair chance to do what God 
has required of him? Is it the infant? Is it the heathen? 
Is it the man repelled by Calvinistic preaching? Is it the 
man deluded, as some would say, by Arminianism? Who 
is the man whom God pities most? 

There are many points of interest in the book, but we 
cannot refer to them, and speak of the work only as it 
belongs to a theme of absorbing interest and likely to 
attract increasing attention. 

Go<ts Revelation of Himself to Men,^ by Andrews, is 
more closely connected with eschatology than with any 
other department of theology. The topic of this book is 
one of deepest interest, yet it is difficult to write a work 
upon it that will be attractive to the reader. Interpreters 
differ so widely as to the import of past revelations, and 
are so widely at variance in their understanding of the 
promises and predictions concerning the future, that 
graphic narration is impossible. No one familiar with the 
author's " Life of Our Lord Upon Earth," needs to be 
told that the work before us is candidly and carefully pre- 
pared. His thoroughness and patience in the investiga- 

1 God*s Revelations of Himself to Men as Succesively Made in the Fatri- 
arekalj Jewish and Christian Dispensations and in the Messianic Kingdom, 
By Samuel J. Andrews, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1886. 


tion of the questions involved in the former work have 
made it a companion of almost all our ministers. The 
task before him in preparing the present volume was one 
of much less definite outline, and the results are, of neces- 
sity, less satisfactory. Still his presentation of the progress 
of revelation is not without its impressiveness. If we look 
from the cherubim at the east of Eden to the incarnate Son 
of God, from the sin and curse of the first transgression to 
the cross of Calvary, we have no difficulty in seeing 
progress in the revelations which God has seen fit to make; 
but to fill the interspace in a way to show the steps of 
that progress is no easy task. The promise of a human 
victory over sin, the Sabbath, a system of sacrifices can all 
be pointed out, but just how far onward toward the con- 
summation each one carries the divine plan is left in a 
good deal of obscurity. A Lord, a King, a Saviour, a 
Messiah, are clearly revealed as the hope of God's people, 
but the attempt to define His character is attended with 
much difficulty. He is revealed to be of the seed of 
David, to be a suffering Saviour, to be a servant of 
Jehovah, but even since the coming of Christ comment- 
ators do not agree as to the meaning of the designations 
given, nor wholly as to the person to whom they are to be 
applied. Whether the appointment of kings in the place 
of judges in the government of the Israelitish nation was 
an advance or a retrograde movement in the redemptive 
system, is a question not readily decided; the comparative 
value of priests, prophets and scribes is a topic open to 
discussion. Under such circumstances a work like that 
before us must be somewhat vague. The author seems 
more definite and positive in his statements concerning the 
future than the past. He divides time into two periods, 


redemptive and post-redemptive. The latter following 
the close of the Messianic kingdom is to continue indefi- 
nitely. The redemption period consists of four dispensa- 
tions, Patriarchal, Jewish, Christian and Messianic. The 
first two are past. We are now in the Christian dispensa- 
tion. The Church is preaching the Word while the High 
Priest is in the holy of holies. Redemption is now, as in 
the Jewish dispensation, carried forward through election. 
At the close of the present era there will be a judgment, a 
resurrection of a portion of the dead, a return of Christ to 
this world, and the establishment of the kingdom of Christ. 
There is no kingdom till the Priest comes out of the temple 
and takes the office of King. His dominion will be in this 
world — the world, however, will be changed by great 
cosmical revolutions, beginning at the Holy Land. The 
Messianic kingdom belongs to redemptive time; at its 
close the final judgment will take place. Whether Christ 
is to remain Priest after becoming King, or whether salva- 
tion is to be without priestly intercession, are questions 
not answered. One is inclined to ask if the conquered 
subjects redeemed under the kingdom are saints of a dif- 
ferent order from those saved by election in the previous 
stages of the redemptive process. 

This work is deeply imbued with the Christian spirit, 
and has many remarks upon the worth of the body, death 
and the resurrection which are interesting and instructive. 

V. Evolution. 

Although Evolution is a topic belonging primarily to 
natural science, theology also has an interest in it. The 
latter science cannot quietly and silently see herself crowded 
from all standing-room by this new comer. President 


Porter says: " The position so often taken that the doc- 
trine of Evolution is one which theologians should not con- 
cern themselves with, but should leave it to the scientists 
and philosophers to decide, is a position which cannot be 
maintained, so long as Evolution teaches or implies an 
atheistic philosophy, a materialistic psychology or a con- 
ventional ethics." There seems, however, to be just now 
a lull of positive speculation in this department of science, 
and both advocates and opponents seem rather occupied 
in taking an inventory of their materials than in putting 
them to practical use. 

It seems to be admitted that the doctrine of Evolution 
is not proved, however much it may be entitled to general 
assent. It does not seem now to be accepted with such 
enthusiasm, as formerly, that all opposition can be 
silenced by the assertion that you can count on 
your fingers all its respectable opponents. It seems 
to be granted that evolutionists are not all themselves 
quite clear what evolution is, and that any particular 
view finds its most determined opponents among the 
advocates of other views. We may notice but a single 
work under this head. The work of Rev. Henry 
Ward Beecher on Evolution and Religion ^ is neither 
strictly theological nor strictly scientific; it is, however, 
a book deserving perusal, as showing the workings of a 
mind of great compass and energy while under the influ- 
ence of two fundamental but diverse forces in the world of 
thought — the development-philosophy and the Christian 
religion. Mr. Beecher is by nature a systematic thinker, 
with somewhat materialistic tendencies. In his earlier life 

* Evolution and Religion, by Henry Ward Beecher. New York: Fords, 
Howard & Hulbert. 1885. 


his sermons were tinged with phrenology, probably without 
much design, in his mature years he has cordially embraced 
and preached a gospel brought into accord with evolution. 
His aim, in the present work, is to show how the Evan- 
gelical Christian doctrines are to be affected by the scheme 
of philosophy which he advocates, and which he considers 
destined soon to prevail without a rival. A few of his 
theological views may be noticed. 

Religion he defines as right living. He denies that it is 
definite and unchangeable, affirms that it is relative, con- 
formed to the persons in whom, and to the times in which, 
4t appears, and that it grows up from a seed. 

The idea of God, according to our author, begins with a 
deification of natural law. With increasing knowledge 
men acquire better and better ideas of Deity, and this 
improvement is still in progress. " We are God-builders 
as God is our character-builder. "^ " The God of our 
thought — your God and my God — is the resultant of all 
the findings out of the human family through the intellect 
and the higher moral development of the race. "2 

Mr. Beecher does not seem to have a well-defined idea 
of sin. He teaches that sinfulness is universal and inevit- 
able to undeveloped manhood; that sin is to be discrimi- 
nated from infirmity; that it is the conflict between the 
under man and the upper man; that in sin lies the conflict 
between the flesh and the spirit; that sin is voluntary vio- 
lation of known law. " Sinfulness is the outpouring upon 
society of the passions, the appetite, the selfishness, the 
pride, the cruelty — everything that belongs to the lower 
life of men. "8 The author charges the old theology with 


•P. 34. 

«Pp. 17, 04, 104. 


including infirmities in sin; but he does not, we believe, 
with his philosophy, cannot, discriminate between infirmity 
and sin. 

Of inspiration he says: " The theory of plenary and 
verbal inspiration is a modern theory. It is a theory which 
carries confusion into the Bible, sets part against part, 
gives sanction to puerilities, brings in contradictions, 
makes the early and nascent experiences of the human 
race of equal value with the latest ripened truths, and sub- 
jects the Sacred Book to ridicule and contempt. Indeed, 
for the most part, the infidelity of our age springs from a 
theory of inspiration which has no warrant in the Bible 
itself, and is contrary to the known history and structure 
of the Book. "^ He teaches that the human race is inspired, 
the Bible is a record of the experiences of certain members 
of the race, and that inspiration is as real now as at any 
time. Still he speaks of the Bible as sacred and as the 
Word of God. The inconsistencies and weaknesses of his 
treatment of this topic are marked. 

The regeneration consistent with evolution is the follow- 
ing: " It [the new birth] is simply a natural part of the 
unfolding series designed of God in the human constitu- 
tion; an illustration of the transcendant doctrine, that 
when a man has unfolded through the lower and inter- 
mediate stages, however wise, however useful, however 
humble, however good, there is in all these things no 
reason why he should not rise higher, and evolve from 
those lower preparatory stages into the higher and spiritual 
stages and instincts of the human mind. Conversion is part 
and parcel of this grand idea of unfolding. "^ The author's 

•P. 98. 


View of other theological doctrines may be easily inferred 
from those above noticed. He explains, or attempts to 
explain, everything religious by means of evolution. In 
this way he essentially destroys what are known as the 
doctrines of grace, and abolishes the distinction between 
natural and revealed theology. All theology is revealed, 
all is natural; there are two revelations, one through 
physical nature, one through mind, — the Bible is a small 
fraction of the latter. 

Mr. Beecher is not a thorough-going evolutionist. He 
believes in a personal God, who is fulfilling His designs in 
the work of creation, who conducts affairs by a develop- 
ment-process, but exercises a special providence and 
answers prayer. He, however, carries his view of evolu- 
tion so far as to destroy the system of grace. He thinks 
he can justify the ways of God with men more easily by 
means of his theory than with the old theology. But we 
think he gains nothing and loses much. The present state 
of things is a definite fact, and its being the result of 
development does not relieve God of responsibility for it. 
The moral sentiment fostered by the theory seems to us 
far below that fostered by such a creed as that of Edwards. 
Notwithstanding the author's frequent protestation of his 
love of his fellow-men, a profound pessimism lies at the 
bottom of these sermons. The reader feels it continually, 
and it occasionally comes to the surface in a contemptuous 
estimate of humanity in its present state, and in the merci- 
less sarcasm uttered against men of mediocre talent, who 
will yet, doubtless, be commended hereafter as having 
done what they could. 


VI. Ethics. 

Kants Ethics^ Porter, i This little volume of 260 
pages is one of the series of Philosophical Classics, pub- 
lished under the editorial supervision of Prof. G. S. Morris, 
of Michigan University. We do not think it will be of 
much service in aiding American readers to a comprehen- 
sion of Kant's Ethical System. This system should have 
been presented in its integrity, and at the outset. The 
readers should have been permitted to see the structure 
which Kant has erected, to see it at its best, to see it as 
Kant himself looked upon it. Instead of this, the critic 
keeps the structure out of sight, but takes out a brick at a 
time and tells us what he thinks of it. He claims, indeed, 
that there is one important exception to this process, when 
he gives ten pages of continuous " Exposition," but even 
here the exposition has quite too little of Kant. President 
Porter, with his perfect knowledge of metaphysical lan- 
guage and great familiarity with Kant's thought, is just 
the man to do American literature a great service at this 
point, but he has written a book which presupposes a 
knowledge of the work which he criticises. He was to 
present to his readers the ideas of an author hard to be 
understood, but easily explained, as we think, by one who 
has uiastered his system. He gives us very little aid in 
comprehending Kant*s system as as a whole. 

It seems to us, Dr. Porter would have written better, 
on the plan of the present book, if he had taken pains to 
place the system he criticises before his own mind at its 
fullest and best. As it is, his discussions are repetitious, 

^KanVs Ethics, A Critical Exposition. By Noah Porter, President of 
Yale College. Chicago: S. C. Griggs & Company, 1886. 


and, to use a word which he applies to Kant's writings, 
rambling, we fear we must add, at times, careless. On 
page 68, in a note, he says: " It should never be forgotten 
that the will, as conceived by Kant, was the power to act, 
/. e. , the capacity for impulse or desire. To know, to feel 
and to acty were the three functions of man which he 
recognized." On page 91, he says: "What are Kant's 
views of the will in these applications it is not easy to 
determine. We ask, again and again, does he mean by 
the will an endowment or faculty of human nature coordi- 
nate with the reason or intellect, and possibly — why not? — 
with the sensibility, or does he absorb the reason into the 
will by making the person to be the reasonable will, and 
leave the sensibility unconsidered at all, regarding it as a 
pariah in the spiritual organism of forces and ends? The 
latter seems to be the view which he would take." On 
page 217, he says: " Kant's will, without feeling, is simply 
a capacity for responding to duty, and inspiring to out- 
ward action by demand of the reason, without involving 
the emotions. " He seems to make Kant separate sensi- 
bility and moral character perhaps more widely than is 
warranted. He says: " But no other (action) is recognized 
in the Kantian analysis, the sensibility as such not being 
conceived as admitting of any voluntary direction or any 
rational reasons of higher or lower, and consequently of 
any ethical relations by being subject to the will." ^ But 
we find in Clark's edition of The Metaphysics of Ethics, 
the following: " Practical reason circumscribes the claims 
of self-love, but allows them to be plausible, as they are 
astir in the mind before the law itself ; and limits them 
to the condition of being in harmony with the law, after 


which self-love is equitable ; but the high thoughts of self- 
conceit it overthrows entirely, and declares all pretentions 
to self-esteem, prior to conformity with law, void and 
empty, "i 

It is a little amusing to find that the Konigsberg pro- 
fessor is a poet rather than a philosopher. His critic 
accounts for his continued influence thus: " In these 
extremities (when bewildered and discouraged), however 
urgent, his imagination never fails to find language in 
which to give expression* to those faiths which he has the 
magnanimity to confess are * the light of all our seeing,' 
while his glowing rhetoric lights up the thorniest maze of 
abstract reasoning with a radiance which extorts the won- 
der of the admiring reader, even when the argument, 
thus illuminated, fails to commend itself to his cooler 
judgment. "2 

This critique evinces abundant ability; we wish the 
author had been more deeply impressed with the need of 
instructing his readers in the elements of the Kantian 

VII. Notes upon German Theology. 

We notice in closing a few items of interest concerning 
theological affairs in Germany. 

The writers for the Theologischer Jahresbericht of 1885 
find very little in the productions of 1884 in Germany, in 
the department of systematic theology, which they treat 
with special attention. Bernhard Piinjer speaks with high 
commendation, yet with discriminating criticism, of F. H. 
R. Frank's System of Ethics — a work noticed in Current 

^. 104. 
«P. 182. 


Discussions last year. He accepts Frank's position that 
Christian ethics has its basis in the new man, but says 
that the author's development of the topic is carried out 
in expressions which, strictly taken, would destroy the 
unity of the person. In proof he quotes the following: 
" The Christian is accordingly conscious of his new ego as 
a founding or creation of that, to stand in communion 
with which is his highest good, and in no way is it the 
same will, now evil, now good, whose self-determination 
is directed first to the good things of idols, now to the 
good of the living God."^ 

R. A. Lipsius speaks with high appreciation of the new 
edition of Biedermann's dogmatics, and expresses his grief 
at the loss of his friend, who died before the publication of 
his work was completed. He speaks, also, with much 
respect of Frank's System der Christlichen Gewissheit^ of 
which a new edition has recently been published. He says 
he cannot avoid accepting Frank's starting-point, that 
Christian certitude rests on Christian experience. "Whether 
one starts, with Frank, from the Christian life of the regen- 
erate, or from the subjective-religious self-assurance of the 
justified one, or even from the believing consciousness of 
th^ redeemed church, it makes no difference on the main 
decisive point, that Christian certitude can at last base 
itself on nothing else than the Christian experience of 
salvation. "2 

Lipsius* view of the atonement, or rather his estimate of 
a view which he would reject, is clearly presented in a 
criticism upon a lecture, delivered at Berlin, in opposition 
to Ritschl's theology: " But this whole theory of God's 

'P. 279. 
•P. 293. 


anger and sacrificial suffering, of God's humiliation, folly 
and weakness, is gnostic phantasy. From such venture- 
some speculations on God's passions. His suffering and 
death, let us turn back to the solid ground of historical 
facts, the correct appreciation of which will assure to us a 
right estimate of the Christian faith, while we escape the 
bewilderments of the fantastic. "^ 

The Jahresbericht of 1886, reviewing the theological 
literature for 1885, like that of the preceding year, 
glances at a multitude of brief works, but notices no new 
ones of special importance in systematic theology. Lip- 
sius, the chief editor of the work since the death of 
Piinjer, notices the commotion produced in England and 
America by Drummond's " Natural Law in the Spiritual 
World, " but treats it as of very little account. He evi- 
dently considers the argumentation in that book as vapid 
and fanciful, and speaks with commendation of President 
Magoun's criticism of it. He calls attention also to the 
new edition of Frank's *' System der Christlichen Wahr- 
keit.'' He states the author's design to be, not an explan- 
ation of Christian truth as related to human thought and 
natural truth, but a presentation of the form in which it 
must be apprehended. " It is to him the complex of all 
the realities which are recognized by Christians as having 
reference to the establishment of a humanity of* God." ^ 
The work is divided into three main parts: the Principle, 
the Accomplishment, the Aim of the becoming of a 
humanity of God. He says: " Frank is to-day unques- 
tionably the leading dogmatist among the ' Confessionals,' 
as well in what relates to the form of doctrine as in what 

'P. 309- 
*P. 366. 


relates to its foundation." He reports that the changes in 
the new edition are few, and are mostly polemical, being 
aimed at Ritschl and his school. " The new wisdom " of 
that school is characterized as a newly-emerging ration- 

It is of interest perhaps to notice that Lipsius speaks, 
apparently with assent, of a remark of H. Schmidt on 
Frank's and Dorner*s view of the trinity. The former is 
said to be in danger of teaching tritheism, while the view 
of the latter does not rise above the " higher " Sabell- 

Lipsius criticises in much the same way, though under 
different heads, the lectures on the evidences of Chris- 
tianity by Dr. R. S. Storrs (noticed in last year's Current 
Discussions), and a treatise by Martin von Nathusius on 
" The Essence of Science and its Application to Religion." 
He betrays, as it seems to us, in his remarks on these 
works, the false position assumed by the German liberal 
thinkers in reference to religion. They do not accept at 
its full value man's religious nature. The basis of their 
criticism is that of Hume's skepticism. They demand 
that religious truth be accepted, not in accord with the 
laws of belief established in morals, but simply as a cer- 
tainty based on experience. In reference to Dr. Storrs' 
work, he says: " It would be a mistake to suppose that this 
kind of apologetics lacks in useful and striking thoughts^ 
but the entire method is antiquated, and that which one 
would specially prove — the objective truth of the supra- 
rational and supernatural histories, which are in those 
circles identified with Christianity, does not admit of proof 
in the way proposed."^ He explains, with evident disap- 


proval, the position of Nathusius: " It is the peculiarity in 
reference to religious statements, that for their essential 
truths the imperfect induction of proof is completed by- 
moral certainty, which rests on the decision of the free will. 
For scientific investigation in the realm of religion a per- 
sonal tendency to religion is necessary ; for the study of the 
Christian religion a living Christian experience is neces- 
sary. ''^ He holds that by such processes no scientific 
knowledge is attained, because it rests on moral not logical 

There are two topics which are now specially involved 
in current discussions among the Germans ; the Ritschl- 
contest and the Lutheran-contest. The theology of Ritschl 
seems to be gaining ground, though it is very strenuously 
opposed from many quarters. Among other objections 
to it the very clear one, that it dispenses with all real 
atonement for sin, is made prominent. The contest 
among the Lutherans — exercising much interest in the 
Fatherland — is that carried on between the Lutheran 
synods of this country concerning the doctrine of predesti- 
nation. Dorner's Ethics^ is briefly noticed in the Jahres- 
bericht but we prefer to reserve it for fuller consideration 
in our next number. 

'P. 337. 





Professor of Sacred Rhetoric, Chicago Theological Sebcinary. 



Since it has been found impracticable, within the limits 
of this paper, to notice properly the large number 
of works in this department that have appeared during 
the year, those have been selected for review that 
seemed to represent the various phases of religious 
thought and discussion. 


Theoretical Homiletics. 

The Hand' Book of Clerical Eloquence,^ by D. Hein- 
rich Bassermann, Professor of Theology in Heidelberg, is a 
valuable contribution to the numerous treatises on pulpit 
eloquence. It is a profound and able work, in which the 
author discusses the whole subject of which he treats, in a 
scientific and thorough manner. 

Acknowledging in the preface his general indebtedness 
to Schleiermacher, the author devotes about one hundred 
pages in Part I. of his Manual to the discussion of Elo- 
quence, and then, in Part H., treats, in some fifty pages, of 
Worship (Kultus), especially the Christian-Protestant 
worship; after which he proceeds, in Part HI. , through four 
hundred and fifty pages, to treat, in a fundamental and 
thorough manner, of clerical eloquence — its nature, his- 
tory, and theory — under which last head he discusses, in 
order, the material and the form — the theme, the dispo- 
sition, introduction, and conclusion. 

The author does not regard an independent conclusion 
to a sermon as theoretically necessary. To him, it seems 
" like putting a key-stone on the head of a statue." The 
more rhetorically and organically the disposition of the 
material has been planned, the more surely has the impres- 
sion been reached. He confesses that he cannot find in 
the conclusion itself any reason for it; that, as a preacher, 

^ Handbtich der Geistlichen Beredsamkeit. Von D. Heinrich Bassermann, 
Professor der Theologie in Heidelberg. Stuttgart, 1885. 



he has found it difficult to find appropriate thoughts for the 
conclusion, though he has added it, in accordance with 
usage. Although he concedes that it might be desirable 
in a didactic discourse, he would, in general, have it done 
away with. He considers the conclusion as " an unneces- 
sary remainder of ancient rhetoric/' and admits that it 
might be necessary whenever the arousing of passion is 
sought, but thinks that this is not needed nor useful in a 
sermon. We scarcely need add that we cannot agree with 
the author in his view of the uselessness of a conclusion to 
a sermon, except in discourses of a very practical nature, in 
which each truth, as presented, is immediately applied., 

Our author devotes several pages to an able advocacy of 
what he terms the complete appropriation (Aneignung) of 
a sermon — the making it wholly one's own — before 
its delivery. He would not have a preacher read his ser- 
mon. It should be a part of his own religious life, and if 
he read the discourse, the impression will be weakened by 
each glance at the manuscript. 

And he is equally opposed to the extemporaneous 
method, so far as the language is concerned. For in such 
case, we gather the material, and arrange it in a plan so as 
to make the best impression, yet the author thinks that 
the most gifted preacher has not always the right word at 
command. But if he have prepared this expression quietly 
and with the necessary time, instead of finding one in a 
moment of agitation and under the pressure of the instant, 
would he not deliver a better sermon? No man, as he 
believes, can practice this method of extemporaneous 
preaching successfully, unless he have extraordinary facility 
and accuracy of expression. " There may," says the author, 
" be such men, but I have met very few of them,*' and he 


goes SO far as to add, that he regards this method as simply 
resulting from forgetfulness of duty. 

There follows, then, the author goes on to say, the 
necessity of a sermon being fully premeditated and having 
the necessary expression in language, that is to say, an 
appropriation of the sermon in its contents and form — a 
complete appropriation that allows the preacher a free, and 
yet not an extemporaneous representation. The author's 
" ideal of pulpit appropriation is a continual and ever- 
recurring mental production of the discourse in all its 
details up to the moment of delivery, so that the delivery 
is only the last stage in this work of production." Where 
this ideal cannot be reached, he would have the preacher 
memorize, but in such a way as not to exclude the continu- 
ation of production. The preacher should make his 
sermon a part of his own being. However poor his mem- 
ory, let him keep diligently at his work of appropriation, 
and he will reach it in the end without writing. But since 
it is easier, the author says, to write down a sermon, than 
to fix it in the mind, men are disposed to take the less 
arduous way. 

As regards the oral delivery of a sermon, Professor 
Bassermann remarks that the oral presentation, as that 
work of the speaker through which he reaches the purpose 
of his whole discourse, has, in its dependence upon the 
material on the one hand, and upon the audience on the 
other, truthfulness and appropriateness as capital qualities. 
The speaker should show himself to his audience as fully 
permeated with the material on which he speaks. The 
dependence of the presentation upon the auditory, gives 
the second quality of appropriateness to the audience and 
the occasion. Having these two chief qualities — truth- 


fulness and appropriateness — the oral delivery is at once 
beautiful and impressive. 

In respect to corporal delivery, the author remarks, in 
brief, that since it is the serving companion of oral deliv- 
ery, its chief qualities should also be truthfulness to the 
material, and appropriateness to the audience and the 
occasion. Nature here must be the aim of art. 

We have thus noticed somewhat fully only such parts 
of this treatise as seem tp be of the most practical value, 
but the whole of this able and suggestive handbook is 
worthy of careful reading by the younger ministry. We 
hope that it may appear in an English translation. 

We have, under the title of Some of the Great Preachers 
of Wales, ^ an interesting and instructive volume of 550 
pages, containing pretty full biographies of seven of the 
most noted Welsh preachers of the last century and the 
early part of this. These are Daniel Rowlands, Robert 
Roberts, Christmas Evans, John Elias, William Williams, 
Henry Rees, and John Jones. It was the intention of the 
author, when he selected these names, to add a second 
volume that should comprise the biographies of other 
scarcely less eminent Welsh preachers, — a purpose which 
we hope he will put into execution. 

The author introduces his work with an instructive 
essay on " Welsh Preaching," in which, after stating that 
the distinguished preachers of whom he writes, were fruits 
of the great revival of religion which arose in Wales near 
the middle of the last century, he points out certain pre- 
vailing conditions in the Principality that were favorable 
to the attainment of great power in the pulpit by these 

'^Same of the Great Preachers of Wales, by Owen Jones, M. A. London: 
Passmore and Alabaster, 1885. 


preachers. " Small societies were established in different 
parts of the country. A system of itineracy sprang up, 
which, in the course of years, was developed on a large 
scale. All the preachers of eminence traveled over the 
counties, preaching every day, sometimes three times a 
day. Those from the South went on preaching tours to 
the North, and those from the North in the same manner 
traveled to South. • • • They preached often in the 
public fields, or on the streets; for the Calvanistic Method- 
ists were very reluctant to leave the Church of England, 
and no chapels were built for many years. They had, 
therefore, the best practice; and they attained a thorough 
self-possession in the presence of the people. They could 
also repeat the same sermon many times over. In addi- 
tion to this, they had the monthly meetings, or Presbyter- 
ies, the second day of which was devoted to preaching, 
and they had besides the Quarterly Associations, which 
lasted generally for three or four days, when the evenings 
were given to preaching, and the last day altogether. In 
these associations there were thousands of hearers «— five, 
ten, and sometimes twenty thousand, and the services were 
held in the fields. Every preacher who went to the Asso- 
ciation had a sermon ready for the occasion — a sermon 
which he had prepared carefully at home, a sermon which 
he had composed upon his knees, and which he would 
have preached many times on his way to the Association. 
These, we say, are just the conditions for the production 
of great preachers and great orators; and these conditions 
existed in an eminent degree in Wales." 

The chief excellence of the preaching of the noted men 
described in this volume lay, the author says, " in the fact 
that they were highly gifted and adorned for the pulpit 


by the Spirit of Christ. " They attained their great power 
as preachers by constant, earnest, and often agonizing 
prayer, by strongest conviction of the power of the Gospel 
to save, and by " strong creative imagination, and great 
dramatic power." They had, indeed, the "Welsh Fire," 
but they also had what is better — "they were all aflame 
with the fire of God. '' They were, when at their best, " in 
a state of inspiration," which the Welsh term " hwyl," and 
which naturally expressed itself in the peculiar intonation 
that accompanied their preaching. 

These marked characteristics the author describes at 
length in the sketches which he gives of the lives and labors 
of these seven noted preachers. Five of them — Daniel 
Rowlands, Robert Roberts, John Elias, Henry Rees, and 
John Jones — were " Calvanistic Methodists"; William 
Williams was an Independent, and Christmas Evans a 
Baptist. None of them had a liberal education, and most 
of them had very little knowledge of books. They all 
began to preach in early life, and attained to their great 
power as preachers by constant practice, mostly in the 
open air, before large and eager audiences, by carefully 
studying the great preachers of their times, and, above all, 
by unceasing and importunate prayer for the presence and 
power of the Holy Spirit in their preaching, and also by 
the great qualities of mind and heart above delineated. 
They all preached without notes, though after careful, and 
sometimes written preparation. Most of them, not being 
pastors, had ample time fully to prepare sermons, which, 
in their long preaching tours throughout Wales, they deliv- 
ered over and over again, until they were able to preach 
them with marvelous effect. Doubtless the strong emo- 
tional and religious nature of the Welsh people contributed 


somewhat to this result, but the chief cause was the Spirit 
of God, that wrought mightily through these great 
preachers in answer to their fervent supplications for 
Divine aid. 

The writer of these biographies is evidently in hearty 
sympathy with the great preachers whom he portrays, 
and possibly exaggerates somewhat their power in the 
pulpit, yet the evidence that he presents from eye- 
witnesses of the remarkable effects of their preaching, goes 
far to confirm the substantial correctness of his description. 
It were to be wished that the author had so condensed his 
biographies — especially by omitting needless repetitions — 
as to have included in his volume sketches of other Welsh 
preachers of perhaps equal ability and power to those set 
forth to us. We should also have been glad, could there 
have been furnished to us a sermon in full, instead of 
fragments of sermons, from each of those preachers, 
though this perhaps was, in some cases, impossible. 

The book, we are confident, will be read with interest 
and profit by those who would know more of Welsh 
preachers and preaching. 



Dr. David R. Breed, of Chicago, in a little volume 
entitled Abraham: The Typical Life of Faith,^ sets forth 
in eight chapters or discourses (for such they seem to be) 
the prominent events in the life of that patriarch. Regard- 
ing Abraham as " the great scriptural example of that life 
of faith, in which alone we find acceptance with God," the 
author brings before us " the successive steps'in his career, 
as illustrating the successive stages in the believer's life. 
Thus he treats of The True Choice; or Abraham's Migra- 
tion ; The Avowal of Religion; or Abraham's Altar; 
The ^Everlasting Covenant; or Abraham, the Stranger 
and Sojourner; The Believer's Private Life; or Abraham, 
the Friend of God, etc. 

These themes the author sets forth with vividness and 
force. About them he so felicitously groups the recorded 
events in the life of the " Father of the Faithful," that he 
causes him to live and act before us. 

These discourses, while not rigidly formal, have a logical 
and natural development of the thought, and a form 
appropriate to the themes which they treat. The author's 
style is often quite familiar, and sometimes slip-shod, but 
generally clear, attractive, and forcible. His descriptions 
are graphic, and his thought often condensed into brief 
and suggestive expression. 

We regard these discourses as, in the main, good 
examples of descriptive preaching. 

^Chicago: F. H. Revell, 1886. 



Dr. Joseph Parker has, within the year, given to the 
public his third volume of The People's Bible : Discourses 
Upon Holy Scripture — Leviticus^ Numbers XX VI. ^ The 
volume contains sixteen discourses on selected passages 
in Leviticus, and twenty-five on texts in Numbers. To 
these are added, under the head of " * Handfuls of Purpose * 
for All Gleaners," nineteen brief and very suggestive notes 
on particular texts. Nany of the discourses are preceded 
by prayers, remarkable, in the main, for appropriateness 
and variety of matter, and for felicity of diction. 

The discourses contained in this volume have, in general, 
the same qualities that characterized the author's exposi- 
tory discourses on the book of Genesis, noticed in the last 
volume of Current Discussions, to which the reader is 
referred. Dr. Parker has the happy faculty of seizing, 
here and there, on important passages of the Scripture on 
which he is commenting, and, in brief/vivid, Anglo-Saxon 
terms, setting forth the meaning, and applying it to every- 
day life. Although he sometimes appears to see more in 
a passage than there is in it, and to be now and then a 
little fanciful in exegesis, and extravagant in expression, 
yet he is, in his peculiar way, a very suggestive, instructive, 
and interesting expounder of Scripture, and we regard 
these volumes of The People's Bible as worthy of careful 
reading by a young preacher. 

The volume of sermons entitled The Simplicity that is 
in Christ,*^ by the Rev. Leonard Woolsey Bacon, is sure 
to have not a few interested readers. Whatever Dr. Bacon 
writes for the press, does not long wait for readers, whether 
they assent to what he writes or not, and these discourses 

^ew York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886. 
«New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886. 


will be especially attractive, because in them he sets forth 
in a frank, fresh, and original manner, his views on certain 
religious topics, in respect to some of which he has been 
thought by some persons to be not altogether " sound in 
the faith." 

The title which oui" author has given to this volume of 
thirty sermons, seems well to express his main design, 
namely, to set forth " the simplicity that is in Christ " (as 
the Authorized Version has it), and " the simplicity that 
is toward Christ " (as given in the Revised Version). Thus 
we have The Simplicity of Repentance; The Simplicity of 
Faith; The Open Door of the Church; The Outside Chris- 
tian; Man's Question about Christ; Christ's Question to 
Men, etc. 

We note with pleasure the fullness of the table of con- 
tents, in which the plan of each sermon is given with the 

The form of these discourses is worthy of much com- 
mendation. The introductions lead directly to their sub- 
jects, and are natural, simple, and varied. The themes are 
clearly set forth, though we think that it would have been 
better to have given more of them in the form of a propo- 
sition, either logical or rhetorical. In one or two of the 
sermons, the subject is gotten from the text by accommo- 
dation, as in Ser. XV., from Luke ii. 12, entitled "The 
Sign of the Swaddling Clothes," in which, somewhat after 
the manner of Dr. Bushneirs famous sermon from Luke 
ii. 7, " Christ Waiting to Find Room," is set forth " The 
swaddling clothes as a type of the limitations and hin- 
drances by which Jesus was beset throughout His education 
and His life." 


The plans, which are in no respect formal and stero- 
typed, seem to grow naturally out of the subjects, and to 
be as varied as the themes; and the divisions are, in the 
main, given in distinct and concise terms. 

In the development of his themes our author is at his 
best. He draws no bow at a venture, and while he shoots 
in many directions, " one increasing purpose runs" through 
each sermon. He keeps constantly before him the end in 
view, and uses keen logic, vivid description, striking illus- 
tration, and, now and then, gentle irony, to serve his pur- 
pose. Perhaps the most prominent characteristic of these 
discourses is the continual progress of the thoughts and 
parts to the attainment of one end. The author's applica- 
tions of his themes are usually very brief, but pointed and 

As regards the materials of these sermons, they would 
seem to disclose in the writer not so much wide reading, 
as independent thinking. Evidently the author thinks for 
himself, and is not greatly disturbed if his thinking brings 
him to conclusions different from those generally reached 
by others. Nor is he at all backward in setting forth such 
conclusions. But this he does in so frank and manly a 
way, that it would seem that it must well nigh disarm 
criticism on the part of those who differ with him. In 
Ser. I. on "The Simplicity of Repentance," from Acts 
XX. 21, " Repentance toward God, and faith toward our 
Lord Jesus," the author, in his attempt to simplify the 
meaning of the word translated repentance, would seem 
not to put into the word its entire contents. Repent must 
mean more than " simply change your mind,'* unless the 
word mind, as here used, is understood to include the intel- 
lect, the sensibilities, and the will — the whole man as 


thinking, feeling, willing — in which case it means vastly 
more than what is commonly understood by the phrase — 
to change one's mind — which means merely to change 
one's opinion. 

In Ser. 11. on " The Simplicity of Faith," from Acts 
xvi. 31, "Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou 
shalt be saved, " we are told that " to believe in the Lord 
Jesus Christ is to trust in Him," and that this is " the true 
definition." But is not trusting in Christ rather a r^^w// 
of believing in Him, than the believing itself? I put my 
trust in a man because I believe in him. 

The four ** Sermons of Natural Theology" we regard as 
among the ablest in the volume. In the sermon entitled 
"A Corollary of Evolution," the preacher, taking " Evolu- 
tion as a theory of the universe," and discussing its 
probabilities and difficulties, shows that " All forces of 
the universe, according to this theory, are convertible 
into thought, emotion and volition; and ex hypothesi 
recontrovertible." Hence he deduces the corollary, that 
" The original form of existence of the universe may have 
been the form of infinite thought, emotion and volition — 
wisdom, love and might: which is equivalent to saying 
that * in the beginning God created the heaven and the 
earth.' " Thus he seems cleverly to turn the tables on his 

The sermon preached to a congregation of students in 
medicine, on " The Natural Theology of the Spleen," 
from Col. i. 16, " All things were created by Him and for 
Him," discloses in a marked manner the fine analysis, 
keen logic, cutting irony, and forceful expression charac- 
teristic of our author. 

In the sermon on " God's -Equitable Justice," from Luke 


xii. 47, 48, the preacher, it would seem, cuts up root and 
branch,^ the theory of a "probation after death." His 
foot-note on this subject (page 271) is very keen and sug- 

In his sermon on " Herod Penitent," from Mark vi. 20, 
" Herod did many things (or was much perplexed) and 
heard him gladly," we fear that, notwithstanding our 
author's condemnation of the phrase, " total depravity " 
(which is understood by " intelligent theologians gener- 
ally," as we believe, to be a wholly "vitiated state of 
moral character, " without reference to the degree of such 
vitiation), he refutes in the last part of the discourse the 
view of this doctrine that he seems to hold in the first. 

In the " Sermon to the Woodland Church, on occasion 
of an invitation to be installed as pastor," Dr. Bacon sets 
forth with an admirable frankness that must have won the 
hearts of his people, his objections to installation. But 
we cannot quite agree with him that in favor of installation 
are only " some slight considerations of convenience in 
administration," and " the modicum of advantage which 
would accrue to the church from the formal and public 
advertisement of the newly-established pastorate." 

Our limits forbid further notice in detail of these ser- 
mons. We would like to refer to the descriptive discourses 
in this volume, which in some respects are remarkable. 

The style of our author, though not in all respects a 
model, is well adapted to the pulpit. It is clear, simple, 
vivid, forceful. He is a master in description. At times, 
he uses irony keener than a Damascus blade. He is evi- 
dently so intent on what he is saying, and so bent on 
gaining his end, that he does not think of his style. 
Now and then it seems a little too familiar, aa in such 


phrases as " doesn't it?" " doesn't he?" " wasn't it?" 
" wasn't he?" and the like, which occur again and again 
through the discourses. 

We regard these as no ordinary sermons. They are 
packed with thought, set forth in a fresh, attractive, and 
often striking manner, and though we may not be able to 
assent to all the views they contain, we think that they 
will amply repay careful reading. 

Divine Sovereignty, and Other Sermons ^^ is the title of 
a volume of twenty discourses recently given to the public 
by Reuen Thomas, minister of Harvard Church, Brook- 
line, Mass. In the preface the author states that his 
" method of sermonizing, being a mixture of the prepared 
and extemporaneous, is of all methods least fitted to do 
itself credit in print." This remark, as we suppose, has 
reference rather to the style of the discourses, than to the 
plans and materials, though in these respects they seem, 
here and there, somewhat open to criticism. They are on 
such themes as Divine Sovereignty, Man's Sinfulness 
and Inability, Atonement and Expiation, The Divine 
Helper, The Witnessing Church, Retribution, The Child 
and His Dues, A More Excellent Way, The Limitations 
of Evil, and Predestination. 

The subjects, in general, come legitimately from their 
texts, though in some cases they cover more ground (Sen 
XIII.), in others less (Ser. XVIIL), than the text. They 
are not always stated with sufficient distinctness and brev- 
ity, but are, in most cases » introduced in a graceful and 
interesting manner. 

The main divisions of the theme are often hard to find. 
Indeed, so far as the form is concerned, one of the chief 

^Boston: D. Lothrop & Ca, 1885. 


defects of several of these sermons is the absence of a 
dearly-defined plan. 

In the development of his subjects, the author is sug- 
gestive rather than logical. Instead of arguing, he mod- 
estly sets forth his own opinions without dogmatism, and 
discusses them in a discursive, suggestive, and illustrative 
manner. The application of the thought is mostly very 
brief, and often very forcible. 

The exegesis of two or three of the texts seems not 
wholly satisfactory. In Ser. XIII. , " The Limitations of 
Evil," from the text, Luke xii. 4, " But I say unto you, 
my friends, Be not afraid of them that kill the body, and 
after that have no more that they can do," Satan is set 
forth as the being most to be feared. In Ser. XVI. , on 
" The Divine Responsibility," from Isaiah, xliii. I, in 
dwelling on the thought that God " holds Himself responsi- 
ble for the creation and its consequences," the author says, 
" In Redemption our God comes to us and shares our 
responsibility for sin." " As though God should say, the 
responsibility for sin is not all yours; some of it is Mine" 
(p. 232). We cannot think that, in any just sense of the 
term, God can be said to be responsible for nian's sin. In 
Ser. XVII. , on " Predestination," from Ephesians, i. 11, 
" Predestinated according to the purpose of Him who 
worketh all things after the council of His own will," we 
are told that " when St. Paul speaks of our being predes* 
tinated or fore-ordained, he is speaking about this nature 
of ours, and what it was made for " (p. 240) ; that " Yoa 
and I and all men were predestinated to be, according to 
that type and order " (Jesus Christ), (p. 242); and that 
" predestination speaks of the end which God had in mak- 
ing man, of the type that the Creator intended, and of the 


unchangeable purpose that He has to produce that type — 
that type, the perfection and consummation of which we 
have in Jesus the Christ " (p. 243). But is this the " fore- 
ordination " of which the Apostle writes in the remarkable 
chapter from which the text is taken, the whole trend of 
which is toward Christians alone? 

The style of our author is, in the main, clear, direct, 
terse, and forcible. Infrequently we meet with such 
unusual words as " doable," " dependableness,'* " can- 
tankerousness. " Often we find such terse expressions as 
" The Church has something more to do than to take care 
of itself" (p. 173); "Missionary it must be or die" 
(p. 174); " Each heart throws off its own atmosphere, as 
each flower its own perfume" (p. 194); " As the sunlight 
enters into every flower that blooms and every fruit that 
ripens, so Christ*s life enters into every soul that breathes 
the prayer, " God be merciful to me a sinner' " (p. 203). 

Although these discourses seem unequal in merit, often 
deficient in plan, and now and then somewhat at variance 
with commonly received tenets, yet we regard them as 
worthy of careful reading for their fresh thought and terse 
and forcible expression. 

Expositions y^ (Second Series), by the Rev. Samuel Cox, 
D.D., the well-known author of several commentaries, is 
a volume composed of thirty-three expository discourses, 
given to the press because of the hearty welcome from the 
public which the first volume received. 

" It is," says the author, " composed of expository dis- 
courses, in which I have tried to throw what light I could 
on obscure, out-of-the-way, or difficult Scriptures." 

Of these thirty-three " Expositions," we regard as 

^New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1886. 


among the most able, interesting and instructive, the eight 
discourses on The Gospel to the Greeks, The Transfer of 
the Religious Unit, The Wine-skin in the Smoke, All 
Things are Thy Servants, Baruch's Book, The Son of Man 

But throughout all these expository sermons, the author 
gives abundant indications of ripe Biblical scholarship, 
keen perception, and fine analytical ability, united with 
marked candor and manliness. They are remarkably fresh 
and interesting in both matter and manner, and show that 
expository sermons may be made attractive as well as 

The author manifests great versatility in the plans of 
these sermons; his introductions are appropriate and brief, 
and his applications of the truth tender and searching. 
He is master of the Anglo-Saxon, and puts what he has 
o say, into clear, simple, and forcible terms. He has a 
fine imagination, by which he often robes the truth in 
beautiful vestments. 

It would of course be expected that the well-known 
views of the author as an advocate of the doctrine of 
" Eternal Hope," would appear here and there in these 
discourses, yet they are always set forth with manly frank- 
ness. Although we cannot agree with the author in some 
of the views expressed in this volume of expository ser- 
mons, yet we regard it as a valuable contribution to the 
literature of the pulpit. 

The Expository Sermons and Outlines on the Old Tes- 
tament,^ — one of the series of books forming "The 
Clerical Library " — is a volume containing thirty-six 
expository discourses, chiefly on distinguished characters 

* New York: A. C. Armstrong & Son, 1886. 


in the Old Testament. In the " Prefatory Note," we are 
told that " the following expositions are all gathered from 
fugitive or unpublished sources. " The names of fifteen 
authors of these sermons are given, all able preachers, and 
representing several denominations, though largely the 
Established Church of England. The sermons are mostly 
given in full, a better form, as we think, than in brief, for 
the purpose for which the volume is intended. We regard 
it as far better that the young preacher and the student in 
homiletics study a sermon in full than in fragments. If 
he make his own analysis of it, he will more clearly per- 
ceive and more fully appreciate its elements of power, 
than if the analysis were made for him. 

The sermons of Canon Liddon on Balaam, and on The 
Failure of Elijah's Faith; the sermon of Archdeacon Far- 
rar on David; that of Dr. Maclaren on Trust and Waiting; 
of Prof. Davidson on Elijah's Flight; of Dr. Joseph Parker 
on The King Conquered; and the five discourses of Dr. 
Bradley, Dean of Westminster, on the Book of Job, we 
regard as among the best in the volume. The sermons, as 
a whole, are of good quality, and are well-selected, and 
the volume is a valuable addition to " The Clerical 

The Anglican Pulpit of To-Day^ is a volume of nearly 
five hundred closely-printed pages, containing " Forty 
Short Biographies and Forty Sermons of Distinguished 
Preachers of the Church of England. " The editor (whose 
name is not given) tells us in the Preface that " This vol- 
ume is intended to furnish a fair reflex of the preaching 
of the Church of England at the present time. It has 
been the aim of the editor to do justice to all schools of 

^ London: Hodder & Stonghton, 1886. 


thought. This aim he seems faithfully to have carried out, 
for he has given to us sermons from eminent preachers, 
representing the various schools of doctrine in the Estab- 
lished Church. The sermons, we are told, have not, in 
most cases, appeared previously in book form. The editor 
evidently has made a good selection of authors, though, 
as he says, " Some very distinguished preachers are miss- 
ing, for the reason that the writers did not wish their 
sermons to appear in a mixed collection. " 

The authors of seventeen of these forty sermons are 
bishops, of four are deans, while the writers of the 
remaining nineteen discourses are also eminent clergymen 
and professors. As a whole, they form a galaxy of dis- 
tinguished men, of whom the Church of England may 
well be proud. 

The biographies are, in general, very brief, often con- 
densed into a few lines, and rarely extending beyond a 
single page. They are comprehensive, and seem to be 

In respect to the form of these sermons, it may be said 
that, in the main, their plans and divisions are not made 
prominent. Rarely do they have numerical divisions, and 
in some cases the discourse takes well-nigh the form of an 
essay. We cannot but think that if some of these sermons 
had more clearly-defined plans, they would have more 

In regard to the material of these discourses, it can be 
said that, in general, they are packed with fresh and 
pertinent thought. Their writers appear fully aware of 
the great moral and spiritual needs of the age, and firm in 
the belief that the Gospel alone can supply these needs. 
This thought is well set forth by Bishop How in his ser- 


mon on "Salvation of Hope" ("Saved by Hope" — 
Romans viii. 24), in which, after pointing out that " One 
of the most terrible features in the life of many thousands 
of our poor in London, and in other great cities, is its 
hopelessness," he goes on to show that we must " go forth 
in the name of God to tell these poor souls of another and 
a better hope. They are slaves, in bondage to their vari- 
ous sins, and we carry a Gospel in our hands." "We 
proclaim a Gospel of Freedom, a Gospel of Hope." The 
Bishop thinks that " the Church is alive, and working and 
winning, and that the people recognize its work, and 
respect its zeal and activity." Says Bishop Fraser: " This 
age wants, and is prepared to receive, not the priest, but 
the prophet — not the man who claims to stand between 
them and God and say: ' No access to the Heavenly 
Father but by me,' but the man who can teach them the 
truth, and help them in their blindness and waywardness 
and ignorance to discern the way of peace and righteous- 
ness. For men do feel their ignorance, and are thankful 
for light, and are not indisposed to truth, and never was 
there a larger or a more fruitful opportunity for the 
preacher who is in earnest, who believes what he preaches, 
and will speak to men intelligently, reasonably, and 
sympathetically, than now. " 

These sermons also furnish abundant evidence that the 
pulpit of the Church of England is keeping itself abreast 
of the thinking and questioning of the ablest minds of our 
time, and is addressing itself to the solution of the religious 
problems confronting it. 

Our limits forbid a notice in detail of each of these forty 
sermons. We would only add that we regard the dis- 
courses of Archbishops Benson and Thompson; of Bishops 


Lightfoot, Woodford, Fraser, Ryle, Ellicott, Magee, 
Carpenter, How, and Reichel; of Deans Perowne and 
Farrar; of Canon Westcott; of Drs. Salmon, Hatch, and 
Brooks, as among the ablest in the volume. As regards 
the sermon of Dr. Phillips Brooks (perhaps the ablest in 
the book), we can hardly see the propriety of including 
this production of the most eminent preacher in the metrop- 
olis of New England in a volume entitled " The Anglican 
Pulpit of To-Day." In the discourse of Prof. Evans on 
"The Preaching to the Spirits in Prison," (I. Peter iii. 
18-20), we notice that the learned author not only " con- 
cludes that, according to St. Peter, our Lord in the world 
of spirits, between His own crucifixion and resurrection, 
announced * glad tidings of great joy,' " but also goes so 
far as to think that, from this interpretation of the text, 
the inference may be drawn that " some or many of His 
(Christ's) living members, as they have disappeared one by 
one behind the veil, have also, in their turn, and after His 
example, preached the same Gospel there'' (p. 445). 

This volume is worth careful reading by those who 
would be well informed as to the " preaching of the Church 
of England at the present time," as represented by her 
ablest divines and pulpit orators of the various schools of 

The Rev. Dr. Charles H. Parkhurst, Pastor of the Madi- 
son Square Church, New York, has added both to his 
usefulness and to his reputation by giving to the press his 
volume entitled The Pattern in the Mount and Other Ser- 
mons,^ The seventeen discourses of which the book is 
composed are on themes like the following: Human Spirit 
and Divine Inspection; Coming to the Truth; Walking by 

>New York : A. D. F. Randolph and Company, 1885. 


Faith; Walking in the Spirit; Methodical Piety; Piety 
and Business Compatible; Light the Outcome of Life. 

These sermons have striking characteristics. In matter 
they are remarkably fresh and original. The author 
is wholly himself in all that he says, and in his manner 
of saying it. His treatment of his subject is kaleidoscopic. 
He presents not so much arguments as pictures, or rather 
he presents arguments in pictures. Frequently illustration 
follows illustration almost as closely as pictures crowd each 
other in a gallery of paintings. And they are for the 
most part quite original and apposite. He uses metaphors 
rather than similes, and often condenses into a line what 
many preachers would expand into a page. He is well- 
nigh as epigrammatic as Emerson. His style is to a 
marked degree aphoristic. We are constantly meeting 
with such expressions as " Emptiness is full of Satan"; 
" Young aimlessness is the Seminary of old iniquity'*; " A 
cord gives out no music except when it is strained"; 
" Conscience is individualized Sinai"; " The pride of ignor- 
ance is like the stopper in an empty bottle, which renders 
the interior vacuum inaccessible." Often our author gives 
great vividness to his thoughts by felicitous epithets. 
Now and then he seems a little careless in expression or 
quotation as, " We have got to deal gently with people 
here " (p. 45); " In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat 
bread " (p. 100). 

The course of the thought in these sermons is not, as it 
seems to us, made sufficiently distinct. The plans are in 
general not made prominent enough to give an ordinary 
hearer easy possession of the thread of the discourse. 
This we regard as the chief defect in the form of these 


sermons. But they are remarkable for fresh and original 
thought and expression. 

The volume entitled The Welsh Pulpit of To-day ^^ com- 
prises twenty-seven sermons selected and, in most cases, 
translated into English by the Rev. J. Cynddylan Jones. 

" With two or three exceptions," says the editor, " these 
sermons were composed and delivered in the Welsh lan- 
guage to purely Welsh-speaking congregations, without 
any ulterior view to publication. They may, therefore, be 
taken as a trustworthy index of the real calibre of the ver- 
nacular ministry." These twenty-seven discourses from 
twenty-six Welsh preachers, are, as the editor thinks, " a 
fair average specimen of the religious teaching adminis- 
tered in the vernacular all the year round." We scarcely 
need say to those acquainted with the Welsh pulpit, that 
these sermons will compare favorably with an equal num- 
ber of discourses of " a fair average specimen " taken from 
the English or American pulpit. 

They have, in general, these marked characteristics. 
They are pervaded with Scripture, and often reveal in 
their authors a deep insight into its meaning. They have, 
with a single exception, great distinctness of plan. All 
but six of the sermons in this volume have textual plans, 
and these are, for the most part, skillfully made. They 
abound in illustrations. They are filled with the language 
of emotion. They are eminently practical, and apply the 
truth in a searching but tender manner. 

We are glad to learn that it is the editor's " purpose, in 
a subsequent volume, to analyze the more spiritual ele- 
ments that constitute the strength of the Welsh Pulpit. " 

^ The Welsh Pulpit of To-day, Sermons by Welsh Ministers, First 
Series, Edited by the Rev. J. Cynddylan Jones. London: 1885. 


The Great Question and other Sermons,^ by William 
Alexander, D.D., Lord Bishop of Derry and Raphoe, 
were evidently written by a man of deep convictions, 
decided opinions, and frank expression. A strong church- 
man and advocate of the Establishment, he is yet catholic 
in spirit, and appreciative of Christian life and character in 
whatever ecclesiastical connection. 

The fifteen sermons included in the volume are grouped 
under the four following heads: Sermons bearing on the 
Evidences of Christianity; Christian Life; Characters; 
The Church in Idea and Fact. Under these heads are 
discussed, among other subjects: The Mystery of Sickness, 
The Self-Assertion of Christ; The True Life Worth Living; 
Samson: Sensuality; Creed, Worship, and Work. 

The author's plans are, in the main, good, and the divi- 
sions are distinct, though not expressed with sufficient 
brevity.. His exegesis discloses his ripe knowledge of the 
Hebrew and Greek Scriptures, and often makes a text 
luminous, though we cannot always agree with him in his 
interpretations of a passage, as, for example, in the text. 
Matt. xxiv. 28, " Wheresoever the carcase is, there will 
the eagles be gathered together," that the word " carcase" 
means " the corpse of Jesus Christ as crucified," and that 
" as the eaglets gather round the corpse, so the souls of 
men, and especially of the elect, gather round Jesus " 
(p. 270). 

These sermons impress us with their frequent originality 
of thought and of expression. They closely hold the atten- 
tion of the reader, and while he may be often compelled 
to dissent from the author's views, he cannot but be 
pleased with his frank utterance and liberal spirit. 

1 New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1886. 


The Sermons and Addresses Delivered in America,^ by 
Archdeacon Farrar in his lite visit, were, as they came 
from the press, eagerly welcomed by his numerous friends 
among us. 

The volume comprises fourteen sermons, four addresses, 
and two lectures, making in all a book of nearly four hun- 
dred pages. The sermons, arranged in the order in which 
they were delivered, are upon themes such as the following: 
Christ's Lesson from the Lilies and the Sparrows; 
Awakement; Not a Sectarian Christ; The Lion in the 
Heart; The Retribution upon Selfish Societies; The 
Beatitude of Men's Reviling; The Lost Sheep; The Lost 
Coin; Things Which Cannot Be Shaken; and Ideals of 

These subjects the author treats rather in a rhetorical 
and literary way, than by theological and systematic 
methods. He is very discursive in the treatment of a 
theme, and brings forth from his great wealth of learning 
abundant illustrations with which to make it luminous. 
The breadth of his reading and knowledge, especially in 
ancient classic literature, disclosed in these sermons, is 

The thought, though not, in the main, original or strik- 
ing, is set forth with well-nigh wonderful affluence of per- 
tinent illustration drawn from every quarter. 

The style also, though somewhat diffuse, charms us by 
its freshness and grace. 

But these discourses could hardly be called homiletical 
models in respect to form. Their themes are rarely stated 
with clearness and brevity, and they are often developed 

^ Sermons and Addresses Delivered in America. By Frederic W. Farrar, 
D.D., Archdeacon and Canon of Westminster; with an Introduction by 
PhiUips Brooks, D.D. New York: E. P. Button & Co., 1886. 


by means of divisions so diffusely expressed that it is 
difficult to remember them. This want of clear and con- 
cise statement both of the themes and of the main heads, 
we regard as one of the chief defects in these sermons. 

As regards their matter, we fear that the author's repug- 
nance to a rigid Calvinism may have led him unawares 
almost to travesty some of its doctrines. As " the 
preacher of Eternal Hope," we think that not a few of the 
readers of this volume will take issue with its learned and 
eloquent author on the little he has said in it on this 

But with his genial and large hearted catholicity of 
spirit, and his constant insistence on that as the only true 
Christianity, which shows itself in a life full of love and 
good works, we are sure that all who read these delightful 
pages will be in hearty accord. 

The volume of Sermons on the Christian Life,^ by John 
DeWitt, D.D-, Professor in Lane Theological Seminary, 
is worthy of the reputation of its author as an able and 
aithful preacher of the Gospel. It comprises twenty- 
seven discourses " written and preached when the author 
was a pastor," and they are "on various aspects and 
elements of human life treated in their relations to Chris- 
tianity." As they were prepared, the author tells us, 
" not for publication, but for delivery before the writer's 
congregation, their style and language often approach 
those of familiar conversation." " The form of the ser- 
mon," he adds, " is determined by the relations of the 
preacher to his audience, quite as much as it is by his 
theme." Hence we find in these discourses no elaborate 
composition or philosophizing, but a simple, direct, and 

iNew York : Scribner»s Sons, 1885, 


forceful presentation of the themes discussed. They ate 
introduced in an appropriate, varied, and attractive manner, 
and stated, generally, in the form of a rhetorical proposi- 
tion, with clearness and brevity. ' The reader is not left 
in doubt either as to the subject or as to its method of 
treatment, for the main divisions are, in general, distinctly 
and tersely expressed. 

In seven of the discourses the division is textual, and in 
some cases excellent. Now and then, the division seems 
imperfect. In Sermon I., on " the dangers arising from 
sudden and disappointing transitions in life ; and our only 
safety when character is menaced by them^'' the first head 
is stated thus: " That you may see how practical our 
subject is, I ask you to notice, first, that such transition is 
a frequent human experience,'^ a thought which should 
properly appear in the introduction. In Sermon XII., on 
" The Cost of Discipleship," the first head treats of the 
nature of discipleship, the second of the fact that " the self- . 
denial of the Gospel is no arbitrary imposition," and the 
third of " the elements of the cost of Christian disciple- 
ship." It would seem better to state the subject as Chris- 
tian Discipleship — its Nature and Cost, and, reducing the 
division to two heads, to treat first of the nature of 
Christian discipleship, and then of its cost. 

Our author's conclusions are, in many cases, models of 
brevity, and of faithful and tender appreciation of the 
truth. Perhaps with too much uniformity he applies each 
truth first to those of his hearers who are Christians, and 
then to those of them who are not. 

His style, though at times familiar and conversational, 
is quite free from faults, clear, direct, and often forcible. 
A more frequent use of illustrations would, as we think. 


have rendered these excellent discourses still more impres- 

The volume of Sermons on the International Sunday- 
School Lessons for iS86,^ (Eleventh Series), by "The 
Monday Club," is a valuable contribution to Sunday-school 
literature. The club comprises twenty well-known minis- 
ters, four of whom contribute four sermons each, eight, 
three discourses each, and the remaining eight, one sermon 
each. These sermons, though differing considerably in 
merit, are, in the main, worthy of their authors. Taking 
the central thoughts of the lessons, they set them forth in 
a clear, instructive, and impressive manner. A careful 
reading of them cannot but be of much service, not only 
to Sunday-school teachers and scholars, but also, in gen- 
eral, to the Christian public. 

The volume of Sermons Preached in the First Churchy 
Boston,^ by Rufus Ellis, D.D. , late, minister of the 
Church, would, as we imagine, have included a somewhat 
different selection of sermons, had the discourses been 
selected and prepared for publication by Dr. Ellis himself. 
Some of these sermons could hardly be termed more than 
brief moral essays on passages of Scripture. Of these 
thirty-six sermons, all but eight " were found to have no 
titles," and we think that not a few of the titles supplied 
are not such as the author would have given. Indeed, 
one of the chief objections to these sermons, so far as 
their form is concerned, is that they are so largely without 
homiletic form. Rarely is a theme clearly stated, or 
developed under distinct heads. Generally, a text is 
treated in an informal and discursive manner, in some 

^Boston: Congregational Sunday-School and Publishing Society, 1886. 
'Boston : Cupples, Upham and Company, 1885. 


cases so much so that it is difficult to keep in mind the 
course of thought. 

The author's style is pure and elevated, and though not 
forcible or brilliant, is fresh and attractive. 

The materials of these sermons do not indicate wide 
reading. They are largely drawn from the preacher's 
reflections and observations. He rarely reasons, uses few 
illustrations, and can hardly be said to rise into eloquent 
thought and expression. But evidently he is thoroughly 
in earnest, fully persuaded of the truth of what he utters, 
is Christlike in spirit, and a firm believer in good works as 
essential to Christian character. While a consistent and 
conservative Unitarian, he is not sectarian, and throughout 
these discourses manifests a tender, fraternal spirit toward 
all who are trying to do the work of the Master. While 
we cannot agree with the author in many of the sentiments 
expressed in these sermons, for example, that, in the 
parable of the rich man and the beggar, there is any 
ground for believing that " it may teach of possible recov- 
eries and restorations "; and in the parable of the Pharisee 
and the Publican, that *' the Saviour is describing two 
kinds of goodness, even of religious goodness, the mind 
and heart in which men live before God and come into 
His presence in the act of prayer "; yet we appreciate 
these sermons for the good qualities named. 

New Tabernacle Sermons^ is the title of a recent volume 
of thirty-two discourses by T. DeWitt Talmage, D.D. 
Some of these are on unusual themes, as Brawn and 
Muscle; The Pleiades and Orion; The Queen's Visit; 
The Lord's Razor; The Road to the City; The Banished 

iNcwYork: E. B. Treat, 1886. 


Queen; Despotism of the Needle, and The Congratulations 
of Heaven." 

These sermons strikingly exhibit the author's character- 
istics as a preacher. They set forth evangelical truths in 
an orderly, vivid, picturesque, and at times almost gro- 
tesque manner. The preacher rarely reasons or deals in 
abstractions. He throws his materials into concrete forms, 
and abounds in illustrations, some of which must be try- 
ing to a refined taste. In his dread of being tame, he 
sometimes becomes almost turgid. He is epigrammatic, 
often extravagant, and at times fanciful. But through all,* 
he is wholly himself — an earnest, courageous, faithful 
preacher of the Gospel. 

We regard this volume of discourses as superior to the 
Collection of 104. Sermons of the author, reviewed in the 
last volume of Current Discussions in Theology y to which 
we refer our readers for a fuller delineation of his charac- 
teristics as a preacher. 

Sermons in Songs y^ is the title of a volume of twenty- 
seven discourses recently given to the pres? by Chas. S. 
Robinson, D.D., pastor of the Memorial Church, New 
York. " The title of this volume," says the author, " was 
suggested by the fact that the texts were chosen from the 

* Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs * of the Old Testa- 
ment and the New." As " The sermons were prepared 
along the course of the author's ministrations during a 
period of years," they are of a very practical nature. 

The themes are somewhat unusual, as The King's 
Daughter; The Prince's Bride; The Bride's Presents; The 
' Magnificat ' of Mary; The Sermon on the Cross; The 

* Gloria in Excelsis * ; The ' Nunc Dimittis ' of Sime6n, 

«New York: Funk & WagnaUs, 1885. 


and The Eucharist Hymn. These subjects the author 
introduces in an appropriate, interesting, and often 
picturesque manner, but his exegesis sometimes appears a 
little doubtful (Sers. VI., XVIIL). 

His plans are good, some of them admirable, and the 
divisions are clearly and briefly set forth. At times per- 
haps the analysis is a little too minute or fanciful, yet 
often quite original. 

In the development of his themes the author reveals not 
so much great learning as abundant good sense. He uses, 
often with great effect, pertinent illustrations largely drawn 
from history and observation. A quiet, genial humor 
here and there shows itself, giving zest to the discussion. 
The author's well-known love of music and song is mani- 
fest throughout these discourses. They are indeed 
" Sermons in Songs." 

The conclusions are brief, forcible, and at times quite 

The thought is set forth in a clear, natural, forcible, and 
often vivid manner. 

These sermons are well worth reading. 

The volume of Twenty-four Sermons ^^ by the late 
Henry W. Bellows, D.D., is, on many accounts, one of 
rare interest. The eminence of the author both as a 
scholar and a preacher, his high position in the Unitarian 
denomination, and his well-known conservatism and can- 
dor, give to these utterances of his in the pulpit, which for 
more than two score years he filled with great acceptance 
to his church, more than usual importance. 

^ Tkoenty^our Sermons^ preached in All Souls Church, New York, 1S65- 
188 1. By Henrv W. Bellows, D.D. Minister of the First Congregational 
Oiurch, 1839-1882. Selected and edited by his son, Russell N. Bellows. New 
York: Published by the Editor, 1886. 


These sermons cover a wide range of subjects, as, for 
example: Salvation: The Modern Meaning of the Term; 
Spiritual Spring-Tide; The Holy Spirit: What* is it, and 
Whence comes it; Self-Renunciation: the Rest of Jesus; 
Hereditary Faith and Piety; Jacob's Wrestle with God; 
Unworthy Conceptions of God; Jesus Christ: His Nature 
and Claims; The Distinctive Mission of Unitarian Christi- 

These discourses are quite informal in structure, and are 
more in the form of an essay than of a sermon. Only in 
a few of them is there a clearly-defined plan, and in but 
two of them is there any numerical divisions. The style 
is clear, pure, elevated, and attractive, and the illustrations, 
are, for the most part, felicitous. Indeed the style and illus- 
trations, together with the fresh and vigorous thought, 
contribute not a little to give a peculiar charm to these 

But to many of the author's opinions expressed in these 
sermons, we could hardly hope to assent; as, for example, 
that ** Paul, no doubt, had notions of Christ's mission and 
work which are untenable" (p. 7); that "We know no 
heaven and hell such as they " (the Apostles) " believed 
in" (p. 8); that " We find and we acknowledge no finality 
in the Scriptures, no finality in the word or person of 
Jesus" (p. 357). We cannot but think that our author, 
usually so candid, has, in his opposition to evangelical 
doctrines, labored throughout these sermons to pull down 
the exaggerated statements of them which he unconsciously 
has set up. 

But though it were easy to find on almost every page of 
this volume, views from which we must dissent, yet we 
are in full sympathy with the author in his thorough 


loyalty to Christ, his large-hearted benevolence, and his 
insistence on Christian living as the proof of Christian 

This volume of Sermons should be read by those who 
would know what " Modem Unitarianism *' is in its most 
conservative form, and best expression. 

The discourses entitled The Heavenly Vision and Other 
Sermons ^"^ by Rev. Henry M. Booth, D.D., Pastor of the 
Presbyterian Church of Englewood, N. J., while without 
marked characteristics of excellence, would seem worthily 
to represent the evangelical pulpit of to-day. The seven- 
teen sermons of the volume are on such themes as The 
Divine Estimate of Man; The Moral Ends of Business; 
Conceptions of God, as Expressed by the Sanctuary; 
Distress without Despair ; Jesus of Nazareth — His Place 
in History. 

We regard the last eight sermons of the book, in which 
the endeavor is made " to exhibit the perfect adaptation 
of the Lord Jesus Christ to man's spiritual necessities," as 
the best in the volume. 

The author's plans of his sermons are simple, and the 
divisions are, in the main, distinct. It would seem to be a 
favorite method of the author to make the conclusion of 
one head the premise of the following head, and so on 
throughout the discourse (Sers. I., V., XV., XVI.). His 
applications of the truth are pointed and tender. He uses 
comparatively few, but pertinent, illustrations. His style 
is clear and often forcible, though at times he seems not 
sufficiently careful in the selection of words. For exam- 
ple, he seems partial to the word " secure," and often uses 
it where another word would be more appropriate, as " let 

^ew York: A. D. F. Randolph & Co., 1885. 


US aim to secure ' the stature of the fullness of Christ ' " 

(p. 62). 

These sermons, though not remarkable for originality 
of thought, or fascination of style, present the truths of 
the Gospel in a clear, faithful, tender, and interesting 

A little work entitled Soundings,'^ by the late Rev. 
Mortimer Blake, D.D., consists of fifteen sermons selected 
by his daughter, and receives its appellation from the 
somewhat original themes and methods of treatment. We 
have such subjects as, Christian Light-houses; Mean- 
ing of Solomon's Song; Origin of Salvation; Inner 
Strength of Christianity; Existing Antagonisms Ap- 
proved of God ; The Dream of Pilate's Wife ; Weak 
Kinglings, and Night Service. These are discussed in 
a remarkably fresh and interesting manner, and though 
we may not assent to all of the author's conclusions, yet we 
are impressed with the abounding good sense, the nice 
discrimination, the earnest Christian spirit, and the prac- 
tical aim disclosed throughout these discourses. 

In several of the sermons, the themes seem well chosen 
from accommodated texts, and are developed with much 
originality and force. The author's style, though at times 
a little careless, is, in the main, clear, simple, and forcible. 
The illustrations are often very pertinent, and the delinea- 
tions graphic. The Congregational Sunday School and 
Publishing Society has done good service to the Christian 
public in giving to it this volume. 

^Soundings, by Rev. Mortimer Blake, D.D.; edited by his daughter, Mrs. 
Evelyn L. Morse. With prefatory note by Rev. Jacob Ide. Boston : Con- 
gregational Sunday School and Publishing Society, 18S6. 







PxoPBSSOR OP Pastoral Thbology and Spbcial Studibs, 

Chicago Theological Seminary. 



Discussions in this department during the past year 
are to be found chiefly in our periodical literature. Differ- 
ent phases of the entire parochial work have been treated, 
when emerging, from one reason or another, to special 


A discussion by Dr. Washington Gladden, in the New 
York Independent deals with the theatric spirit, so to call 
it, in which our congregations, and too often our church- 
members, attend the Sabbath service. That is to say, they 
expect, like those going to an entertainment, rather to be 
drawn from without themselves than impelled from within. 
The pastor is put into the pulpit to be not a light, but a 
magnet. The people are the dead particles that he is to 
draw. That they are to show any responsible, spontaneous 
interest in the service, as a worship of God whom they 
seek to honor, is an idea that, in Dr. Horace Bushnell's 
phrase, has not yet arrived. Of an obligation to attend 
on a rainy day, or in the evening, there is small recognition. 
The thought of carrying spiritual warmth to the church, 
seems rarely to occur. It is enough to present themselves 
that the fire may be kindled by the preacher. The mis- 
chiefs that issue from all this folly are deplorable. The 
preacher is burdened with a task that ought not to be laid 
on his shoulders. He is put under a sore temptation to 
leave the simplicity of the Gospel for something that will 
" draw. " He is so chilled by the unsympathetic atmosphere 



around him, especially at the evening service, that his 
breath almost freezes as it leaves his lips. But on the 
people the effect is still worse. They are confirmed in the 
irreverence, not to say impiety, which counts the presence 
of God in the sanctuary and the occasion of worshiping 
Him, no attraction whatever. They are pampered into 
the morbid appetite that can relish no strong meat for the 
soul, but only rhetorical tarts and creams. They come to 
a chronic captious mood that would get no benefit from 
the preaching of Gabriel himself. 

It is too common for a pastor, while deploring all this, 
to ask in the same breath, " What can I do in regard to 
it? " Certainly nothing if he goes on the assumption that 
the congregation come only to hear him, and that it is his 
function to inveigle them there by his charms of speech. 
Starting from that fatal concession, he is debarred by his 
own modesty from any remonstrance against this neglect 
of worship. But let him found the whole matter on a dif- 
ferent basis. Let him bring the mingled authority and 
love of God to bear on the question. Let him press the 
conscience of his people, meanwhile doing the best pulpit- 
work of which he is capable, and he need feel no embar- 


Rev. E. Hungerford discussed in The New Mnglander 
for April, 1886, the possibilities of worship in non-liturgic 
churches. That there has been an advance upon the bare- 
ness of the Sabbath service among the fathers, a drift 
toward the enrichment of it by new features and larger 
variety, is evident. Some have superficially mistaken this 
for a bias toward a liturgy. It is only that, with an eclectic 


spirit, anything that seems attractive and profitable 
has been adopted. The remainder is declined, not because 
there is an inclination toward it, but because there is not. 
An imperative demand of our churches in regard to any 
feature of their worship is, we believe, that it shall be 
intelligible. Mr. Hungerford holds that musical tones 
may more profoundly move the feelings of some wor- 
shipers than devout words those of others. Possibly. 
But whether this is a devotional or an aesthetic movement 
may be an open question. And even if the former, the 
number moved is relatively too small to deserve consider- 
ation in arranging an order of service. An emotional fer- 
vor is, no doubt, important in worship. But it should be a 
fervor aroused through an intelligent apprehension of 
truths and sentiments first presented to the mind. 

It is pleaded in behalf of a liturgic service that the words 
become, by constant repetition, so familiar as to be easily 
apprehended. So, it is claimed, the intellect being relieved 
of effort, the heart is left free to act. But precisely that 
we believe to be the fatal objection. Mind and heart 
must work together. That which slips through the mind 
with a parrot-like recitation takes no deep hold on the 
heart. We come to repeat it as we do the process of 
breathing, half unconsciously. 

And to this objection to set forms of prayer should be 
added, that the addresses to the throne of grace in our 
churches should vary with the varying events and condi- 
tions of life in the congregation. So, too, with the round 
of the Christian year. Readers in middle life and beyond 
itwill remember the embarrassment in the liturgical churches 
at the death of Mr. Lincoln. He received the fatal shot on 
Good Friday. The following Sunday, being Easter, called 


for flowers and rejoicing, when the whole nation was in 
tears for its martyred president. 

But, though we need no liturgy, there is always room 
for improvement in our order of service. The Sunday 
schools have, as to this matter, acted as pioneers. The 
variety brought in by more frequent singing, by responsive 
reading, by explanation of Scripture from the Superin- 
tendent's desk, and so on, has aided progress in this direc- 
tion in the main congregation. 

But one object to be held steadily in view should be 
fuller exposition of Scripture. Neither expository preach- 
ing nor the instruction which the children receive in the 
Sunday school can meet this want. The Bible should, at 
every service if possible, be read twice — once responsively 
as a devotional service, and once for exposition. There 
should be copies of the Bible in every pew. These can 
now be had on easy terms. And if, after the good Scotch 
fashion, the congregation would open the Scriptures and 
follow the minister from verse to verse, as he briefly 
expounded, it would rapidly increase among the people a 
knowledge of Holy Writ. 


Through our religious journals and otherwise there has 
been no little discussion of the oft-recurring question, How 
to succeed with the Sabbath evening service. It is, of 
course, easy to solve the question, as so many a church 
has already done, by either abandoning that service alto- 
gether, or substituting for it a quiet vesper prayer-meeting, 
attended by a score or two of the most faithful of the 
churchy members. But, with our steady drift toward a 


European Sunday that ends at noon, leaving the afternoon 
and evening for recreation or something worse, our pastors, 
let us hope, are not ready at present to content themselves 
with that. 

A united service for several congregations has been 
another resort for one of the four or five Sabbath evenings 
in the month, while missionary and Sunday-school concerts 
occupy two others. Preachers of signally magnetic power 
have, of course, no embarrassment as to the matter. What 
is wanted is a method of so conducting the service that a 
preacher not gifted with such power may secure a large 

The pastor of an Eastern church, after much reflection, 
adopted a course which, through a trial of several years, 
has proved successful. He resolved to devote, as is so 
often done, the morning service mainly to the instruction 
and edification of the church proper, and the evening to 
the aggressive work of reaching the world without. A 
first aim with him, in the latter service, has been to draw 
the street idlers into the house. The next has been to 
offer them something spiritually quickening, and, if pos- 
sible, to win them to the new life in Christ. During the 
evening a large and well-trained choir renders, in solo, 
quartette and chorus, various sacred melodies. In this 
way a considerable class of persons of musical taste are 
interested and held. For another class the simple and 
stirring Gospel hymns are freely used. In singing these 
the whole congregation is invited to unite. This part of 
the service continues, with ten minutes of Scripture read- 
ing and exposition, two minutes in prayer, and time for 
notices and the evening offering, about three-quarters of 
an hour. In the sermoa that follows the pastor dispenses 


with both manuscript and desk. He rarely speaks more 
than thirty minutes. He aims at a familiar, practical style 
of address, freely illustrated, and made as direct and 
impressive as possible. A short prayer, hymn and bene- 
diction conclude the service. The audience meanwhile has 
been invited to remain for a brief after-meeting. From 
fifty to two hundred accept the invitation. This meeting 
continues from about 9 to 9:15 p. m. It is occupied with 
prayer, testimony, exhortation, and an invitation to any 
who desire to enter upon the Christian life to indicate it by 
rising. One or more every week give evidence of conver- 
sion. The audience, after the adoption of this method, 
increased from about 200 to 700 or 800. Cards are dis- 
tributed through the pews, and strangers who are willing 
to identify themselves with the congregation are invited to 
give their names and addresses. The steady success of 
this plan for a series of years shows such success to be 
possible without extraordinary powers of the pastor in the 


A subject neglected till within recent years, but now 
claiming increased attention, is the history of the hymns 
used in our worship. Several volumes in this department 
of Christian literature have already appeared. ^ In their 
way and measure they have served a valuable purpose. 

^ The Story of the Hymn, By Hezekiah Butterworth. Published by The 
American Tract Society. 

Evenings with the Sacred Poets, A Series of Quiet Talks about the 
Singers and their Songs. By Frederic Saunders. New York: A. D. F. 
Randolph, 187a 

Hymn Writers and their Hymns. By Rev. S. W. Christophers: 

Historical Sketches of Hymns; their Writers and their Influence, Rev. 
Jos. Belcher, T^.'D, Philadelphia: Lindsay & Blakiston, 1859. 


Each has contributed something to the common stock of 
material. But no one of them, not all together, have 
gleaned the field. They have depended too largely on 
previously-published material. 

But a volume has at last appeared, more ample and 
more nearly exhaustive of the sources of information than 
any preceding. ^ Dr. Duffield has laid the Church universal 
under obligation by the painstaking thoroughness with 
which he has accomplished his work. One is half temp- 
ted to wish that, at some points, he had contented himself 
with gliding over the surface of tradition and story. For 
many a romantic tale here dissolves into a myth, many a 
touching incident becomes the absurdest of anachronisms. 
But the consolation for these losses of our favorite fictions 
is that what remains is authentic. The pastor need no 
longer fear that, after moving his people with a pathetic 
account of the origin of a hymn, he will be mortified, at 
the close of the service, by some prying investigator inform- 
ing him that his author had gone to his reward a half cen- 
tury before the incident occurred. And not only so. But 
a mass of material, as immense in quantity as pure in 
quality, remains after this sifting. For the streams from 
which the author draws flow from almost numberless new 
sources. The volume far exceeds in bulk any one or any 
two of its predecessors. " Hue undique gaza " might be, 
without assumption, its motto. The amount of illustrative 
matter regarding the origin of hymns, the anecdotes of 
stirring or affecting scenes in which they have played their 
part, the instances in which they have awakened the god- 
less or comforted believers, are spread in exhaustless pro- 

^ English Hymns — Their Authors and History, By Samuel Willoughby 
Duffield, author of The Latin Hymn Writers and their Hymns, etc. New 
York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886. 


fusion on these pages. By correspondence with living 
authors, by recovery of manuscripts of the dead, by far- 
reaching, laborious research in ancient lore, the author has 
made his book an ample and rich thesaurus. The com- 
plaint of one reviewer that he confines himself too exclu- 
sively to the " Laudes Domini'' of Dr. C. S. Robinson, is 
ill-grounded. About 1,750 hymns are discussed by Dr. 
Duffield — about all, probably, of the origin of which, or 
of the lives of the authors of which, anything of moment is 

We commend this volume as fit to mark, in some 
'measure, a new step of progress in the " Service of Song 
in the House of the Lord. " Whatever throws into our 
worship fresh elements of interest and profit, every efficient 
pastor will welcome. The history of hymns is a feature 
of the service thus far almost unknown or ignored. A 
judicious use of it would infuse a new life and meaning 
into many a sacred lyric which may have lost, from 
familiarity, something of its power. The narrative, given 
when announcing the hymn to the congregation, of the 
spiritual refreshing that has flowed through it to some 
believer, in the stress and strain of a great crisis, to some 
dying soldier on the battlefield, to some widow in her 
want, to some departing saint as he rose heavenward, 
would help them to sing it with throbbing hearts and 
possibly tearful eyes. We earnestly commend to pastors 
a reinforcement like this to the variety, the interest and 
the spiritual profit of the services they conduct. 


The last National Council of Congregational Churches, 
at Chicago, took action, as will be remembered, to pro- 
vide safeguards against unworthy intruders into the min- 


istry. We will enter no further into that matter than to 
say that no ecclesiastical laws, no rules for the construc- 
tion of our Year Book, no methods of induction into the 
sacred office, will effectually protect the churches from 
such adventurers. They must protect themselves. The 
country is too vast, facilities for escaping from one section 
of it to another and the resumption of clerical functions 
under an alias, are too numerous to allow of protection 
from impostors by published minutes or membership in any 
ecclesiastical body. If a church committee will admit to the 
pulpit, without thorough inquiry into his credentials and 
record, any stranger who applies, then the church will suffer 
imposture. There is no remedy. The peril lies in the 
delusion that a preacher's service in the pulpit, his power 
to interest an audience, is the most important function 
devolving upon him. Every adventurer, knowing this, has 
a few sermons, perhaps stolen and certainly far above his 
average, with which, before his character becomes known, 
to captivate the audience. This seems to be one of the 
divinely ordered retributions for this theatric spirit in 
attending church as mere spectators and not as worshipers. 
When churches learn that a pastor's work outside the pulpit, 
as a shepherd of souls, is quite as important as a rhetorical 
display in the sanctuary, when they look for Christian 
character before gifts and talents, then only will they be 
secure from these wolves in sheep's clothing. 


Dr. E. F. Williams, of Chicago, has raised in The 
Advance^ a remonstrance against the neglect of adults in 
the efforts of our pastors to win children to Christ. There 
is ground for that remonstrance. In the word-painting of 


our Sunday school evangelists and others who set forth 
the children as the hopeful class, a dark background for 
contrast is made of the hardened and hopeless adults. 
We are in danger of falling, as to them, into a chronic 
despair. Small credit it would be to our faith to sag 
away into the concession that it is capable of moving only 
the children. But, beyond question, the work of reaching 
full-grown men, especially, will demand a faith in the Holy 
Spirit's power exceptionally strong, and great persistency 
of consecrated will. We have in mind a New England 
pastor, signally possessed of these qualities, who for years 
was in the habit of selecting some man of mature life in 
his congregation as one to be drawn to Christ. Beginning 
with earnest prayer in his behalf, he followed him up inde- 
fatigably. He made the impression upon him by his 
whole spirit and manner, though in an inoffensive way, 
that no other thought than that of his submission to Christ 
was to be entertained. And so he drew, one after 
another, a large company of ripe, strong men from the 
world into the Church. 


But while the conversion of adults must be steadily 
held in view, the children still remain preeminently the 
hopeful class. Our churches have hardly more than 
begun to awake to the importance of this matter. Since 
Dr. Horace Bushnell's well-known and admirable article 
in The New Englander, in 1844, on Growth, not Con- 
quest, the True Method of Christian Progress, and his 
later work on Christian Nurture, there has been more or 
less recognition, dim or clear, of the children as, under 
God, our main hope. Until the thought of them as such 


becomes more deeply wrought into the inmost conviction 
of the churches, and more thoroughly pervasive of their 
whole policy, we are likely to see them drag and falter 
in advancing to the possession of the earth. 

We reviewed last year in these Discussions an excellent 
little practical treatise by Rev. Dr. A. T. Chesebrough, 
" Children Trained for Disciples hip.'* He has since 
expanded that treatise into a moderate volume with the 
title " Culture of Child Piety y We devote to it a degree 
of attention proportioned rather to the importance of the 
subject-matter than to the size of the book. 

The author, laying stress on the oft-quoted words of 
Jesus in regard to the children, " Of such is the kingdom 
of heaven,'* asserts that the kingdom especially and em- 
phatically belongs to them. The children of the Church, . 
as he holds, are the native-born subjects of this kingdom, 
while those converted in adult years are only naturalized 
foreigners. He subscribes to Neander's sentiment that the 
new birth, in the children, was not designed to constitute 
a new crisis, a conversion^ as of an adult, beginning at 
some definable moment; but it was to begin imperceptibly 
and so to continue through the whole life. To the objec- 
tion that the churches of the apostolic age were the fruits 
of revivals in which adults were, almost exclusively, the 
subjects of grace, he replies with an analogy. Our first 
parents seem to have been created full-grown. But it 
would hardly follow that their descendants were to enter 
the world in like fashion. The necessity of the case, both 
in Eden and at Pentecost, required exceptional methods. 

A quaint deliverance of the New England Synod of 
1662 is aptly cited: *' The Lord hath not set up churches 
only that a few old Christians may keep one another warm 


while they live, and then carry away the church with them 
when they die. No, but that they might, with all care, 
• • • nurse still successively another generation of 
subjects to our Lord that may stand up in His kingdom 
when they are gone." 

The author urges that a child trained for Christ " grows 
up radically different from what he would have been if 
left under the control of a vitiated nature received by 
inheritance. " • • • In addressing adults on personal 
religion, " full two-thirds of our appeals must take apolo- 
getic form, in answering excuses, parrying objections, 
combating the reasonings of the secret skeptic in the soul." 
But the first yearning of a child, next after the gratifica- 
tion of its bodily appetites, is for some being to love. If 
it could be brought up like chickens in an incubator, it 
would be but a miserable starveling. " 

The author fully recognizes the obstacles, with the 
present parentage and surroundings, to the culture of 
child-piety. Bad influences from outride our Christian 
homes, Sunday-schools and churches, deteriorated blood, 
and too often inbred vicious propensities within the homes 
themselves, overcloud the prospect of complete success. 
But he holds that if the success of the church is ever to 
be on a scale that promises the dominion of the globe, it 
must be by either child-nurture or some other method for 
which we have no warrant to hope. And it is easy to see 
that the motto, " Nothing succeeds like success," would 
have signal application here. For children growing and 
strengthening from their very infancy in Christian charac- 
ter, would transmit fewer and fewer evil propensities to 
their descendants, from generation to generation, and 


more and more of such native instincts as incline to 

The first charge of our Lord to Peter, after his recovery, 
was " Feed my lambs. " But we have reversed the order. 
The main care in the training of candidates for the ministry 
has been to fit them for winning adults. The main aim of 
our evangelists has been to take their hearers through 
such a process of conviction and conversion as is inappro- 
priate to a little child. All treatment which would 
produce an abrupt, convulsive experience in the mind of 
a child the author holds as unintelligent and harmful. 
Attempts to force by sheer authority the free-will of one 
coming forward into youth he deprecates as well. Even 
the soul of a child can defy all authority^ human and 
divine. It is perilous to drive it into an attitude of open 
resistance. Children of Christian families turning out 
haters of religion are often sad illustrations of this. Love, 
as exhibited in the story of the redemption, is the true 
power with which to bring the soul into willing subjection. 
It is natural^ in the divine order of things, that a child 
who has begun to honor the earthly father and do right, 
should bow to the Heavenly Father when He comes 
clearly iirto recognition. As young Samuel, nursed in 
piety, and without question God's own child, came out in 
one eventful night into open vision of Him. For up to 
the hour when God called him, " Samuel did not yet know 
the Lord, neither was the Word of the Lord yet revealed 
to him." 

In their unfolding experience children are not to be 
judged by any standard appropriate to adults. Hilarity 
that verges on frivolity is no such indication of worldliness 
in them as in those of riper years. God made them to 


play as really as He made the sun to shine. There is 
often an uncharitable severity in judging them. 

Child-piety, instead of being volatile and transient as 
many imagine, is more enduring than that of their seniors. 
Says Rev. C. H. Spurgeon: " Among those I have had, 
at any time, to exclude from the church, out of a member- 
ship of twenty-seven hundred I have never had to exclude 
one who was received while yet a child." Says Rev. 
C. F. Thwing: " The secret of the wonderful growth of 
the largest Presbyterian church but one in the State of 
New York has been, that the children have early been 
brought into the church and have proved its bulwark of 
strength." Such testimonies might be indefinitely multi- 

But the work of training children for Christ must not 
be left to second-rate or hap-hazard agencies. They need 
something more than the stimulus of young people's 
prayer-meetings and juvenile Christian societies. They 
need solid instruction as to the nature of the Christian life, 
such as the pastor alone is, in general, able to afford 
them. The instruction should be Biblical, not specula- 
live. Redemption through Christ should be taught, as 
our author holds, but no theory of atonement, whether 
governmental, commercial or moral. The doctrines of 
Scripture are means to Christian life and character, not 
ends. They should be used as, and so far as, they can be 
made to conduce to these ends. 

The true method of presenting saving truth to children 
is not the Socratic or inquisitorial. Under rough handling 
the child's soul, like a sensitive flower, will close at once. 
There is no access to it in that fashion. Instead of asking, 
" What are your views and feelings as to sin? " one should 


inquire, " Can you commit yourself to the Lord Jesus 
Christ as your Saviour? " Let examples of high Christian 
character be given, with parables and other illustrations. 
Learn of the child's real spiritual state rather from your 
own inferences, after free, confidential conversation, than 
from direct probing by question and answer. 

But all this, and like matter, the author brings in as 
preliminary to his direct design. He proposes a class for 
the instruction and training of children, to be conducted 
by the pastor. This class should be gathered, perhaps, by 
an invitation from the pulpit, to such as are willing to join 
it. The autumn, shortly after the close of the pastor's 
vacation, is the most favorable time. The class should 
contain no larger a number than the conductor of it can 
nurture and train for Christ with special attention to each. 
The expectation should be that each child will enter on 
the Christian life and publicly profess faith before the 
ensuing summer. After the first meeting no spectators 
should be present. The children enrolled should be regu- 
lar and constant in their attendance. 

According to the author, somewhere between the ages 
of seven and ten occurs a transition from the merely 
impressional period to that of completed conscious per- 
sonality. The child begins now to realize his full personal 
ownership and responsibility. Here, then, before this 
consummation has been reached, is the pastor's golden 
opportunity. Beyond this the child passes, if neglected, 
into a far less hopeful stage of his life. He retires within 
himself, and is with difficulty drawn out to any confidential 
self-disclosure. He begins to fear the criticism of his 
playmates. He grows impatient of restraint, and is far less 
easily guided. The pastor is treated respectfully. He is 


esteemed as a friend. But he finds barriers rising to any 
closer approach. The iron is cooling in the mold. The 
time for ready renovation has gone by. 

But before this period, the heart is open. Its welcome 
is free. Its confidence is easily won. No skeptical doubts 
or preconceived repugnances hold the soul back from the 
Master. Pride has not yet awoke. No crisis is to be 
met and dreaded and surmounted. By the subduing love 
of Christ the young heart may be won to a glad submission 
to Him. 

Various points of counsel as to details in the manage- 
ment of such a class can be noted only cursorily here. 
The place of meeting should be not in the church building, 
but in the attractive and cheerful parlor of some private 
house. The announcement is, in general, perhaps, best 
made from the pulpit. This relieves the pastor from any 
charge of partiality in making up the class. But if it is 
likely to bring in troublesome and undesirable members, 
the invitation may be privately given. The order of the 
meeting should include hymns, responsive reading, prayer 
and careful and thorough Biblical instruction. The Lord 
Jesus should be set forth in His winning love, and the 
children at every meeting strongly and tenderly drawn to 
Him. An indispensable matter is the securing of perfect 
confidence and freedom between the pastor and the mem- 
bers of the class. The writer values lightly the public 
testimonies sometimes almost exacted from children as an 
evidence of their sincerity. 

Having led them to Christ, he would not inform them 
that, in his judgment, they are renewed souls. He would 
rather find for them Christian work adapted to their years, 


ground them well in the great truths of Scripture, and in 
due time open the way for them into the church. 

Such a method as this has been successful/ pursued by 
Dr. Chesebrough and others for a series of years. We 
have dwelt upon it at length as believing it to be of 
immeasurable importance. Our churches are making, at 
present, no such progress as they ought to make toward 
the evangelization of the country. If that grand end is to 
be attained, it must be, to all appearance, by the use of 
new and more adequate means. The churches are Christ's 
chief instrumentality. If they are to be brought to the 
maximum of their efficieney , they must be amply increased 
in size and in thoroughness of consecration. For this 
purpose we have hitherto relied chiefly on occasional 
revivals. We have sought for no steady and reliable 
course of accessions to the churches. Pastors have fallen 
out of the Divine plan of Christian nurture from childhood 
up, or have left to parents that which belongs equally to 
themselves. Whoever will return to this plan, with the 
blessing of God, may hope for a living and unfailing 
stream of young disciples, free from stereotyped evil 
habits, doubts and prejudices that often disfigure those of 
riper years, flowing into the bosom of the church. 


It is quite significant that little is said in the English, 
and still less in the Continental, literature of this depart- 
ment on organizing the people for work. Poimenics, the 
care of souls, the oversight of the flock, as if the people 
were sheep in a somewhat literal sense, is the chief burden 
of discourse. The idea of the pastor as a general, who is 
to organize the church as an aggressive force against the 


kingdom of evil, and then rely mainly on it as such to 
win the victory, seems to be just looming above the East- 
ern horizon. The reason is obvious. The main body of 
the people in Europe are behind the average of our coun- 
trymen in intelligence, wealth and personal efficiency. 
They are largely in tlieir pupilage. While the Young 
Men's Christian Associations have increased, though by 
no means as rapidly as with us, the Societies for Christian 
Endeavor, with other young people's organizations in the 
local churches, and especially the women's associations for 
missions at home and abroad, and the children's bands for 
like objects, have hardly made their appearance. It is the 
Christian women of the higher and wealthier classes who 
have, thus far, mainly engaged in organized work for 

The temptation in the way of pastors to partiality 
toward the titled and the rich is occasionally brought to 
the surface. As, for example, in the lectures to his clergy 
by Archbishop Morris,^ the complaint is raised that the 
clergy ignore a poor parishioner who chances to call on 
them simultaneously with one of greater prominence. The 
general tone of his address presupposes a deplorably low 
tone of Christian manhood on the part of his liearers and 

Issues from the German press in this department are 
much occupied with matters that have, with the American 
congregation, but few points of contact. Thus Prof. Pil- 
man, of Marburg, ^ occupies his entire work with Con- 

'^ Lectures on Pastoral Theology ^ with Special Reference to the Promises 
Required of Candidates^ by the Ven. L. P. Morris, D.D., Archbishop of 

^Die Lehre vom geistlichen Amt, von A. F. C. Pilman, ordentlichen 
Professor der Theologie and Consistorialrath, zu Marburg. 


fession, discussing the advantage of it to the penitent; 
with Absolution, dwelling on the right, propriety and 
issues of the act; with Excommunication, unfolded at 
wearisome length; the distinction between the " Greater " 
and the " Lesser," and with Reconciliation after offenses. 
The assumption of the author, that church discipline car- 
ries weight in deterring from unfaithfulness, would hardly 
hold good among us in America. Whatever may be the 
cause, it is certain that this function of the church is very 
generally slipping into disuse. Were our larger churches 
seriously to take up every occasion for discipline, prose- 
cuting it to a conclusion, it is doubtful whether they would 
find time for much else. Among -the fathers of New 
England, discipline was maintained as it never could be 
in our day. The sternness of the times inclined them to 
unsparing visitations. Punishments by the civil power were 
far more numerous and severe than at present. The 
church, with the value of a good standing in it, loomed 
up far higher than it does, with innumerable other institu- 
tions around it, in our time. Pastors and office-holders 
were regarded with a reverence, at times an awe, that are 
now bygone. On the other hand, the succession and pres- 
sure of exciting events at present distract attention from 
the personal character and sins of individuals. It is to be 
hoped that discipline will never, while occasion for it 
remains, be suffered to fall wholly into neglect in our 
churches. But it is unlikely to retain the prominence and 
social effects of former times. 

A treatise^ by Prof Kiibel of Herbom also illustrates 
the narrow conception of Pastoral Theology held in the 

^ Umriss der Pastoral Theologie, von Rob. Kiibel, Prof, der Theologie zu 


German parish. The whole scope of it seems, according 
to him, to be confined to the personal care of the pastor. 
The immense and diversified work into which the member- 
ship of our American churches have entered, for all classes 
of the needy and ignorant, has hardly occurred to his 
thought. ^ The flock he regards as in a state of pupilage, 
to be nursed and watched with incessant care. We do 
not underrate the work done by the laity in Europe. The 
Inner Missions, the Unionsvereine, the Sunday schools, 
the evangelistic brotherhoods and sisterhoods, the foreign 
missionary enterprises and other departments of noble 
Christian service and philanthropy, are all matter for con- 
gratulation and thanksgiving. But the fact remains that 
a more extensive, intelligent and effective work is done 
by the lay membership of the American churches. It is 
the natural result of democratic institutions in both Church 
and State, developing the self-recognition and the sense of 
responsibility in the individual. 

The writer regrets that the pressure of various duties 
forbids a thorough review of various other interesting feat- 
ures of this department, which have come up for discussion 
during the present year. 

^His definition of his general subject is as follows: **P£utoral Theology^ is 
the doctrine of the care of souls, that is of the description of that general activ- 
ity of the minister, in which as a shepherd he furnishes to the single members 
of his parish, divine nourishment, in order to guard them well from danger of 
spiritual destruction, and to assist in leading them along the journey of the 
Christian life." 





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