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aS Committee of Publication — 


CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS 


i ARTHUR LORD MORTON DEXTER’ 
GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JUN. 
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 
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WIELIAM BRADFORD TO JOF 


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NTHROP, APRIL 11, 1638. 









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HISTORY OF 


Plymouth Plantation 
1620-1647 


By WILLIAM BRADFORD 


In Two Volumes : VotumeE I 


Boston : Published for 


Ture MassacuHuseTts HIsToRICAL SOCIETY 
By Houghton Mifflin Company 
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BY THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY . 


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Contents 


Der eT TE LUSTRA TIONS i of ate) ele Sl ose. all Ce Oe AE BES ix 
Notre e e e ° °. e e ° e ° e e e e e ° ° e xV 
BOOK I 


Cuap. I. The early church and its trials. Satan introduces ceremonies and un- 
profitable canons. Kindles flames of contention. Religious exiles to the con- 
tinent. Differences in Queen Mary’s time. Persecution for conformity. The 
name Puritan. The downfall of the Bishops. John Smyth’s church. Clifton, 
Robinson and Brewster. Determination to go tothe Low Countries . . 3 


Cuap. II. Difficulty of removal. Attempt at Boston and disastrous conse- 
quences. The second attempt at Hull, and forced separation of party. The 
storm at sea. Pitiful situation of the emigrants. Good impression made on 
Seemeraeistrares (AN eulion In Lollands, sii.) hawk) | cimlsiers!. Sea, @ le, 6 28 


Cuap. III. Situation in Holland. Coming of Robinson and Brewster. Defection 
of John Smyth. Removal to Leyden. Happy course of the church under 
Robinson. Slanders raised against the congregation. Comparison with the 
Walloons. Robinson’s publicdispute on Arminianism . . . . . . 36 


Cuap. IV. Reasons for removing from Holland. The hard toil and effect on the 
younger generation. Considerations on America. Cruelty of the natives. Cost 
of transportation. Reply to objections. End of truce with the Spaniards . 52 


Cuap. V. Place of settlement. Guiana and the Spaniards. Virginia favored. 
Mission to England and the Virginia Company. Permission of the King. 
Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys. Reply to Robinson and Brewster. Letter and 
notes to Sir John Wolstenholme. Letter from Sabine Staresmore. Robert 
Cushman on dissension in the Virginia Company. Blackwell’s unfortunate 
voyage. Staresmore on Blackwell and his own difficulties. Patent toWhincop 61 


Cuap. VI. Agreement as to departure. Appearance of Thomas Weston. Carver 
and Cushman go to England. Charter for New England. Distraction in the 
Leyden congregation. Weston makes difficulties. The conditions entered into. 
Robinson to Carver. Joint letter to the commissioners. Reply by Cushman. 
Arrangements made by Cushman. Martin and the expenditure of money. 
iretivan stletter «tp MMe ka ee Ve ree eh 1 Oe 


vi Contents 





Cuap. VII. Departure from Leyden and sailing from Delftshaven. Arrival at 
Southampton. Alteration of the agreement. Weston’s displeasure. Letter to 
the merchants. Robinson’s letters of advice. Embarkation . . . . 


Cuap. VIII. Forced to return by leaky ship. Second sailing and return. Divi- 
sion of the company and final departure of one ship. Cushman turns back. 
His letter to:Southworth’.. 0 7” 70.0) eleanor oR ee 


Cuap. IX. Incidents of the voyage. Death of a profane young man. Bowing of 
a main beam. Experience of John Howland. Death of Butten. Cape Cod 
sighted. Attempt to sail to the southward. Refuge in Cape Cod harbor. Re- 
flections on their situation we hee eens, aa 


Cuap. X. Exploration of the Cape. Appearance of the savages. Discovery of 
Indian graves and corn. Finding of Pamet River. Importance of the Indian 


corn. Journey to the bottom of the bay. First encounter with the Indians. . 


Seek harbor on advice of Coppin. Heavy storm and refuge in harbor. Deter- 
mination to settle’. (47) 2 Gouueeone eye eee 


BOOK II 


1620. “‘Compact” and selection of Governor. Difficult beginnings and discon- 
tents. Great mortality in the company. Care of the sick. Conduct of captain 
and crew. Coming of Samoset, Massasoit and Tisquantum. Treaty made with 
Massasoit. Tisquantum’s history. Dermer’s experiences in the country. 
Conjuration by the Powahs. Return of spring and better conditions 


1621. Return of the Mayflower, and causes of her detention. Planting of Indian 
corn. Death of Governor Carver. Bradford chosen to be governor. First 
marriage, a civil contract. Visit to Massasoit. Billington lost in the woods. 
Hobbamack and Tisquantum attacked by Corbitant. Peace with the Indians. 
Visit to Massachusetts Bay. Harvest and supply of food. Arrival of the For- 
tune, and fears of her passengers. Weston’s letter to Carver. Return of the 
Fortune with Cushman. Weston’s desertion. Letter from the plantation. Dis- 
tribution of new-comers. Threatening message from the Narragansetts. 
Fortifications raised and watches established. Incident of Christmas Day 


1622. Jealousies of Tisquantum, and rumors of Indian plots. Tisquantum and 
the plague. Arrival of a shallop from Weston’s ship, with passengers. 
Weston’s letter. Failure of supplies. Weston offers a new agreement. Weston 
on Pickering and Pickering’s letter. Cushman on capture of the Fortune and 
Weston’s men. Pierce’s letter. Weston’s company at New Plymouth. Aid 
from John Huddleston. Construction of a fort. Want of food and Jones’ 
visit. Letter of John Pory. Weston’s company leave New Plymouth. Joint 
trading for corn. Death of Tisquantum. Threats by Sanders against Indians 


I2I 


137 


- 149 


5162 


214 


252 


Contents vii 





1623. Reasons for Sanders’ necessities. Sufferings and debasements of Weston’s 
men. Sickness of Massasoit. Intelligence of hostile intentions of Indians. 
End of Weston’s settlement. Arrival of Weston and his troubles. Borrows 
beaver of New Plymouth and his ill conduct. Allotment of lands in severalty. 
Comment on communism. Martyr on sufferings of the Spaniards. The fishing 
boat and its success. Letter from the adventurers. John Peirce and his at- 
tempt at planting. Purchase of the Peirce patent. Hardships encountered by 
the Anne. Arrival of Francis West and sale of supplies. Coming of the Anne. 
Cushman’s letter on quality of emigrants. Letter from the adventurers. Dis- 
appointment of the new-comers. Stipulations as to food. Conditions applied 
to those on their particulars. Robert Gorges and his commission. Charges 
against Weston. Interference of Bradford, and the return made. Fire in the 
store-house. Arrest of Weston, and subsequent release. Morell and his object. 
Boorerenties sTOny the: DINNACE i lest Fe  teuil nek Clear icel) atiiian Mie Pett nik 20S 


1624. Election and number of assistants. Wreck of the pinnace. Factious con- 
duct of particular planters. Winslow’s return with cattle. Letters of Sherley 
and Cushman. Reply to objections. Letters from Robinson. High value 
placed on Indian corn. Lands given to planters. Failure of fishing at Cape 
Ann. Death of the ship carpenter. Conduct of the salt maker. Lyford and 
his reception. Combines with Oldham to raise a faction. Opening of their let- 
ters. Exposure of their opposition. Charges contained in Lyford’s letters. 
His repentance. Oldham and Lyford expelled from the plantation, but Lyford 
re-admitted. Renews his opposition. His letter to the adventurers. Reply by 
the governor to charges. Pinnace raised and refitted. The settlement strength- . 
BRE AIEATSACUIONS to) ) Fens) | hey, ons AR SInM ats bs Pica ee Eh oleae Wea oi, La OZ SO 


1625. Return of Oldham and his expulsion. Coming of Winslow and Peirce. Old- 
ham’s removal to Virginia, repentance and death. Lyford’s career in Ireland. 
Attempt to defend him to the adventurers. His removal to Natasco and death 
in Virginia. Adventurers break over the Lyford matter. Criticisms of the 
plantations, and reply. Letter from the adventurers. Fishing ventures and 
their failure. Standish sent to England. Difficulties in borrowing money. 
Bolt wae Ome se, DlANCAUION Fo) | sell sen ie) feted soul ced ton) Sal Wee BE 


1626. Return of Standish. Death of Pastor Robinson. Letter of Roger White. 
Death of Cushman and sickness of Sherley. Planting of Indian corn. Trading 
goods purchased at Monhegan. Wreck of French ship. Remittance to Eng- 
land. Allerton sent to England. A trading vessel constructed mead 40 





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Illustrations 





o 


LetTrer oF WILLIAM BrapFrorD To JoHN WINTHROP, APRIL II, 1638, WITH 
DRAFT OF REPLY IN WinTHROP’s WritinG. From the Winthrop Papers in 
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Printed in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, vt. 
SOM, CRM at on cee ee it. or ta et Gee eg le oe ay OM eee ROMEESDIECE 


PeEIwiLEL OFEPACE OF THE) DRADFORD «MS.°.\) ys sy Wes.) oe al) sane she 3 


Heretics, 1645. From John Graunt, Truths Victory. John Carter Brown 


PRD AC MEL Tey eh een ct Sy teh MEM aD Ree FRM I oy 5), STD TD Mota eS 
SIGNATURE OF RoBERT BROWNE he aia he eT NST Ls yesh ss are. vO 
SIGNATURE OF FRANCIS JOHNSON So SNOT RC STIRS ES My RO whe era Ciel ai eo 


SIGNATURES OF ARcHBISHOPS MATTHEW PARKER AND JOHN WHITGIFT, AND OF 
Bishops EpmMunp GrinpaL, RoBert Horne, RicHarp Cox, anp JOHN 


Mee Te OPM et ot Sate fem ie? DK yg (SES RESUS, HET TO 
TITLE-PAGE OF BisLE, GENEVA VERSION, BELONGING TO INCREASE MATHER. 

Original in the Massachusetts Historical Society . . . . . . .« IS 
BroapsipE: REASONS OF THE HousE oF Commons Why BisHoPs OUGHT NOT TO 

Beer OT ES ING EARTIAMENT Co VE ote eke eet) pak eth de | EF 
Constitutions and Canons, 1604. From library of J.H.Benton . . . . . 21 
Sen OF JOHN. OMYTH (SE-BAPTIST) 4... 2 Ss ous 3) oe te tk 22 
Map oF THE Scroosy Recion. From the Ordnance Survey. . . . . 23 
PORPECPMEM ES) on tes Ri Ces Nea LPN Geese het) sl 8 we cheng) ety 27 
reer CeCHURCH, AUSTERFIELD ¢ lips stesig os) cs. ede os ed ey en 28 
Pe OCLAMA TIONG, TOUCHING PASSENGERS, 1006 2 0500 PS ae 2d 


PROCLAMATION, PROHIBITING EMIGRATION WITHOUT LICENSE, 1607 . . . 31 
NiAP OF THE Last Coast or ENcLianp, by Philip. Lea 2° 6 2 46) 6 0033 


PROCLAMATION, “FOR THE PREVENTING AND REMEDYING OF THE DEARTH OF 
MaRAENE, ANDUUTAE RE VIGCTUALS, 1O0G )  's Mis, a ustlve val he semis eer ss 


BeeemrrariT COASTIOPNAOLEAND' Usa Weil Cap Atel se \! sl. ihe ny bat ho ot Somnus bea 
University oF LEYDEN. From Orler’s Beschryving der Stad Leyden, 1614 . . 39 


Dutcu WEavER, 1610. From a copperplate by C. Dankerts . . . . . 41 


x Tlustrations 





Pian oF THE City oF LEYDEN, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . . .- . .« 45 


Lrprary OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN. From Orler’s Beschryving der Stad Ley- 
den; 1614.) 6 4, EER eA. ll. 


SiGNATURE OF Simon Episcopius. From as. in the University of Leyden . 49 


SIGNATURE OF JOHAN PoLYANDER. From as. in the University of Leyden . 50 
AMSTERDAM: GATEWAY LEADING TO LEYDEN. From Orler’s Beschryving der 
Stad Leyden, 1614 SST EOF REND | A ee gl 2 07 hE em DRC ee 
Housr AND LOT OF JoHN RosBinson IN LEYDEN ee rey 
SIGNATURE OF Six WALTER RALEGHPRUOS 2.) ca) eee 
TITLE-PAGE OF Harcourt’s A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana, 1613. John Carter 
Brown Library.) 0) 22 ER ee | 
SUBSCRIPTION TO THE LONDON Company oF VirciniA, 1610. P.R.O. . . 65 
LETTER OF CapTAIN JoHN SmITH, original in Dorchester House, London. . 67 
SEAL OF THE Lonpon Company oF Vircinia. From the title-page of Smith’s 
Generall Historie, 1626 wile se WVabtyoel, eS Oy wh otek ane ofl ee eae "5 er 
SevEN ARTICLES SENT FROM THE LEYDEN Cuurcnu, 1617. P.R.O. . . . 71 
SIGNATURE OF Sir Epwin Sanpys. P. R. O. CTT IU a SBI: i gy 5 ae aes 
TITLE-PaGE or Rosinson’s” The Peopie’s Plea, 1618 FP" 9 Ve, ee 
TITLE-PAGE OF Rosinson’s Apologia iusta et necessaria, 1619. . . . « 75 
SIGNATURE OF Sir JoHN WoLSTENHOLME. P)R.O.72 2 2 3) 6) eee 
PROCLAMATION ON THE OaTH oF ALLEGIANCE, 1608. . . . . . ~~. 8! 
SIGNATURE OF GeorcE Apsot, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. P. R. O. . 8s 
SIGNATURE OF THomAs SMYTHE, P/RiO. 29 ae ee) 
SIGNATURE OF SAMUEL ARGALL. P. RO) eee ee) ss 
SIGNATURE OF GEORGE YEARDLEY. P. R. O. ee 
LETTER OF JoHAN PoLYANDER ON BREWER’s Types. P.R.O. . . . . QI 
SIGNATURE or Joun Detpripce..P.RsO; 29... ss 


SEAL OF THE New Encuianp Company. From the title-page cf Smith’s 
Generall Historie, 1626 ole Vie Cota) sa! enn 


Mercuant Suir or VENICE, 1629. From Furttenbach’s Architectura Navalis, 
and Hakluyt Society”. °* °2* S2 CUR e ieee ee), ne, 


DeELFTsHAVEN. From a plate in the possession of Mr. Arthur Lord . . . 125 


Illustrations 





x1 
EMBARKATION OF THE PILGRIMS AT DELFTSHAVEN. From an old painting. (Mul- 
ler, Onze Gouden Eeuw, 1. 377) oe 
Corns anp MEDALS OF THE PERIOD, from the cabinet of the American Numis- 
maticnsemtye News York. Je 8a. hoe, eet 
1. England. Charles I. Silver pound, 1642. 
2. Netherlands. Albert and Isabella of Spain. Silver ducaton, 1619. 
(The “hand” is the mint-mark of Antwerp.) 
3. England. Charles I Medal: Dominion of the Sea, 1630, by Nicholas 
Briot (silver). 
4. England. James I. Peace with Spain, 1604 (silver). 
5. Holland. Maurice, Prince of Orange, 1624, by J. V. Bylaer (silver). 
6. Holland. Deventer, 1609. Medal on twelve years’ truce with Spain. 
7. England. James I. Gold sovereign, without date. 
8. Holland. Gold rijder of Overyssel, 1616. 
9. England. Charles I. Gold triple unite, or three-pound piece, 1643. 
TITLE-PAGE OF Sanpys’ 4 Relation of the State of Religion, 1605, wiTH SicNa- 
TURE OF JOHN RoBINSON 2 £42 
Encuish Mercuant Sup, 1585. From White’s drawing in British Museum . 137 
TITLE-PAGE OF SmitTH’s Description of New England, 1616. John Carter Brown 
Library 1g0 
Tue Soutu Coast oF Encuanp, by Philip Lea . . I4I 
MErcHANT SHIP oF VENICE, 1629, MEASUREMENTS. Sce above, p. 123 - 143, 147 
SIGNATURE OF JoHN HowLanp ISI 
Part oF CuHAmptain’s Map, 1612, Cape Mallebarre . SEES 
Part oF Lescarsot’s Map, 1609. Cape Mallebarre . . 157 
SIGNATURE OF NatuaniEL Morton. M.H.S . 159 
Map LAID BEFORE THE STATES GENERAL, August, 1616. Royal Archives at 
The Hague . 161 
DeEXTER’S MAP OF THE ExpLoraTions 1620. From Mourt’s Relation, 1865 . 163 
Prine’s BarRicADE aT Patuxet, 1603. After Van der Aa . 169 
INDIAN SHELL Heaps on Cape Cop. From Smithsonian Report, 1883 aT h72 
WELLES’ SurvEY OF CLark’s Istanp, NEw PiymoutH Harsour, 1688. 
Pts Ove» - 175 
Princ’s Harsor, New Piymouts, 1603. After Van der Aa. . . 181 


xii Illustrations 





CuampLain’s Port pu Car St. Louis (New Plymouth), 1605 . . . . 
SmituH’s Mar or New Enctanp (State 2). New York Public Library . . 


Braprorp’s PLAN oF THE MEERSTEADS AND GARDEN Piots, NEw PLyMOUTH 


1620. From Records at Plymouth PUA eeee RACE TRAN TS! Past, o>) Sn 
Map or New Piymouts Harsor. From Dexter’s Edition of Mourt’s Rela- 
tion, 1865 . . . ° . ° . e . e ° e ° « e ° e 
AEGONKIN Inprans, by Champlain’ oe). pew mee ee jo ee 


SIGNATURES OF OUsAMEKIN (MassasoiT), WAMSUTTA AND ‘TASOMOCKON. 


TITLE-PAGE OF A BRIEF RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION OF NEW 
ENGLAND; 1622.,,John Carter Brown ‘Library (an) «ale. .=) =. |+))e ene 


SIGNATURE OF Passaconaway. M. H. S. ee et a 


Printinc Orrice, ENGLAND, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. From Green’s History 
of England rows. Ov eompee ahs We tala “a RD pee Panel) Gio ert > bh 


TitLe-pace oF A most humble Supplication, 1621 OU RPA Re oe oe 
SowaMs, RESIDENCE OF OusAMEKIN. From a ms. Map of Ezra Stiles, M. H. S. 
Cuamprain’s Map or Matiesarre. (Nauset Harbor) . . . . . . 


TITLE-PAGE OF CusHman’s Sermon preached at Plimmoth in New England, 
T6220 ite CU SS Tg tn eal vets ne en 


SIGNATURE OF WiLiLiaM Hitton. From the Winthrop Papers, M.H.S. . . 
TiTLE-PAGE OF WinsLOw’s Good Newes from New-England, 1624. . . . 
PATENT ISSUED TO JOHN PerrceE, 1621. From the original at Plymouth, Mass. 


TiTLeE-PAGE OF SmiTH’s Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters of New 
England, 1631. John Carter Brown Library . ett. 04) a avids 1000. ae 


SIGNATURE OF JoHN Pory. British Museum Soe ARMAS AGL oo Ge 


TiTLe-PAGE oF AINSWoRTH’s Annotations upon the Fourth Book of Moses, 1619. 
Boston Public Library hime Mh ien Vanes Was | sn 


TiTLE-PAGE OF Mourt’s RELATION, 1622. John Carter Brown Library . . 


Portion oF Joun WintTHROP’s Map or New ENGLAND, SHOWING THE WEs- 
SAGUSSET SETTLEMENT toate ee fa ete oo) 9, 


SIGNATURE OF PHINEHAS PRATT tha eee Aue. er 
SIGNATURE OF WiLLiAM Peirce. From the Winthrop Papers, M.H.S. . . 


SIGNATURE ‘Or FRANCIS. WEsTiy PARE Ol6 2 6. eee eee ee 


183 
189 


194 


195 
197 


200 


205 
211 


212 
217 
221 


223 


237 
240 
243 
246 


261 
278 


279 
285 


289 
293 


399 
311 


Illustrations xiii 





PROCLAMATION PROHIBITING INTERLOPING AND DISORDERLY TRADING TO NEw 


ENGLANDAINBRMERICANIO22: 2RIRVOs, conrad 22 1. Rasa) VO. a4uTes3T3 
Tue Brack Pynnes [Pinnace]. From Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations, Hak- 
hovtipcwierye kts 4OL es cove Be ee OS eer h Gabe cae cB 31S 
Sich iat EEROF CHRISTOPHER LEVETIY Sy iy Gis.siey), Bo insk Le ole eee 328 
TiTLe-PAGE OF LEveETT’s Voyage into Nevv England, 1608. John Carter Brown 
EOL ot aR at ee mic AP Flee d Pin lch sar, 4 EA, Ska OREM eee) EP ZO 
SIGNATURE OF Sir FERDINANDO GoRGES C2 SANG VATA, FO Serta 37 
SIGNATURE OF SAMUEL Maverick. From the Winthrop Papers, M.H.S. . 337 
TitLeE-Pace oF More ty’s New-England, 1625. M. H. S. oh Ns eee 330 
Peete TUR meen ON VS DRIDGE nb. Re Ocalem en Mabe srs) ml al lack ee er BE 
(SRAMPIAIN SuIViAP oF Le Beau) Ports (Cape Ann)... 9s + » + 40358 
CHAMPLAIN’S DRAWINGS OF NEw ENGLAND FRUITS AND PLANTS, with notes by 
naermemecritteL sy Fernald) .u)\ "Soe tet 4 eA lity wise Nise) ong 0358 
TITLE-PAGE OF JOHN WuiTE’s The Planters Plea, 1630. John Carter Brown 
Sree eee ALA PER SETS Sade ROR USN NAPALM Galea entity bwin Ny ON” ch Beg Bg 
SIGNATURE OF JoHN WuiTeE. From the Winthrop Papers, M.H.S. . . . 361 
PROCLAMATION FOR SUPPRESSING INSOLENT Abuses, 1621. P. R. O. Sn 3O8 
SIcNATURE oF My tes SranpisH. Boston Public Library Rashes. oh.) emer g0e 
Map SHOWING THE DIVISION OF TERRITORY TO THE MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL FOR 
MewenNcLAND. From Purchas His Pilgrimesytv.1872 9.046 kee 375 
Tirte-Pace or The Book of Common Prayer, 1605. Benton Collection . . 387 
SiegeroeweOr EMANUEL AttHaM. P,.ROOJ. 5° . 4 5} elf et 4O8 


PaTENT FoR Cape Ann, 1623. From the original in the Essex Institute, Salem 407 
PROCLAMATION FOR SETTLING THE PLANTATION OF VIRGINIA, 1625 . . .« 415 
me TeTIONGOMmocER. CONANT) 1672. Hs Sone FG ii ela a ve gS 


View or A Fisuine Stace. From Keith’s History of the British Plantations in 
RSGREPECE,| I 74 AmmEME Ce Ort hs PES Se REA oh as RL OM eg 


TiTLE-PAGE OF Rosinson’s A Just and Necessarie Apologie of Certain Christians 
. . . called Brownists or Barrowists. 1625. John Carter Brown Library . 425 


PROCLAMATION ‘‘FOR A GENERALL AND PUBLIKE THANKESGIUING,” ON THE 
Bee LO25. Pe urn Se died ivel ho tere ce A, # ly oe ON hag em Th Vine ADO 


TirLe-pacE or 4 Forme of Prayer, necessary to bee vsed in these dangerous times, of 
warre and Pestilence, 1626 HE Pataad We rte ok ee pare og Se ee) Ae da be 


xiv Llustrations 





TITLE-PAGE OF Rosinson’s Essayes, 1638. John Carter Brown Library . . 441 
SIGNATURE OF CHARLES I as Prince oF Wates. M.H.S.. . . . . 443 


CERTIFICATE OF ANToNIUS WALAEus AND Festus Hommtius on Joun Rosinson, 
1628.; BostonPublic Library (oo8.6). 1. fell. oe RRA I 


MemoriaL TABLET TO JOHN ROBINSON PLACED ON ST. PETER’s CuURCH IN LEY- 
DEN, IN I89I, BY THE NATIONAL CoUNCIL OF CONGREGATIONAL CHURCHES 
OF THE UNITED STATES . J Ne MMM se gis toe tes. ce: Mevilintd Aone memes 


SIGNATURE OF ABRAHAM SuHuRT. From the Winthrop Papers, M.H.S. .  . 447 





Note 





Tue Pilgrim Fathers at first established themselves at Plymouth as a 
matter of necessity. Later, they with deliberation chose to remain in a place 
which was soon overshadowed and absorbed by a colony occupying a site 
in every respect more advantageous. For nearly ten years, however, the 
planters at New Plymouth remained the only English settlers north of 
Chesapeake Bay, a few scattered fishing and trading establishments alone 
excepted. Prior to 1630 the history of New Plymouth was the history of 
New England. The earlier settlements were sporadic in character, and unim- 
portant so far as the subsequent settlement was concerned, exercising no 
appreciable influence upon it. Their story has been told in all necessary de- 
tail. With the coming of the Endecott party the importance of the neigh- 
boring plantation declined, and as Massachusetts Bay increased in numbers 
and influence, New Plymouth lost authority, and with the confederation of 
1643 threw its lot in with the more powerful bodies. As an historical factor 
it practically ceased to exist. 

Bradford began to write his History in 1630; the last year of annals included 
in his work was 1646, but he wrote as late as 1650. He thus covered the whole 
period of the historical importance of New Plymouth. Before 1630 his story 
stands unique in American annals; beginning with that year the History of 
Winthrop complements and enlarges the record. 

The Bradford History has been issued in four distinct editions. The Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society printed it in 1856, with notes by Charles Deane. 
In 1895 the Bradford ms. was reproduced in fac-simile by photography, with 
an introduction by John Andrew Doyle. Six years later, and after the ms. 
had been transferred to the custody of the State of Massachusetts, the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts printed an edition, avowedly based upon the text 
of the Deane edition, but claiming to be improved by a careful collation with 
the original ms. In 1908 Dr. John Franklin Jameson included the History 
in the series of ‘Original Narratives of early American History,” with notes 
by William Thomas Davis of Plymouth, but with some important omissions 


1 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 111. An edition of fifty copies was also printed on thicker 
paper for private distribution. 


xvl Note 





in the text. Only in the photographic reproduction was the text complete, 
and in that form it was not readily available for general reading. 

In the present edition of the Bradford History the text is printed in its 
entirety for the first time. The original was taken as a foundation, and twice 
has the printer’s proof been collated with the fac-simile of Doyle. The 
omissions of earlier issues have been made good, and verbal changes have 
been introduced where the reading of the ms. has been at fault. The treat- 
ment of the text follows generally that adopted by Mr. Deane. The ortho- 
graphy of the original has been preserved; but in a few instances obvious 
errors of inadvertence have been corrected. The peculiar use of the time of 
the letters u and v, and 7 and 7, has not been followed, as a matter of no 
importance. While Mr. Deane printed such for shuch, because of corrections 
in the manuscripts, this edition adopts shuch, as other manuscripts of Brad- 
ford show that was his spelling of the word. The underscoring of words and 
sentences in the original was due to Prince and not Bradford, and is not fol- 
lowed in this edition. Notes by Bradford and Prince are not quoted, but are 
ascribed to the writers as part of the original manuscript; those by Mr. 
Deane are quoted and signed. All else has been added by the Editor of the 
present volume. 

The paging of the manuscript has been preserved in brackets, making easy 
reference to the editions prepared by Mr. Deane and the State of Massachu- 
setts. References to first or contemporary issues of authorities are indicated 
by an asterisk before the page number. In annotating and illustrating the 
text whatever was authentic and of contemporaneous origin has been brought 
into the notes, so as to present as full a picture of the life of the plantation at 
the time as the available records will permit. 

Cuartes Francis ADAMS. 

Artuur Lorn. 

GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JR. 
WorTHINGTON CHAUNCEY Forp, Editor. 


Boston, July, 1912. 


Of Plimmoth Plantation 


And first of the occasion and Indusments ther unto ; the 
which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at the 
very roote and rise of the same. The which I shall 
endevor to manefest in a plaine stile; with singuler 
regard unto the simple trueth in all things, at least 
asnear as my slender fudgmentecan attaine the same. 


























nt ore am) ie Sa Res A angen! ae Nate ., 
( way Aa 58 : fy he a ee if wee yi ft) ; ‘a0 ees), 
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Bien ed FP aT, (BP a 





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Lice Are ee iin i fee ie 
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ai a nie Ay sau: She ae a ge ets is Ot 
| Sa fn i ies any, ee BN Mii. Wace ‘a a 
a ra See Away, aay sate SH ARAMA RN ni Ml 
i etal Me GN Wis Na Wis i ve ys . in Wainy ig is 
Sikes YON OA see i Jobnsitencas, nai 
i hens 0 aan ea ee 
“a ! iE eS when eheaee Ata hy Cah wy 


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1 cs SADR Aga i i ia Maa i dt ecient Sia Aerie 


1) Wah A a amine re ee arene 

i a RAL EN epee, 

| | 5 Ns eth tila ER A A bead 
ME te lala ey | a 

uo ae 

sti | ate hei fi an Daa 








wi 





























of phiolh phorlaban. 
; £ : | 
St fet Ff occafior, and Pt foner®s fher-urto, Lhe mhiPh 
| tack oe Loe eres at f very rockeatye| 
| of Y [eone - che whieh of fhat endeuor Lo wecane fest on a ap laine 
SHA fe; oath S tnguler vegurd notes temple. fe-netii wt ah Lhinys q 
at Leask as fee Hear as fe Fe le hoe |b : a 


a t 
S Chaptee 4 


CLL ismek Rnomwne ynto fi godh an he fons ener (ince f 
ee Ps out of ¥ Lighte of F £2 pele gor our Honewrahle Was: < a 
those of En band (ouhioh was ffir of ahi’ Ploy Leek be ia 
ed ther with, after gfe darknes of apoxery mht cA hat couler 
ed g oucrpred ¥ Ciriseiat mortal ) whiel onairs opyefifiors 
fince §atan hath railed, maintained, and continued apainSt He 
caincls, from Lime, fotimnem one forte, or other. Same times Ly 
bfoody death 6 Cruch torments; offer whiles Donpe farcnerits, baxih 
ents other card fages fa being Lath hes kinghom fold poe es a 
: downe, the trueth preuathe ; lf ae od revere dete 

; anciente puritie ; and recouet, Heir primabine cee Aherbied 

Piehe bul when he Coulee note preuale by fhe fe memns aya S 

: Le acaine Lr ucks fF gofspek; hut Heat they hegar Lo bake vobinf 
7H many aplaces ; Being soatered woth f Llaoukof J Mat, 
ank Llefed from heauen mth a gracte usencreafe He ther Fe | 
_ \gane f0 Lake him to Ars ancients sYrategeres, nfek of olde ageoril 

the firse heiSAans ’ hat muher by J Moody, g hacbare us per 
| | fecudyorts of Heathert Cmperours , outs ook oppe «Hie An 
the course of J aofpel; fut Hat rf speedily ouer ferred, eta os 
a mounderful Celerbic, Me then eR knomn parts off meld 
AS He fhen begun fo form Cerours, hevefies, and rorinteryfutl 
dife retions A fp pr pefexrs them Jelues Cnonking upon tram 
pride, o ambition, wih other corr stle gafions pncikente £4 
xh morbak mer; fer fo fsaints trem feluss a1 fame measure ) 
By whith wofal ofeits folomet; as nek only bile conkontiorsa | 
hartburrings ; Sipe, gurth other hover hlo- confuftors y fuk i 2. 
eres ceafion eduamtag > ther hy te fay iF mm a number : 
of alr Coremoneys, th many ang ref tattle Caritens oe a 

hich eaue fince Loon a} [rares, fo many 2pe0rS « peacabl 
fonts, exer C2 this hey “$0. as my ancierte times, fhe perfec é: 













































































-1- Chapter 


T is well knowne unto the godly and judicious, how ever since 
the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell, in our Hon- 
ourable Nation of England (which was the first of nations, whom 

the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes of popery 
which had covered, and overspred the christian worled) what warrs, 
and opposissions ever since Satan hath raised, maintained, and con- 
tinued against the Saincts, from time, to time, in one sorte, or 
other.! Some times by bloody death and cruell torments, other 
whiles Imprisonments, banishments, and other hard usages. As be- 
ing loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile; and 
the churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie; and recover 
their primative order, libertie, and bewtie.? But when he could not 


1 The writings of Bradford from which may be gathered his views of church and 
church government are confined to certain parts of this History, and two Dialogues 
or conferences, which will appear in another volume. The times in which those confer- 
ences were prepared are not known, though the first conference is dated 1648, and 
the manuscript of the third conference bears upon its first leaf the date 1652. 
These years, thus noted, may suggest the time of writing. Nathaniel Morton, then 
secretary of Plymouth, copied the first dialogue into the records of the Plymouth 
Church, and thus preserved it from the fate of the second, of which not even the 
subject is known. This Dialogue, taken from Morton’s record, first appeared in 
print in 1841, as a part of Alexander Young’s scholarly compilation, Chronicles of the 
Pilgrim Fathers. Nearly fifteen years later the History was printed by the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, and in 1870 the same society published in its Proceedings 
(x1. 396) the third conference, with an introduction by Charles Deane. Bradford 
treats of the disputes on doctrine and form of church government in the Dialogues 
in such a manner as to prove his wide readings and his intense convictions; and his 
summary in these paragraphs of the History is masterly in its brevity, simplicity, 
and comprehensiveness. 

2 “The true church and the proper gouermente of the same, is to be knowne by the 
scriptures, and to be measured only by that rule, the primatiue paterne; which church 
and the gouermente of the same is sufficiently described and layed down in the writ- 


4 Fiistory of 





prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of the gospell, 
but that they began totake rootting in many places; being watered 
with the blooud of the martires, and blessed from heaven with a gra- 
cious encrease; He then begane to take him to his anciente strate- 
gemes, used of old against the first christians. ‘That when by the 
bloody, and barbarous persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, 
he could not stoppe, and subverte the course of the Gospell; but 
that it speedily overspred, with a wounderfull celeritie, the then best 
known parts, of the world; He then begane to sow errours, here- 
sies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst the proffessours them 
selves (working upon their pride, and ambition, with other corrupte 
passions, incidente to all mortall men; yea to the saints them selves 
in some measure.) By which wofull effects followed; as not only 
bitter contentions, and hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible 
confusions. But Satan tooke occasion and advantage therby to 
foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many unprofitable Can- 
nons, and decrees which have since been as snares, to many poore 
and peaceable souls, even to this day.! So as in the anciente times, 


ings of the apostles and euangelists.’’ As the Roman Catholic church affirmed that 
the church was not known by the word of God, but the word of God was known by the 
church, the differences between the two systems of church government were irrecon- 
cilable, and the form or structure of the Romish church was regarded as of human, 
not of divine, institution. Bradford states the question more at large in the Third Con- 
ference, and fully displays the strong hatred of the Catholic church entertained by the 
Puritans. He exhibits the claims and sins of the Papacy in such a light as to lead his 
hearers, the ‘‘ young men” of Plymouth, to exclaim, ‘“‘the Lord keepe vs farr from her 
iniquitie, that we may be kept from her plagues.”” Nor were the lines of his exposition 
of the dealings of the English hierarchy any less severe in criticism. It was long before 
the fear of the Roman church ceased to exercise a strong influence upon the polity of 
Massachusetts Bay in its internal as well as its external features. Much the same pre- 
judice existed in the colony a the English State church until the end of the 
seventeenth century. 

1 For the beginnings of the Refowiaties Bradford has only good words, so far as the 
power of the papacy was cast off, and “‘the purity of doctrine in the cheefe foundations 
of religion restored.” In the power of godliness the English church attained to as great 
height as other Reformed churches, but in matters of church government, he believed, 


Phimmoth Plantation 5 





the persecuti[z]ons by the heathen, and their Emperours, was not 
greater then of the christians one against other. The Arians, and 





“‘ HERETICS,” 1645? 


other their complices, against the orthodoxe and true christians, 
As witneseth Socrates in his -2- booke.*? His words are these; the vio- 


much remained to be improved. A lordly hierarchy, governed by almost the same laws, 
exercising much the same discipline, and claiming the same authority as under the 
papacy, interfered with that freedom of worship and of church regulation of which the 
Reformation gave promise. The rapid and complete changes in the religion of the 
State, necessitated by an alternation of rulers who were catholic or protestant, could 
not but give occasion to schism and persecution, to insincerity and fanaticism. In time 
questions of fundamental beliefs gave place to questions of church government, and 
hence the overwhelming importance attached by the Puritans and other non-con- 
formists to ceremonies, and the many attempts to solve the question by individual 
measures, taken independently of the State. 

1 This cut is taken from the title-page of John Graunt, Truths Victory against 
Heresie (1645). The “heretics” represented are: Papists, Arians, Brownists, Armin- 
ians, Anabaptists, Monarchists, Independents, Antinomians, and Millenarists. 

2 Lib. 2, Chap. 22. BrRaprorp. Socrates (circa 379 A.D.), surnamed Scholasticus, 


6 EXistory of 





lence truly (saith he) was no less then that of ould, practised towards 
the christians when they were compelled, and drawne to sacrifice to 
Idoles; for many endured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, and 
dismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved 
of their native soyle; others departed this life under the hands of the tor- 
mentor, and some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie 
againe Sc. 

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, 
since the trueth begane to springe and spread after the great defec- 
tion made by Antichrist that man of sinne.' 

For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations, and sev- 
erall places of the world, and instance in our owne. When as that 
old Serpente could not prevaile by those firie flames and other his 
cruell Tragedies which he (by his instruments) put in ure,” every 
wher in the days of queene Mary, and before. He then begane an 
other kind of warre, and went more closely to worke, not only to 
oppuggen,*® but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of christ, 
by more secrete and subtile means, by kindling the flames of con- 
tention, and sowing the seeds of discorde, and bitter enmitie amongst 
the proffessors (and seeming reformed) them selves. For when he 
could not prevaile (by the former means) against the principall doc- 
a Greek, anda lawyerand ecclesiastical historian. He wrote a continuation of the 
history of Eusebius, entitled History of the Church from 306 to 409 a.p. It was printed 
in Latin at Bale in 1544, and in an English translation by Meredith Hanmer, at Lon- 
don, in1577. The reference in Bradford should be to Lib. 2, Chap. 27. 

1 “Por Wycliffe and his adherent John Purvey . . . ason the other hand for Hus, 
the conviction that the papacy is essentially Antichrist is absolute. Finally, if Luther 
advanced in his contest with the papacy with greater and greater energy, he did so 
because he was borne on by the conviction that the pope in Rome was Antichrist. 
And if in the Augustana the expression of this conviction was suppressed for political 
reasons, in the Articles of Schmalkalden, drawn up by him, Luther propounded it in 
the most uncompromising fashion. This sentence was for him an articulus stantis 
et cadentis ecclesiz.”” Wilhelm Bousset, in Encyclopedia Britannica (11th ed.), 11. 
123, where he has given the history of the Antichrist myth. To the Pilgrims the 
““man of sinne” was a terrifying reality. 

2 Operation, use, or practice. 3 Oppugh, to oppose actively. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 7 


trines of faith; he bente his force against the holy disipline, and out- 
ward regimente of the kingdom of christ, by which those holy doc- 
trines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained amongest 
the saints, and people of God. 

Mr. Foxe recordeth, how that besides those worthy martires and 
conffessors which were burned in queene Marys days and otherwise 
tormented,! many (both studients, and others) fled out of the land, to 
the number of *800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, 
Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh, and Geneva, 
€%c. Amongst whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane 
that bitter warr of contention and persecution aboute the cere- 
monies, and servise-booke, and other popish and antichristian 
stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like the high- 
plases in Israell, which the prophets cried out against, and were 
their ruine; [3] Which the better parte sought, (according to the 
puritie of the gospell,) to roote out, and utterly to abandon. And 
the other parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends, and 
advancments, sought as stifly, to continue, maintaine, and defend. 
As appeareth by the discourse therof published in printe, Anno: 
1575: (a booke that deserves better to be knowne, and considred.)? 

1 Acts and Mon[uments of the Christian Church]: pag. 1587. editi:2. — BRaDFORD. 

2 A Brief Discours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany Anno Domint 
1554. Aboute the Booke off off Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by the Eng- 
lishe men theyre, to thende off Q. Maries Raigne. ‘The work was compiled by William 
Whittingham (1524?-1579), one of the exiles in Queen Mary’s time, whose intention 
of making Frankfort the ecclesiastical centre for the English exiles on the Continent 
was frustrated by differences arising on the use of Edward VI.’s second prayer book 
without material change, and its revision in the line of Calvinism. Dexter conjectured 
that the book was printed at Zurich, but Pollard (Dictionary of National Biography, 
LXI. 151) says, “probably at Geneva, and in the same type as Cartwright’s tracts.” 
One known copy bears the date mpLxx1v, but others, 1575. It was reprinted in Lon- 
don in 1642; in The Phenix, 11. 44, in 1708; againin separate form in 1846, with an 
introduction by J. Petheram, who used information supplied by Thomas McCrie; 
in John Knox’s Works (Bannatyne: Club), tv. 1855, and in 1907, by Edward 
Arber. Pollard states that it is the only full account of the struggle extant, but its 


value is impaired by its polemical object. A copy of the edition of 1642 is in the 
Prince Library, deposited in the Public Library, Boston. 


8 Efistory of 


The one side laboured to have the right worship of God, and dis- 
cipline of christ, established in the church, according to the simpli- 
sitie of the Gospell; without the mixture of mens inventions. And 
to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods word; dispensed in 
those offices, and by those officers of pastors, ‘Teachers, and Elders, 
&c., according to the Scriptures.! The other partie, (though under 
many colours, and pretences) endevored to have the Episcopal dig- 
nitie (affter the popish maner) with their large power, and jurisdic- 
tion, still retained; with all those courts, cannons, and ceremonies, 
togeather with all shuch livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, 
with other shuch means, as formerly upheld their antichristian 
greatnes. And enabled them with lordly, and tyranous power to 
persecute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, 
as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor the 
mediation of Mr. Calvin, and other worthies of the Lord, in those 
places, could prevaile with those thus Episcopally minded, but 
they proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace of this poor per- 
secuted church. Even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, and un- 
godlily; yet prelate-like) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebel- 
lion, and high treason against the Emperour, and other shuch crimes. 

And this contention dyed not with queene Mary; nor was left 
beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning into 
England under gracious queene Elizabeth,? many of them being 

1 The Separatists in England claimed that a church, or congregation, should have 
the right to select its own pastor, elder, and other officers recognized by the Scriptures, 
and not be obliged to accept them on the nomination of a bishop, whether acting for 
pope or king. They accepted Calvin’s rule, that those who are to exercise any public 
function in the church, should be chosen by common voices. The keys, by which were 
meant government and ecclesiastical power, belonged to the whole church, who alone 
could choose, ordain, confirm, or even depose its own officers, receive the worthy and ex- 
communicate the guilty, when need required. “It is not only an injury and damage 
for any to deprive them of this their right and libertie; but that it was no lese than 
sacriledgeand tyranus usurpation in the lordly hierarchie soto doe.” Bradford, Third 
Conference. 


Queen Mary died November 17, 1558, and Elizabeth was declared her successor 
before noon of that day. The return of exiles followed promptly. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 9 








preferred to bishopriks, and other promotions, according to their 
aimes and desires. ‘That inveterate hatered against the holy disci- 
pline of christ in his church hath continued to this day. In somuch 
that for fear [4] it should preveile, all plotts, and devices have been 
used to keepe it out, incensing the queene, and state against it as 
dangerous for the common wealth; And that it was most needfull 
that the fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in 
those ignorante, and superstitious times; And to wine the weake 


In 1597 some of the Queen’s “faithful Subjects falsly called Brownistes” petitioned 
for permission to settle in Canada. They described themselves as “‘nowe lyving many 
of us in other Countries as mene exiles her highnes Domynions and the rest which 
remaine within her Graces land greatlie distressed 
throughe imprisonment and other great troubles sus- (Ro berg B LOU TL e 
tained onlie for some matters of conscience,” and 
wished to go to Canada where “‘we may not onlie worshippe god as wee are in con- 
science perswaded by his word, but also doe unto her Majestie, and our Country 
great good service, and in tyme also greatlie annoy that bloodie and persecuting 
Spaniard about the Baye of Mexico.” In March of that year some merchants 
designed to form a settlement for fishing in the St. Lawrence, and obtained leave 
from the Privy Council to “take divers persons whose minds are continually in an 
ecclesiastical ferment,” bonds to be given that they never should return unless willing 
to conform. Register of Privy Council, March 25, 1597. Three London merchants, 
Charles Leigh and Abraham and Steven Van Herwick, sent out two vessels to make 
a settlement upon the island of Rainea, one of the Magdalen Islands, in the Gulf of 

St. Lawrence. Francis Johnson and Daniel Studley 

b . were assigned to the Hopewell, and George Johnson and 

Fidrces fo per “John Clark to the Chancewell, all of whom answered to 

the description of troublesome non-conformists. The 

voyage of Leigh is described in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 1.195. (Reprinted 

by the Hakluyt Society, extra series, vit. 166.) See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, x. 

393; NV. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. x11. 259. The Chancewell was wrecked, and the four exiles, 

after landing in England, went to Holland and joined their brethren in a congregation. 

These first refugees of the Separation, followers for the most part of Barrowe, formed 

the first or Auncient Church at Amsterdam. The name Canada was at this time 

usually applied to a district lying along the St. Lawrence, near the Saguenay. The 

northern region was all called New France, and to the south lay Norumbega, covering 
lower New England. 

1 Into the controversies that continued through the reign of Elizabeth over church 
government it will not be necessary to go deeply. The publication in 1565, without 


10 Efistory of 


and ignorante they might retaine divers harmles ceremoneis, and 
though it were to be wished that diverse things were reformed, yet 
this was not a season for it. And many the like to stop the mouthes 


the Queen’s open approval, of Matthew Parker’s Advertisements, precipitated an unex- 
pectedly fierce discussion upon the due order of prayers and the priestly apparel en- 
joined by that compilation of enactments. The cope, the surplice, and the square cap 
were rejected by the Puritans, who extended their dislike to painted windows, cer- 
tain signs with the hand, 
and other superstitious 
monuments. Parker de- 
sired to enforce uniform- 
ity, and in this desire he 
had the authority of the 
Queen. Upon Parker’s 
death in 1575 his succes- 
sor, Edmund Grindal, in 
whom existed a sincere 
desire to conciliate the 
Puritans, refused to fol- 
low the somewhat fickle 
desires of Elizabeth, now 
courting catholicism, and 
he could accomplish little 
towards lightening the 
demands of an enforced 
uniformity in church of- 
fices. Yet his known 
views against severe 
measures brought him 
into disfavor with his 
royal mistress, who wel- 
comed the opportunity 
given by Grindal’s death 
in 1583 to place the see 
of Canterbury into the 
keeping of John Whit- 
gift, a devoted defender 
of the Episcopal form of 
church government and a believer in the Anglican ritual. To him Elizabeth gave 
a free hand in church matters, and he willingly took up the question of full conform- 
ity and uniformity with anenergy that caused the Puritans to suffer. He greatly 





Phimmoth Plantation tl 


of the more godly. To bring them one [over] to yeeld to one cere- 
monei after another; and one corruption after another; by these 
wyles begyleing some, and corrupting others till at length they be- 
gane to persecute all the zealous proffessors in the land (though 
they knew little what this discipline mente) both by word, and 
deed, if they would not submitte to their ceremonies, and become 
slaves to them, and their popish trash, which have no ground in the 
word of God, but are relikes of that man of sine. And the more the 
light of the gospell grew, the more they urged their subscriptions to 


increased the powers of the Court of High Commission, prohibited unlicensed preach- 
ing, framed questions for testing the sincerity of adherence in the clergy to the thirty- 
nine articles and the Book of Common Prayer, and sought in many ways to introduce 
a procedure that would discover and punish the non-conforming element in the 
churches. His measures led to much protest, and called out from Burghley the com- 
ment that some of them, and especially the oath ex officio, by which a minister 
became evidence against himself, “‘too much savoured of the Romish inquisition,” 
rather a device to seek for offenders than to reform any. The printing press was 
placed under restrictions, every manuscript being first submitted to the archbishop 
or the bishop of London for his perusal and approval. Attacked in the “Martin 
Marprelate”’ tracts, he redoubled his efforts to weed out opposition to his orders, 
and resorted to extréme measures of persecution, under which many were driven to 
Holland. He survived Elizabeth, and took a prominent part in the Conference of 
Hampton Court under James, but died one month after that event. Against him 
the Puritans and their historians have levelled their severest criticisms, and it 
was under his rule that the persecution described by Bradford occurred. Outside 
of Holland, the idea of toleration did not exist in Whitgift’s day. See p. 25, infra. 
The affairs of church and state, inseparable as they were, lay in a critical posture, 
and assaults upon the church, whether by Roman catholics or non-conformists, he 
regarded as assaults upon the state. Those who set aside ritual or ceremony as estab- 
lished by law were rebels and traitors, and he dealt with them accordingly. In his 
eyes the cruelty and suffering resulting from his acts were more than compensated by 
increased strength through homogeneity in the church to resist attack. Having 
eliminated Rome’s priests, it only remained to reduce the somewhat restive protestant 
clergy at least to a passive or an outward conformity. The six bishops, whose signa- 
tures are reproduced, were: Matthew Parker (1504-1575), archbishop of Canter- 
bury; Edmund Grindal (1519?-1583), then bishop of London; Robert Horne 
(1519?-1580), bishop of Winchester; Richard Cox (1500-1581), bishop of Ely; John 
Jewel (1522-1571), bishop of Salisbury; and John Whitgift (15307-1604), archbishop 
of Canterbury. 


12 Ffistory of 


these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pre- 
tences, and fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly 
blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast 


1 That a little concession on the part of the prelates would have retained many in 
the Church of England who rebelled against their demands for full conformity, is 
indicated by John Bastwick, doctor of physic, soldier, and controversialist. He suf- 
fered with Prynne and Burton, being sentenced to lose his ears, pay a fine of £5000, 
and be imprisoned for life; but after 1640 some reparation was made for his punish- 
ments. Writing in 1646, he said: “‘It is well known that, in the time of the Prelates’ 
power, the removal of a very few things would have given great content to the most 
scrupulous consciences. For myself I can speak thus much, not only concerning the 
conscientious Professors here in England, but the most rigid Separatists beyond the 
seas; with many of which, I had familiar acquaintance at home and abroad: and 
amongst all that I ever conversed with, I never heard them, till within these twenty 
years, desire any other thing in Reformation but that the Ceremonies might be re- 
moved with their Innovations; and that Episcopacy might be regulated, and their 
boundless power and authority taken from them; and that the extravagances of the 
High Commission Court might be annihilated and made void; and that there might, 
through the kingdom, be a preaching Ministry everywhere set up. . . . Yea, I can 
speak thus much, in the presence of God, That Master Robinson, of Leyden, the Pastor 
of the Brownist Church there, told me, and others whoare yet living to witness the truth 
of what I now say: ‘That if he might in England have enjoyed but the liberty of his 
Ministry there, with an immunity but from the very Ceremonie$; and that they had 
not forced him to a Subscription to them, and imposed upon him the observation of 
them: that he had never separated from it, and left that Church.’” The utter Routing 
of the whole Army of all the Indepéndents and Sectaries, Sig. F.2. Bastwick matriculated 
at Leyden University on 4/14 January, 1617, while the Robinson church was still 
intact. 

From evidence found in a recently discovered Ms. it is believed that Robinson was 
for a time a minister in the Church of England, officiating in St. Andrew’s in Norwich, 
though he never lived in that parish or made an attempt to become a member of that 
church. Taking offense at the church officers and the ceremonies, he was suspended. 
His opposition to the prelacy and ceremonies was not of a violent kind, for Joseph Hall 
wrote at the time: ‘‘And touching ceremonies, you [Robinson] refused them formerly, 
but not long: and when you did refuse them, you knew not wherefore; for immediately 
before your suspension, you acknowledged them to be things indifferent, and for mat- 
ter of scandall by them you had not informed your selfe (by your own confession) of a 
whole quarter of ayeareafter. Whyrefusedyouthen ... ? Butrefusing them, you 
submitted to the prelates spirituall iurisdiction: there was yourcrime . . . Did cuer 
any prelate challenge spirituall rule ouer your conscience?”’ Common Apologie of the 
Chorch of England (1610), 114. 


Plimmoth Plantation 13 





contempte the more upon the sincere servants of God; they oppro- 
briously and most injuriously, gave unto, and imposed upon them, 
that name of Puritans; which [it] is said the Novatians (out of prid) 
did assume and take unto themselves.! And lamentable it is to see 
the effects which have followed; Religion hath been disgraced, the 
godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie 
have lost their lives in prisones, and otherways. On the other hand, 
sin hath been countenanced; ignorance, profannes, and Athe[i]sme 
increased, and the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day. 
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins? crie out tn his exhortation 


1 Eus:lib:6. Chap. 42.— Braprorp. Fuller says the name Puritan began to be ap- 
plied in 1564, asa term of reproach, to such of the clergy as refused to subscribe to the 
liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline of the established church. Church History, 1x. i. § 66. 
The word is of French form, and “‘appears to have been intended to suggest that of 
the Kaéapot (the pure), Catharans, or Catharists, assumed by the Novatian heretics, 
and thus to convey an odious imputation.” English Historical Dictionary. The No- 
vatians were a sect founded in the middle of the third century by Novatianus,-a Ro- 
man presbyter. Chillingworth wrote that “‘excepting their peculiar error, of denying 
reconciliation to those that fell in persecution, they held other things in common with 
Catholiques.” Religion of Protestants, 1. vi. § 49. 368. 

Sir Edwin Sandys gave this definition of “ Puritaines”’ in his 4 Relation of the State of 
Religion, London, 1605: 

**A sort of men there liveth in the world at this day whose leaders (whether vpon 
extreamity of hatred toward the Church of Rome, or vpon self-liking and singularitie 
to value their owne wittes and devises) did cut out in such sort, their reformation of re- 
ligion, as not onely in all outward religious services and ceremonies, in governement, 
and church discipline, they doe strive to be as vnlike the Papacie as is possible: but 
even in very lawfull pollicies, for the advancing of their part, doe disdaine to seeme to 
bee imitators to them, whom they so much abhored, much like [to a] stowt harted, 
selfe-witted Capitaine, who scornes to imitate any stratageme before vsed by the ene- 
mie, though the putting of it in exploit, might give him assured victorie.” 

2 Pag. 421. — Braprorp. William Perkins (1558-1602), one of the ablest and most 
open-minded of the Puritan controversialists, much read and admired in his day, and 
long of wide influence. His Catechism was republished in Leyden by John Robinson, 
and two “‘little chatachismes” listed in Elder Brewster’s library are believed to have 
been “‘An Appendix to Mr. Perkins his Six Principles of the Christian Religion, by J. 
R.” 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 38. The particular reference is to his Godly 
and learned Exposition of Christ's Sermon on the Mount, 1618. No less than nine of 
Perkins’s volumes were certainly in Elder Brewster’s library, and three additional 


14 Ffistory of — 





to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith he) hath been amongst 
us this -35- years; but the more it 1s published, the more it 1s con- 
temned, and reproached of many, Jc. Thus not prophanes nor 
wickedness; but Religion it selfe 1s a byword, a moking-stock, and a 
matter of reproach; so that in England at this day, the man or wo- 
man that begines to profes Religion, and to serve God, must resolve 
with him selfe to sustaine [5] mocks and injueries even as though 
he lived amongst the enimies of Religion. And this commone ex- 
perience hath confirmed, and made too apparente. 


A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be noted. 


Full litle did I thinke, that the downfall of the Bishops, with their 
courts, cannons, and ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, when I first 
begane these scribled writings (which was aboute the year 1630, and 
so peeced up at times of leasure afterward) or that I should have lived, 
to have seene, or heard of the same; but it is the lords doing, and ought 
to be marvelous in our eyes! Every plante which mine heavenly father 
hath not planted, (saith our saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat: 15. 13.? 


volumes are conjectural. William Ames was perhaps his most distinguished follower. 
A copy of the two folio volumes of Perkins’s Workes, printed in 1603-1608, are valued 
at £1 tos. in the inventory of the library of Elder Brewster. 

1 A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of the narra- 
tive, on the reverse pages of his History; and naturally suggested by the passing events 
in England. Deane. The Long Parliament in December, 1640, impeached Laud of 
treason, and on March 1, 1641, he was committed to the Tower. In March both the 
Star Chamber and Court of High Commission were stripped of their powers (16 Car. I. 
c. 10, 11), and on the 21st a bill passed the House of Commons by an almost unani- 
mous vote, removing the bishops from the House of Peers. The political influence of 
the bishops was broken, and no successor followed Laud, who was executed in 1645, 
until the year 1660. Winslow, also, recorded his testimony on this great change. “But 
as they [the Lord Bishops] often stretched out their hands against the saints; so God 
hath withered the Arm of their power, thrown them down from their high and lofty 
seats, and slain the chiefe of their persons, as well as the Hierarchy, that he might 
become an example to all those that rise against God in his Sabbath, in the preaching 
of his Word, in his Saints, in the purity of his Ordinances. And I heartily desire that 
others may heare and feare withall.” Hypocriste Unmasked, *95. 

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MATHER BIBLE, GENEVAN VERSION 


Plimmoth Plantation 1s 


I have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell [Bishops] and thou 
wast not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast 
striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive? 
against the truth, against the servants of God, what, and against the 
Lord him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they 
stronger than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete with their 
match. Behold, I come unto the, O proud man, saith the Lord god of 
hosts; for thy day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer: 
50.31. May not the people of God now say, (and these pore people 
among the rest), the lord, hath brought forth our righteousnes; come 
let us declare in Sion the work of the lord our god. Jer: 51. 10. Let all 
flesh be still before the lord; for he is raised up out of his holy place. 
Bach: 2.503% 

In this case, these poore people may say (among the thousands of 
Israll) when the lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were like 
them that dreame. Psa: 126.1. The lord hath done greate things for 
us, wherof we rejoyce. v.3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in joye. 
They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, but they shall re- 
turne with joye, and bring their sheaves. v. 5. 6. 

Doe you not now see the fruits of your labours, O all yee servants of 
the lord? that have suffered for his truth, and have been faithfull wit- 
neses of the same, and yee litle handfull amongst the rest, the least 
amongest the thousands of Israll? You have not only had a seede 
time, but many of you have seene the joyefull Harvest. Should you 
not then rejoyse? yea, and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah, salva- 
tion, and glorie, and honour, and power, be to the lord our God; for 
true, and righteous are his Judgments. Rev. 1g. 1, 2. 

But thou wilte aske what is the mater, what is done? Why, art thou 
a stranger, in Israll, that thou shouldest not know what is done? Are 
not those Jebusites overcome, that have vexed the people of Israll so 
long, even holding Jerusalem till David’s days, and been as thorns in 
their sides, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David 


the Bible. Deane. A bible, said to have belonged to Bradford, is described in the 
N. E. Hist. Gen. Register, x1x. 12. It is now in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, Mass. 
1 Bradford here used brackets. 


16 Plimmoth Plantation 


should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that 
of the old babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, 
and their glory laid in the dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, 
their courts disolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, 
their ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, 
and all their superstitions discarded, and returned to Roome from 
whence they came, and the monuments of idolatrie rooted out of the 
land. And the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of 
these, (as bloody papists and wicked Ath[e]ists, and their malignante 
consorts) marvelously over throwne. And are not these greate things? 
Who can deney it? 

But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on the white horse, 
who is caled faithfull, and true, and judgeth, and fighteth righteously. 
Rev: 19. 11. Whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was caled 
the word of God. v.13. For he shall rule them with a rode of Iron; for 
it is he that treadeth the winepress of the feircenes, and wrath of god 
almighty! And he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, aname 
writen, The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. v. 15, 16. 

HALLELU-IAH. 

Anno Dom: 1646. 


But that I may come more near my Intendmente; when as by 
the travell, and diligence of some godly, and zealous preachers, and 
Gods blessing on their labours; as in other places of the land, so in 
the North parts,! many became inlightened by thé word of God; 
and had their ignorance and sins discovered unto them, and be- 
gane by his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience of 


1 Refers to Gainsborough, in Lincolnshire, where John Smyth had his congrega- 
tion. “From that company of English people that came over together out of the 
north parts with me I affirme thus much: That I never received of them all put to- 
gether the value of forty shillings, to my knowledge since I came out of England.” 
Smyth, Retractation of his Errours (1611). ‘‘There was no county in the whole of 
England where Puritanism gained such a stronghold, or made such open demonstra- 
tion of its objects and methods.” Victorian History of the County of Northamp- 
ton, 11. 43. The Pilgrim church, however, belonged more especially to Nottingham- 
shire. See p. 22, infra. 


— Reafons 
of the Houfeof Commons why 
Bifhops ought not to have votes 
in Parliament, 


I Ecaufeitisa very great hinderance to. the exetcile of their Minifte. 
riall Fud@tion. . 3 Pie rn 

2 Becaufe they doe vow and undertake at their Ordination, whenthev e; 
into holy Orders, that they will give themfelves wholly tathat Veo os 

3 Becaufe Councels and Canons in feveral] Ages do forbjd them to meddle 
pense affaires. bia res , 

_ 4 Becaufe thetwenty foure Bifhops havea dependancie wo Arche 
bifhops, and becaufe of their Canonical! Ghadines Sathovere the taro Arch 

5 Becaufe they are but for their lives, and therefore arenot fit to have Les 
giflative power ovet the Honours, Inheritances, Perfons,and Liberties of otherse 

"6 Becaufe of Bifhops dependancy dnd expectancy of Tranflations'to places: 
Of great profit. —- ; : 

7 That feverall Bifhops have of lite much effcroacht upon the Confciences: 
and Liberties of the Subjects, and they and their Succeffours will be much ene 
courag’d ftill to éncroach,and the Subjeés will be much difcouraged from com. 

Jayning again@ {uch encouragements, if twenty fixe of rliat Order bee to bee 
flees upon thofe complairits;the fame reafon extends to their Legiflative pow- 
er in any Bill to paffe forthe regulation of their power upon any emergent in- 
convenience by it. 

8 Becaufe the whole number of them is intereffed to maintain the Jurifdiai- 
on of Bifhops, which hath been found fo grievous to the three Kingdomes,that 
Scotland hath utterly abolifhed it, and-Multitudes in England and Ireland have 
petitioned againttir., whe td 
~ g Becaufe the Bifhops being Lords of Parliament , it. fetteth too great a di- 
Itance between them and the reft of their Brethren inthe Miniftery , which oc- 
cafioneth pride in them, difcontent in others, arid difquiet inthe Church. + 


To their having Votes a long time. 


makers. 


Anff. I: in convenient time and ufage are not to be confidered with Laiw- 
bbots votedas anciently in Parliament as Bifhops, yet are taken as 


Some 


Way. ° . 
That for the Bifhops Certificate to plenary of Benefice, and Loyalty of Ma- 


riage the Bill extends notto them. 
Fort the Secular Jurifdidtions of the Dean of #effyrinfler, the Bifhops of Dur- 


bam , and El, and Archbithop of Yorke, which they are to execute in their 
own perfons the former Reafons fhew the inconveniences therein. ' 
For their temporal Courts and Jurifdiétions which are executed by their teme 


porall Offices, the Bill doth not concern them, 
FINIS. 


18 Fistory of 


their wayes. The worke of God was no sooner manifest in them; 
but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane 
multitude, and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or 
els must be silenced; and the poore people were so vexed with appar- 
ators, and pursuants, and the comissarie courts,! as truly their afflic- 
tion was not smale; which notwithstanding they bore sundrie 
years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by the con- 
tinuance, and encrease of these troubles, and other means which 
the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the 
light of the word of God. How not only these base and beggerly 
ceremoneis were unlawfull; but also that the lordly and tiranous 
power of the prelates, ought not to be submitted unto; which thus 
(contrary to the freedome of the gospell,) would load and burden 
mens consciences; and by their compulsive power make a prophane 
mixture of persons, and things in the worship of God. And that 
their offices and calings; courts and cannons &c. were unlawfull and 
Antichristian; being shuch as have no warrante in the word of God; 
but the same that were used in poperie, and still retained. Of which 
a famous author thus writeth in his dutch commentaries.” At the 
coming of king James into England;* The new king (saith he) found 

1 An apparitor was,an officer of the Ecclesiastical Courts. One reason why he was 
so much disliked is to be found in the opportunities for extortion which his office gave 
him, and which he too often used. The pursuivant was a warrant officer, who could 
abuse his functions in the same way as a sumner or apparitor. The commissary repre- 
sented the bishop in parts of his diocese, and exercised spiritual or ecclesiastical juris- 
diction. 

2 Em: meter: lib: 25. fol. 119. —BrapForp. Emanuel van Meteren, General His- 
tory of the Netherlands, translated by Edward Grimstone, Lib. xxv. fol. 119. Ed. 1608. 
Grimstone’s work was largely a compilation, and the issue of 1609 contains only 
sixteen books and the paging runs to 1415. The statement quoted by Bradford is 
not found in it. 

3 In his progress to London in 1603, James received a petition, commonly known as 
the Millenary Petition, in which the Puritan clergy formulated their proposed reforms 
in the Prayer Book and in church discipline. The suggested changes could not be ac- 


ceptable to the church party; but they contained matter worthy of serious considera- 
tion, and better fitted to produce peace and toleration than extreme measures or abso- 


Plhimmoth Plantation 19 


their established the reformed Religion, according to the reformed 
religion of king Edward the :-6: Retaining, or keeping still the spir- 
ituall state of the Bishops, Sc. after the ould maner, much varying 


lute rejection. The University of Oxford replied to the petition in a very hostile spirit, 
but the King gave evidence of having been influenced by it, and called a conference to 
be held in his presence of leading men of both parties. This was the famous Hampton 
Court Conference, held in January, 1604, in which the King asserted of the Puritans, 
“Tf this be all they have to say, I shall make them conform themselves, or I will harry 
them out of the land, or else do worse.’”’ Gardiner, History of England, 1.157. The 
hopes awakened by the Millenary Petition led to the sending of a fruitless deputation 
from the English in Holland to London, to implore the king that they might return to 
England in peace. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 440. The King 
met his first Parliament and Convocation in a spirit decidedly hostile to Puritans or 
non-conformists. ‘The Convocation framed rules for enforcing conformity, and when 
Richard Bancroft (1544-1610) became primate, he began at once toenforce these rules, 
which were indeed largely of his composure. Since 1585 Bancroft had been a vigorous 
and uncompromising opponent of Puritanism, and he now gave his best efforts to sup- 
press schism in the church. Not content with the canons framed by Convocation, he 
devised the “‘ex animo” form of subscription which called for an unreserved accept- 
ance of the doctrines of the Prayer Book. Many of the clergy who had been willing 
to admit a general conformity were not able to give a full assent, and so were dispos- 
sessed and driven from the church. 

It is estimated that near three hundred ministers suffered at this time for their 
non-conformity, a goodly number considering the poverty in clergy of the church. 
While the ceremonies were the ostensible cause of the dispossession, political reasons 
formed quite as essential part in the policy. Conformity, absence of schism, uniformity 
in service and doctrine, unquestioning obedience to the King as the titular head of 
the church — such constituted the end desired by Bancroft and his master. Opposition 
to the canons of Convocation became opposition to ‘“‘lawful authority,” and thus a 
menace to the supremacy of the King. This close intermixture of state with religious 
policy makes it difficult at times to determine which is the dominant factor, politics 
or religion. 

Bradford deals very gently with King James, whose antipathy to Puritans was 
strong and outspoken, and without whose support, the Bishops, holding their places 
at the will of the King, would not have dared to enter upon so violent a persecution 
of non-conformists. That he refused to accept the proposed canons of 1606, was an 
act of leniency more than off-set by the extravagant attack upon Puritans contained 
inhis Premonition to Monarchs, composed in that year: ““As I euer maintained the 
state of Bishops and the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie for order sake ; so was I euer an 
enemy to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes, as wel appeareth in my 
Baziaixon Anpon. ... 1 cannot enough woonder with what brazen face this 


20 Phimmoth Plantation 





and differing from the reformed churches, in Scotland, France, and 
the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, Sc. whose Reformation is cut, 
or shapen much nerer the first Christian eae as 1t was used 
in the Apostles times. [6] 

So many therfore (of these proffessors)* as saw the evill of 
these things (in thes parts,) and whose harts the Lord had touched 
with heavenly zeale for his trueth; they shooke of this yoake of 
Antichristian bondage. And as the Lords free people,* joyned them 


Answerer [Bellarmine] could say, That I was a Puritane in Scotland, and an enemy to 
Protestants : that was persecuted by Puritanes there, not from my birth only, but euer 
since foure moneths before my birth? I that in the yeere of Gop 84 erected Bishops, 
and depressed all their popular paritie, I then being not 18 yeeres of age? I that in 
my said Booke to my Sonne, do speak tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the 
Papists; haueing in my second Edition thereof affixed a long Apologetike Preface, only 
in odium Puritanorum? And I that for the space of sixe yeeres before my comming 
into England, laboured nothing so much as to depresse their Paritie, and re-erect 
Bishops againe? ... And surely I give a faire commendation to the Puritanes in 
that place of my booke, when I affirme that I have found greater honesty with the 
high-land and border theeues, then with that sort of people.” 

1 The reformed churche[s] shapen much neerer the primitive patterne the[n] Eng- 
land, for they cashered the Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and ceremoneis, 
at the first; and left them amongst the popishtr[ash] to which they pertained. — 
BrapFrorp. The last word in the note is uncertain in the ms. 

2 “First I desire it may be observed by the reader how Mr. Bern{ard] stileth the 
worshipful personages, vnder the wing of whose protection he shrowdeth his papers 
Christian Professors. A title peculiar to some few in the land, which favour the forward 
preachers, frequent their sermons & advance the cause of reformatio. Such persons 
arecomonly called amongst themselves professors, vertuous and religious, & thereby 
distinguished fré the body of the land, which make no such profession, and are therefore 
accounted (and iustly) prophane, and without religion, and that as roundly by Mr. B. 
as by any other in the Land. But it seemeth he had forgot both his Epistle & whom 
both he init, and others every where, call Professors for distinction sake, when he 
wrote his book; for init he makes all the kingdome professors at a venture, and Chris- 
tian professours I hope he meaneth.”’ John Robinson, 4 Justification of Separation, 7. 

3 Barrow and Greenwood in one of their tracts describe a true church as a company 
of ‘‘faithful and holie people,” having as its officers pastors, teachers, elders, deacons, 
and widows, who obtain their office “by the holy and free election of the Lordes holie 
and free people.” While this formed the foundation of all separatist churches, the man- 
ner of exercising discipline produced the widest differences of opinion and led to the 
various descriptions of separatism. 





V TIONS 
AND CANONS 
Eccleftafticall. 


Treated vpon by the Bifhop of Lon. 


don, Prefident ofthe Conuocation for the 
Prouince of Canterbury, andthe reft of che 
Bifhopsand Clergie of the 
fayd Provinces 


And agreed vpon withthe Kings Maiefti¢s Licence in their Sy. 
nodebegunat London Anno Dom. 1603. Andinthe 
yeere ofthe raigne of our Soucraizne Lordames 


by the grace of God King of England 
Y hace and treland the fift,aud ® , 
of Scotland the 37. 


© Ord now publ fled for the due obferuation of therm by hip 
Maichties cut! stive,vader che greag 
Sc:aleof kngland. 





fer idineanti ieee «pie tle )e meme 
Penwoide neta (Ou learewt Pres Lemesl 


Imeprintep At Lompon 
by Robert arker,Printer to the Kings 


soft Excellent Maieftie. 
ANNO, 16046 


22 Plimmoth Plantation 


selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the 
felowship of the Gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or 
to be made known unto them (according to their best endeal[v]- 
ours) whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them.! 
And that it cost them something this ensewing historie will declare.” 

These people became °2° distincte bodys or churches; and in re- 
garde of distance of place did congregate severally; for they were 
of sundrie townes and vilages, some in Notingamshire,*® some of 
Lincollinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest 
togeather. In one of these churches (besides others of note) was Mr. 
John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher; who after- 
wards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into 
some errours in the Low Countries, ther (for the most part) 
buried themselves, and their names.‘ 


1 These are undoubtedly the very words of the covenant of the Separatist churches 
— Johnson’s, Ainsworth’s, Jacob’s, Robinson’s and later at Plymouth. Dexter, The 
England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 386, 387. 

2 Some of these persecutions against members of the Scrooby congregation are 
given in Dexter, 391 et seq. 

3 “So going back to the ultimate facts, we say that the Pilgrim Movement origi- 
nated in the Rectory and church of Babworth in Nottinghamshire; and that it was 
mainly a Nottinghamshire Movement. The West Riding of Yorkshire was not in it; 
except as Austerfield was the home of Governor W. Bradford: but he, during the pe- 
riod now under review, was merely a child growing to youthhood. Lincolnshire, 
through the Congregation at Gainsborough, temporarily furthered the Movement 
during the years 1606-1608: but this was merely an accidental help, occasioned by the 
coming to that town of the Rev. John Smyth. In the main, Nottinghamshire men 
founded the Pilgrim Church.” Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 51. 

4 John Smith (or Smyth), of Christ’s College, Cambridge, was ordained a clergy- 
man by the Bishop of Lincoln after 1584, and preached or lectured in the city of 

Lincoln from 1603 to 1605. In the latter year he 


hi separated from the established church, and began a 
rye separatist congregation at Gainsborough, where he was 
known to William Brewster, and suggested the lines 


on which the “gathered church” meeting at Brew- 
ster’s residence, Scrooby Manor, Nottinghamshire, was formed. He removed with his 
wife, children, and congregation, to Amsterdam, in August, 1608, and set up the Sec- 
ond English Church at Amsterdam. The differences in the English congregation at 


Pk 
ete 
ei 
ost 
t 


&: 


be 


Pus 


RePig" 
é 
A 


e Ladys 
Neu Olt 





MAP OF THE SCROOBY REGION 


24 Etistory of 


But in this other church (which must be the subjecte of our dis- 
course) besides other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton, a 
grave and reverend preacher, who by his paines and dilligens had 
done much good, and under god had ben a means of the conversion 
of many. And also that famous and worthy man Mr. John Robin- 
son, who affterwards was their pastor for many years, till the Lord 
tooke him away by death. Also Mr. William Brewster a reverent 
man, who afterwards was chosen an Elder of the church and lived 
with them till old age.? 

But after these things; they could not long continue in any peace- 
able condition; but were hunted and persecuted on every side, so as 
their former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of 
these which now came upon them. For some were taken and clapt 


that place were aggravated by his arrival, and his restless and changeable opinions 
led him to embrace Arminianism. Baptizing himself, whence his title of Se-baptist, 
and some forty others, he again vacillated in belief, quarrelled with his brethren, and 
when he and his followers were excommunicated, before March 2/12, 1609, they sought 
to go over to the Mennonites, who refused to receive them. After this they held their 
meetings ina room in the rearof Jan Munter’s “‘great cake-house;”’ he practised physic 
and died of consumption in 1612. See Dictionary of National Biography, i111. 68; Dex- 
ter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 442, 446; Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim 
Fathers,131. Smyth’s church views at Gainsborough are in Dexter (as above), 381, 
and were not on the lines of the “‘ Holy Discipline,” but of an original character. Brad- 
ford has a brief account of Smyth in his Dialogue. 

Nathaniel Morton, nephew and probably possessor of the papers of ‘William Brad- 
ford, states that Smyth’s church was begun in 1602. Prince adds this comment: “I 
suppose he [Morton] had the account, either from some other writings of Governour 
Bradford, or the Journals of Governour Winslow, or from oral conference with them, or 
other of the first planters; with some of whom he was contemporary, and from whence, 
he tells us, he received his Intelligence.”” New Englands Memoriall,1; Annals, 1. 4. 

1 Clyfton remained rector at Babworth certainly till after 1598. ‘“‘Then Clyfton 
and Brewster continued to work on for the spiritual enlightenment of the district, 
probably also now working together, until about 1604, when the Rev. John Robinson, 
another Nottinghamshire man and also a Cambridge Graduate, came north from Nor- 
wich. . . The church at Scrooby was not formally organized till 1606: when the late 
Rector of Babworth became its Pastor, and the Rev. John Robinson became his 
Assistant.” Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 54. Bradford gives a brief mention 
of Clyfton in his Dialogue. 


Phimmoth Plantation 25 





up in prison, others had their houses besett and watcht night and 
day, and hardly escaped their hands; and the most were faine to 
flie and leave their howses and habitations, and the means of their 
livelehood. Yet these and many other sharper things which affter- 
ward befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore 
were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of Gods 
grace and spirite; yet seeing them selves thus molested, [7] and that 
ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente 
they resolved to goe into the Low-Countries,! wher they heard was 
freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from London, 
and other parts of the land had been exiled and persecuted for the 
same cause, and were gone thither; and lived at Amsterdam, and in 
other places of the land.” So affter they had continued togeither 


1 The Low Lands (Pays Bas) were the territory of the archdukes, and in 1608 did not 
enjoy religious freedom, and had not for many years, the Catholic church being the 
recognized church. After the truce of 1609 the Catholic counter reformation was so 
vigorously carried on in that realm that heresy almost disappeared. Bradford uses 
the term Low Countries in a more general meaning. See p. 36, infra. 

2 This movement of the persecuted to Holland began soon after the executions of 
Barrow, Greenwood, and Penry, in 1593. Johnson reached Amsterdam in the autumn 
of 1597, and in that short interval of four years the earlier immigrants appear to have 
been so embroiled with the Reformed churches of Holland, as to be obliged to seek 
shelter outside of Amsterdam, at Kampen and at Naarden. It is supposed that in 
their reforming zeal they wrote “‘libels and scandalous attacks” upon those churches, 
and so incurred the penalty of banishment. Dexter, The England and Holland of the 
Pilgrims, 422, 427. 

Since 1569 the States-General allowed liberty of conscience to both the Reformed 
and the Roman Catholic, and since 1578 freedom of worship for all, even for the Ana- 
baptists, was the policy of Amsterdam. As the protestants were good handicrafts- 
men and very industrious in manufactures, the cities gained by this toleration. Am- 
sterdam was an “‘University of all Religions; .. . its the Fair of all the Sects; ... 
their Republick is more to them than Heaven; and God may be more safely offended 
there than the States-General.” Dutch Drawn to the Life (1664), 48. 

“*T confesse that Holland hath been a cage to these unclean birds [Separatists and 
others], but the reason is evident, the civil State there walking in the corrupt princi- 
ples of carnall Policy, which cannot be blessed with finall successe, doth impede the 
exercise of Church Discipline in its most principall parts; these last fourty years that 
Land hath not been permitted to enjoy more General Assemblies then one [Dort, 


26 Plhimmoth Plantation 





aboute a year, and kept their meetings every Saboth, in one place, 
or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them*® selves, 
notwithstanding all the dilligence and malice of their adverssaries, 
they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they 
resolved to get over into Holland as they could. Which was in the 
year -1607- and - 1608: of which more at large in the next chap|ter]. 


1618-19], and how great Service that one did towards the purging of the much cor- 
rupted Church, and calming the greatly disturbed State, all their friends in Europe did 
see and congratulate, while their foes did grieve and envy it.” Baylie, Dissvasive from . 
the Errours of the Time, 8. | 

Scaliger, who wrote a few years before the religious refugees came from England, 
rather frowned upon the excessive freedom allowed. “In this country, as in Venice, 
everything is allowed, provided that nothing is done or said against the government. 
They tolerate all sorts of people here except Antitrinitarians: these were suffered here 
for a certain time, but were expelled by the Orders. There are good people in Holland; 
but there is not a country in the world in greater need of Divine Chastisements.” 
Scaligerana (ed. 1695), 197. Brereton, some twenty-six years later recorded, that no 
man was persecuted for religion, nor scoffed at, be he never so zealous. Travels, 70. 





gi aw ayo. ef fhould: fcpae- thie he [pac Weare tees satsencacsle “reecomendit by 


Some Bgoris tv his malar, sorties cagh or this use, guboinin only 
hach Grind, him, Pduirgore he salle is Kd in ghee Seo ne, ; 
Pernt nef enlind Bice fret by hyped 2 >deb hun, 
wole be GP 15) ted inen€ che forme a his requ ne, U8 Sor thece tromper 
Wes Sunde upen him, the Sigudfacation CW sesh vise Of cutrie chiea 
thane wee be hnowin, oO gchar a hare obs. Crile iw hajin the f, 
wall show i, ne 18 ve remember , hee ea 
- . yor oF ¢ “Crettabea valisnonise Ing : 
se, 5 poeme sor che Veante of briéine, & Pubia tes i 
6 Spline ding of haruet Op ophes “4 Se 
Ip © fe “L4 “A BaP haved? Co prophecied By deirubain houe Chas 
ME, eC maye ths, ifn 35 : | 
PJD AWES his Sr iis tae che labour Of fuchedt 
Y OF é. Nee ot! 1 Wayes Ee. the sil 
; "OMS Be be fie usicl unto hi E>”; < 
: Une: 7 ae eo we per idaho 
26ipgd peas our pode as ee op ye Sues ; Corde 


os 


LETTER OF KING JAMES I 


EES SSnnENE 


-2+ Chapter 





Of their departure into Holland and their troubles ther aboute, 
with some of the many difficulties they found and mete with- 
all. 

Anno 1608. 


EING thus constrained to leave their native soyle and 
countrie, their lands and livings, and all their freinds, and 
famillier aquaintance, it was much; and thought marvel- 

ous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew not (but by 
hearsay) wher they must learne a new language, and get their liv- 
ings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and subjecte to the 
misseries of warr, it was by many thought an adventure almost 
desperate, a case intolerable, and a misserie worse then death. 
Espetially seeing they were not aquainted with trades nor traf- 
fique (by which that countrie doth subsiste) but had only been used 
to a plaine countrie life, and the inocente trade of husbandrey. 
But these things did not dismay them (though they did some times 
trouble them) for their desires were sett on the ways of god, and 
to injoye his ordinances; but they rested on his providence, and 


1 An examination of the Puiboken der Stadt, 1567-1617, in the Amsterdam archives 
gave marriages and occupations of one hundred and eighteen English residents in that 
city. The callings are summarized in Dexter (The England and Holland of the Pil- 
grims, 431). It is conjectured that the earlier migration, coming from London and its 
vicinity, contained a larger proportion of artisans than did the later migrations under 
Smyth and Clyfton. Of the Pilgrims Dexter says: “‘Not many were of ‘gentle blood.’ 
Few seem to have been land owners. They had not even that expansion of the facul- 
ties apt to be bred by the aims and risks of commerce. In the main they were plain 
farmers whose names, excepting in a line or two upon the parish parchments at birth, 
marriage and burial, seldom went upon record. Hence the difficulty, after three hun- 
dred years, of identifying them precisely.”” The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 
379. 





ST. HELEN’S CHURCH, AUSTERFIELD 





ST. HELEN'S CHURCH, AUSTERFIELD (AFTER RESTORATION) 


é8 By theKing. 


S A Proclamationtouchirig Paflengers. 


aval Hereas inthe firft Sefsion ofour Parliamentholden at Welt 
6) fs minter the nineteenth day of Dare) in the yeereof one raigne of 
England, France and Preland the irl, and of Scotland the fetter 
and thirtieth; Pe Wasamongk other things Enacted, What no toe 
>) )| Manno? any chélde Duder the age ofone and tiventy peeves (Except 
J | DAylerso7 Dhipboyes og Apprentice 02 Factoz of Lome Merchant 
tu tvade of Merchandise) Mould bee permitted to palle‘ouer the 
Deas, except thefame Mould: be by licence of bS, our Peires oz Suez 
‘ett 02 ane fire o2 moze ofourpziny Councell, heveunte fick had bnderthete pandes, bpon 

patne that the Officers ofthe Postthat Mould Willingly oe. negligently Iuffer any {uch to pate, 
02 Hould-not enter the names of fuch Malengers Keenced, Could forfeit his DFice, and all bis 
Qoodsand Chattels, And bpon paine that the omner ofanp Ship o2 WeMell, that (ould wit 
tingly 02 Willingly cary any fuch over the Seas, without licence as is afozelatd,Chould forfett his 
Hip op Mellel, andallthe Lackle,, Andeuery Mater o2 Mariner, of oz trany lucy Ship 02 
Cieleil offending as{s afozefaid , Thoutd forfeit all thetr goods, andfuffer tmpzfonment by the 
{pace of tWelve moneths without wWartle, o2 Patnepale, Ashby he lade Acte of Bartiament az 
motgother things may moze atlarge appeare: 

Aud whereas many fuch our Sudiects, Lhat ts to fay women andperfons bnder the age 
oftwentpandone peeves, bare from time to time tuftand neceffary caufes and occafionsto goe. 
andpalle ouer fhe Seas, Bu Which cales for euery {ach women and perfloris bnder the age of 
£Wenty and one peeves to obteine {uch licence, either from our felues, o2froni fice of ovr (aid 2t- 
Up Counlel according to the {aid Law, ts berpinconuenient, ardalmokimpolible; Mee have 
therefore thought conuentent, fos the eafe afivell of our felfe and our faid Countell, as offuch of 
our Subiects ag ave of the condition mentioned inthe fade Acte of Parliament, tograurt oue 
Comuniffion to perfons of tru in certaine Posts of onr Wealme, lying mof apt aid conuentent 
for paffage, Hhat (sto fay, London, the Cinque Ports, barby, Barmouth, Hull, and vaay- 
‘mouth ,tolicence {uch Womenandperfons bnder the age oftiventy and anc peeres,as hall bane 

iuft caufe to pate out ofour Realme,bpon due eramination had of them,to pale without peritt 

to themfclues, op the Dfficers ofour faid Ports, Motwithtanding the law Statute oz any thing 
therein conteined. And we hane thought cht to gtue publique knowledge hereofto alour Sub- 

{ects,and to allour Dficers hon tt may coneeene, to cheende thep may Know What hall bee 

Tathfuil fo2 them to doe in thofe cafes, 

Giuenat the Caftle of Farneham the sxiij. day of ae in che fourch yeereof 
of our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland. 


God faue the K ing. 
as | mprinted at London by RobertBarker, 


Printerto the Kings moft ere ae 1606, 





30 Fiistory of . 





knew whom they had beleeved.! Yet [8] this was not all, for though 
they could not stay, yet were they? not suffered to goe, but the 
ports, and havens were shut against them, so as they were faine to 
seeke secrete means of conveance, and to bribe and fee the mari- 
ners, and give exterordinarie rates for their passages.* And yet 
were they often times betrayed (many of them) and both they and 
their goods intercepted and surprised, and therby put to great 
trouble, and charge, of which I will give an instance or tow, and 
omitte the rest. 

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at 
Boston in Lincolin-shire,* and for that end, had hired a shipe wholy 


1 31 Timothy, 1.12. “‘For I know whom I have believed, and I am persuaded that 
he is able to keep that which I have committed unto him against that day.” 

2 Bradford wrote “ ye.” 

§ The regulation of migration out of the kingdom had changed with the varying 
policy towards the Roman Catholics or with the engagements made with foreign rulers. 
August 23, 1606, a proclamation required licenses to women and children undertwenty- 
one years of age to cross the seas, a measure intended to control the flight of Catholics. 
An oath of allegiance was required of all regardless of sex, so migrating; and as the 
Pope (Paul V.) by a Bull issued September 12 of the same year, prohibited English 
Catholics from taking an oath of allegiance, the intention of the measure becomes clear. 
That it succeeded in accomplishing its purpose is not certain, and so drastic a rule 
would interfere with the passage of settlers to the newly opened possessions of Eng- 
landin America. Unwilling to throw the ports open, and wishing to retain some power 
of regulation, the King issued a proclamation on July 9, 1607, reciting that the Stat- 
ute of 5 Rich. II. forbidding all persons save lords, true and notable merchants, and 
the King’s soldiers to leave the realm, having been repealed last session of Parliament, 
the King forbids, in accordance with precedents of Edward I and Edward III, any to 
leave the Kingdom other than soldiers, merchants, mariners, and their factors and 
apprentices, without special license of the King or four of his Privy Council. This nat- 
urally proved unsatisfactory, and the Council on December 8, 1608, issued instruc- 
tions for the better governance of the passage, requiring all persons to be examined 
and registered, and restricting the privilege of sailing to certain ports. Such were the 
conditions when the Pilgrims of Nottinghamshire determined to leave the country. 

4 T. Gentleman thus described Boston in 1609: “A very proper town; and like 
unto Holland’s soil, for low ground and sands coming in: but yet there are but 
few fishermen.” England’s Way to win Wealth. In Arber, An English Garner, 


17343; 





o 





é§ By the King 


7 al Hereas ata Parliament holden at Weltminfter 


Hx in the fife peeve of Gaing Richard the fecond the Bing defended the, 
>) ii paflage btterly ofall manec of people, altoell Clearks as othersin 
eucry port ,anbd other Loibnc and place bpon the coattof (he Sea, 
Hi bpot paine of fopfetture of all hetr goods, except onely the L028) 
and other great men of the Realare, and true and notable qpevs 
Po ASI chants,and the ings Souldiers ; And further propibited biuers, 
other ha bpon paine that the offenders (houlk forfeit,as much as they might forfett.as y 
fle lard Act appeareth : which Statute was leloome og never Cefpertally of late) pucmereay, — 
ton,foz that itwwasin fome cafes too rigozons in others very Barke and obfeurc,and now,for 
afmuch as concerneth the paflage of the Engl) Subtects inte the bingdome of Scotiand | 





Beeome boyd and extinct in vefpect of the happy Cinton of both Bingbomes bnderone Houcs 
raigne: bis mol Excellent ateltte (packerring aliapes the tranquilitte ofhis lowing Sube- - 
tects, before fuch) and fo qreat aduantage as he might reape by recouery of fue penatties)ath, ; 

not oucly fuffered that particular beanch of the Statute afozefard to fall to the ground, Che, 
continuation whereof were both buinft and an appavant marke of feparation but hath ben 
content, befides that particular claufe whic) was included in the Actepallen at thelat Sk 
fion of Parliament , foz abolihing of Holtiitic ,and the memozy of all things that Depend g 
thereon,to affent (in fauour of the Subiect)to repeale the Whole Statute it felfe of Richardte, 
fecond. And yet his PBaiteltte (whole care docth eee watch oucr the weale of his Subiects) pe 
conlidering that the pzinetpalt duetie and allegiance of all his Subiects doeth chiefly confit to 
attend atall tines the ferniee and defence of heir nataral Ztege Ford, and of Heir deare anbj 
native Countrep, With all cbeerefull readinefie and alacritie, other Within dhe Realie,o2 ; 
Mithout, when they (haltbe thereuntdreqaiced : Aind fozeleeing in his Dziucelp peowtdence) 
and Wiledome What danger Celpectalty tn thele dangerous dayes ) night infie to the Whole)” 
State, ifhis Subiects night at Heir pleature pafle and depart outof this Realmemtothe) 
Bingdomes ,Countreys , Downntons and Lerritozies of forretne Hings, Pzintes, States = 
and Pofentates , hath bpon mature deliberation proutded remedy foz the prenention of 
fuclh) mifthiefe as might follow thereupon : 2nd therefore His Watelty voeth ¢ acco) 
ding to bis Maiehies Lawes and the refoiution of bis Pudges, with whom confultac 
fon hath beene had, and agreeable to Diters pzelidents in the reignes of ting Edward oe 
‘the fivit, and Ging Edward the thitde (two mot prudent and renoiomed Kings) and os 
ther of his noble pzogenitours before the making ofthe fapdlate Acte by thefe peelents with, . 
the aduite of bisPeinte Council, )Lraightly peobibite anv forbid all maner of perfous vez 
ing natuvall borne Subiects of this Reaime, oz any of the Dominions of the fame, of o 
‘bat effate on Degree focuer they bee, (hat they o2 any of them (other then fuch perfong! 
AS Were exceptedin and by the fayd Acte, and other then Souldiers, Perchante, Darel 
‘ners,and theie Factors and Apprentices) Mall not any time Deveafter without (peciatt cence] Hs 
‘of bis SDatetty,o2 of any foure oz moze of his Printe Councell whereof the Patneipall Seve. = 
| ns 





















_| fary toy See Coe Pets fo We one pale oz Depart out of eS SS Coma, ib, og any of the 





pomniniors of che fae, info the Hingdomes, Countreyes, Levritories o2 Domuniong of any 
foareine Using, Dune, State,o2 Potentate, bpon fury corpozall and other great and Yeauy 
panes and penaltics as by our Lawes may beinflicted bpou fuch as Mall offend therern, fo2 
theiv fo Peinoug and bunatucall offences againk thetv natucall Liege od and Countrey ut. 
that bejalfe. 

Die suiped altbaypes, thatif any of the perfons befoze ereepted fhatlaiter His departure out 
of this ne ne,Doe,com#iént, putin bee, actempt.ozaffent buto any Act, oeutce, plot, 02 thing 
againt bismo Excetlent Dately, oz any of his Hiugdomes 02 Domintons, o2 agains anp 
of bis eee 02 Statutes, that cuery {uch perfon foofending, Mhaitlole the benefite of the 
faydecreption, and fall to allintents and purpofes be taken and adindged to bee as one that 
Mmalicionfly and contemptuoufly pafleth o2 Departeth out ef His Wealine contrary to +e a 
nozand effect of thefe Dzefents, : 

And whereas by evrour and dulgar opitiion if ts conceited and giucn out by fome, Zhat 
allinen at this peelent beat liberty to traniport andecarric out of this Realute any Goide 02 
Siluer in Coyne, Pelwels, Bullion, Dlate, o2 Cleell, Hts Maiethe uderkanding thereof, 
caufed the Pudges of the Bealmeto be contulted withall tu Vat poynt, ho bpon due conkie 
Bevation and conference Gad amougit thent, bauc with one confent refolued, that the tran& 
portation of allmanner of Goldeand Suucriu Coyne, Pebels,wullion, Plate o2 Ciefiell ts. 
abfolutelp prohibited and forbryden as ell by Me Statutes inthe cwenticrd peere of Ting 
Edward the nee in the ninth yeere of Ging Edvard (he third, and tu the [econd yeere of 
Bing Ueory Che fire, ashy diners other Statates bpon great and grievous penalties and foz- 
feitures, nee figniication of which refolution, bis mol ercellent Qaieltte, to the intent: 
that none of hisloutng Subtects through any erroneous conceit o2 opinion might be Deceiued - 
andindammaged, hath tn his Dyincelp clemencee cauled alwell the fapo refotution of his Pud- 
ges,asthe Statutes thenifleiues to be particularised and publithen fo2 the fafety of his loutng 
Sublects: Andfurther doeth by thele Drelents Fraightly charge and command that all the 
fayd Lawes and Statutes concerning Cranlportation of Golde oz Silucr bee firmely hol 
Der,and kept and put in Due execution. And doth further prohibit and forbid all and all maner 
of perfons whatfocuer,tocary o2 tran{port out of this Realme any Gold o2 Sauer in Coyne; 
PewWels wWullion,late,oz Veflell, contrary to any of the {aid Lawes oz-Statutes, as they 
Wil anhwere the contrary at their betermod perill. 


Giuen at our Palace of Weftminfter the ninth ey of [uly , in the fifth 
yeere of our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and ands 


God. fae the King. _ 


os Imprinted at London by RobertBarker, 


Printer to the Kings moft enh Maiettic, 
ANNO DOM, 1607, 


+ 


v 





Plimmoth Plantation 31 


to them selves; and made agreement with the maister to be ready 
at a certaine day, and take them, and their goods in, at a conven- 
jente place, wher they accordingly would all attende in readines. 
So after long waiting, and large expences (though he kepte not day 
with them) yet he came at length and tooke them in, in the night; 
But when he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, 
haveing before hand complotted with the serchers, and other off- 
cers so to doe. Who tooke them, and put them into open boats, 
and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their shirts 
for money, yea even the women furder then became modestie; and 
then caried them back into the towne, and made them a spectackle, 
and wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sides to be- 
hould them. Being thus first, by the chatchpoule! officers, rifled, 
and stripte of their money, books, and much other goods; they were 
presented to the majestrates, and messengers sente to informe the 
lords of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited ,to ward. 
Indeed the majestrats used them courteously, and shewed them 
what favour they could; but could not deliver them, till order came 
from the Counsell-table. But the issue was that after a months im- 
prisonmente, the greatest parte were dismiste, and sent tothe places 
from whence they came; but -7- of the principall were still kept in 
prison, and bound over to the Assises.? 

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some 


1 A word of Provencal origin, meaning one who hunts or chases fowls; in time 
it was applied to a tax-gatherer, and later to a sheriff’s officer. In Bradford’s 
day it had become a word of contempt. a 

2 Among the seven was William Brewster. See under 1643, infra. As Brewster 
received pay as postmaster at Scrooby up to the last day of September, 1607, this 
attempt to reach Holland must have occurred after that time. Arber (86) conjectures 
it was in October or November of that year. Boston is about sixty-seven miles to 
the east of Scrooby. The river Idle is navigable for small boats from Scaftworth, one 
mile east of Scrooby, to the Trent, and thus Gainsborough could be reached. From 
that place to Boston is fifty-five miles by the river Witham. The assizes were ses- 
sions held periodically in each county of England, for the purpose of administering 
civil and criminal justice, by judges acting under special commissions. 


V2 Fiistory of 


of these and others; to get over at an other place. And it so fell 
out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his 
owne belonging to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and 
aquaint[9]ed him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfull- 
ne[ss] in him, then in the former of their owne nation; he bad them 
not fear, for he would doe well enough. He was (by appointment) 
to take them in betweene Grimsbe, and Hull, wher was a large com- 
mone a good way distante from any towne.! Now against the pre- 
fixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to 
the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end; and 
the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they 
were ther a day before the shipe came, and the sea being rough, and 
the women very sicke, prevailed with the seamen to put into a 
creeke hardby, where they lay on ground at low-water. The nexte 
morning the shipe came, but they were fast, and could not stir, till 
aboute noone; In the mean time (the shipe maister, perceiveing how 
the matter was) sente his boate to be getting the men abord whom 
he saw ready, walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat 
full was gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the mr. es- 
pied a greate company (both horse, and foote) with bills,2and gunes, 
and other weapons (for the countrie was raised to take them). 

1 Arber says, “Local opinion would seem to favor East Halton Skitter haven, in Lat. 
53°, 41’, 30’; because that is the only break in the specified coast line of Lincolnshire 
viz. between Hull and Great Grimsby: from which latter place it is distant some 
twenty miles.”’ The bark with the women would thus have floated down the Trent, 
thirty miles, and then some twenty miles or so along the coast; the men, coming from 
West Stockwith, would walk forty miles. Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 94. Dexter 
believes Stallingborough, about four miles north of Grimsby, meets the conditions 
best. The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 405. The party doubtless sailed by the 
Idle River to the Humber, where they took the bark. “It is thirty miles from Gains- 
borough to the mouth of the Trent; twenty-two miles from thence, to Hull; and 
twenty miles from Hull to Great Grimsby.” Arber, 94. 

? A bill varied in form from a simple concave blade with a long handle, to a 
kind of concave axe with a spike at the back and its shaft terminating in a spear- 


head. Now obsolete, in the seventeenth century it was used by the infantry and 
by constables of the watch. 





















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Phimmoth Plantation 33 


The Dutch-man seeing that, swore (his countries oath), sacremente; 
and having the wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, and 
away. But the poore-men which were gott abord, were in great dis- 
tress for their wives, and children, which they saw thus to be taken, 
and were left destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not hav- 
ing a cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their baks, 
and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord 
the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they had 
they would have given to have been a shore againe; but all in vaine, 
ther was no remedy; they must thus sadly part. And afterward en- 
dured a fearfull storme at sea, being - 14+ days or more before they 
arived at their porte, in -7- wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor 
stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners 
them selves often despairing of life; and once with shriks and cries 
gave over all, as if the ship had been foundred in the sea, and they 
sinking without recoverie.. But when mans hope, and helpe 
wholy failed, the lords power and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; 
for the ship rose againe, and gave the mariners courage againe to 
manage here. And if modestie would suffer me, I might declare 
with what fer[ro] vente prayres they cried unto the lord in this great 
distres, (espetialy some of them) even without any great distrac- 
tion when the water rane into their mouthes and ears; and the mari- 
ners cried out we sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not with mirakelous, 
yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith) yet Lord thou canst 
save; yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I 
will forbeare. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly 
after the violence of the storme begane to abate; and the lord filed 
their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one cannot un- 
derstand. And in the end brought them to their desired Haven, 
wher the people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the 
storme having ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been 
don, as the masters freinds related unto him in their congrattula- 
tions. 


34 Ffistory of 





But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of the men 
that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before the 
troope could surprise them; those only staying that best might, to 
be assistante unto the women. But pitifull it was to see the heavie 
case of these poore women in this distress; what weeping and cry- 
ing on every side, some for their husbands, that were caried away 
in the ship as is before related. Others not knowing what should 
become of them, and their litle ones; others againe melted in teares, 
seeing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying for feare, 
and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they were hurried 
from one place to another, and from one justice to another, till in 
the ende they knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so 
many women and innocent children for no other cause (many of 
them) but that they must goe with their husbands; semed to be 
unreasonable, and all would crie out of them; and to send them 
home againewasas difficult, for they aledged (as the trueth was) they 
had no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise dis- 
posed of their houses, and livings. Tobe shorte, after they had been 
thus turmoyled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to 
another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon any 
termes; for all were wearied and tired with them.! Though in the 
mean time, they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and thus 
in the end necessitie forste a way for them. 

But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte the rest, 
though I might relate many other notable passages, and troubles 
which they endured, and underwente in these their wanderings, 
and travells both at land, and sea;? but I hast to [11] other things. 


1 This procedure appears to have been conducted under the poor law, and not under 
any act against non-conformity or for violation of a law or proclamation upon migra- 
tion. Each parish became chargeable for the “‘ vagrants” or homeless it contained, and 
the parish officers were anxious to pags such persons on to their neighbors, and so be 
relieved of the necessity of caring for them. See Leonard, Early History of the Eng- 
lish Poor Relief (1900). 

2 The year 1608 was one of extreme dearth, “by reason of extreme frosts (as the like 


7 





&g By the King. 


@f\ Proclamation tortie preuenting and 
remedying of the dearth of Graine,and other Vitluals. 


4 2 of the bigh pices of Graine and other Cictuals, lately and very fud- 
Denly growweninfund2y parts of (his Realme , And Gudtug vo {afk 
tient realfon thereof poeth tudge that the rich Owners of Come doe 
teepe thetr foze front conunon Markets, thetcby to encreale the 
DG) Vo HALT vxtes thereof, Oz etfe that the laine is enqvofled bnduely tito few 
Vege J (Gl hands, and fo the multitude of pooze people hauing uo Graine of 
their olbue growing “nut needes futtaine great lacke. His Highnefle therefore for remedy 
thereof, bath canted (petal Deders to be made and publifhed though all parts of this Weauine, 
bearitig date the rt Day of June 1608, and FutituledD, Orders appointed by his Maicltw, &e. Wy 
Dich the Bullices of Peace mn alt parts of the Wealine, ave directed to Cay all Cngroflers, 
Foreltallers and Weqratozs of Come,and to direct all Oioners and Farmers, (Hautng Come 
to {pare to furnith the Markets rateably and Weeekely, wrth uch quantities as rcafonably 
they may and ought todoe,and to fee Diners other Articles oblerucd and perfozmed tending fo 
the prcucntion and remedy of thistnconucnicuce, Nenereheleie, becaule his Maickte docth 
‘Yell know, that the life of hele his gracious, godly, aud politique CouMitutions, depends bpor 
thecarefall and diligent Erecutton of the fame : His Highneile doeth therefore by thts bis 
proclamation (to the ende that no perfor wor if may concecne, Mall og may pleade igua- 
rance ) ftraightly charge and conmnand all Sberiffes , Puliecs of Deace, Datos, Waypliffes, 
Contables, and other his Officers and HSubiecis whatloener, Hhat they take kuoivlenge of 
the faid Orders, and obferne andcaufe the fame to be obferued, as Mall appertatne nto then, 
astheytender bisdilpleature. . 
And becaulethere may be iuttcaufe to feare, Chat notibith landing all he fratght pout: 
‘ons that ave lately taken againt Lean{portation of Gratue, pet bnder colour of conucying of tt 
From Poze to Port Within the land, fome maybe conucyed tuto forraine parts: Hbherefore foz 
further prouifion in that bebalfe,vefines the Bondsin that cale appotuted to be taken, His Ma- 
telic commandeth and giuctlh Licence to any perfon that Hall bane caule to fulpect that any. 
fucl Cozne tS 02 Mould be (hipped, 02 prouided fo be Chipped by lawfull Authoztic to be carted 
toany other Post,that he fame may be by fraud caricd out of the Realine; fuch perfonbaving 
fucl) cafe to fatpect, Halt gine Pnformation thercof to any Pulkice of Peace ,oz publique Dit. 
cerDibetling neere to the Pozt, nabich FPultice o2 OfFicer Mall with ee fad Juformer, tepaire 
tothe Cuftome Houle ofany fuch Port o2 Creeke Where Cozne ts. Hipped,oz pzoutded tobe Hips — 
ped, and here Malt onely examine both he Officers ofthe Cultome houle,and the {eters buy- 
erg,and fhippersof the Coane dpon their euerall Mathes, Whether they tuow of any Juten- 
tionbdivectly, o2 indirectly to baue the faid Cone to be carted out ofthe Realme, Andfurther - 
‘Alo, When by their Dathes they Mal cleare themfetues ofany uch intention (thereby the fulpt- 
tionronceiued being cleared) petthe Dficers of the Dorts that hauc authority to take wWonds, 
‘hall thew the parties , > Who bpon pregnant fufpition fhatl require the fame, andagiuc then 


icadasibnie ie 








—— Deiting the contents of the Wound, with the names ofthe parties bound, being fufficient to an: 
{Were the fame, the true quantitic ofthe Graine and the Ports co whieh it is intended fo bane 
thefame carried: Bnd not withtanding uch prourfion of good alfurance taken,there Hatt af- 
ferWards any donbve follow , that notwithtanding the laid Wonds the fatd Cozne Matbe carted 
outofthe Realine, Lhe party iat hati haue caufe fo tofulpect the fame , Chall repatre to fone 
Puthee of Peace, whom His Maietie oct Hereby command to cramine the tructh at the 
Doazt WHereunto the fare Come was appotnted. Andfoz that purpole the Officers of that 
ozt Hat make plaine declaration whether any fuch Cozne, o2 What quantitic (hereoframe to 
that Port Within he cine mitted; And tfhy good proofe it Mall any wayes appeare, that Here 
Hath bene any fraud trany Dflicer of the ozt, 02 fallhood inthe Lranlpozter by carping it out 
of He Realme,the Dicer of the ore Malbve depztued of his Office, and fluffer imppfonment, 
andimake Fine to his Daiettie athis plealure; And the Lranlpooter for carping tt out ofthe 
Reale, andthe Heller and Wuyer, o2 either of chem being pauie thereto, Mall bee commues 
tedto prilon forthe fpace of one peere, and the Ship forfeited; And the Pnformer fo2 his taz 
hour and reward, hall bane both the halfe of the balue of the Cozne Leranfpoeted, andthe 
Halfe ofthe Fines tmpoled byon the Offenders. Andfozrthe triatlofebele Offences, andere: 
cufion ofthe puniM iments and Fines, the fame MHalbe tried tn his Matektes Exchequer, agait 
SHuformiations are bpon penall Statutes, where all erpedition Halve bled, 02 before the Puli: 

 cesofaMhile tn heir Cirenits,o2 before any Julhees of Peace inthe Heflions where the offence 
thalbe commutted, Hauing any authovitic to beare and Detcrinine any penall Law. : 

Finally His Maichie is particnlartp infornied offonre intentions of fundzp pecfons of abttitte 
fo keope Dolpitalitic in their Countreyps , to leauc thet Holpitalities, and to come Co the City of 
Londo, and other Cities and Lovoues compozate, thereby leaning the vettefe of heir pooze 
neighbouts, as Well for food , as foz good Mule, and With couctous mindes to line in Londor, 
and about the Citp priuately , and fo alle ttrother Holnes corporate, Without charge of cone 
pany, Foz tithfanding whereof bis Maieltte charger) altiuancr of perfons, hat Hhallhane 
any fach intention during the time ofthis Dearth, wot to beeake bp their honfehalds, noz fo 
come to the faid City, o2 other Lownes cospozate, And allothers that Hane of late mebzoken 
bp their houleholos, to returne to their houfles againe Without delay. Dethe perfozmance 
and execution of Which his Daicties Orders, Ft is his bighnelle plealure hatthe Pukitesog 
make certificate bpon alloccaftons to his Datettics riute Councell, and moze particulacty fog 
His HighneMe better fatilfaction, what prtce Cozne and Uictuals doebeare. 





Given at our Mannour of Oatlands the fecond day of Lune, inthe fixtyeereof cof ie 


ourReigne of great Britaine, Franceand Ireland. 


%. 


| | 
God faue the King. _. L 


&§ Imprinted at London by Robert Baker 


Printer to the Kings moft ee Maieftic. _ 


Anno Dom, 1608. _ 


‘Settee nila secenecopsiedunt cert 


{1 
. 


ei 


es 


et 
. i 


= 





‘ 


Phimmoth Plantation 35 


Yet I may not omitte the fruite that came heerby, for by these so 
publick troubles; in so many eminente places, their cause became 
famouss, and occasioned many to looke into the same; and their 
godly cariage and christian behaviour was shuch as left a deep Im- 
pression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk, at 
these first conflicts, and sharp beginings (as it was no marvell) yet 
many more came on, with fresh courage, and greatly animated 
others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppos- 
sicion, they all gat over at length, some at one time, and some at 
an other, and some in one place, and some in an other, And mete 
togeatheragaineaccording to their desires, with no small rejoycing.! 


were never seen) the winter going before, which caused much corn to fall away.” In 
May license was given to import, duty free and during pleasure, all manner of corn 
and grain; and in June a royal proclamation was issued for preventing and remedying 
the dearth of grain and other victuals. 

1 Dexter estimates the number reaching Amsterdam at not less than one hun- 
dred and twenty-five. “Clyfton probably was their teacher. Robinson surely was 
their pastor. Presumably they had no elder.” The England and Holland of the Pil- 
grims, 449. 

In his Of Religious Communion, Private and Public, printed in 1614, Robinson de- 
votes a chapter (111.) to the question of “flight in persecution.” In it he writes: “If we 
principally sought our earthly good, or safety, why did we not abide at home, or why 
return we not thither, applying ourselves to the times, as so many thousands do? that 
I may not allege, that by seeking such a kingdom of heaven, or church, as out of which 
we should throw our children, as he [Thomas Helwisse] hath done, which we might 
do safely enough, if without sin, we could procure to ourselves much more earthly help 
and furtherance, in the country where we live, as he knew well. And for drawing over 
the people, I know none of the guides, but were as much drawn over by them, as draw- 
ing them. The truth is, it was Mr. Helwisse, who above all, either guides or others, 
furthered this passage into strange countries: and if any brought oars, he brought sails, 
as I could show in many particulars, and as all that were acquainted with the manner 


_of our coming over, can witness with me. . . . As we, then, shall perceive either our 


flying or abiding to be most for God’s glory and the good of men, especially of our fam- 
ily and those nearest unto us, and for our own furtherance in holiness; and as we have 
strength to wade through the dangers of persecutions, so we with good conscience to 
use the one or other, which, our hope and comfort also is, we have done in these our 
days of sorrow; some of us coming over by banishment, and others otherwise.”” Works, 
Ill. 159, 164. 





.3. Chapter 





Of their setling in Holand, and their maner of living, and enter- 
tainmente ther. 


EING now come into the Low countries,! they saw many 
goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled and garded 
with tropes of armed men. Also they heard a strange, 


1 In this history the Low Provinces mean the two provinces of Holland and Zee- 
land. South of the Scheldt, the land had been so harried and overrun by the contend- 
ing armies, and the influence of Spain was still so strongly felt, that a speedy recovery 
from the devastation was hardly to be expected. North of the Scheldt the situation 
was entirely different, in spite of a war of thirty years’ duration. The wealth and en- 
terprise of the southern provinces had sought and found a refuge in the northern, and 
Holland and Zeeland contained the trading cities of the world, furnishing the carry- 
ing trade even for their enemies, the Spaniards. The corn trade of the Baltic, the tim- 
ber commerce of western Europe and the cloth industry formerly belonging to Flan- 
ders, centred in Holland. So profitable was the Dutch commerce ina time of war, 
owing to their command of the sea, that peace was opposed, lest it should put an end 
to the wealth that poured into the country, and enabled it to support the taxation and 
expenses of war. Amsterdam, the great commercial city of Europe, had a population 
of about 100,000 souls, and from its wharves sailed the fleets of merchant vessels, forty 
on the route to the Indies, and eight hundred, twice a year, to the Baltic. Trade had 
become the passion of the Dutch, and their battles were fought by mercenaries, paid 
from the profits of trade. The Levant, the East Indies, and finally America, came 
within their activity for commerce and discovery. It was the offer in 1614 of a com- 
mercial monopoly of forty years for newly discovered passages, ports or lands, that led 
to the formation of the New Netherland Company, and the Dutch settlement on the 
island of Manhattan. - 

In 1609 Overbury reported that in Holland ‘no one is extraordinarily rich and few 
are very poor.” The people were generally prosperous; but Amsterdam suffered in its 
location. In 1634, Brereton found it “a most flourishing city, which maintains as great 
a trade as any city in Christendom, yet most inconveniently seated in many respects, 
the air so corrupt and unwholesome, especially in winter-time, when most part of the 
country round about overflowed. Here no fresh-water, no water to brew withal, but 
what is fetched from Weesoppe [Weesp], six English miles distant. Hence they have 








LEYDEN, AND DELFTSHAVEN 


’ 


SHOWING AMSTERDAM 


HOLLAND, 


Plimmoth Plantation 37 





and uncouth language, and beheld the differente manners, and 
custumes of the people, with their strange fashons, and attires; all 
so farre differing from that of their plaine countrie villages (wherin 
they were bred, and had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come 
into a new world. But these were not the things, they much looked 
on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they had other work in 
hand, and an other kind of warr to wage, and maintaine. For 
though they saw faire, and bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance 
of all sorts of welth and riches, yet it was not longe before they saw 
the grimme and grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an 
armed man; with whom they must bukle, and incounter, and from 
whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith, and pa- 
tience against him, and all his encounters; and though they were 
sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed, and got 
the victorie. 

Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other principall 
members were come over! (for they were of the last and stayed to 
help the weakest over before them) shuch things were [12] thought 
on as were necessarie for their setling, and best ordering of the 
church affairs.2 And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute 
much beer; . . . no water to wash withal but rain-water preserved in rain-bags; little 
fire tobeafforded in this country, except turf . . . the most of the wood burnt brought 
out of Denmark, Norway, whichis here used; the coals come from Newcastle.” Trap- 
els, 65. 

1 Cotton Mather relates an incident which was probably a tradition in his day of 
Bradford’s landing in Holland. ** Where, he was not long ashore ere a viper seized on his 
hand; that is an officer, who carried him into the Magistrates: unto whom an envious 
passenger had accused him as having fled out of England. When the Magistrates un- 
derstood the true cause of his coming thither, they were well satisfied with him: and 
so he repaired joyfully unto his brethren at Amsterdam, Where the difficulties to which 
he afterwards stooped, in learning and serving of a Frenchman at the working of silks, 
were abundantly compensated by the delight wherewith he sat under the shadow of 
our Lord in his purely-dispensed Ordinances.”’ Magnalia, Book 11. 3 (ed. 1702). 

2 The very slight differences between the Dutch reformed churches and that of the 


Puritans offered no obstacle to an almost complete union in faith. Robinson in his 
Apology said: “We do profess before God and men, that such is our accord, in the case 


38 Fiistory of | 





a year, Mr. Robinson (their pastor) and some others of best discern- 
ing, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his companie, was allready 
fallen in to contention with the church that was ther before them,} 
and no means they coulduse, would doe any good to cure the same, 
and also that the flames of contention were like to breake out in 
that anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to 
pass) ?which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to 
remove, before they were any way engaged with the same. Though 
they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward 
estates, both at presente and in licklyhood in the future; as indeed 
it proved to be. 


of religion, with the Dutch Reformed Churches, as that we are ready to subscribe to 
all and every article of faith in the same Church, as they are laid down in the Harmony 
of Confessions of Faith, published in their name. . . . Touching the Reformed Churches 
what more shall I say? We account them the true churches of Jesus Christ, and both 
profess and practise communion with them in the holy things of God, what in us lieth. 
Their sermons such of ours frequent, as understand the Dutch tongue; the sacraments 
we do administer unto their known members, if by occasion any of them be present 
with us; their distractions, and other evils we do seriously bewail; and do desire from 
the Lord their holy and firm peace.” *6, 8. 

1 The “ancient church” was that of which Francis Johnson was the first pastor. 
It began in 1592 at Fox’s house in London, and in September, 1597, was reconstituted 
at Amsterdam. In December, 1610, a division occurred in it, Henry Ainsworth taking 
one party and the Meeting House, and Johnson the other. 

2 Some months before Robinson’s arrival Smyth had raised differences in the older 
church on the sin of using the English Bible in worship, and with some followers was 
already deeply involved in doubt on baptism and the constitution of the Church. This 
led to the dissolution by the Smyth faction of their former church state and ministry, 
and the erection of a new church by baptism. The real question in the ancient church 
turned upon the importance of church elders, Johnson tending to exalt their position 
and to fear the “‘pathwaie unto popular government — the verie bane to all good 
order in church and commonwealth.”’ Robinson, while valuing the office of Elders, 
gave them less power and the ordinary members of the church more influence than did 
either Johnson or Ainsworth. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 453, 
466. In 1610 Smyth entertained so pronounced views as to belong to no church, 
and remained unchurched until his death. Jb. 521. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 39 





Their remoovall to Leyden. 


For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair 
and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation,! but made more 








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UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN 


1 In the Hall of Records, Leyden, is found the entry of the formal application for 
permission to remove to that city. 

“To the Honorable the Burgomasters, and Court, of the City of Leyden: 

“With due submission and respect Ian Robarthse, Minister of the Divine Word, 
and some of the members, of the Christian Reformed Religion, born in the Kingdom 
of Great Britain, to the number of one hundred persons or thereabouts, men and wo- 
men, represent that they desire to come to live in this city by the first day of May 
next, and to have the freedom thereof in carrying on their trades, without being a 
burden in the least to any one. 

“They, therefore, address themselves to Your Honors, humbly praying that Your 
Honors will be pleased to grant them free consent to betake themselves, as aforesaid. 
This doing, etc.” 

This is undated and unsigned, but the place of its entry and the action of the Burgo- 
masters, written on the margin, fix the time. That action follows: 


40 FI; wstory of 





famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which (of late) 
had been so many learned men.! But wanting that traffike by sea 
which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their out- 
ward means of living and estates. But being now hear pitched they 
fell to shuch trades and imployments as they best could; valewing 
peace, and their spirituall comforte above any other riches what 
soever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente and comfort- 
eable living, but with hard, and continuall labore.’ 


“The Court, in making a disposition of this present Memorial declare that they re- 
fuse no honest persons free ingress to come and have their residence in this city, pro- 
vided that such persons behave themselves, and submit to the laws and ordinances: 
and, therefore, the coming of the memorialists will be agreeable and welcome. 

“This done by the Burgomasters in their session at the Council House the 12 day 
of February, 1609. 

“J. Van Hout. Secretarius.” 


Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 467. The entry was first brought 
to the attention of Americans in 1848, by Prof. N. C. Kist, of Leyden University. 

1 Sir William Brereton wrote in 1634: “‘although here be an university, yet no face 
nor presence of an academy. Here be only two colleges; in one about thirty students 
of divinity, who have their diets and twenty gilders apiece, a square uniform little 
court or quadrangle: in the other, twenty students of divinity, who have therein their 
diets and fifty gilders a-piece; these only go in the habit of scholars: so as here is no 
face nor presence of an university.” Travels, 39. He thus described Leyden: ‘‘Here 
about Leyden is a more pleasant, sweet place than I have met within Holland... . 
This is the largest and most populous city I have yet seen. Herein their greatest trade 
is fulling and making of wool: abundance of our English wool and fullers’-earth 
brought hither through Scotland by stealth; so as black cloths, far better dyed than 
ours, can here be afforded better cheap than at Delphe.” Travels, 46. 

2 In spite of the large influx of refugees from Flanders and the Low Countries into 
England, and the introduction of their industries with them, the English cloth manu- 
factory could not compete successfully with that of the Dutch. The industry was better 
organized in Holland, and the trade with foreign countries better managed. Indeed, 
England sent undressed cloth to the Netherlands to be finished, and in 1610, a sugges- 
tion that the two peoples unite in colonizing and trading companies in Virginia and 
the East Indies was rejected by the English, on the ground that if the union be on 
equal terms, the art and industry of the Dutch ‘will wear out ours.”” Winwood, Me- 
mortal, 111. 239. For half a century the competition continued to be felt by the Eng- 
lish cloth makers, until duties and commercial regulations excluded the Dutch pro- 
ducts from the markets of England. The Pilgrims from London entered readily into 


Plhimmoth Plantation an 





Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many 
years, in a comfortable condition; injoying much sweete and de- 
lightefull societie and spirituall comforte togeather in the wayes of 





DUTCH WEAVER, 1610 


the various processes of the cloth manufacture at Leyden. While the lowest forms of 
labor were freely open to them, the guilds closed the more skilled occupations. To be- 
come a member of a guild, and each important industry had its guild, it was necessary 
to become a citizen. The conditions of citizenship were not onerous, and it may be 
assumed that such Englishmen as applied, did so for business purposes. Dexter ana- 
lyzes the occupations of one hundred and thirty-one persons of English connection in 
Leyden, of whom eighty-six were known to belong in some sense to the Pilgrim com- 
pany. Fifty-seven occupations were represented, and the larger number belonged to 


42 Fiistory of 





God; under the able ministrie, and prudente governmente of Mr. 
John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante 
unto him, in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now called, 
and chosen by the church.! So as they grew in knowledge and 
other gifts and graces of the spirite of God; and lived togeather in 
peace, and love, and holines; and many came unto them from di- 
verse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And 
if at any time, any differences arose, or offences broak [13] out (as 
it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best of 
men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head betimes, 
or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion 
was continued; or els the church purged of those that were incur- 
able and incorrig|i|ble, when, after much patience used, no other 
means would serve, which seldom came to pass. Yea shuch was the 
mutuall love, and reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had to 
his flocke, and his flocke to him; that it might be said of them as it 
once was of that famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,? and the 


the cloth industries. Bradford, in 1613, is described in the Dutch records as a “‘fustian 
maker;”? Robert Cushman (1617), a wool carder, and Edward Winslow (1618), a 
printer. The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 488, 508. 

1 Tn noting the generally loose organization of the Pilgrim church Arber writes: 
“When it started at Scrooby, it seems to have had the Rev. Richard Clyfton for Pas- 
tor; and the Rev. John Robinson, when he came North, acted as Assistant or Teacher; 
with probably one or more Deacons. When it removed from Amsterdam to Leyden, 
and Clyfton deserted that Church, about April 1609; the Rev. John Robinson was the 
only Officer, besides the Deacon or Deacons, for a considerable time. Then, at Leyden, 
at some date not later than 1613, William Brewster was elected Ruling Elder. All 
the arrangements seem to have been dictated by their practical necessities.’ Story of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, 29. 

2 Goulden booke, &c. — Braprorp. “*The golden boke of Marcus Aurelius, em- 
peror and eloquent oratour,’ was a translation of a French version of [Antonio de] 
Guevara’s [Bishop of Mondonedo] ‘El Reloj de Principes.’ . . . It was first published 
in 1534, and republished in 1539, 1542, 1553, 1557 and 1559. A very definite interest 
attaches tothis book. It has been proved that English ‘euphuism’ is an adaptation of 
the style of the Spanish Guevara. Lyly’s ‘Euphues’ was mainly founded on Sir 
Thomas North’s ‘Dial of Princes’ (1558 and 1567), and the ‘Dial of Princes’ is a 
translation of an enlarged edition of Guevara’s ‘El Reloj,’ which was first translated 


Plhimmoth Plantation 43 





people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted 
more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing shuch a pastor. 
His love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways bente 
for their best good, both for soule and body; for besides his singuler 
abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled) he was also very able 
to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers and incon- 
veniences; by which means he was very helpfull to their outward 
estates, and so was every way as a commone father unto them. And 
none did more offend him then those that were close, and cleaving 
to them selves, and retired from the commone good;? as also shuch 
as would be stiffe, and riged in matters of outward order, and invey 
against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and 
not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They in like 
maner had evera reverente regard unto him, and had him in precious 
estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve; and though they 
esteemed him highly whilst he lived and laboured amongst them; 
yet much more after his death,? when they came to feele the wante 
of his help, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they 
had lost, to the greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; 
yea shucha loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard 
for them to find shuch another leader and feeder in all respects, as 
for the Taborits to find another Ziska.? And though they did not 


into English by [John Bourchier, second Baron] Berners. The marked popularity of 
Berners’ original translation clearly points to him as the founder of ‘Guevarism’ or so- 
called Euphuism in England.” Dictionary of National Biography, art. Bourchier. 

1 See p. 113, infra. 

? Robinson died at Leyden March 1, 1624-25, and his death receives notice under 
the year 1626, infra. Winslow says that such was the respect entertained in Leyden of 
this Separatist, “The university, and Ministers of the City accompanied him to his 
grave with all their accustomed solemnities; bewayling the great losse that not onely 
that particular Church had, whereof he was Pastor; but some of the chief of them 
sadly affirmed, that all the Churches of Christ sustained a losse by the death of that 
worthy Instrument of the Gospel.” Hypocrisie Unmasked, *95. 

8 John Zizka (1376-1424) a leader of the Hussites and a great Bohemian general. 
He was, after 1421, totally blind, but never lost a battle in his contest with Sigismund 


4.4 Fiistory of 





call them selves orphans, as the other did (after his death), yet they 
had cause as much to lamente (in another regard) their present 
condition, and after usage. But to returne; I know not but it may 
be spoken, to the honour of God, and without prejudice to [14] any; 
that shuch was the true pietie, the humble zeale, the fervent love, 
of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God, and 
his waies, and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards 
another, that they came as near the primative patterne of the first 
churches, as any other church of these later times have done, ac- 
cording to their ranke and qualitie.! 

But seeing it is not my porpose to treat of the severall passages 
that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Low countries, 
(which might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe) but to 
make way to shew the begining of this plantation, which is that 
I aime at;” yet because some of their adversaries did, (upon the 


(1368-1437), Roman Emperor and King of Hungary and Bohemia. The name Ta- 
borites (from a mountain near Prague, “‘fanatically called” Tabor) was taken by one 
of the two factions into which the Hussites were divided. Hallam, Middle Ages, 1. 463 
(ed. 1846). 

1 Dr. Dexter and his son made very careful examination of the Dutch records in 
Leyden to obtain, as far as is possible, the names of those who formed the “‘ Pilgrim Com- 
pany in Leyden.” The results will be found in Dexter, The England and Holland of the 
Pilgrims, 599. They estimate that from early summer in 1609 to about the end of 
July, 1620, the company must have included between four and five hundred individ- 
uals. The list could not be complete from the many difficulties offered by the records; 
but accepting it as it is, the compilers made the following summaries: the number of 
known or fairly presumable members of the Pilgrim Company at Leyden until July, 
1620, was 298; of others more or less closely associated with them until that time or 
later, 281 — a total of 579. Deducting the number of those named twice (106) the 
whole Pilgrim Colony of the list comprised 473. Thirty-three members of the com- 
pany became citizens of Leyden before July, 1620, and thirty-two, subsequent to the 
migration. See p. 97, infra. 

2 Winslow says he “often meets” with certain complaints against New England. 
“The first that I meet with is, concerning the rise and foundation of our New England 
Plantations; It being alledged (though upon a great mistake by a late Writer) that 
division or disagreement in the Church of Leyden, was the occasion, nay cause of the 
first Plantation in New England ; for saith the Author, or to this effect, when they could 


. Stades Timmerwerf ux \ : \ i ay ae NY 72. De Groene fleaghen 
. Laken Kal ak 1B Ass \ m1 ie , es i 2 FZ er ie Re A a ° 7 , , wal 7 5 Arnon Convent 
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Durfane Racifeeegh 





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1z8.Mole flecch . + Swizten flecg 


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Plhimmoth Plantation 45 





rumore of their removall) cast out slanders against them, as if that 
state had been wearie of them, and had rather driven them out (as 
the heathen historians did faine of moyses and the Isralites when 
they went out of Egipte)? then that it was their owne free choyse 
and motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler or too, to shew the 
contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they 
lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther was 
none so poore but if they were known to be of that congregation, 
the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust them in any reason- 
able matter when they wanted money. Because they had found by 
experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them 
so painfull, and dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive 
to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their 
worke, for their honestie and diligence. 

Againe; the magistrates of the citie, aboute the time of their 
coming away, or a litle before, in the publick place of justice, gave 


no longer agree together, the one part went to New England, and began the Planta- 
tion at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the rest of the Churches, 
as if the foundation of our New England Plantationshad been laid upon division or 
separation, then which nothing is more untrue. ... Having thus briefly shewed 
that the foundation of our New England Plantations was not laid upon schism, divi- 
sion, or separation; but upon love, peace, and holiness: yea, such love and mutual care 
of the Church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the welfare of each other, and 
their posterities to succeeding generations, as is seldom found on earth.” Winslow, 
Hypocrisie Unmasked, *92. 

1 Robinson stated the charges brought against the Brownists, and the fourth charge 
was: “that being become so odious to the magistrates here, as that we are by violence 
to be driven the country, we are now constrained to seek some other, and far part of 
the world to settle in. The other contumely is in a Dutch rhyme without name, 
famed it may be, and as commonly it comes to pass, ‘between the cup and the wall,’ 
as saith the proverb. This ballad-maker comparing the received religion in the Dutch 
churches toa tree: the sectaries in the country, of which he nameth not a few, to cer- 
tain beasts, endeavouring this tree’s ruin, and overthrow, likens the Brownists to a little 
worm, gnawing at the root thereof; and not having less will, but less power to hurt, 
than the residue.” Works, 111. 8. 

2 Works of Tacitus, Oxford translation, Book v of the translation. DEANE. 
Murphy (1805), vi. 346. 


46 Fiistory of 





this comendable testemoney of them (in the reproofe of the Wallons, 
who were of the french church in that citie).1_ These English (said 
they) have lived amongst us now these -12- years, and yet we never 
had any sute, or accusation came against any of them; but your 
strifes, and quarels are continuall, etc.? In these times allso were 


1 The wars of the Reformation and the persecutions of the Inquisition drove from 
the Netherlands many thousands of their protestant and industrial inhabitants. Many 
went to England, where their knowledge and experience served to establish industries 
that offered competition to those of the Continent, and aided in giving the Eng- 
lish a standing in manufactures not enjoyed before their migration. Amsterdam and 
Leyden also received many of the fugitives, and derived a lasting benefit from this ac- 
cession of skilled labor. The name Walloon is derived from the Old French Wallon 
(Gualon), and was applied to the inhabitants of southern Belgium. The wife of Francis 
Cooke was a Walloon, and Winslow pointed out that the Plymouth Church held com- 
munion with the French churches, even before coming to New England. Hypoeriste 
Unmasked, *96. 

Some Walloons of Amsterdam entertained in 1621 the same purpose as did the Pil- 
grims in 1620; for they applied to the English ambassador, Sir Dudley Carleton, for 
permission to establish a colony in Virginia, to be governed by magistrates of their 
own election. The list of those proposing to migrate is in Calendar of State Papers, 
Colonial, 1574-1660, 498. The application passed to the Virginia Company, but re- 
ceived no notice in the minutes of meetings. An answer to the Crown, dated August 
II, 1621, stated that the Virginia Company “‘did not conceive any inconvenience, 
provided the number does not exceed three hundred, and they take the oath of alle- 
giance to the king and conform to the rules of government established in the 
Church of England.” Land would be given, but no other aid, and the Company 
could not recommend the king to supply shipping. It is possible little encouragement 
was offered because only a few months before, stress had been laid upon the com- 
petition offered by the French and Dutch in the fur trade, and measures taken to 
counteract it. A-settlement from Holland, even of the Belgian refugees, could tend 
only to aggravate that competition. As a consequence the Dutch West India Com- 
pany took up the matter, and the case of the Walloons became a subject of official con- 
cern. The first permanent settlers of New Netherland were largely Walloons. Brod- 
head, History of the State of New York, 146. 

2 The Separatists of Amsterdam had so many differences among themselves that 
this statement cannot apply to them. ‘‘There were more disputes, Contests and 
Quarrels, amongst the few Brownists, and other Independent sectaries, which re- 
sorted thither the latter end of Queen Elizabeth’s, King James the First’s time, and so 
-on, than among the whole Dutch Nation ever since they Reform’d: Tis unaccount- 
able what impertinent Controversies arose between them, even to the Colour of Aaron’s 


Plimmoth Plantation 47 





LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, 1610 


the great troubles raised by the Arminians,! who as they greatly 
mollested the whole state, so this citie in perticuler (in which was 


Ephod, whether it were Blew, or a Sea-green, which made an irreconcilable difference 
between their Pastors, and consequently the Flocks divided.”” W. Baron, Dutch Way 
of Toleration, 10. 'The incident referred to, is.the discussion between Ainsworth and 
Hugh Broughton on the material used in Aaron’s Ephod. One of the sayings of 
John Smyth, preserved by Bradford in his Dialogue, is pertinent: “Truly, we being 
now come into a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we look not well to our ways; 
for we are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily slide and fall.” 

1 Jacobus Arminius (1560-1609) had been influenced by his teachers and associates 
to adopt a modified form of Calvinism, which resulted in the Remonstrant Church in 
Holland. Liberal in opinion and believing in greater freedom in practice, the tendency 
of the time towards systematizing religion repelled him. His studies and controversies 


48 Ffistory of 


the cheefe universitie) so as ther were dayly and hotte disputes in the 
schooles ther aboute, and as the studients and other lerned were 
devided in their oppinions hearin, so were the -2- proffessors or 
devinitie readers them selves; the one daly teaching for it, the other 
against it. Which grue to that pass, that few of the disciples of the 
one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he 
taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books, besides 
his manyfould pains otherwise,! yet he went constantly [15] to hear 


led him to assert the freedom of man against the Calvinists’ unconditional decrees of 
God. ‘‘He sought to make election dependent upon faith, whilst they sought to en- 
force absolute predestination as the rule of faith, according to which the whole Scrip- 
tures are to be interpreted.” J. A. Dorner, History of Protestant Theology, 1. 417. He 
did not live to perfect his system, but this task was accomplished by his successor, 
Episcopius. The chief opponent of Arminius was Franz Gomarus (1563-1641), also 
of the University of Leyden. 

1 August 26/ September 5, 1615, John Robinson matriculated at Leyden Univer- 
sity, as a student of theology, age 39, and having a family. Admission to the Univer- 
sity carried with it certain advantages, such as some exemptions from taxation and 
from service in the city guard, and an annual allowance of beer and wine. A further 
advantage was shown in the case of Brewer, Brewster’s partner in printing, where the 
University interfered to prevent his being delivered to the English representative for 
transportation to England. As the members of the University were chiefly foreigners, 
the preservation of their privileges was a matter of some consequence, or they would 
all fly the University. 

Of eleven titles of Robinson’s writings all but one were probably composed in Hol- 
land, and two were published after his death. These eleven writings were: 1. 4n An- 
swer to a Censortous Epistle [1608-10]. 2. A Ivstification of Separation from the Church 
of England. Against Mr. Richard Bernard, his invective Intitoled ; The Separatists’ 
Schisme, &c. [Leyden (?), 1610]. 3. Of Religious Commonion, Private and Publique, 
&c. [Leyden], 1614. The copy in the British Museum has the autograph of Randall 
Thickins, Robinson’s brother-in-law, and a few manuscript notes. 4. 4 Manvmission 
to a Manvduction, &c. [Leyden], 1615. 5. The People’s Plea for the Exercise of Pro- 
phesie, against Mr. Iohn Yates, his Monopolie, &c. [Leyden], 1618. 6. Apologia Ivsta 
et Necessaria . . . Quorundam Christianorum ... dictorum Brownistarum, sive Bar- 
rowistarum, &c. [Leyden], 1619. 7. A Defence of the Doctrine propownded by the Syn- 
ode of Dort, &c. [Leyden], 1624. 8. A Briefe Catechisme. concerning Church Govern- 
ment. ‘This may have been printed at Leyden, in 1624, but no copy is known. It 
appeared in a second edition in 1642. 9. An Appeal on Truths behalffe (concerninge 
some differences in the Church at Amsterdam) [Leyden], 1624. 10. Observations Divine 


Phimmoth Plantation 49 


ther readings, and heard the one as well as the other; by which 
means he was so well grounded in the controversie, and saw the 
force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversarie. 
And being him selfe very able; none was fitter to buckle with them 
then him selfe. As appered by sundrie disputes, so as he begane to 
be terrible to the Arminians; which made Episcopius ! (the Armin- 
ian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth sundrie 
Thesies, which by publick dispute he would defend against all men. 
Now Poliander the other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the 
citie, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him; but he was 
loath, being a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould 
him that shuch was the abilitie and nimbl[e]nes of the adversarie; 
that the truth would suffer, if he did not help them. So as he con- 
descended, and prepared him selfe against the time, and when the 
day came, the lord did so help him to defend the truth, and foyle 


and Morall, &c. [Leyden], 1625. 11. A Treatise of the Lawfulnes of Hearing of the 
Ministers in the Church of England, &c. [Amsterdam], 1634. All but number four 
were included in a collection of his Works, issued in 1851, by Robert Ashton, and that 
number will be found in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 165. 

1 Episcopius (Simon Bisschop) was without question the ablest and most learned 
leader of the Arminians in their contest with the Gomarists. A native of Amsterdam 
and a somewhat younger man than Robinson, he had 
passed through the University of Leyden, and in 1610, ren Ct ay; 
the year of the Arminian Remonstrance, he was in charge oe on zit 
of a church in a small village near Rotterdam. Two ES 
years later he succeeded Gomar as professor of theology 
at Leyden, having won notice by his advocacy of the cause of the Remonstrants at 
the Hague Conference. Here he continued to teach until 1619, when he was deposed 
and expelled by the Synod of Dort. Retiring into France, he labored in the Arminian 
cause until the heat of the persecution of that faction in Holland had subsided, when, 
in 1626, he returned to Rotterdam,.and became rector of the Remonstrant Church 
at Amsterdam. He died in 1643, at the age of 60. See Frederick Calder, Memoirs of 
Simon Eptscopius, London, 1835. 

Of Joannes Polyander a Kerckhoven little is known. He was educated at Heidel- 
berg and Geneva, and had been pastor of the French Church at Dort. In 1611 the 
University of Leyden called him to the chair resigned by Gomarus. Festus Hommius 
was pastor of the Walloon Church in Leyden. 


50 —— Eistory of — 





this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this great 
and publike audiance. And the like he did a -2- or -3+ time, upon 
such like occasions. The which as it caused many to praise God, that 
the trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him much honour 
and respecte from those lerned men, and others which loved the 
trueth. Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him, and his 
people, or desiring their absence; as it was said by some (of no mean 
note) that were it not for giveing offence to the state of England; 
they would have preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd 
them some publike favour. Yea when ther was speech of their re- 
moovall into these parts, sundrie of note, and eminencie of that na- 
tion would have had them come under them, and for that end made 
them large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticu- 


1 Inhis Dialogue Bradford states that Robinson was “‘an acute and expert disputant, 
very quick and ready, and had much bickering with the Arminians, who stood more 
in fear of him than any of the University.” Not 
Ti aad{s dissimilar language of Robinson is used by Jan 
es Hoornbeck, a professor at Utrecht, in his Summa 
oy ; As ander, Controversiarum Religionis, published in 1658 
(p. 741). “Scripsit preterea varia contra Armi- 
nianos: frequens quippe et acer erat Episcopii in Academia adversarius et oppo- 
nens.” No mention of a formal debate as is described is to be found in any biography 
of Episcopius. Winslow writes: “And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when 
Arminianism prevailed so much, at the request of the most orthodox divines, as 
Polyander, Festus Hommius, etc. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy 
at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that error, and had as good respect 
amongst them as any of their own divines.” Hypocrisie Unmasked, *95. The univer- 
sity records also are silent upon a formal disputation, and at Leyden, the party of 
Episcopius was at the time in the ascendant. Dictionary of National Biography, xLix. 
19. There are thus improbabilities against a stated dispute held at the request of 
Polyander and the chief preachers of the city, but in one of the frequent public 
discussions Robinson undoubtedly took a part. 

2 See p. 99, infra. Bentivoglio, the papal nuncio in the Low Countries from 1607 
to 1616 says of the Puritans: “I Puritani ancora si sono tollerati, che sono pit purie pit 
rigidi Calvinisti, i quali non vogliono riconoscere autorita alcuna ne’ magistrati politici 
sopra il governo de’ loro ministri eretici; e sono quasi tutti de’ Puritani d’ Inghilterra, 
che per occasion di commercio frequentan |’ Ollanda, e lealtre Provincie Unite... . I 
Puritani Inglesi sono in Amsterdam quasi tutti per!’ istesso rispetto; e se ne trattengono 


Plhimmoth Plantation 51 


lers, and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and unlickly- 
hode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved 
of few; being only raised by the malice of some, who laboured their 
_ disgrace. 

alcuni medesimamente per occasione dimercanzia nella citta di Midelburgo in Zelanda. 


Per ogni parte dunque, e da tutti gli angoli, si puo dire, delle Provincie Unite, s’ odono 
i latrati, e gli urli di tanti infetti loro settarii.” Relazione di Fiandra, Parte 11. cap. 11. 


LEYDTSE PooRT 
La Pork de Leyden. 











AMSTERDAM: GATEWAY LEADING TO LEYDEN 





The .4. Chapter 


Showing the reasons, and causes of their remoovall. 


FTER they had lived in this citie about some - II- or-12- 
years, (which is the more observable being the whole 
time of that famose truce between that state and the 

Spaniards,)! and sundrie of them were taken away by death; and 
many others begane to be well striken in years (the grave mistris 
Experience haveing taught them many things) [15 ”] those prudent 
governours, with sundrie of the sagest members begane both deeply 
to apprehend their present dangers, and wisely to foresee the 
future; and thinke of timly remedy. In the agitation of their 
thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at length they 
began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall tosome other place. 
Not out of any new fanglednes, or other shuch like giddie humor, by 
which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt, and dan- 
ger.* But for sundrie weightie and solid reasons; some of the cheefe 


? Spain and the Netherlands entered into a truce for twelve years, signed at Ant- 
werp, March 30, 1609. For more than a year a truce had _ been pending, but the two 
provinces most actively engaged in commerce, and the seats of refuge to the oppressed 
of other countries, had in a measure escaped the horrors of the war. “The States con- 
tented themselves with a general recognition of their independence. The King of 
Spain, though he reserved a right to prohibit traffic with his own territories in the In- 
dies, yet declared that he would throw no impediment in the way of the trade of the 
Dutch with any of the native states beyond the limits of the Spanish possessions. This 
was the greatest concession which had yet been wrung from Spain.” Gardiner, His- 
tory of England, 11. 29. 

2 Page 15 is repeated in the ms. 

* “T persuade myselfe, never people upon earth lived more lovingly, and parted 
more sweetly then wee the Church at Leyden did, not rashly, in a distracted humour; 
but upon joynt and serious deliberation, often seeking the minde of GOD by fasting 
and prayer: whose gracious presence we not onely found with us; but his blessing upon 


Plimmoth Plantation 53 


of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they saw and found 
by experience the hardnes of the place and countrie to be shuch, as 
few in comparison would come to them; and fewer that would bide 
it out, and continew with them. For many that came to them, and 
many more that desired to be with them; could not endure that 
great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they 
underwent and were contented with. But though they loved their 
persons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet 
they left them, as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law 
Naomie; or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be 
excused, and borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. For 
many, though they desired to injoye the ordinances of God in their 
puritie, and the libertie of the gospell with them, yet (alass) they 
admitted of bondage — with deangerof conscience, rather then to in- 
dure these hardships; yea, some preferred, and chose the prisons in 
England, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these afflictions. 
But it was thought that if a better, and easier place of living, could 
be had, it would draw many, and take away these discouragments. 
Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those that both 
wrate, and preached now against them, if they were in a place, wher 
they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would then 
practise as they did.! 


us from that time to this instant [1646]: to the indignation of our adversaries, the admi- 
ration of strangers, and the exceeding consolation of our selves, to see such effects of our 
prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee ended.” Winslow, Hypocrisie Un- 
masked, *88. 

t “ Amongst many other inconveniences,” wrote Winslow (Hypocriste Unmasked, 
*809), they considered “how hard the Country was where we lived, how many spent 
their estate in it, and were forced to return for England, how grievous to live from under 
the protection of the State of England ; how like we were to lose our language, and our 
nameof English; how little good wee did, or were like todo to the Dutch in reforming 
the Sabbath; how unable there to give such education to our children, as wee our selves 
had received &c.”’ Morton intimates some activity on the part of the Pilgrims towards 
reforming the Dutch practices. “In ten years time, whiles their Church sojourned 
amongst them, they could not bring them to reform the neglect of Observation of the 


54 Fi; istory of 


2ly. ‘They saw, that though the people generally, bore all 
these difficulties very cherfully, and with a resolute courage, be- 
ing in the best, and strength of their years, yet old age began to 
steale on many of them, (and their great and continuall labours, 
with other crosses, and sorrows, hastened it before the time) so as 
it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within 
a few years more, they would be in danger to scatter (by necessities 
pressing them) or sinke under their burdens, or both. And therfore 
according to the devine proverb, that a wise man secth the plague 
when it cometh, and hideth him selfe, Pro. 22. 3. so they like skill- 
full and beaten souldiers were fearfull, either to be intrapped or sur- 
rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to fight 
nor flie. And therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some 
place of better advantage and less danger, if any shuch could be 
found. [16] 

3ly. Thirdly; As necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they 
were forced to be shuch, not only to their servants (but in a sorte) 
to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not a litle wound 
the tender harts of many a loving father, and mother; so it pro- 
duced likwise sundrie sad and sorowfull effects. For many of their 
children, that were of best dispositions, and gracious Inclinations; 
(haveing lernde to bear the yoake in their youth) and willing to bear 
parte of their parents burden, were (often times) so oppressed with 
their hevie labours, that though their minds were free and willing, 
yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became 


Lord’s-day, as a Sabbath, or any other thing amiss amongst them.” New Englands 
Memoriall, *3. 

“Here is little respect had to sanctify the sabbath: the young children girls walked 
all the Sabbath in the afternoon with cups or tins in their hands; they were about five 
or six years of age; others elder, about ten, and thirteen, and fourteen years of age, 
guided these little ones, and sung, screaming, and squeaking, and straining their 

voices. Such as they met gave them money, which they put into the cups, which was 
intended to buy a wassail- “Cup, a a carouse: this they continued all Monday.” Sir Wil- 
liam Brereton, Travels, 6. 


Plimmoth Plantation 55 


decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in 
the very budd asitwere. But that which was more lamentable, and 
of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their chil- 
dren, by these occasions, and the great licentiousnes of youth in that 
countrie, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawne 
away by evill examples into extravagante and dangerous courses, 
getting the raines off their neks, and departing from their parents, 
Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea; 
and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes, and the dan- 
ger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and dishonour 
of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to de- 
generate and be corrupted. 

Lastly, (and which was not least) a great hope, and inward zeall 
they had of laying some good foundation, (or at least to make some 
way therunto) for the propagating, and advancing the gospell of 
the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, 
though they should be but even as stepping-stones, unto others for 
the performing of so great a work.! 


1 In their address to Charles the Second, dated June 5, 1661, the General Court of 
New Plymouth asked for his protection and “‘the confirmation of our Religiouse and 
Civill liberties and priviledges conferred by pattent from your Royall Grandfather 
(whoe well knew the ends your servants Aymd at in our transplantation) and since 
farther inlarged by your most Illustrious Father, even to us the first colony of your 
English subjects in New England, who did hither transport ourselves to serve our God 
with a pure conscience according to his will revealed, not a three daies journey ‘as 
Moses but nere three thousand miles into a vast howling wilderness inhabited onely by 
Barbarians, yet part of your Majesties dominions. This we rather chose, then to live 
under a forreign state where yet we had libertie of conscience with all civill respects. 
But such was our duety love and loyaltie to our naturall Lord, desire to enlarge his 
dominions and enjoy his protection that we willingly overlooked all difficulties and 
discouragements, came hither, took possession in our persons for our Sovereign. In 
attempting whereof by reason of many hardships attending such a designe, we lost 
many of our dearest relations, the living scarcely able to bury their dead, yet then not 
without hopes that God might make us stepping stones for others more fit for such a 
worke.” Gay Transcripts (ms.) from the P. R.O. America and the West Indies, 1661- 
1668, 102. 


56 Fiistory of ! 





These, and some other like reasons, moved them to undertake 
this resolution of their removall; the which they afterward prose- 
cuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.? 

The place they had thoughts on, was some of those vast, and un- 
peopled countries of America, which are frutfull, and fitt for habita- 
tion; being devoyd of all civill inhabitants; wher ther are only 
salvage, and brutish men, which range up and downe, litle other- 
wise then the wild beasts of the same.? This proposition being 
made publike, and coming to the scaning of all; it raised many 
variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears, and doubts 
amongst them selves. Some from their reasons, and hopes con- 
ceived, laboured to stirr up and incourage the rest to undertake, 
and prosecute the same; others againe out of their fears, objected 
against it, and sought to diverte from it; aledging many things, and 
those neither unreasonable, nor unprobable. As that it was a great 
designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable perills, and dangers; 
as, besides the casul[a|lties of the seas (which none can be freed 
from) the length of the vioage was shuch, as the weake bodys of 
women, and other persons worne out with age, and travlalille (as 
many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they 
should, the miseries of the land, which they should [17] be exposed 
unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some, or all of them 
togeither, to consume, and utterly to ruinate them. For ther they 


1 “Fourthly, that their Posterity would in a few generations become Dutch, and so 
lose their interest in the English Nation, they being desirous rather to enlarge His 
Majesty’s Dominions, and to live under their Naturall Prince.” Morton, New Englands 
Memoriall, *3. Winslow also laid stress upon this point, wishing to discover some 
place where “‘wee might exemplarily shew our tender Country-men by our example 
(no lesse burthened then our selves) where they might live, and comfortably subsist 
and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Anti-christian bondage, keep 
their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our 
State, but the Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people amongst the Natives 
whither hee should bring us &c.” Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *89. 

2 Rosier, True Relation (1605), was surprised to meet with the “kind civility we 
found in a people, where we little expected any sparke of humanity.” 


Phimmoth Plantation 57 


should be liable to famine, and nakednes, and the wante in a 
maner of all things. ‘The chang of aire, diate, and drinking of water, 
would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous dis- 
eases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difh- 
culties, should yett be in continuall danger of the salvage people; 
who are cruell, barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious 
in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente 
only to kill, and take away life, but delight to tormente men in the 
most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing some alive with the shells 
of fishes, cutting of the members, and joynts of others by peesmeale; 
and broiling on the coles, eate the collops of their flesh in their sight 
whilst they live, with other cruelties horrible to be related. And 
surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things, 
could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them, 
and make the weake to quake, and tremble. It was furder objected, 
that it would require greater summes of money to furnish shuch a 
voiage (and to fitt them with neccessaries) then their consumed 
estates would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be 
1 The exact source of this description of Indian cruelties has not been traced, and 
may have been drawn up after the coming to New England. It is not unlike what ap- 
pears in Woods’ New England Prospect, *49, but may have come from some Dutch re- 
ports made while the Pilgrims were in Holland, or from Spanish narratives of what 
had passed in Spanish America. Of collections of voyages that would be likely to come 
to the knowledge of the English a list might be made. Eden’s Decades of the newe 
Worlde or West India, appeared in 1555, and he followed it in 1577 with his History of 
Trauayle in the West and East Indies. Thomas Nicholas, in 1578, issued a translation 
of Gomara’s Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India, by Cortes, and two 
years later Cartier’s voyages to New France reached the English reader in a transla- 
tion by John Florio from the Italian of Ramusio. Richard Hakluyt printed his Divers 
Voyages touching the Discouerie of America in1582, and the Principall Navigations, Vo1- 
ages and Discoveries of the English Nation, in 1589, and an enlarged edition in 1598- 
1600. Sir Walter Ralegh’s Discoverie of Guiana appeared in 1596, and Linschoten’s 
Discours of Voyages into ye Easte €9 West Indies in 1598. De Bry and Hulsius may 
also have been among the possibilities, as well as the single volumes of Acosta and 
Rosier. The great interest in voyage and discovery is proved by the passage of these 
accounts from one language to another — Latin, French, German, and English — in 
editions that must have received sufficient support to warrant the printing. 


58 Fiistory of 





seconded with supplies, as pre- 
sently to be transported. Also 
many presidents of ill success, 
and lamentable misseries be- 
falne others, in the like designes, 
were easie to be found, and not 
forgotten to be aledged. Besides 
their owne experience, in their 
former troubles, and hardships, 
in their removall into Holand; 
and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, 







ROBINSON’S HOUSE, AND SUR- 
ROUNDINGS, LEYDEN! 


1 This cut is taken from the Historical 13 12 
Magazine, 111. 332, and was based upon a 
plan of the city, dated 1670, which gave 
the buildings as they were in the Pilgrims’ 
time. The full plan is reproduced in this 
volume, and St. Peter’s Church may easily 
be identified by its number, 103. The 
neighborhood of the Robinson house was 
bounded by Heerensteegh (101), the 
church and belfry (103) and Klocksteegh 
(107). The second cut is taken from 
Dexter, The England and Holland of the 
Pilgrims, 531. The notation of streets 
and buildings are as follows; the first fig- 
ures referring to the Historical Magazine 
plan and the figures in brackets to the 
Dexter plan: 

1 [3] Belfry, no longer standing. 

2 [2] St. Peter’s Church. 

3 [14] The Commandery. 

4 [ ] Heerensteeg, about one hundred 
and fifty feet easterly from Robinson’s 
house. 

5 [1] Klocksteeg or Alley, on which 
Robinson’s house fronted. ae} 

6 [7] Simonszoon house, on the east of 
Robinson’s. On Dexter’s plan this is called the estate of van der Wilde. 


a 








e 


DEXTER’S PLAN 


Plimmoth Plantation 59 





though it was a neighbour countrie, and a civill and rich comone 
wealth.! 


7 [4] Robinson’s house. 
8 [8] House of widow van Alckemade. 
9, 10, 11 [9] Other houses of Johann de Lalaing. 
12 [12] Falyde Beguynhof and grounds, between which and the de Lalaing houses 
on the east was the Dovecker canal. 
13 [s, 6] Garden of Robinson’s house. 
— [10] Estate of Dirck van Boostel, apparently bought between 1578 and 1611 by 
de Lalaing. 
— [11] Donckegeracht. 
— [13] Tenements of Falyde Beguynhof. 
1 Some means they had accumulated, as their homes would show. The location of 
very few of the houses occupied by the Pilgrims in Leyden has come down to us. 
Brewster, in 1609, lived on an alley called Stinck steeg (Stench Lane) near the Hooge- 
woerds Bridge and later removed to Choor steeg (Choir Lane), an alley extending 
from Broadway to the Choir of St. Peter’s Church. This is the Vicus Choralis which 
is mentioned on the title-page of Brewster’s printing of Cartwright’s Commentaries 
(1617). The location of the first house occupied by John Robinson is not known, and 
in the first year or two may not have been fixed. The enlargement of the city in 1611, 
the fourth in its history, doubtless increased the opportunities for employment, and so 
added to the resources of the English, enabling them to buy a house and lot as a per- 
manent settlement. In May, 1611, such anestate was purchased in Klok steeg (Bell 
Lane), being a house then belonging to Johann de Lalaing, and known as the Groene- 
poort (Green Door). The price was eight thousand gilders, of which two thousand 
were paid down, and five hundred annually thereafter, until the mortgage should be 
‘satisfied. The lot was irregular in shape, containing about half an acre of land and 
having a frontage on the Klok steeg of only twenty-five and a half feet. In the garden 
twenty-one houses were built between 1611 and 1647, and were presumably occupied 
by members of the families of the company. The parties named in the instrument as 
purchasers were “‘ John Robinson, minister of God’s word of the English congregation 
in this city, William Jepson, Henry Wood and Randall Thickins.”” Dexter, The Eng- 
land and Holland of the Pilgrims, 529 et seq. Winslow describes the pastor’s house 
as “large.” (Hypoerisie Unmasked, *90.) Occupation was taken in May, 1612, and 
very probably by that time an addition had been made to it. Dexter, 541. Froma 
poll tax return of 1622 we learn that the house was occupied only by John Robinson 
and his family. After Robinson’s death, Jepson bought out the interest of the others 
(December 13, 1629), and became sole owner. The house passed into other hands in 
1637, and was taken down with others in 1681-83 for the purpose of erecting a hof 
(charitable institution) for the Walloons, still remaining, and known as Pesyn’s Hof. 
‘Historical Magazine, ul. 331. ; 


60 Plimmoth Plantation 


It was answered, that all great,and honourable actions, are ac- 
companied with great difficulties; and must be, both enterprised, 
and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers 
were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not 
invincible. For though their were many of them likly, yet they 
were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of the things feared, might 
never befale; others by providente care and the use of good means, 
might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them (through 
the help of God) by fortitude, and patience, might either be borne, 
or overcome. T'rue it was, that shuch atempts were not to be made 
and undertaken without good ground, and reason; not rashly, or 
lightly as many have done for curiositie, or hope of gaine, etc. But 
their condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good and hon- 
ourable; their calling lawfull, and urgente; and therfore they might 
expecte the blessing of God in their proceding. Yea though they 
should loose their lives in this action, yet might they have comforte 
in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. ‘They lived 
hear but as men in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great 
miseries might possiblie befale them in this place; for the -12- years 
of truce were now out, and ther was nothing but beating of drumes, 
and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine. 
The Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of Amer- 
ica;tand the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther; and their lib- 
ertie less to looke out for remedie. Aftermany other perticuler things 
answered, and aledged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the 
major parte, to put this designe in execution; and to prosecute it 
by the best means they could. 


1 In this very year of 1620, appeared at Amsterdam two brochures depicting the 
cruelties perpetrated by the Spaniards in the Netherlands and in America. The 
Belgic scenes, twenty in number, were described by Jan Everaard Cloppenburg, and 
the American, seventeen plates, were used as illustrations of Las Casas. Published at 
this time, when the truce of twelve years was about to end, the horrible pictures could 
well serve to excite the people of Holland against their would-be conquerors, and deter 
the Leyden congregation from adventuring within the reach of so cruel and murder- 
ous fanatics. 


The .5. Chap [ter] 


Shewing what means they used for preparation to this warghtie vioag. 


ND first, after thir humble praiers unto God, for his 
direction, and assistance, and a generall confferrence 
held hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place 

to pitch upon, and prepare for. Some (and none of the mean- 
est) had thoughts, and were ernest for Guiana,’ or some of those 


1 Sir Walter Ralegh issued his Discoverte of the large, rich and bewtifol Empyre of 
Gviana, with a relation of the great and Golden Cutie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call 
El Dorado,) in 1596. It was translated 


into Dutch and printed in 1598; into 
Latin, to be included in De Bry, in 
1599; and in the same year and the 
same language, in Hulsius. Later Hul- 


sius issued a German edition. The 

subject and manner of presentation appealed to the cupidity of adventurers, and this 
will account for the popularity of the book. Lawrence Keymis’s Relation of the Second 
Voyage to Guiana, dedicated to Ralegh, was also printed in 1596, and passed into a 
Dutch translation in 1598. Ralegh’s Discoverie, with Keymis’s at the end, was again 
issued in the Dutch tongue in 1617, by Michiel Colijn, of Amsterdam, an overdrawn 
picture of possible wealth. Ralegh had now paid by his life the penalty of his eager- 
ness to obtain the favor of his royal mistress by realizing his dreams of enormously 
rich mines of the precious metals in Guiana. In the re-issue of Hakluyt’s Principall 
Navigations, by the Hakluyt Society (x. 384), Ralegh’s own map of Guiana is repro- 
duced, with the fabled city and lake of Manoa and El Dorado upon it, sufficient 
evidence, even for that day, of the wildness of his project and the absence of knowledge 
of the region. Robert Harcourt, with a company of adventurers, sailed to Guiana in 
1609, and took possession in the king’s name of a tract of country lying between the 
Amazon and the Dollesquebe. He left a colony there, under his brother Michael, and 
returning to England, obtained a patent giving him power to plant and inhabit the 
land he had taken. A series of misfortunes followed, and in the end the colony came 
to naught. He wrote Relation of a Voyage to Gviana, which was printed in 1613, and 
was included in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, pt. rv. Like Captain John Smith’s Description 
of New England, it was dedicated to Prince Charles. This colony must have been 


62 Plimmoth Plantation 





fertill places in those hott climates; others were for some parts of 
Virginia, wher the English had all ready made enterance, and 
begining.t Those for Guiana aledged that the cloluntrie was rich, 
fruitfull, and blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a florishing 
greenes; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abun- 
dance, and plentie without any great labour, or artof man. Soas it 
must needs make the inhabitants rich; seing less provissions of 
clothing and other things, would serve, then in more coulder, and 
less fruitfull countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards 
(haveing much more then they could possess) had not yet planted 
there, nor any wher very near the same. But to this it was an- 
swered, that out of question, the countrie was both frutfull, and 
pleasante; and might yeeld riches, and maintenance to the pos- 
sessors, more easily then the other; yet, other things considered, it 
would not be so fitt for them. And first that shuch hott countries 
are subject to greevos diseases, and many noysome Impediments, 
which other more temperate places are freer from and would not so 
well agree with our English bodys.? Againe if they should ther live, 
known in Holland, as the Dutch traded with the Indians there, and some of the 
Harcourt colony “‘richly returned from the Amazon in a Holland ship,” in March, 
1617, and it was said their cargo was tobacco, which sold for £2,300, and some gold 
ingots. These men intended to return to Guiana. In 1629 (?) the Council stopped 
‘some Englishmen who intended to go to Guiana with an Irishman, William Gayner. 
Gayner proposed to sail from Holland, and it was feared that he would take the 
Dutch to the Amazon, and cause quarrels and bloodshed between the two nations. 
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, 218. See also references to Guiana 
in Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, 1. | 

1 The Virginia Company received its charter in 1606, and for ten years struggled to 
obtain money and adventurers, issuing broadsides giving the conditions of a voyage 
and describing the kind of emigrants desired. Occasion arose also to make reply to the 
attacks made upon the company and the country of Virginia, and to spread a know- 
ledge of the plantation a series of nine tracts was printed before 1616, of which the two 
latest in date, Whitaker’s Good Newes from Virginia (1613), and Hamor’s Trve Dis- 
course of the Present Estate of Virginia (1615), were the more important. See Miss 
Susan L. Kingsbury’s Introduction to the Records of the Virginia Company of London, 


1. 32. Any of these issues may have come to the notice of the English in Leyden. 
? Charles Leigh’s plantation at Wiapoco, in Guiana, suffered much from sickness. 


A 
RELATION 


OF A VOYAGE 


TO GVIANA. . 
DESCRIBING THE CLIMAT, 


Scituation, fertilitic, prouifions and commodities 
of thac Country, containing {cucn Prouinces, and 
other Signiories within thac Territory : Together, 
with the manners, cuflomes, bckauiors, and 
difpofitions of ye people. 
Performed by RopeRT Harcovet, of 
Stanton Harcourt E/quire. 


The Pattent for the Plantation of which Country, 
his Ataicstie hath eranted tothe faid Ropert 
Harcovns Vader the Great Seale, 
Nons.14.7,8. 
The Land which we walked thorow to fearch it,iravery goed Land,. 
Ifthe Lord lone vs he will bring vs intathis land,aud wil ginettvse 


Te LIA 
ATA. 





f cl YY ‘ 

. Lier fe anise i 
PIR Ph GV ANNE \ 
Cals N 


es 






ca 
Or 





AT LONDON 
Printed by loun Beare, for W.Wetsy, and 
areto te fold athis fhopin Pauls Church yard at the- 
figneofthe Swan. 2.64 3. 


64 Ftistory of — 





and doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long; 
but would displante, or overthrow them. As he did the French in 
Florida; who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the 
sooner because they should have none to protect them; and their 
owne strength, would be too smale to resiste so potente an enemie, 
and so neare a neighbor. 


**Many of our men fell sicke, some of Agues, some of Fluxes, some of giddinesse in 
their heads, whereby they would often fall downe: which grew chiefly of the excessiue 
heate of the Sunne in the day, and of the extreame dampe of the earth.”’ They suf- 
fered also from a worm or tick, called niguas, which crept under the nails of the toes 
and tortured them. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1252. The Indians warned Harcourt 
against settling in the same place, and drew him to Cooshebery, “for the most part 
champian ground, naturally intermixt of plaine fields, fruitefull meadowes, and 
goodly woods, in such admirable order, as if they had beene planted artificially by 
handy labour.” Jb. 1271. 

“The Winter and Summer as touching colde and heate differ not, neither doe the 
trees ever sensibly lose their leaves, but have alwayes fruit either ripe or greene, and 
most of them both blossome, leaves, ripe fruite, and greene at one time.”” Sir Walter 
Ralegh, Discoverie of Guiana, in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 111. 653. “Both 
for health, good ayre, pleasure, and riches I am resolved it cannot bee equalled by 
any region either in the East or West. Moreover the countrey is so healthfull, as of 
an hundred persons and more (which lay without shift most sluttishly, and were every 
day almost melted with heate in rowing and marching, and suddenly wet againe with 
great showers, and did eate of all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made meales of fresh fish 
without seasoning, of Tortugas, of Lagartos or Crocodiles, and of all sorts good and 
bad, without either order or measure, and besides lodged in the open aire every night) 
we lost not any one, nor had one ill disposed to my knowledge, nor found any Calen- 
tura, or other of those pestilent diseases which dwell in all hot regions, and so neere 
the Equinoctiall line.” Jb. 660. ‘The Spaniards are therein so dispersed, as they are 
no where strong, but in Nueva Espanna onely: the sharpe mountaines, the thornes, 
and poysoned prickles, the sandie and deepe wayes in the valleys, the smothering 
heate and aire, and want of water in other places are their onely and best defence.’’ 
Ib. 661. 

1 The destruction of the French colony of Ribault by Menendez in 1565. The crime 
and its punishment are detailed in Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 
chaps. vil. vill. 1x. The letters of Menendez to Philip II. in 1565 and 1566, giving an 
account of his actions, are printed in 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v111. 416. The 
account by Ribault of his first voyage was printed in English in 1563, and states that 
it is “now newly set forthe in Englishe,” although no original French edition of the 
work is known. Three years later Le Challeux printed at Dieppe his account of the 





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Plimmoth Plantation 65 





On the other hand, for Virginia, it was objected; that if they 
lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so near them 
as to be under their goverment; they should be in as great dan- 
ger to be troubled, and persecuted for the cause of religion, as if 
they lived in England, and it might be worse. And if they lived 
too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor defence frome 


them. 
But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by 
them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia;? and by 


last voyage of Ribault and the destruction of the French colony in Florida, and an 
English translation issued from a London press in the same year. These volumes 
are in the John Carter Brown library, Providence, R. I. 

1 By the first charter granted April 10, 1606, Virginia, a strip of land one hundred 
miles in width, lying on the Atlantic coast of North America from the thirty-fourth 
to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, was divided into two parts. The southerly, 
reaching to the forty-first degree, was given to the “‘first colony,”’ composed of certain 
‘knights, Gentlemen, Merchants and other Adventurers of London and else where; ”’ 
the northerly, extending from the thirty-eighth to the forty-fifth degree, was granted 
to a second colony made up of adventurers from the cities of Bristol and Exeter, the 
town of Plymouth and else where. The territory afterwards known as New England 
thus fell to the second colony, and the persons mentioned in the charter were Thomas 
Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham. In 1607 was sent out 
the so-called Popham colony, for the Sagadahoc or Kennebec River, a commercial 
venture begun by Chief Justice John Popham, brother to George Popham, and whose 
daughter was mother of Thomas Hanham. It failed, and not until the voyage of 
Smith in 1614 could interest in the second colony be revived, when Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges becomes the ruling spirit. The charter of 1606 is in Hazard, 1. 50. 

2 New England, the northern part of the Virginia Company’s grant of 1606, does 
not appear to have been considered by the Leyden church company as a possible 
place of settlement. On the failure of the Popham colony, near the mouth of the 
Kennebec, in 1608, the region came to be esteemed ‘‘a cold, barren, mountainous, 
rocky Desart,” and to be branded as ‘over cold, and in respect of that not habitable 
by our nation.” Smith, Generall Historie, 204; Gorges, Briefe Narration, 11. 

Upon his return from New England in August, 1614, Smith confided to his “hon- 
orable friende Sir Ferdinando Gorge” his ambitions to make a settlement, and was 
encouraged to believe that he would be given the means and authority. He even re- 
tained in his service Michael Cooper, the master, but the London Company not only 
enticed Cooper away, but offered employment to Smith. Four ships were sent out 
from London “before they at Plimouth had made any prouision at all.” Later one 


66 Plimmoth Plantation 





their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant 
them freedome of Religion; and that this might be obtained, they weer 
putt in good hope (by some great persons, of good ranke and qual- 
itie) that were made their freinds. Whereupon -2- were chos[19]en 
and sent in to England (at the charge of the rest) to sollicite this 
matter;! who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have 
them goe thither. And willing to grante them a patent, with as 
ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to any, and to give 
them the best furderance they could. And some of the cheefe of 
that company douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for liberty 
in Religion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad seale, 
according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of worke 
then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring it 
aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good 
worth laboured with the king to obtaine it (amongst whom was one 


vessel was despatched, chiefly set out by Sir Ferdinando, which made a bootless voy- 
age, returning “‘as she went, and did little or nothing, but lost her time.’’ Smith’s 
refusal caused some displeasure against him in the Southern company, “ whose fauor 
and loue I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly injoy it... . Hauing ingaged my 
selfe in this businesse to the West Countrie; I had beene verie dishonest to haue 
broke my promise; nor will I spend more time in discouerie, or fishing, till I may goe 
with a companie for plantation: for, I know my grounds.”” When Smith was sent out 
in 1615, it was nominally under the West Country people, but the larger support 
came from some of his friends in London. Description of New England, 66, 68. 

Smith’s enthusiastic account of the territory, published in 1616, had for its immedi- 
ate object the encouragement of fishing ventures; but he, knowing “a ring of golde 
from a graine of barley, as well as a goldesmith,” also claimed to have made known 
to his employers, “a fit place for plantation, limited within the bounds of your Patent 
and Commission.” Description of New England, Letter to Adventurers. 

1 “Now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to 
the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private discussion came to 
publike agitation, till at length the Lord was solemnly sought in the Congregation by 
fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the worke, 
wee sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favour or acceptance 
such a thing might finde with the King.” Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *89. 

The messengers sent were Robert Cushman and John Carver. They went in the 
autumn of 1617. See p. 109, infra. 


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LETTER OF CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH ' 


1 See 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, x11. 158. 


68 Efistory of 





of his cheefe secretaries)! and some other wrought with the arch- 
bishop to give way therunto, but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus 
farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would 
connive at them, and not molest them (provided they carried them 


1 St Robart Nanton.— Braprorp. Sir Robert Naunton (1563-1635), received 
on January 8, 1617-18, through the influence of the Duke of Buckingham, the office 
of Secretary of State. A warm protestant, he opposed the king’s project of a Span- 
ish marriage. Indeed, he incurred the disfavor of the King by interfering in the hope 
of securing an alliance with the French King. By 1623 he had practically retired 
from political activity, and received the lucrative office of master of the Court of 
Wards. The Pilgrims made much of his countenance, although his support, as it 
turned, could not accomplish what they desired. In his petition from the Fleet 
Prison, in 1635, Winslow wrote: ‘‘ That how ever we disliked many things in prac- 
tice heere [in England] in respect of church ceremony yet chose rather to leave 
the country then be accounted troublers of it, and therefore went into Holland. 
And that from thence we procured a motion to be made to his Majestie of late 
and famous memory for liberty of conscience in America, under his gracious pro- 
tection which his Majestie thinking very reasonable (as Sir Robert Naunton prin- 
cipall Secretary to the State in that time can testifie) we cheerfully proceeded and 
afterwards procured a commission for the ordering of our body politick.” Mass. 
Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 131. And, in 1646, in his Hypocriste Unmasked (89): “These 
[the messengers sent to England] also found God going along with them, and got 
Sir Edwin Sands a religious Gentlemen then living, to stirre in it, who procured Sir 
Robert Naunton then principall Secretary of State to King James of famous memory, 
to move his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people (who could not 
so comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of 
Conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the 
advancement of his Majesties Dominions, and the enlargement of the Gospel by all 
due meanes. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what 
profits might arise in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon the most Northern 
parts of Virginia) ’twas answered, Fishing. To which he replyed with his ordinary 
asseveration, So God have my Soule ’tis an honest Trade, ’twas the Apostles 
owne calling, &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all occa- 
sions to further it) that we should confer with the Bishops of Canterbury [George 
Abbot] and London [John King], &c. Whereupon wee were advised to persist upon 
his first approbation, and not to entangle our selves with them. Which caused our 
Agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in their Court demanded our ends 
of going; which being related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a large 
Patent, and one of them lent us 3007/ gratis for three years, which was repaid.” 

“When some of ours desired to have planted themselves there [Virginia], with his 


Plimmoth Plantation 69 





selves peacably). But to allow, or tollerate them by his publick 
authoritie, under his seale, they found it would not be. And this 
was all (the cheefe of the Virginia companie) or any other of their 
best freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to goe 
on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this 
answer the messengers returned, and 
signified what diligence had Hen used 
and to what issue things were come. 
But this made a dampe in the bussi- 
nes, and caused some distraction, for 
many were afraid that if they should 
unsetle them selves, and put of their 
estates, and goe upon these hopes, it 
might prove dangerous, and but a san- 
die foundation. Yea, it was thought 
they might better have presumed hear 
upon without makeing any suite at all, 
then, haveing made it, to be thus re- 
jected. But some of the cheefest 
thought other wise, and that they 
might well proceede hereupon, and that 
the kings majestie was willing enough 
to suffer them without molestation; 
though for other reasons he would not 





SEAL OF THE VIRGINIA 
confirme it by any publick acte. And eet ice 


furdermore, if ther was no securitie in 
this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder 


majesties leaue upon these three grounds, first that they might be means of replanting 
the gospel amongst the heathens. Secondly, that they might liue wnder the King’s 
government. Thirdly, that they might make way for, and unite with others, what in 
them lieth, whose consciences are grieved with the state of the Church in England: 
the Byshops did by all means oppose them, and their friends therein.” William Euring, 
An Ansover to the Ten Counter Demands, propounded by T. Drakes (1619 _6. Dexter 
suggests that the writer used:a fictitious name. See p. 73, infra. 


70 Plimmoth Plantation 





confirmation of the same; for if after wards ther should be a pur- 
pose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad 
as the house flore, it would not serve the turne; for ther would be 
means enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the 
course was probable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as 
they had done in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers wear dispatched, to end 
with the Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure 
[20] a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by 
any good meansobtaine. As also to treate and conclude with shuch 
marchants and other freinds as had manifested their forwardnes to 
provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For which end they had 
instructions given them upon what conditions they should procceed 
with them, or els to conclude nothing without further advice. And 
here it will be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give light 
to these proceedings. 


A coppie of leter from Sir Edwin Sands,‘ directed to Mr. John 
Robinson and Mr. William Brewster. 


After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, 
Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with 


1 Edwin Sandys (1516?-1888), father of Sir Edwin, well known for his interest in 
the Virginia Company, had been an exile to the continent in the reign of Queen Mary, 
but returning after her death, became Bishop of London (1570) and later Archbishop 
of York (1576). His son, Samuel, held a lease of the manor and mills at Scrooby, and 
it was of Samuel that William Brewster held the manor house. This connection may 
account for the application to the Virginia Company through Sir Edwin Sandys, who 
had gained the ascendancy in that corporation in this very year (1619). Brewster would 
have been known to Samuel, and could by that means have approached Sir Edwin. 
His selection as intermediary was probably unfortunate, inasmuch as the course of 
his conduct in the Parliament of 1614 had drawn upon him the displeasure of the - 
King, and led to his being summoned before the Council to answer for his speeches. 
Dismissed without discipline, he remained under surveillance, and, as no Parliament 
sat for six years, was not given an opportunity to purge himself of suspected opposi- 
tion to the King’s measures. When the new Parliament assembled in 1621, Sandys 
acted with the popular party. A note of a conversation, held by Sir Nathaniel Rich 


w7dhin apthi boo? rf) CL, te” Go C fonegmand to bos Von} 
Sf fom a EAC ih pice i mt Leng oberg wala 


Sos s * fo aarh ity 
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SEVEN ARTICLES FROM THE LEYDEN CHURCH 


We F astory of 





diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by 
the writing of -7- Articles subscribed with your names, have given them 
that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a 
resolution to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, 
for your owne and the publick good.! Divers perticulers wherof we 
leave to their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with 


with Captain John Bargrave concerning Sir Edwin Sandys and his opposition to 
monarchical government in general, states that Sandys had moved the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, unsuccessfully, to “give leave to the Brownists and Separatists to go 
to Virginia, and designed to make a free popular State there, and himself and his 
assured friends to be the leaders.” The note is dated May 16, 1623. Historical Mss. 
Com., Eighth Report, 11. 45. 

1 ‘These seven articles were as follows: 

“Seven Artikles which the Church of Leyden sent to the Counsell of England to 
bee considered of in respeckt of their judgments occasioned about theer going to Vir- 
ginia Anno 1618. 

“‘t. To the confession of fayth published in the name of the Church of England and 
to every artikell theerof wee do with the reformed churches wheer wee live and also 
els where assent wholy. 

“2, As wee do acknolidg the docktryne of fayth theer tawght so do wee the fruites 
and effeckts of the same docktryne to the begetting of saving fayth in thousands in 
the land (conformistes and reformistes) as they ar called with whom also as witl our 
bretheren wee do desyer to keepe sperituall communion in peace and will pracktis in 
our partes all lawfull thinges. 

“3, The King’s Majesty wee acknolidg for Supreame Governer in his Dominion in 
all causes and over all parsons, and that none maye decklyne or apeale from his au- 
thority or judgment in any cause whatsoever, but that in all thinges obedience is dewe 
unto him, ether active, if the thing commanded be not agaynst God’s woord, or pas- 
sive yf itt bee, except pardon can bee obtayned. 

“4. Wee judg itt lawfull for his Majesty to apoynt bishops, civill overseers, or 
officers in awthoryty onder hime, in the severall provinces, dioses, congregations or 
parrishes to oversee the Churches and governe them civilly according to the Lawes 
of the Land, untto whom they ar in all thinges to geve an account and by them to bee 
ordered according to Godlynes. 

‘5. The authoryty of the present bishops in the Land wee do acknolidg so far forth 
as the same is indeed derived from his Majesty untto them and as they proseed in his 
name, whom wee will also theerein honor in all thinges and hime in them. 

“6. Wee beleeve that no sinod, classes, convocation or assembly of Eclesiasticall 
Officers hath any power or awthoryty att all but as the same by the Majestraet geven 
unto them. 

““7. Lastly, wee desyer to geve untto all Superiors dew honnor to preserve the unity 


Plhimmoth Plantation 73 





that good discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite from 
whence they came. And wheras being to treate for a multitude of 
people, they have ie 

requested further 

time to conferr ffrand 

with them that 4 my 

are to be inter- 


ested in this ac- “ 
tion, aboute the / Ly J). Uy eS 
severall particu- 
larities which in 
the prosecution therof will fall out considerable, it hath been very 
willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto you. If 
therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that on 
your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same 
direction it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to 
set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason may 
be expected. And so I betake you with this designe (which I hope 
verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of 
the Highest. 

London, November 12. Your very loving freind 

Ano: 1617. | Epwin SANDYS. 


of the speritt with all that feare God, to have peace with all men what in us lyeth and 
wheerein wee err to bee instructed by any. Subscribed by 
Joun Rosinson, and WitLtyam BrustTeEr.” 


The same views are expressed in Robinson’s Just and Necessary Apology, printed 
in 1619. See Bancroft to Moore, October 3, 1856, in Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc., 2nd Ser., 111. 
296. It was Bancroft who first discovered these Articles in the British Public Records 
office. He admits that he was not able to determine who was responsible for the fail- 
ure of this advance, and shows that the opposition was not confined to the Church. 
For Lord Bacon, a defender of prerogative, believed that the State Church only 
should be allowed in the plantations, “‘else it will make a schism and a rent in Christ’s 
coat, which must be seamless.”’ Letter to Sir George Villiers. The well-known views 
and fixed policy of James I as respects religious conformity sufficiently explain the 
denial of the request. / 

These seven “‘articles”’ were discussed outside of the Virginia Company ; for Thomas 
Drakes (or Drax as he is called in Newcourt, Repertorium (ed. 1710), 11. 220), vicar of 
Harwich and Dovercourt, printed Ten Counter Demands propounded to the Separatists 


hs Fiistory of 





Their answer was as foloweth + 


RicuHtTe Wor[sHIPFULL]: 

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and 
our churches name, with 
all thankfull acknowledg- 
mente of your singuler 
love, ex[21]pressing itselfe, 
as otherwise, so more spe- 
tially in your great care 
and earnest endeavor of 
our good in this weightie 
bussines aboute Virginia, 





’ PEOPLES! 
: s 


PLE Aw, 


FOR which the less able we are 

to requite, we shall thinke 

Die EE tC Loe our selves the more bound 
of Prophefie. to commend in our prayers 





unto God for recompence; 
whom, as for the presente 
you rightly behould in our 
indeavors, so shall we not 
be wanting on our parts 
(the same God assisting 
us) to returne all answer- 


pe, 
CF Againft Mt: Iohn Yates his 
Monopolte. 


a4 By John Robinfon. 





+) Follow a irs ide ‘ihe Jpirituall: oe Beeps + 
at Reta ren St an oa 
love bestowéd upon us. 
8 We have, with the best 
1618 speed and consideration 
| m withall that we could, sett 


S ae ~Lepyes s 
Pro ky un re 23 2S downe our requests in 
ed 


“ writing, subscribed, as you 
against their Seven Demands (1618?), of which no copy is known. It was in reply to 
Drakes that Euring issued his tract. Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 282. 

1 “Tf both these agents returned to Leyden at this time, it would appear from the 
following letter of Robinson and Brewster, that Carver was sent back again the next 
month (December), to continue the negotiations with the Council of Virginia; having 





3 Printed in the yeare 7 






Plhimmoth Plantation 76 


willed, with the hands of the greatest parte of our congregation, and 
have sente the same unto the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of 
our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentle- 


man of our company to 
adyone him selfe; to the 
care and discretion of which 
two, we doe refferr the pro- 
secuting of the bussines. 
Now we perswade our selves 
Right Worships that we 
need not provoke your 
godly and loving minde to 
any further or more tender 
care of us, since you have 
pleased so farr to interest 
us in your selfe, that, under 
God, above all persons and 
things in the world, we re- 
lye upon you, expecting the 
care of your love, counsell 
of your wisdome, and the 
help and countenance of 
your authority. Notwith- 
standing, for your encour- 
agmente in the worke, so 
farr as probabilities may 
leade, we will not forbeare 
to mention these instances 
of indusmente. 

1. Weveryly beleeve and 








oereme, 
lL VoS:Te Ax) Econ CE'S- 
sARTA QvVORVNDAM 
Chriftianoram , zque con- 
cuineliofe ac commu. 
niter diGorum Broiv. 
niftwum five Baa 
rows{Far twits » 


per 


IOHANNEM RoBINsoNVveA 


Anglo-Leidenfem , fuo & 
Ecclefiz nomine, cut pre- 
ficitur. 


2 SOLA) 
CF SoRo 


Psa. 41.2. 
Beatus , qui attendit ad attenuatunts 
ANNO Dom. 1619. | 





a ‘gentleman of their company’ associated with him in the agency. The time of his 
return from this second visit is not given. Subsequently, Cushman and Brewster were 
sent over, and were doubtless the messengers alluded to by Bradford on p. 70, who 
‘were dispatched to end with the Virginia Company.’ The time of their arrival in 
London or return to Leyden is uncertain, but it is certain that they had been in Eng- 


land for some time at the date of Cushman’s letter (May 8, 1619) on pp. 84-90.” 
DEANE. 


76 Fiistory of 





trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have 
given our selves in many trialls; and that he will graciously prosper 
our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our harts therin. 

2ly. We are well weaned from the dellicate milke of our mother 
countrie, and enured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, 
which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 

3ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, 
we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world. 

Aly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred 
bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation * wherof we make 
great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly 
tied to all care of each others good, and of the whole by every one and 
so mutually. 

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things 
can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at 
home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in 
Holand; we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; 
who, if we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover 
our present helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our 


* Note. — O sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and 
precious were the fruits that flowed from the same! but when this fidelity 
decayed, then their ruine approached. O that these anciente members had 
not dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this 
holy care and constante faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those 
that survived, and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) 
that subtill serpente hath slylie wound in him selfe under faire pretences of 
necessitie and the like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were 
insensibly by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, the same. 
I have been happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to in- 
joye, the blessed fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my 
miserie in old age, to find and feele the decay and wante therof (in a great 
measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente and bewaile the 
same. And for others warning and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, 
doe I hear note the same.! 


1 The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the reverse 
pages of his History, at this place. DEANE. 


Plimmoth Plantation 77 


selves, to attaine unto the like in any other place during our lives, 
which are now drawing towards their periods. [22] 

These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you 
in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor[shi]pps 
freinds of the Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and 
loving towards our despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not 
faile by all good means to continue and increase the same. We will 
not be further troublesome, but doe, with the renewed remembrance 
of our humble duties to your Wor[shi]pps and (so farr as in modes- 
tie we may be bould) to any other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with 
you, we take our leaves, commiting your persons and counsels to the 
guidance and direction of the Allmighty. 

| Yours much bounden in all duty, 

Leyden, Desem: 15. Joun Rosinson, 

An°: 1617. Wituram Brewster. 


For further light in these proceedings see some other letters and 
notes as followeth. 


The coppy of a letter sent to Sir John Worssenham.} 


Ricut Wor{suHipFu|LL: With due acknowledgmente of our thankfull- 
nes for your singular care and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for 
our, and, we hope, the commone 
good, we doe remember our 
humble dutys unto you, and Aye: Yl 
have sent inclosed, as is required, 

a further explanation of our 
judgments in the -3- points spe- 
cified by some of his majesties 
Honfora]bl[e] Privie Counsell; and though it be greevious unto us 
that shuch unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most 
*1 Sir John Wolstenholme (1562-1639) was a merchant adventurer, deeply inter- 
ested in commerce, colonization, and maritime discovery, and liberal in his assistance 
to many expeditions. He was in 1609 a member of the council of the Virginia Company, 


took an active part in its management, and in 1624 was one of the commissioners for 
closing its affairs. See Dictionary of National Biography. 


78 Efistory of — 





glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable 
personages. The declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more 
breefe and generall, which we thinke the fitter to be presented; theother 
something more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall 
differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our wor[ship- 
ful] freinds, you may send in stead of the former. Our prayers unto 
God is, that your Wor[shipps] may see the frute of your worthy en- 
dea[vlours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by all good 
means in us. And so praing that you would please with the conven- 
ientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the 
bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your 
further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, 
so we rest 
Your Wor{ships] in all duty, 
Leyden, Jan: 27. Joun Rosinson, 
An°: 1617. old stile.? Witi1AmM BREWSTER. 


The first breefe note was this.? 


Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teach- 
ing, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches con- 
tribution, as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords 
supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree [23] with the French re- 
formed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.® 


1 That is, 1618, new style. 

2 No specific reference to the subject is to be found in the records of the King’s Privy 
Council. A meeting of the Council on December 4, 1617, was attended by “Lord 
Archbishop of Canterburie [George Abbot], Lord Keeper [Sir Francis Bacon], Lord 
Treasurer [Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk], Lord Priuie Seal [Edward Somerset, 
fourth Earl of Worcester], Lord Stewarde [William Cowper], Lord Chamberlain [Henry 
de Vere, Earl of Oxford], [Thomas Howard, second] Earl of Arundell, Lord Bishop of 
Elie [Lancelot Andrewes], [Edward] Lord Zouch, [Edward] Lord Wotton, [James] Lord 
Hay, Mr. Comptroller [Sir Henry Cary], Mr. Secretarie [Ralph Winwood], Mr. Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer [Fulke Greville], Master of the Rolles [Sir Julius Caesar], Sir 
Edward Coke.” Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, 1. 13. To the clerical members, 
especially, the subject would be of great interest. They with Archbishop Abbott in 
the lead doubtless framed or inspired the ‘“‘three points,” and were the members re- 
ferred to in the letter. 

3 This statement was used by those hostile to the plantation in 1625. See p. 423, infra. 


~Plhimmoth Plantation 79 





The oath of Supremacie! we shall willingly take if it be required of 
us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the 


oath of Alleagence.? 
Joun Ros: 
WILLIAM BREWSTER. 


When the fugitives from persecution in Queen Mary’s time came, in 1554, to Frank- 
fort they were offered the French Church as a place of worship on condition that they 
should not dissent from the doctrine or ceremonies therein used. A further stipulation 
was made, that before they entered their church, they should approve and subscribe the 
same confession of faith that the Frenchmen had then presented and were about to 
put in print. The English accepted these conditions and made the necessary sub- 
scriptions. Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort. The attitude of the 
Leyden church towards the Dutch and French churches, “‘ which we acknowledge for 
true churches,” is stated in Robinson, Works, 111. 128. See p. 389, infra. 

1 The oath of supremacy, passed in 1 Eliz. c. 1 (1558), read as follows: “‘I, A. B., 
do utterly testify and declare, that the queen’s highness is the only supreme governor 
of this realm, and all other her highness’s dominions and countries, as well in all 
spiritual and ecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal; and that no foreign prince, 
person, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have, any jurisdiction, power, 
superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm; 
and therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, 
superiorities, and authorities, and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith 
and true allegiance to the queen’s highness, her heirs and lawful successors, and to 
my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, pre-eminences, privileges, and 
authorities, granted or belonging ‘to the queen’s highness, her heirs and suc- 
cessors, or united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm.” The oath and 
exposition published to the ecclesiastical visitors of 1559 can be seen in Hallam, 
Constitutional History of England (4th ed.), 1. 110 n. Under the conditions existing in 
1617 no person could be transported to Virginia without first taking the oath of 
supremacy. 

2 The oath of allegiance, passed in 3 James I c. 4, § (1606), was as follows: 

“J, A. B., do truely and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testifie, and declare in my 
conscience before God and the world, That our Soueraigne Lord King Iamgs, is law- 
full and rightfull King of this Realme, and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and 
Countries; And that the Pope neither of himselfe, nor by any authoritie of the Church 
or See of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other hath any power or Authoritie 
to depose the King, or to dispose any of his Maiesties Kingdomes, or Dominions, or 
to authorize any forraigne Prince to inuade or annoy him, or his Countreys, or to 
discharge any of his Subjects of their allegiance and obedience to his Maiestie, or to 
giue license or leaue to any of them to beare Armes, raise tumult, or to offer any 


80 Plhimmoth Plantation 





The -2- was this. 


Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we agree 
in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their 
publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be 
found in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but 
only in some accidentall circumstances. 

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours 
uncovered. 

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but shuch as are able to 
teach; which abilitie they doe not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for -2- or -3- 
years; ours perpetuall. 


Violence, or hurt to his Maiesties Royall Person, State, or gouernment, or to any of 
his Maiesties Subjects within his Maiesties Dominions. 

‘Also, I doe sweare from my heart, that notwithstanding any Declaration or sen- 
tence of Excommunication or deposition made or granted, or to be made or granted 
by the Pope or his Successours, or by any Authoritie deriued, or pretended to be 
deriued from him, or his See against the said King, his Heires or Successours, or any 
absolution of the said Subiects from their obedience: I will beare faith and true 
allegiance to his Maiestie, his Heires and Successours, and him and them will defend 
to the vttermost of my power, against all Conspiracies and attempts whatsoeuer, 
which shall bee made against his or their Persons, their Crowne and dignitie, by rea- 
son or colour of any such sentence or declaration or otherwise, and will doe my best 
endeuour to disclose and make knowen vnto his Maiestie, his Heires and Successours, 
all Treasons and Traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know or heare of to be against 
him or any of them. _ 

“And I do further sweare, That I do from my heart abhor, detest and abiure, as 
impious and hereticall, this damnable doctrine and position, That Princes which be 
Excommunicated or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their 
Subiects, or any other whatsoeuer. 

‘And I doe beleeue and in conscience am resolued, that neither the Pope nor any 
person whatsoeuer, hath power to absolue mee of this Oath, or any part there-of, 
which I acknowledge by good and full authoritie to bee lawfully ministered vnto mee, 
and doe renounce all Pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things 
I doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare, according to these expresse 
wordes by me spoken, and according to the plaine and common sense and vnder- 
standing of the same wordes, without any Equiuocation, or mentall euasion, or secret 
reseruation whatsoever. And I doe make this recognition and acknowledgment 
heartily, willingly, and truely, vpon the true faith of a Christian. So helpe me God.” 


oK <r Y fates remedies) to ectend our narall clemencte tn fore warns 
ras | (tig Offenders Where reafon of State will not permit ds to 

mere ble the fame mdi{penting with their offences; And hauing lates 
> ox®|| !P oblerued that diners of our Subtects Hane repatred into our 
erbll Realme of England from the parts beyond the Seas (being 

" perfons of meane condition, and of handzing courte of life, and 
Hubnowen to any of credit that might budertake foz them) who haue vefuled to take the 
Dath of allegeance, lately by our Parliament deuiled : uae cannot but concetue that {ach 
perfons are trot bulike to become bad Pnkraments of practile and perill again our 
State. Foz confidering that we hadneuer any intention tn the forme of that Dath to 
pielle any pont of Conltience for matter oF Religion, but only to make fonre difconerie of 
Didlopall affection: the eefulail thereofin any perfor mul both induce a bebement {ufpitiz. 
onin ttfelfe, and much moze in {uch aoneas may be probably {uppofed to haue come frons 
{uch parts, where he map Hane conuerled With Lrattozsand Fugitines, andis allo of q 
neediefoztune , Whicl) map make him apt foz any Dangerous o2 Defperate iniplopment 
And therefore weehaue cefolued, and accoedingly doe charge and comimannd all per- 
fong anthorsedby ary,to miniter thefatd Dath , that taking infogmation from the Dfs 
ficers of our o2ts,and by allother good apes and meanes , they fatle not to tender the 
Tame Dath at the Popts to all onr Subtectscomming from beyond the Seas, (wot being 
knolben Perchants oz men offome quatitic) and bpon vefulall thereof the Haw tobe fez 
verely erecuted, Which willech to commmnet then to P2cfon bntill the nert AMiles ,o2 Genes 
rall quarter Seffions, and fo bpor a fecond vefulall to be broughe within the degree of 
Premunire. vobereta, becante the penaltic ts fo quieuous (of hich neuerthelefle we cats 
Not nour Peincelp pzouidence make any aléeration) we haue thonaht qood to nottfie ouc 
refolution, and opder ginen there, Which Ye Doubs not, but til be tn fall time Oifperfen 
aboad; to the end that {uch as no are, oz Heeteatter Malbe in forraine parfs and finde 
tn their otane hearts fuch affections,as cannot fand With the Laid Dath,wray know their 
pera, aud thereby either refraine thet comming tn, o7 expect the execution ofour Laibes, 


Ginenatonr Palace ofaaetiminker the crix day of App tn the firs peeve of one raigne 
of Great wWritaine, Franceand Breland, 


God faue the King. 
é8 Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, 


Printer tothe Kings moft Excellent Maiettie. 
AnnoDom. 1608, 





8 2 Fiistory of | 





4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions and excom- 
munications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congre- 
gation; theirs more privatly, and in their consistories. 

5. We doe administer baptisme only to shuch infants as wherof the 
one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther 
churches doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their 
publick confession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst 
them.! 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. 
Then aboute the oath, as in the former. 

Subscribed, Joun R. 
W. B. 


Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 


‘London. Feb: 14. iG. gs 

Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as soone as 
I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and read- 
ing. Ther were -2- papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also 
the letter, and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make 
them, viz. the ministers; I answered his Worship that the power of 
making was in the church, to be ordained by the imposition of hands, 
by the fittest instruments they had. It must either be in the church 
or from the pope, and the pope is Antichrist.? Ho! said Sir John, what 


1 ‘This subject waslong and earnestly debated in New England afterthe coming of the 
Massachusetts Bay settlers, and like so many of the discussions on doctrine and prac- 
tice of that time, was conducted in a language to a large extent unintelligible to the 
modern reader. Asan exhibition of refined dialectic the treatment is not without value, 
but in results it proved barren. 

2 Tn his third Dialogue Bradford has much to say upon the Papacy, and the “young 
men” exclaim after his exposition of its conduct, ‘‘No verily, we beleeue (if we may 
credite the scriptures) these cannot be Peters successors, but that antichrist, the man 
of sine, which aduanceth him selfe aboue all that is called God” (p. 9). Antichrist 
has been applied to almost every imaginable opponent of Christ, e.g. witches, but in 
the middle ages came to be confined to that great personal opponent of Christ and 
his kingdom expected by the early church to appear before the end of the world. In 
the fourteenth century the reformers applied it to the Pope or papa! power. See 
p. 6, supra. 


Plimmoth Plantation 83 


the pope houlds good, (as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente 
too; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your 
letters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. 
He expected you should have been of the Archbishop’s! minde for the 
calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have wished to 
have known the contents of your tow inclosed, at which he stuck so 
much, espetially the larger. 


I asked his Worship what Gs , j agate 
good news he had for me to core. ATH Ar ieH 
write to morrow. He tould tr 

me very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have 
consented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sir Fulk Grivell,? 
as this day,’ and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sir Edw: 
Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte 
the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be.4 Thus loath to be trou- 
blsome at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of certentie 
concerning you. I committe you to the Lord. Yours, 


Danis 


1 This would indicate that Abbott had an important share in the “three points,” 
Pp. 77, supra. 

2 Sir Fulke Greville, chancellor and under-treasurer of the Exchequer. 

3 Saturday. 

4 Wednesday, February 11, and 18. 

5 “Tn Govr. Bradford’s Collection of Letters, this letter is more at large, and sub- 
scribed Sabine Staresmore.”” Prince. This noteis tobe found written in the Bradford 
ms. by Prince. Among those who joined with Henry Jacob in laying the foundation 
of the first Independent or Congregational church in England one Staismore is men- 
tioned (Neal, History of the Puritans, t. 462), and is believed to be this Sabine Stares- 
more. That was in 1616, and some time after 1619 he became a member of John Rob- 
inson’s church in Leyden, remaining with him till 1622, when he was dismissed to 
Ainsworth’s church in Amsterdam. As Jacob was closely associated with Robinson 
in organizing a separatist church in Holland, the connection probably accounts for 
the employment of Staresmore in these negotiations of 1618. Staresmore may have 
intended to migrate to Virginia with the Blackwell party, had he not been betrayed by 
them, and suffered imprisonment. Jacob went to that colony in 1622, but returned 
to England, where he died in 1624. 

Staresmore issued, in 1619, a tract entitled The Vnlawfolnesse of Reading in Prayer. 
Or, the Answer of Mr. Richard Mavnseh Preacher onto certain Arguments or Reasons, 


84 FEiistory of 





[24] These things being long in agitation, and messengers passing 
too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long 
delayed by many rubs that fell in the way; for at the returne of 
these messengers into England they found things farr otherwise 
then they expected. For the Virginia Counsell was now so dis- 
turbed with factions and quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussi- 
nes could well goe forward. The which may the better appear in 
one of the messengers letters as followeth. 


To HIS LOVING FREINDS, etc. 


I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not 
effecte that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; 
yet, not withstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.! hath writen to Mr. 
Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least 
I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseed- 
ings in the Virginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they 
terme it, amongs the Counsell and Company of Virginia; which are 
shuch, as that ever since we came up no bussines could by them be dis- 
patched. The occasion of this trouble amongst them is, for that a 
while since Sir Thomas Smith, repining at his many offices and trou- 
bles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him of his office in being 
Treasurer and Governour of the Virginia Company. Wereupon the 


drawne against the using, or communicating, in, or with the Booke of Common Prayer, 
etc. In it he recalls an interview with Mr. Maunsel, and adds: “‘I asked you whether 
you would undertake a conference with Mr. Robinson, who I conceived was like to 
come over [to England] about the Virginia voyage, and then you did in plain words 
refuse it, upon no other ground, then because he was a Brownist, as you pleased to 
termehim.” Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 573, 582. Atalater time 
Staresmore was brought into connection with Roger Williams. For John Cotton 
writes in his Reply to Mr. Williams his Examination, 1: “It sticketh in my mind that 
I received many yeares agoe, a refutation of it (in a brotherly and ingenuous way) from 
a stranger to me, but one (as I heare) well affected to him, Mr. Sabine Staresmore. 
To whom I had long agoe returned an Answer, but that he did not direct me where 
my Letter might find him. But I do not suspect Mr. Staresmore, nor Mr. Williams 
himselfe to have published it.” 
1 Probably Brewster. See note, p. 89, infra. 


Plimmoth Plantation 86 


Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose Sir Edwin Sands 
Treasurer and Governour of the Company. He having -60- voyces, Sir 
John Worstenholme -16- voices, and Alderman Johnsone-24- But Sir 
Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his honour lost, was very 
angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend aboute the election, 
and sought to taxe Sir Edwin with many things that might both dis- 
grace him, and allso put him by his office of Governour. In which con- 
tentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle in any 
bussines; and what issue things will come te we are not yet certaine.! 


1 For some time the Virginia Company had been disturbed by the growth of a party 
which was dissatisfied with the management under Sir Thomas Smythe. The failure 
to derive any profit from the undertaking, the increasing difficulty of obtaining 
funds for continuing the settlement and the various measures resorted to for interest- 
ing the public in its 
financial betterment, 
were largely respon- 
sible for this factional 
spirit. To these causes 
should be added the 
adverse criticism and 
even hostility aroused 
by the acts of the Company’s agents in Virginia, and the efforts to secure a mono- 
poly in tobacco of Virginia in the English market, which led to the interference 
of the King in the concerns of the company and the hostility of merchants in the 
Spanish tobacco trade. The opposition directed its force against the treasurer of the 
Company, and proved sufficient to lead him to doubt whether he could continue 
in office. At this juncture in its affairs the Company received the application from 
the Leyden people. It was in the meeting held at Sir Thomas Smythe’s own house 
in Philpott Lane, on April 28, 1619, that he desired the Court to proceed to the choice 
of officers, “signifying that for these Twelue yeares he hath willingly spent his Labours 
and endeauours for the support thereof: and being now appointed by the Kinge a 
Commissioner of his Nauie he could not giue such good attendance as he therein de- 
sired. Requesting the Court to shewe him so much favour as now to dispence with him 
and to elect some worthy man in his place, for he had resolued to relinquish it... . 
Which the Court finding his resolu¢on to be settled, and that he would not stand in 
eleccon; they proceeded according to the Last Standing order now read, to make 
choice of their Treasuror. Sir Edwin Sandis, Sir Iohn Wolstenholme and Mr. Alder- 
man [Robert] Iohnson being nominated and accordingly ballated, the Lott fell to Sir 
Edwin Sandis to be Treasurer, he hauing 59 balls, Sir Io. Wolstenholme: 23: and Alder- 
man Iohnson: 18: wherevpon his oath was administered.” Records of the Virginia 





86 Efistory of — 





It is most like Sir Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will 
goe well in Virginia; if other wise, they will goe ill enough. Always we 
hopein some: 2: or-3- Courtsdays things will setle. Mean space I thinke 
to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute -14- days, or-3- 
weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the 
ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I 
am now to speake. 

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of the 
intente of the Counsell, came away before Sir Georg Yeardley came 
ther, and so ther is no small dissention).! But his tidings are ill, though 


Company of London (Kingsbury), 1, 212. At the same meeting twenty shares in the 
Company were voted to Sir Thomas, “in consideraCon of the greate trouble mixed 
often with much sorrowe which Sir Thomas Smith had endured” during his term of 
office. The faction must have been formed immediately after the election, and made 
its existence and influence felt, for no Court was held until May 12, four days after the 
date of Cushman’s letter. The treasurer was the most important officer in the Com- 
pany, not only being responsible for the management of its business interests, and of 
its funds, but also for maintaining the proper relations between the government and 
the Company — a political function of great moment. The differences within the 
Company ended in the interference of the King and the dissolution of the corporation 
in 1624. While this factional contest prevented the Leyden applicants from obtain- 
ing their wish, the King and archbishop having withdrawn their opposition, the choice 
of Sandys to be Treasurer gave an opportunity for the more progressive element of the 
Company actively to push their plans, with the result that the Whincop charter was 

almost immediately granted. 
1 Although Sir Samuel Argall is better known in the history of Virginia, he had some 
connections with New England. A bold and skillful sailor he made many voyages be- 
tween England and Vir- 


) ginia; and in 1610, when 
pti“ IF ale on his way to the Ber- 
mudas for supplies, he 

was driven by stress of 

—_— weather to Cape Cod, 


where he found good fish- 
ing, and returned to Virginia. Three years later, in the summer of 1613, he was again 
fishing in the New England waters, but lost his bearings in the heavy fogs of that 
season, and drifted to the northern coast, where he learned of the French settlement 
of Saint Sauveur (Mt. Desert). He made a descent upon it, and killing one of the 
fathers, carried the other missionaries to Virginia, claiming that the territory was 
part of Virginia and therefore belonged to the English king. The governor of that 


Plimmoth Plantation 87 





his person be wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwells shipe came not ther 
till March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, 
which carried them to the southward beyond their course. And the 
master of the ship and some -6- of the mariners dieing, it seemed they 
could not find the bay, till after long seeking and beating aboute. 
Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are 
dead, he saith,- 130: persons, one and other in that ship; it is said ther 
wasin all an- 180: persons in theship, soas they were packed togeather 
like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante of 
fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred at that so many are alive, 
then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. 


colony, Sir Thomas Dale, bade him return to the north, and destroy any French set- 
tlements he should find, a commission Argall performed to the satisfaction of Dale. 
2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1. 186. On his return, and presumably in November, 
1613, Argall touched at the mouth of Hudson’s River and discovered there another 
intruding settlement, that of the Dutch, which he proceeded to lay under tribute. 
Exactly what happened is not clearly known. The English claimed that the Dutch 
submitted, and agreed to pay an annual tribute as an acknowledgment of the 
English title; but on the appointment of a new Resident at Manhattan, the payments 
stopped, and the Dutch on that island began to build a fort and put themselves in a 
posture of defense. New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 2 Ser., 1. 334. 

Argall carried his prisoners to England, where charges were made against him, 
to which he made a successful defense. He returned to Virginia in 1617, as deputy 
governor and admiral of the adjacent seas, and, after about two years’ service, avoided 
meeting his successor, Captain George Yeardley, by boarding in January a pinnace, 
the Eleanor, and sailing for England, 
where he arrived in April, 1619. In 
the following year he accompanied 
the expedition under Sir R. Mansell 
against Algiers. He made no more 
voyages to Virginia, and died in 1626. 
His visit to Manhattan, casual as it seems to have been, is not without interest in 
connection with New Plymouth. Bradford and the Pilgrims could hardly have known 
of it when they sailed from Leyden, nor did they urge it later as the ground of their 
claim that Manhattan belonged to England. In 1632, Mason did bring it forward, 
saying, “Sir Samuel Argall, Knight, with many English planters were preparing to 
goe and sitt downe in his lott of land upon the sayd Manahata river at the same 
tyme when the Dutch intruded, which caused a Demurre in their proceding.” Mason 
to Coke, April 2, 1632. Some sixteen years later, the writer of the Description of the 





* 


88  Efistory of 





Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, and ther were 
great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. 
Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how 
he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the 
streets at Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, crying out one 
of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for 
this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it 
will discourage.1_ I see none hear discouraged much, [25] but rather 
desire to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that 
wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, 
so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone, especially if 
they be discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble 
me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none to 


Province of New Albion (1646) made much of the Argall visit, but was silent upon 
his proposed occupation of the island. From what is known of Argall the taking 
of tribute is not unlikely; but little reliance can be placed upon the rest of the story. 
1 It is strange that this ill-fated voyage has no other record than this letter. Before 
1619, the Company, in the hope of invigorating its languishing affairs in Virginia, set 
aside its monopoly management so far as to permit the formation of societies which 
would at their private charge set up particular plantations or settlements. Both of 
the subsequent grants of interest to the Leyden congregation, those made to Whincop 
and John Peirce, were of this description, as was probably that under which Black- 
well sailed. Ifa private venture, the Company’s books would record the grant of per- 
mission alone; but an additional reason for the little knowledge of it may be laid toa 
belief, current at the time, that news unfavorable to the Colony was systematically 
suppressed. In spite of all precaution, intelligence did leak out through the sailors 
returning from Virginia; and from notes obtained of the captains of vessels Purchas 
obtained not a little of his material. He records (Pilgrimes, tv. 1774) the last voy- 
age to Virginia of Lord De La Warr in 1618, resulting in his death and that of thirty 
of his fellow passengers. In view of this, it is the more remarkable that the voyage 
of Blackwell, involving so heavy a loss of life, should not have attained a like notoriety. 
_ In its instructions to Governor George Yeardley, dated November 18, 1618, the 
Virginia Company gives.warning of grants having been made in general words for 
particular plantations, which had been abused by taking in persons, like masters of 
vessels and mariners, “‘never intended there to inhabit.” Such “‘after and under 
grants” were declared to be “‘to all intents and purposes utterly void,’’ and any person 
removing to Virginia under such an association would be deemed as tenants of the 
Company. Va. Hist. Mag., 11.161. As Blackwell’s ship sailed “towards winter” in 
1618, the instructions may have touched upon his adventure. 


Plimmoth Plantation 89 


teach; but better so, then to depend upon shuch teachers as Mr. 
Blackwell was. Shuch a stratageme he once made for Mr. Johnson and 
his people at Emden, which was their subversion. But though he ther 
clenlily (yet unhonestly) plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last 
his foote is caught. Hear are no letters come, the ship Captain Argole 
came in is yet in the west parts; all that we hear is but his reporte; it 
seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in 
will be hear shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we 
should hear no good of them. 

Mr. B. is not well at this time;! whether he will come back to you 


1 Brewster was at this time wanted by the English government, to answer for print- 
ing some controversial works regarded as seditious. These writings, notably David 
Calderwood’s Perth Assembly, opposed the King’s attempt to overthrow the Kirk of 
Scotland, and to force Episcopacy upon the unwilling people. Political as well as 
police reasons ranged the Dutch authorities upon the side of the English government, 
for it was alleged the printers had violated an express edict (plakkaat) on printing 
of books, published in December, 1618. As Brewer, the partner of Brewster, and 
the capitalist of the printing establishment, was a member of the University, he 
became amenable to its inquiry and discipline. 

In July, 1619, Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, reported 
to Sir Robert Naunton, on one “‘ William Brewster, a Brownist, who hath been for 
some years an inhabitant and printer at Leyden, but is now within these three weeks 
removed from thence and gone back to dwell in London.”’ August 1/11 Naunton re- 
plied that Brewster had been “‘frighted back into the Lowe Countries by the Bishopps 
pursivants.” A few days later (August 13) Carleton wrote that Brewster’s return to 
Leyden was reported, but his own search assured him that the information was not 
true, and that Brewster had removed both his family and his goods from the city. 
September 7 he sends a report of Brewster’s having been seen at Leyden, and after 
another week’s interval he wrote more fully, September; 13: “‘I have used all 
diligence to enquire after Brewster; and find he keeps most at Amsterdam; but being 
incerti laris, he is not yet to be lighted upon. I understand he prepares to settle him- 
self at a village called Leerdorp, not far from Leyden, thinking there to be able to 
print prohibited books without discovery, but I shall lay wait for him, both there and 
in other places, so as I doubt but either he must leave this country; or I shall, sooner 
or later, find him out.”’ On the 2oth he thought he had caught Brewster, but it was 
Brewster’s partner in Leyden, Thomas Brewer, whom the “drunken bailiff” be- 
lieved to be the man wanted. Brewer was put in the University prison, and Carleton 
expected to learn much from a voluntary confession against Brewster’s publications. 
The result disappointed him. “It appeared that this Brewer, and Brewster, whom this 
man set on work, having kept no open shop, nor printed many books fit for public sale 


go Plimmoth Plantation 





or goe into the north, I yet know not.! For my selfe, I hope to see an 
end of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; 
if things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you 
within these -14- days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite 
which is fitting for shuch a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed 
at things which Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to 
Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection. 
. Yours in all readines, &c. 
RosBartT CUSHMAN. 
London, May 8. An®: 1619. 


A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. Blackwell; 
he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a man well known of 
most of them. He declined from the trueth with Mr. Johnson and 
the rest, and went with him when they parted assunder in that wo- 
full maner, which brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to 
the trueth, and outward ruine to them selves in this world.? But 


in these provinces, their practice was to print prohibited books to be vented under- 
hand in his majesty’s kingdoms.” Historical Magazine, tv. 4. Brewer was a “‘gentle- 
man” and a landed proprietor of Kent. In a posthumous work, written by him, en- 
titled Gospel Public Worship, he describes his imprisonment by the Bishops in the 
King’s Bench Prison, above the space of fourteen years (1626-40), for saying: “‘That 
because the Prelates did not derive their Offices from His Majesty as they ought: 
therefore he durst not partake with them, nor the derivers of their offices from them, 
in the proper works of their offices.” In the preface he states of his own life: ‘‘Who, 
in the time of his liberty, was a frequent publisher of them himself at Leyden in Hol- 
land; where he walked in communion with Master Robinson and also with Master 
Ainsworth. Also, after the time of his restraint, procuring liberty of his Keeper; and 
sometimes in the Prison; he taught them frequently in several Congregations in 
London.” Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 167,247. He died in December, 1640. 
The name of Thomas Brewer appears among the signers of the agreement of the 
adventurers of November, 1626. The identity has not yet been established. 

1 Brewster was certainly in Leyden on September 19, but was reported to the 
city authorities as sick. They determined to bring him “ into the debtor’s chamber, 
provisionally, where he went voluntarily.” It was Brewer, however, who was actu- 
ally apprehended, as above related. Historical Magazine, iv. 5. 

2 After the division in the Amsterdam church, which resulted in the law suit over 
the property and the recognition of the Ainsworth party as rightful owners, Johnson 


449 
Mon fe: gnteur Ley cSeyacteves. he TS mag Brouwer sone 


ben gareep on ba chintre fe NMefyeurs Le Grabeury Kin 
fog bovrey orpopiors Cok caches tn fu frepre-atson 
Tiucsank- Laukre Dus a vibe. Gpcvlhentcmes parlr_=Aerys 
remene ALa Haye, lay Dverk! mor omnes: te, fb detncse cao. 
Dofiirforr Lo Raye fe. 9e- Lo. Frome. Saae va Leyes 
oie _fommep tone ollg er, f,. pene the aompalgon unprdertes, 
Je yeres ques én fern leur prifies pu. tontenkmont 82 we. 
Solence . fsremturane fi en gpeape tiles ure pus 
pure par De Ce qpelpr for ve a vite Fodbnee, ahah 
pri Ye. foure effar Je-miy omme- De the» 
Banble or Adel forv be 


i Gober 





LETTER OF POLYANDER ON BREWER’S TYPES 


‘ 2 Fiistory of 


I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their 
souls are now at rest with him in the heavens, and that they are 
arrived in the Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were 
thus buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen 
of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe 
to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private 
meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of 
them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Blakwell was one; but he 
so glossed with the blisho]ps, and either dissembled or flatly deneyed 
the trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but 
very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly 1 man who 
had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, 
and to obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. 
Wherupon he so wone the blisho]ps favour (but lost the Lord’s) as 
he was not only dismiste, but in oppen courte the Archbishop gave 
him great applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vio- 
age. Butif shuch events follow the blisho|ps blessing, happie are they 
that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good conscience 
and have the Lords blessing, whether in life or death. 

But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells means, 
writes to a freind of his. 
and his followers (Blackwell being one) removed to Emden, in East Friesland, a 
place about one hundred and fifty miles northeast of Amsterdam, near the mouth of 
the Ems, and of high repute as a place of refuge for the persecuted English in the 
reign of Queen Mary. This removal took place about 1612, and some time after that 
year Blackwell’s scheme was framed. Of his intention and the purposes of the Emden 
congregation no record exists save these references by Bradford and Cushman, but it 
involved a transportation across the ocean. Johnson, Bradford states (Dialogue), 
died January 10, 1617-18, at Amsterdam, after his return from Emdem, and not 
many years after the division in the church. In the year before his death John- 
son described himself as ‘‘pastour of the auncient English church now sojourning 
at Amsterdam,” and “‘pastour of the English exiled church sojourning (for the 
present) at Amsterdam.” The first description applies to his former pastorate, and 
the second may refer to a temporary passage through Amsterdam to another place 
— possibly the Blackwell project towards America. He died before the company 


embarked. On Francis Blackwell, see Hanbury, Historical Memorials, 1. 148. 
1 That is, Sabine Staresmore. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 93 


RIGHT DEAR FREIND AND CHRISTIAN BROTHER, Mr. Carver, I salute 
you and yours in the Lord, etc. As for my owne presente condition, 
I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maister- 
sone,! who should have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of resi- 
dence and his person been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I 
have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have 
petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives,? and once to my Lord Cooke,’ and 
have used such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not 
overruled by some others, [suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; 
as that I was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to di- 
verse in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close and 
tedious prison; besides great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, 
my only servante lying lame in the countrie, my wife being also great 
with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his majesties Counsell 
gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action 
as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale less adoe; yea, 
with an addition of the Arch[bishop] blessing. I am sorie for Mr. 
Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and 
some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it 
was for the best that I was nominated, not because the Lord sanctifies 
evill to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One rea- 
son I well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease 


1 Richard Masterson came from Sandwich, and followed wool carding. In 1614 he 
purchased a house on Uiterstegracht, Leyden, from his fellow churchman, Roger 
Wilson, for eight hundred guilders. A deacon of the Leyden church he was chosen 
to that office, Savage conjectures, after the sailing of the Mayflower. On November 
26, 1619, he married in Leyden Mary Goodale, of Leiston, Suffolk, and with her 
came to New Plymouth in 1630. After his death in the sickness of 1633, his widow 
married, as Savage supposes in 1634, Ralph Smith, and she held in 1649 her right 
in a house in Leyden, which had belonged to Masterson. 

2 The Sheriff. 

3 Removed by royal orders from his position of Chief Justice of the King’s Bench 
in June, 1616, Sir Edward Coke was in September of the following year recalled to 
the Council. Later he sat in the Star Chamber, and was a member of several commis- 
sions of inquiry concerning the laws against seminary priests and disputes among the 
incorporated companies. It was possibly in this latter capacity that he was appealed 
to by Staresmore. 


94 Fistory of ) 


the Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more gener- 
ally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some shuch as I, he 
had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besides 
them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intend 
conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom 
you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present 
to aquaint you withall, commending my selfe to your prairs, I cease, 
and committe you and us all to the Lord. 

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.! 

Your freind, and brother in bonds, 
SABIN STARESMORE. 
Sept™: 4. Anno: 1618. 


But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction and 
good use. 

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they 
had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the Companies 
seale; but these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of 
ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their 
hoped for and proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this 
pattente was not taken in the name of any of their owne, butinthe 
name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to 
the Countess of Lincoline), who intended to goe with them.? But 


1 One of two prisons in London, which took the place of the Bread Street Compter 
in 1555, and was itself superseded in 1791 by the Giltspur Street Compter. A curious 
account of the reason for making the change will be found in Stow, Survey of London 
(Kingsford), 1. 350. The other compter in the sixteenth century was the Poultry 
Compter, taken down in 1817. 

2 “One Mr. Weyncop commended to the Company by the Earle of Lincolne in- 
tending to goe in person to Virginia, and there to plant himselfe and his Associats pre- 
sented his Pattent now [May 26, 1619] tothe Court.” It was considered in committee 
and was ordered to be sealed June 9, 1619. Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 221, 228. 
The nameis Whincop or Wincop. Neill conjectures that he was one of three brothers, 
clergymen, and that John served as tutor to the Earl of Lincoln. Virginia Company 
of London, 128. One “John Wyncopp of Kirkby Vnderwood” refused in March, 
1626-27, to lend to the King “in the tyme of his necessytie,” or to enter into bond 
for his appearance at the Council Board to answer for his refusal. N. £. Hist. Gen. 


Plimmoth Plantation 95 





God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this 
patente, which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by the 
sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over for them to 
veiw and consider,! as also the passages aboute the propossitions 


Reg., xxxvi.140. Lincolnshire was a center of opposition to the royal methods of 
extorting loans under measures believed to be illegal. 

Thomas, third Earl of Lincoln, succeeded his father in the title in 1616. He married 
Elizabeth Knevitt, of Charlton, Wiltshire, and died January 15, 1618-19. His third 
but eldest surviving son, Theophilus, became the fourth Earl of Lincoln, and his wife 
was Bridget, daughter of William Fiennes, Viscount Say and Sele, whose connection 
with the settlement on the Connecticut River is well known. Whincop probably served 
under the third Earl. 

1 “That a Patent, as is aforesaid, was obtained, is published in print, and affirmed 
by such as yet survive of the first planters; but where it is, or how it came to be lost, is 
not known tqany that belong to the said Colony.”” Hubbard, History, 50. A patent did 
issue, but no reference to it appears after it was sent to Holland for the con- 
sideration of the intending emigrants. Its terms and bounds have been a subject 
of conjecture, and it is supposed to have embraced a tract of territory near the mouth 
of the Hudson River. This supposition rests upon Bradford’s statement on p. 152, 
that after deliberation among themselves and the master of the Mayflower they re- 
solved to stand for the southward, “‘to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for 
their habitation,” and upon the charge that this master, Jones, at the instigation of 
the Dutch threw obstacles in the way of a settlement on or near the Hudson. The 
simpler explanation of the desire to go to the Hudson lies in the fact that the grant 
of King James, of 1606, creating the Virginia companies, while including all the con- 
tinent from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, divided the 
territory into a southern (Virginia) and a northern (New England) colony, and as- 
signed the divisions to different colonizing agencies. The line of division was the 
forty-first parallel. The London merchants received Virginia, and those of Plymouth 
and the west of England, New England. The Whincop Patent was issued by the 
Virginia Company, and the Pilgrims sailed from England some weeks before the 
Council for the affairs of New England received a new patent, which expressly recog- 
nized the fortieth parallel as its southern boundary, and, in all probability, took what 
had come to be accepted as the line dividing the Northern from the Southern com- 
pany’s sphere of influence. A patent from the Virginia Company, issued to London 
merchants, would apply to any specified territory south of the fortieth degree, and 
that would mean at the mouth or anywhere south of Hudson’s River. Bradford 
recognizes the distinction on p. 189. 

. Captain John Smith, in his letter of 1618 to Sir Francis Bacon, speaks of the “‘desyre 
of gaine in marchants so violent; everyone so regarding his private, that it is worse 


96 Plimmoth Plantation 





between them and shuch marchants and freinds as should either goe 
or adventure with them, and espetially with those! on whom they 
did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been 
large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all 
speed. A right emblime, it may be, of the uncertine things of this 
world; that when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish 
into smoke. 


than slaverye to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring them into a 
bodye, rule or order, unles it be by some extraordinary power.” Historical Magazine, 
Vv. 195. 

1 Mr. Tho: Weston, etc.— Braprorp. Weston was a citizen and ironmonger of 
London. “He seems to have been a man of a type not uncommon in the days of 
Elizabeth and James I, — English adventurers, half traders and half explorers, who 
probably required the inducement only to ripen into something closely resembling 
a freebooter. His head was full of schemes for deriving great and sudden gain from 
the settlement of the North American coast, in regard to the possibilities of which 
he shared to the full all the sanguine faith of Raleigh, Gorges and Smith... . In 
all probability he had been concerned in fishing and trading ventures to the Banks of 
Newfoundland and neighboring coasts. He may have prospered in them. At all events, 
in 1620 he was possessed of some means, and was eager to try his fortune in those parts 
in a more systematic way, and, for that time, on a considerable scale.””’ Adams, Three 
Episodes of Massachusetts History, 46. The merchants may have been the Merchant 
Adventurers, of which body Weston was treasurer and an active, if not a ruling 
spirit. These merchant companies, supported by the monopoly and special exemptions 
given to them by law and royal grants, and exercising large political functions, 
were regarded as favorable instruments for extending the trade of the kingdom, 
though they did quarrel with other like mercantile companies over rights and the in- 
trusion of others. The charter of the Merchant Adventurers’ Company was abol- 
ished by proclamation of December 2, 1614, but the objects intended by that 
measure were not attained, and the old company was re-established in 1617. As the 
cloth industry and commerce formed one of its more important activities, its rela- 
tions with Holland were close, and thus Weston may have learned of the purpose 
of the Leyden congregation. At the same time a number of merchants uniting for a 
special undertaking took the title of “Merchant Adventurers,” and Weston may have 
had a connection with such a body. 





The -6- Chap[ter] 


Conscerning the agreements and artickles between them, and shuch mar- 
chants and others as adventured moneys ; with other things falling 
out aboute making their provissions. 


PON the receite of these things by one of their messengers, 
they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to 
seeke the Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke 

this texte,-1- Sam. 23.3, 4. And David’s men said unto him, see, we 
be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against 
the host of the Philistmes? Then David asked counsell of the Lord 
againe, etc. From which texte he taught many things very aptly, 
and befitting ther presente occasion and condition, strengthing 
them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in 
their resolutions.? [27] 


1 “And the Lord answered him, and said, Arise, goe downe to Keilah: for I will 
deliver the Philistims into thine hand.” Genevan version. 

* “Our Agents returning; we further sought the Lord by a publique and solemn 
Fast, for his gracious guidance. And here upon we came to this resolution, that it was 
best for one part of the Church to goe at first, and the other to stay, viz. the youngest 
and strongest part to goe. Secondly, they that went should freely offer themselves. 
Thirdly, if the major part went, the Pastor to goe with them; if not, the Elder onely. 
Fourthly, if the Lord should frowne upon our proceedings, then those that went to 
returne, and the Brethren that remained still there, to assist and bee helpfull to them, 
but if God should bee pleased to favour them that went, then they also should endeavour 
to help over such as were poore and ancient, and willing to come; these things being 
agreed, the major part stayed, and the Pastor with them for the present, but all in- 
tended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have stayed) to follow after. 
The minor part, with Mr. Brewster their Elder, resolved to enter upon this great work 
(but take notice the difference in number was not great;)”” Winslow, Hypocrisie Un- 
masked, *90. From this an estimate of the membership of the Leyden church may be 
made. Originally comprising about one hundred members, it had increased in the 


98 FE astory of 


After which they concluded both what number and what persons 
should prepare them selves to goe with the first; for all that were 
willing to have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in 
so shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther been 
means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that staied 
being the greater number required the pastor to stay with them; 
and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and soit was 
the more easilie yeeldedunto. The other then desired the elder, Mr. 
Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto.? It 
was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that those 
that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as 
those that staid; seing in shuch a dangerus vioage, and a removall to 
shuch'a distance, it might come to pass they should (for the body of 
them) never meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that 
as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other returned upon 
occasion, they should be reputed as members without any further dis- 
mission or testimoniall. It was allso promised to those that wente 
first, by the body of the rest, that if the Lord gave them life, and 
means, andopportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they 
could.? | 

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the prosseed- 
twelve years by accessions from England, and in 1620 numbered about three hundred, 
of which less than half went to New England. Those who remained in Holland were 
so thoroughly absorbed in the Dutch population that in 1859 not more than three 


names of families in Leyden could be traced bearing any resemblance to those known 
to have been of the Robinson church. Henry C. Murphy, in Historical Magazine, 111. 
359. See p. 44, supra. 

1 Brewster was at this time a fugitive from seizure in Holland as well as in Eng- 
land. Not being enrolled a member of the University, he could not expect the same 
protection from its privileges as his partner Brewer enjoyed. 

2 While this arrangement enabled members to pass from one church to the other 
without the usual forms attending dismissal and acceptance, it undoubtedly hin- 
dered the church in New Plymouth from obtaining a pastor of its own, as the hope 
ever existed of Robinson’s coming to take the office. Brewster practically exercised 
all the functions of a pastor, except administration of the Sacraments, for ten years 
after the settlement, and at intervals later, when the office was vacant. 


Plimmoth Plantation 99 


dings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence aboute 
Mr. Blackwell and his company, and making inquirey about the 
hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some Dutchmen made 
them faire offers aboute goeing with them. Also one Mr. Thomas 
Weston, a marchant of London, came to Leyden aboute the same 
time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and a furtherer 
of them in their former proseedings,)* haveing much conferance 
with Mr. Robinson and other of the cheefe of them, perswaded 
them to goe on (as it seems) and not to medlewith the Dutch, or too 
much to depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if 


1 Unfortunately Winslow omitted “for brevity’s sake many circumstances, as the 
large offers the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand [1.e. Middel- 
burg], and there lived with them: or if we would go on such adventures, to goe under 
them to Hudsons River (where they have since a great plantation, &c.) and how they 
would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.” 
Hypocrisie Unmasked, * 91. 

2 Deane, in a note at this point, regrets that Bradford was not more particular 
in giving dates to the various occurrences narrated on the last few pages of the His- 
tory. He infers that ‘“‘Weston’s visit to Leyden at this time was before the patent from 
the Virginia Company was granted; but Carver and Cushman were not sent into 
England to make the final arrangements for the voyage until after the patent was 
‘sent over for them to view and consider.’ ”’ 

3 On 2/12 February, 1619-20, the Directors of the New Netherland Company peti- 
tioned the Prince of Orange to anticipate a settlement of New Netherland by the 
English, by sending out two ships of war and giving protection to some English who 
might migrate to that part of the world. “Now it happens, that there is residing at 
Leyden a certain English Preacher, versed in the Dutch language, who is well inclined 
to proceed thither to live, assuring the petitioners that he has the means of inducing 
over four hundred families to accompany him thither, both out of this country and 
England, provided they would be guarded and preserved from all violence on the 
part of other potentates, by the authority and under the protection of your Princely 
Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords States General, in the propagation of the 
true, pure Christian religion, in the instruction of the Indians in that country in true 
learning, and in converting them to the Christian Faith, and thus through the mercy 
of the Lord, to the greater glory of this country’s government, to plant there a new 
Commonwealth, all under the order and command of your Princely Excellency and 
the High and Mighty Lords States General.” Col. Hist. of New York, 1. 22. The 
petition was ‘“‘again rejected” April 1/11,1620. Writing from the Hague nearly two 
years later, Sir Dudley Carleton stated that he could not “‘learn of any Colony; either 


Too Fiistory of | 





they came to resolution, he and shuch marchants as were his freinds 
(togeather with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they 
should make ready, and neither feare wante of shipping nor money; 
for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for 
him selfe as for the satisfing of shuch fre[inds] as he should procure 
to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw shuch articles of 
agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might the better in- 
duce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after the formere conclu- 
sion) articles were drawne and agreed unto, and were showne unto 
him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their! messenger (Mr. 
John Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart 
Cushman, were to receive the moneys and make provissione both 
for shiping and other things for the vioage; with this charge, not 
to exseede their commission, but to proceed according to the former 
articles. Also some were chossen to doe the like for shuch things as 
were to be prepared there; so those that were to goe, prepared them 
selves with all speed, and sould of their estates and (shuch as were 
able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, which was dis- 
posed by those appointed, for the making of generall provissions. 
Aboute this time also they had heard, both by Mr. Weston and 
others, that sundrie Hon[ouralble Lords had obtained a large 
grante from the king, for the more northerly parts of that countrie, 


already planted there [New Netherland] by these people [the Dutch], or so much as 
intended. And I have this further reason to believe there is none — because, within 
these few months, divers inhabitants of this country, to a considerable number of 
families, have been suitors unto me to procure them a place of habitation amongst 
His Majesty’s subjects of those parts: which by His Majesty’s order, was made 
known to the Directors of the Plantation; and if these country men were in any such 
way themselves, there is small appearance they would desire to mingle with strangers, 
and be subject to their Government.” Thereupon he served notice on the States- 
General not only to make stay of such ships as were preparing to go to New Nether- 
land, but to prohibit any further prosecution of that plantation. To the Privy Council, 
February 5/15, 1621-22. No minute of such an application is to be found in the 
records of either company of Virginia. 
1 The word “aid” or “old” was written and struck out. 


Plhimmoth Plantation IOI 


derived out of the Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their 
Govermente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-England.? 


1 By a change in the constitution of the government in the Virginia Company, tend- 
ing to amonopoly confined to members of that body, the Second Colony, or Plymouth 
Company, found itself left “as desparate and our business as abandoned.” The 
ambitions of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, fed by the narratives of returning captains, 
guided the project, and he planned a separate northern plantation, to extend from the 
fortieth to the forty-eighth degrees of north latitude, and from sea to sea. Interesting 
some of the Privy Council in the scheme, as patentees and counsellors, he petitioned, 
March 3, 1619-20, the King for recognition and enlargement of their patent. As they 
sought to create a monopoly in fishing and trade for their territory, opposition was 
raised, sufficiently powerful to delay the grant and institute an inquiry. First the 
Council of the Virginia Company must be satisfied, and the Lords of the Privy Coun- 
cil granted two hearings, and issued an order that gave satisfaction to neither corpora- 
tion. The opposition in interest is well shown by the following incident: 

“‘Mr. John Delbridge purposinge to settle a particuler Colony in Virginia desyringe 
of the Company that for the defrayinge some part of his charges, that hee might bee 
admitted to fish att Cape Codd. Which request was 
opposed by Sir Ferdinando Gorge aleaginge thatt 2 * 
hee alwaies favoured Mr. Delbridge Riel is ‘this hee (Fo ee IMG ¢ 
thought himselfe something touched that hee should 
sue to this Company, and not rather to him as properlie belonginge to the Northern 
Collony to give liberty for the fishinge in that place, itt lyinge within their latitude, 
which was answered by Mr. Treasurer, that the Companies of the South and North 
Plantacons are the one free of the other, and that the letters Pattents is cleer that 
each may fish within the other, the sea being free for both. Which if the North 
Colony abridge them of this, they would take away their means and encouragement 
of sending men. Vnto which Sir Ferdinando Gorges replyed that if hee mistake not 
himselfe both the companies were lymitted by the Pattent vnto which he would 
submitt himselfe.” Records of the Virginia Company (Kingsbury), 1, 277. The ques- 
tion was met by licensing the “‘Society of Smiths hundred” (Delbridge’s colony?) to 
fish in the northern colony (Jb. 285), but this could be only a temporary solution. 

In the mean time the London, or southern company, issued (February 2, 1619-20) 
a patent to John Peirce and his associates. Gorges, with a touch of flattery which 
he often used, intended to call his new plantation, New England, ‘‘as by the Prince 
his Highnes [Charles] it hath bin named.” Col. Hist. of New York, 111. 2,3. On July 
23, 1620, Sir Thomas Coventry, the solicitor general, received an instruction to pre- 
pare such a patent of incorporation, similar to that issued to the Virginia Company, 
changes being made in certain allowances of customs, subsidy and imposition. 
Gorges asserts that the favor of those he had interested in the venture gave him “the 
easier passage” to obtain the charter, which passed the seals November 3, 1620. 


102 Flistory of | 


Unto which Mr. Weston, and the cheefe of them, begane to incline 
it was [28] best for them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for 


The company thus incorporated was known as “The Council established at Plymouth, 
in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New Eng- 
land in America.” The patent is in Hazard, 1. 103. In its terms advantage appears 
to have been taken entirely to exclude the southern company from the fisheries off 
the coasts of New England, except by license obtained of the Gorges Company. The 
attempt to create a monopoly of the sea, which should be “‘as free and common as the 
air,” by imposing conditions “‘contrary and manifestly repugnant to that community 
and freedom” granted to either company by the first patent, was properly ascribed 
to Sir Ferdinando. The King intervened and Gorges agreed to deposit the new patent, 
as undelivered, into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, pending a decision of the ques- 
tion, and while the dispute was still open, each company should proceed to act under 
the old grants. The Privy Council gave deliberate hearings and large debate to both 
parties, and though the result was distinctly favorable to the New England Company, 
much time was lost, and adventure in the com- 
pany greatly discouraged, “so as all men were 
afraid to join with us, and we there by left hope- 
less of any thing more.” Gorges, Briefe Relation, 
*18. It was probably by an afterthought, and 
in the light of a somewhat bitter experience, 
that Sir Ferdinando claimed that it was scan- 
dalous to charge the Council of Plymouth with 
having desired to make a monopoly of the coast 
lands, and instanced its willingness to further 
the grant to Sir William Alexander, adding, “‘we 
wish that many would undertake the like.” Jd. 
*10) 34. 

The experience of Gorges in his attempted 
monopoly in the New England fisheries was an 
almost exact repetition of that of De Monts in 
France. Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, se- 
cured from the King vice-regal powers over 
Acadia and a monopoly of the furtrade. Although 
he came to America he met with little success, 
Bol BS fig was interfered with in the trade by French and 

SEAL OF THE NORTHERN Dutch interlopers, and his enemies at court, acting 

(NEW ENGLAND) COMPANY for the Norman, Breton, and Biscayan fishermen, 

who complained of the monopoly, succeeded in 

having it rescinded. De Monts returned to France in 1607, the year in which 
Popham’s ships sailed from Plymouth for the new world. 


a 


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es 
a 
Bs 
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= 
es 





Plimmoth Plantation 103 





the hope of present profite to be made by the fishing that was found 
in that countrie. 

But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, espe- 
tially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so was it found 
in this; for some of those that should have gone in England, fell of 
and would not goe; other marchants and friends that had offered 
to adventure their moneys withdrew, and pretended many excuses. 
Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; others againe would ad- 
venture nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and 
those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, 
and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these 
distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estates, and laid 
out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, fearing what 
issue these things would come too; but at length the generalitie was 
swaid to this latter opinion. 


Weston and his associates would naturally judge of the adventure from its profit, 
and so “‘chiefly”’ for the possible gains from fishing, then a trade that in proper hands 
yielded a good return, and would be improved could the French and Dutch fisher- 
men be excluded from the English markets. Monopoly was the breath of Weston’s 
plans, and in the end placed the Pilgrims in direct opposition to his views. 

In the session of 1621 a bill making free the fisheries on the coast of America passed 
the House after some debates, but failed to become a law, as objection was made that 
it infringed the King’s prerogative. An effort was made in the same session to suppress 
the exaction of tithes, ‘‘Christ’s dole” on fishing voyages to Newfoundland and other 
places beyond the seas. Originally recognized and paid in kind in the domestic fish- 
eries, the different conditions attending the distant fisheries did not lend themselves 
so readily to their enforcement. A measure relieving the American fisheries from 
tithes passed the House, but also failed to become a law. 

In a debate in the House of Commons on April 25, 1620, upon the New England 
fisheries, Sir Edwin Sandys represented them as far better than those of Newfound- 
land, but as little likely to bring in any benefit to the realm if the Plymouth Council 
monopoly be upheld. The French and the Dutch would reap the profit, and a valuable 
trade to Spain in fish, paid for in silver, and employing much shipping, would be im- 
periled. It was charged that London merchants, by restraining trade, undid all trade, 
and engrossed all trades and places; but the patentees for this northern plantation also 
intended their private good, which hurt the commonwealth. Under a pretense of 
reforming abuses, they set fines. Chalmers, Political Annals, 84, 85. 


104 Fistory of , 





But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some other 
that were for this course, either for their better advantage, or rather 
for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of 
those conditions altered that were first agreed on at Leyden. To 
which the -2- agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who 
is most charged with it) did consente; seeing els that all was like to 
be dashte, and the opportunitie lost, and that they which had put 
of their estates and paid in their moneys were in hazard to be 
undon. They presumed to conclude with the marchants on those 
termes, in some things contrary to their order and commission, and 
without giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled, least 
it should make any furder delay; which was the cause afterward of 
much trouble and contention. 

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions,! which are as 
foloweth. 


Anno, 1620. July 1.? 
1. The adventurers * and planters doe agree, that every person that 


1 These conditions were in accord with the conditions of the London Company. 
Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1. 108. 

2 “'The date here given, July rst, does not indicate the time when these ‘condi- 
tions’ were first drawn up at Leyden, nor the time when the alterations complained 
of were agreed upon at London, as will appear by the letters which follow. The articles 
were doubtless re-written at London, and made ready to receive the signatures of the 
parties to the agreement.” DEANE. 

3 Of the “Adventurers” who were interested in the New Plymouth undertaking, 
Captain John Smith wrote in 1624-25: “‘ The Aduenturers which raised the stocke to 
begin and supply this Plantation were about 70. some Gentlemen, some Merchants, 
some handy-crafts men, some aduenturing great summes, some small, as their estates 
and affection serued. The generall stocke already imploied is about 7000 /. by reason 
of which charge and many crosses, many of them would aduenture no more, but others 
that knowes, so great a designe cannot bee effected without both charge, losse and 
crosses, are resolued to goe forward with it to their powers; which deserue no small 
commendations and encouragement. These dwell most about London, they are not a 
corporation, but knit together by a voluntary combination in a society without con- 
straint or penalty, aiming to doe good and to plant Religion; they have a President 
and Treasurer, euery yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the 


Plimmoth Plantation 105 


goeth being aged -16- years and upward, be rated at -1o/z- and ten 
pounds to be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 
- Io/z: either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 
- 20/1" in stock, and in the devission shall receive a doble share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their 
joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of -7- years, (excepte 
some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree 
otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gotte 
by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of 
any person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the 
division. — 

4. Thatat their comming ther, they chose out shuch anumberof fitt 
persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; 
imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building 
houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch com- 
modities as shall be most usefull for the collonie. 

5. That at the end of the -7- years, the capitall and profits, viz. the 
houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the ad- 
venturers, and planters; which done, every man shall be free from 
other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. [29] 

6. Whosoever cometh to the colonie herafter, or putteth any into 
the stock, shall at the ende of the-7- years be alowed proportionably 
to the time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be 
alowed for everie person now aged -16- years and upward, a single 
share in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, 
or if they be between -10- year old and -16- then -2- of them to be 
reconed for a person, both in transportation and devision. 

8. That shuch children as now goe, and are under the age of ten 
years, have noe other shar in the devission, but -5o- acers of unma- 
nured land. 
affaires of their Courts and meetings. and with the assent of the most of them, vnder- 
taketh all ordinary businesses, but in more weighty affaires, the assent of the whole 


Company is required.” Generall Historie (1626), 247. The names of such of the Ad- 
venturers who took part in the agreement of 1626 are given in vol. 1. p. 6, infra. 


106 Fiistory of | 


g. That shuch persons as die before the -7- years be expired, their 
executors to have their parte or share at the devission, proportionably 
to the time of their life in the collonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their 
meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock 
and goods of the said collonie. 


The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and the 
former conditions, stood in those -2- points; that the houses, and 
lands improved, espetialy gardens and home lotts should remaine 
undevided wholy to the planters at the-7- years end. 2ly, that 
they should have had-2- days in a weeke for their owne private 
imploymente, for the more comforte of them selves and their 
families, espetialy shuch as had families.1 But because letters are 
by some wise men counted the best parte of histories, I shall 
shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which 
the passages of things will be more truly discerned. 


A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver. 


June 14. 1620. N. stile.? 
My DEAR FREIND AND BROTHER, whom with yours I alwaise remem- 
ber in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to 


1 In Virginia, in 1616, the servants of the company worked in the common garden 
for eleven months in the year, having only one month for their own. In the planta- 
tion of Bermuda Hundred a group of servants enjoyed a special privilege of one day 
in each week from the first of May until harvest for their own use, in addition to the one 
month a year. To every man with a family was assured a house of four rooms, for 
which no rent would be paid for at least a year; and with each house went twelve acres 
of land for cultivation, with tools, live stock and provisions for a twelvemonth, after 
which period the settler should be self-supporting. The idea was to develop a tenant 
class who should prove a source of profit to the company, and should provide a means 
of carrying on the plantation now that the period of joint management of the land 
was coming to an end, It was an intermediate stage towards granting land in fee 
simple. Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1. 76. 

2 “Prince has the following note here as to the date of this letter: ‘June 14, N.S. is 
June 4, O. S., which is Lord’s day, and therefore here is doubtless a mistake. It seems 
more likely to have been June 24, N. S., which is June 14, O. S., especially since this 


Plimmoth Plantation 107 





commend to God by my best and most earnest praires. You doe 
throwly understand by our generall letters the estate of things hear, 
which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not 
seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though 
withall ther be great want of money and means to doe needfull things. 
Mr. Pickering,! you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; 
though Robart Cushman presumed of I know not how many -1o0o0l1° 
from him, and I know not whom. Yet it seems strange that we should 
be put to him to receive both his and his partners adventer, and yet 
Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard of it, he hath drawne upon 
him a -100/1- more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems 
ther is in the whole course. Besides, wheras diverse are to pay in some 
parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see 
shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther 
a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his 
purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and 
upon shuch means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and 
when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it of 
at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after pro- 
pounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not an- 
swerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his 
moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well 
excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; 
wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. 
[30] But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before 
this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne 
letter is plainly dated June 24, both at the beginning and end in Governor Bradford’s 
Collection of Letters, and also observing here that the figure 1, in 14, seems to have been 
altered on the paper.’ But what we may suppose to be a later note by him is found in 
his Annals, 1. 68, where he makes a brief extract from this letter. ‘The date in the 
Manuscript is June 14, N.S. But the figure 1, being somewhat blurred, and June 14, 
N. S. being Lord’s day, and this letter placed before the following of June 10, N. S., I 
conclude it should be June 4 N. S.’; which corresponds to May 25, O. S.” DEANE. 

1 Edward Pickering, a merchant of London, and afterwards a member of the Ley- 
den congregation, did not emigrate to New England, and either died or withdrew 


from the adventurers before the agreement of November, 1626. The name of his wife 
was Mary Stubbs, and the date of marriage, December 15, 1612. 


108 Fiistory of 





to us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my con- 
science be excused. I have heard that when he hath been moved in 
the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to yow- 
thers [the others]; and would come to Georg Morton,! and enquire 
news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie 
unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from others which he ex- 
pected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether 
he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and so encrease the 
charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have thought by 
withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. Brewer? 
and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or 
what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things 
are not answerable to shuch an occasion. Mr. Weston makes himselfe 
mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done no- 
thing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I 
know in any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed 
Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall 
abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitte to deale for other men, by reason 
of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and 
for (to speak truly) that 3 we have had nothing from him but termes 
and presumptions. The other, that we have so much relyed, by im- 

1 George Morton, described as of York, England, and a merchant. Dexter con- 
jectures that he was born at Harworth, Notts. He married, July 23, 1612, Juliana, 
daughter of Alexander Carpenter. Himself betrothed in July, 1612, he witnessed 
the betrothal of Edward Pickering in the following November. With his four chil- 
dren and his brother, Thomas, he came over in the Anne in 1623, and died in June, 
1624. His widow married Manasseh Kempton. A son, Nathaniel, eleven years old at 
the migration, was Secretary of the Colony and compiler of New Englands Memoriall, 
which is largely based upon Bradford’s ms. Of George Morton, Hubbard says: he “‘con- 
tinued but awhile, yet was found always an unfeigned wellwiller, and, according to 
his sphere and condition, a faithful promoter of the public good, laboring always to 
still and silence the murmurings and complaints of some discontented spirits, by oc- 
casion of the difficulties of these new beginnings. But he fell asleep in the Lord within 
a year after his first arrival, in June 1624, when it pleased the Lord to put a period to 
the days of his pilgrimage here.” History, 83. See introduction to Mourt’s Relation 
(Dexter’s edition). 


2 Thomas Brewer. See p. 89, supra. 
_ § This word is written in the margin, and may have been inserted by Prince. * 


Plimmoth Plantation 109 


plicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing the perticuler 
course and means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For 
shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I 
wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if 
so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. 
Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course of buying, in former letters 
specified. Aboute the conditions, you have our reasons for our judg- 
ments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, that 
the greatest parte of the Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not 
upon dressing ther perticuler land and building houses, but upon fish- 
ing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be but a trifell for ad- 
vantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great dis- 
couragemente to the planters, who would with singuler care make it 
comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same considera- 
tion of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good rea- 
son not to have the -2- daies in a weeke deneyed the few planters for 
private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider 
also how much unfite that you and your likes must serve a new pren- 
tishipe of -7- years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me 
word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many 
and perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante nota minde. Iam 
sorie you have not been at London all this while, but the provissions 
could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you 
and yours well allways in the Lord, in whom I rest, 
Yours to use, 
Joun Rosinson. 


An other letter from sundrie of them at the same time. [31] 


To their loving friends John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, ete. 


Goopb BRETHEREN, after salutations, etc. We received diverse letters 
at the coming of Mr. Nash and our pilott,! whichis a great incourag- 
1 The pilot of the Speedwell from Delfshaven to Southampton. Dexter (Mourt, 


*14n) was of the impression that Robert Coppin is intended; that he piloted the Speed- 
well until she was abandoned, when he was transferred to the Mayflower. He had 


I10 Fistory of 





mente unto us, and for whom we hope after times will minister occa- 
sion of praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would 
have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the 
new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are 
against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of 
those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For the former 
wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desires reasons for our dislike, prom- 
ising therupon to alter the same, or els saing we should thinke he hath 
no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our 
pastors former reasons, and them to the censure of the godly wise. 
But our desires are that you will not entangle your selves and us in 
any shuch unreasonable courses as those are, viz. that the marchants 
should have the halfe of mens houses and lands at the dividente; and 
that persons should be deprived of the -2. days in a weeke agreed 
upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason 
wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own 
help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men 
one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash,’ and 
not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you have not 
proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not 
to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon 
the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your 
going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your 
selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our con- 
sultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busines aright, 
should trouble us with shuch matters as these are, etc. 

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; 


been on the coast before, and had trucked with the Indians near a great navigable 
river, of which he told the Pilgrims when they were seeking a place of settlement. He 
proved an uncertain guide. P. 173, infra. 

1 Thomas Nash, one of the Leyden congregation, is believed to have accompanied 
the Pilgrims from Holland to Plymouth, England, but thence returned to Leyden. 
He signed the letter of November 30, 1625 (Bradford, Letter Book). His first wife, 
Margaret Porter, died before 1628, and in November of that year he was married to 
Margaret Stuart. He resided first in Rijnsburgerpoort, and after 1630, in Noord- 
ende. 


Plhimmoth Plantation III 





we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good 
shew him our letters, at least tell him (that under God) we much relie 
upon him and put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well 
know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken 
it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, 
he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so 
farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning 
him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state 
of things with us in this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the 
Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificul- 
ties, to assiste us herein; raising shuch means by his providence and 
fatherly care for us, his pore children and servants, as we may with 
comforte behould the hand of our God for good towards us in this our 
bussines, which we undertake in his name and fear, we take leave and 
remaine 
Your perplexed, yet hopfull 
June 10. New Stille, bretheren, 
Anno: 1620. Sei Wee Beal, Ast 


A letter of Robart Cushman’s to them.? 


BRETHERN, I understand by letters and passages that have come 
to me, that ther are great discontents, and dislikes of my proceedings 
amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not 
doubting but that partly by writing, and more principally by word 
when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. 
I have been per[32]swaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and 
clear things unto you; but as things now stand J cannot be absente one 
day, excepte I should hazard all the viage. Neither conceive I any 
great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to 
give youcontente. First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause 
in the conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye 

1 In Governor Bradford’s Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus wrote 


out at length: Samuel Fuller, William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, Ed. Winslow. 
Prince, in Bradford ms. 


* This letter is without date, but was probably written soon after the receipt of 
the letter printed above. 


I12 Fiistory of } 





on me at all. For the articles first brought over by John Carver were 
never seene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither 
did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him- 
selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at the first ther was 
* 500/17. withdrawne by Sir Georg Farrer !and his brother upon that dis- 
like, so all the rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if 
we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude 
upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not 
my falte. Besides, I shewed you by a letter the equitie of that condi- 
tion, and our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. 
Robl[inson’s] inconveniences, that without the alteration of that clause, 
we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to 
subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, 
which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without 
answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and 
complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making 
conditions fitter for theeves and bond-slaves then honest men, and that 
of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, 
framed against that clause in the conditions, which as they were 
delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they 
are no other but inconveniences, shuch as a man might frame *20° as 
great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so 
they misse and mistake both the very ground of the article and nature 
of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission 
of houses and lands, it had been better for the poore. True, and that 
showeth the inequalitie of the conditions; we should more respecte him 
that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that ventureth 
but his person only. 

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a 
store house; no one shall be porer then another for -7- years, and if 
any be rich, none can be pore. At the least, we must not in shuch bussi- 
nes crie, pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it life in wraks, not 

1 It would not be very strange if Cushman had given the wrong surname, intending 
either John, Nicholas, or William Ferrar, sons of Nicholas Ferrar, the merchant adven- 


turer of London, who, with his sons, took so great an interest in the Virginia Company. 
The naming of a title is, however, difficult to explain. 


Plimmoth Plantation 113 


in ventures; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, ther- 
fore complaine not before you have need. 

3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie 
to the advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to 
build for the presente shuch houses as,if need be, we may with litle 
greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in 
pompe, but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to 
provid more men, ships, munition, etc. You may see it amongst the 
best pollitiks, that a common wele is readier to ebe then to flow, when 
once fine houses and gay cloaths come up. 

4. The Gove[rnment] may prevente excess in building. A. But if it 
be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove- 
[rnor’s] laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean 
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I 
say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, 
fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Shuch re- 
tired, persons, as have an eie only to them selves,! are fitter to come 
wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any 
societie, either civill or religious. 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth °5/i. A. True, it may be not 
worth halfe 5/2. [33] If then so smale a thing will content them, why 
strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be 
worldly and covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these 
complaints came first over. 

7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, 
as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who fora 
litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente 
brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of 
this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2ly. Though some 
of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as 
well as we? ventures are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour 
to give them all contente, if we can. 

8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by 


' See p. 43, supra. 


114 Fiistory of 


many reasons. A. Thatis but said, and I say againe, it will best foster 
comunion, as may be showed by many reasons. 

g. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As 
it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besides our living still 
upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the 
less on the land, and our houses and lands must and will be of less 
value. 

1o. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put 
us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not the motion and resolu- 
tion been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us 
resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and 
conditions? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. 
Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you 
will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but 
surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If 
you mean it of the-2- days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, 
you are deceived; you may have -3- days in a week for me if you will. 
And when I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they 
have said they hope we are men of discretion and conscience, and so 
fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed the ground of our 
proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but totter- 
ing every day, etc. 

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have 
gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and 
their riggour as bad tous asthe Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of 
mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they 
shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Orif the company 
thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall 
be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; 
only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did 
I expecte these things which are now come to pass, etc. 

Yours, R. CusHMan. 


But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden 
I well know not; I rather thinke it was staied by Mr. Carver and 


Plimmoth Plantation 11s 


keept by him, for giving offence. But this which follows was ther 
received; both which I thought pertenent to recite. 


Another of his to the foresaid. 
June 11. 1620.1 

Salutations, etc. I received your letter yesterday, by John Turner,’ 
with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of 
the place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I 
find hear, togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me 
to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his come- 
ing acquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only 
the pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further 
consideration, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to ac- 
quainte Mr. Weston with the fainted state of our bussines; and though 
he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, 
which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not 
meadle at all with the bussines any more, yet considering how farr we 
were plunged into maters, and how it stood both on our credits and 
undoing, at the last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, and coming 
to me -2- hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so 
advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking 3 
of one till Monday, about -60- laste, for a greater we cannot gett, ex- 
cepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds 
ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them 
any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that shuch as 
stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse 
blocks come in the way ere-7- years be ended. If you had beaten this 


1 June 11. O. S. is the Lord’s day, and therefore ’t is likely the date of this letter 
should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. PRINCE, in 
Bradford ms. 

? One of this name, and two sons, were passengers in the iM agiltoee and all died 
the year after landing, in the great sickness of 1621. No Turner was associated with 
the Leyden congregation, so far.as the known records show. 

3 That is, refusal. 

4 This was not the Mayflower, which was a larger vessel — ninety lasts, or one hun- 
dred and eighty tons. 


116 Fiistory of ! 





bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we 
could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as itis; I hope 
our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to 
venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may 
ther be boughte,? and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that 
will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will take 
order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds? tarie ther, and bring the ship 
to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, 
who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine. 

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come 
hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to 
have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their 
censures; and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate 
with them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them 
who live by clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body 
is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had 


1 Salt and nets emphasize the fact that it was from fishing that the chief profits 
were to come. 

2 Reynolds, whose first name is not known, was the master of the Speedwell, and it 
was due to his complaints of the unseaworthiness of that vessel that she did not cross 
the Atlantic. 

3 John Clarke, who had quite a venturous experience in Virginia. In the summer of 
1611, a Spanish caravel came to Virginia, as is supposed to explore the country and 
measure the strength of the English settlement. The Spanish captain demanded of 
Governor Dale a pilot to bring the caravel into the James River, and, Dale wrote, 
Clarke was offered. But the three who had landed from the Spanish ship (one of whom 
was an Englishman) were forcibly detained, and in retaliation Clarke was taken by the 
Spanish vessel to the Havanna, whence soon after he was sent to Spain, and there re- 
mained a prisoner for about four years. He said in 1611 that he was a native of Lon- 
don, a pilot by trade, a protestant in religion, and about thirty-five years of age. In 
February, 1621-22, Deputy Ferrar acquainted the Court of the Virginia Company, 
that after his release Clarke “‘hath since that time doun the Companie good seruice in 
many voyages to Virginia and of late went into Ireland for transportatéon of Cattle to 
Virginia he was an humble Suitor to this Court that he might be admitted a free Bro- 
ther of the Companie and haue some shares of land bestowed vpon him,” etc. Records 
of the Virginia Company, 1. 599; also 11. 32,75. Clarke brought the Providence to 
Virginia in 1623, with Daniel Gookin among the passengers, and died soon after. 
Brown, Genesis of the United States (many references). 


Plimmoth Plantation 117 


rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. 
If men be set on it, let them beat the eair; I hope shuch as are my sin- 
ceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. 
But of your mistaking aboute the mater, and other things tending to 
this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space 
entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before 
they know them. If I doe shuch things as I cannot give reasons for, 
it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne the 
reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and let me come againe to 
my Combes.! But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not 
to have my cause judged, both of God, and all indifferent men; and 
when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The 
Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into the 
equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, 
in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. 
And so [ take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. 
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in -14- days. 
Your pore brother, 
s June II. 1620. RoBart CUSHMAN. 


Besides these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those -3- 
that received [35] the moneys and made the provissions in England; 
for besides these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for 
this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther was one 
chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the pro-— 
visions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin, he came from 
Billirike in Essexe,? from which parts came sundrie others to goe 
with them, as also from London and other places; and therfore it 
was thought meete and conveniente by them in Holand that these 
strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to 
be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, 


1 Cushman was a wool comber, from Canterbury. See p. 236, infra. 

2 Believed to be Christopher Martin, who was “‘governor” of the Mayflower. As 
a purchasing agent his ill-conduct receives notice in later pages of this history. He and 
a family of three were swept away in the sickness of 1621. 


118 Fiistory of | 


as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed 
their care for giving offence, both in this and other things after 
ward, turned to great inconvenience unto them, as in the sequell 
will apeare; but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. 
The provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, 
contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Cushmans mind (whose coun- 
sells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I 
shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more will appear 
afterward. 


To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc. 

LOVING FREIND, I have received from you some letters, full of affec- 
tion and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; 
for your crieing out, negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why 
so negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all 
that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent 
you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more 
then his adventure; when he protesteth but for his promise, he would 
not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is 
offended that our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was 
not made acquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in 
now being in -3- places, so farr remote, we will, with going upand 
downe, and wrangling and expostulating, pass over the sommer before 
we will goe. And to speake the trueth, theris fallen already amongst us 
a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett for- 
warde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente -3- 


1 Robert Cushman went to Kentin May, 1619, p. 86, supra. Both he and his wife 
came from that county, and as he intended to remain two or three weeks the visit 
was probably social only. But this letter would show that he had expected to buy some 
of the provisions for the voyage in Kent (either at Canterbury, his own place, or Sand- 
wich, that of his wife), but other directions given to Martin interfered with these 
intentions of Cushman. It was Cushman, however, who received whatever money was 
contributed in London, and Martin acted as purchasing agent at Southampton. 
P. 142, infra. The action taken by Carver in this part of the business appears to 
have been slight, and he escaped any share of the complaint which arose over the 
conduct of his colleagues. 


Plimmoth Plantation 119 


or -4- letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will 
not trouble you with them. I always feared the event of the Amster- 
damers striking in with us.! I trow you must excommunicate me, or 
els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quarel- 
ing; but let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without 
our host; and, counting upon a -15o- persons, ther cannot be founde 
above 1200/7. and odd moneys of all the ventures you can reckone, be- 
sides some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we 
shall come shorte at least- 3- or- 400/1.2 I would have had some thing 
shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other ad- 
ventures, and now we could have, both in Amsterdam and Kente, beere 
inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju- 
dice. You fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make 
an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we 
may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme 
amongst us *3° at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to prevente the 
making of the provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his 
resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte 
to any counsell or exception. Surely he that is in a societie and yet 
regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be 
shorte, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we 
- that should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of 
jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you ther must have, 
we will get provided for you instantly. 500/7 you say will serve; for 
the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch 
for it. For Mr. Crabe,? of whom you write, he hath promised to goe 
with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, 
for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke the best 
of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guid us 
all. 
Your loving freind, 
London, June Io. RoBart CusHMAN. 
Anno: 1620. 


1 Members of Henry Ainsworth’s congregation. 
2 Counting £10 for each person. 3 He was a minister. — BRADFORD. 


120 Plimmoth Plantation 


I have bene the larger in these things, and so shall crave leave 
in some like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour 
to be more contracte,) that their children may see with what diffi- 
culties their fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their 
first beginnings, and how God brought them along notwithstand- 
ing all their weaknesses and infirmities. As allso that some use may 
be made hereof in after times by others in shuch like waightie im- 
ployments; and herewith I will end this chapter. 


The -7- Chapter 


Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, 
with their arivall at Southhamton, were they all mete togeather, 
and tooke in ther provissions. 


T length, after much travell and these debates, all 
things were got ready and provided. A smale ship! 
was bought, and fitted in Holand, which was intended 

as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in the cuntrie and 
atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good 
and benefite of the colonie when they came ther. Another was 
hired at London, of burden about -g- score; and all other things 
gott in readines.* So being ready to departe, they had a day of 
solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra ‘8°21. 
And ther at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might 
humble our selves before our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, 
and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he spente 
a good parte of the day very profitably, and suitable to their pre- 
sente occasion. ‘The rest of the time was spente in powering out 
prairs to the Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of 
tears. And the time being come that they must departe, they were 

1 Of some -60- tune. — BrapForp. The Speedwell. The name is nowhere men- 
tioned in Bradford, and was first given in Morton, New Englands Memoriall, *5. 

2 The idea of a small ship to remain with the settlers for fishing and other calls 
was also in the mind of Weston in 1622. See p. 257, infra. 

3 The Mayflower. Bradford does not give this name in his History, and the first 
mention will be found in Bradford’s record of “The Falles of their grounds which 
came first over in the May-Flower, according as their lots were cast, 1623.” Plym- 
outh Col. Rec., X11. 4. 

4 “And when the ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that stayed having 


againe solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our- 
selves mutually as before; they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to 


122 Plimmoth Plantation 





accompanied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a 
towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, wher the ship lay 


goe at our Pastors house being large, where wee refreshed our selves after our teares, 
with singing of Psalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, 
there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick; and indeed it was the 
sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard.” Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *go. 
Mr. Dexter makes the reasonable suggestion that the Psalms thus used were those 
in Henry Ainsworth, The Book of Psalmes; Englished both in prose and meter, first 
printed in Amsterdam, in 1612. A copy of this issue was in Elder Brewster’s library. 
The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 543. 

Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *97, summarizes the “wholesome counsel” given 
by Robinson: 

“‘Wewere now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever heshould 
live to see our faces again: but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged 
us before God and his blessed Angels, to follow him no further than he followed 
Christ. And if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, 
to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministery: 
For he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out 
of his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition 
of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, and would goe no 
further then the Instruments of their Reformation: as for example, the Lutherans, 
they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther saw, for whatever part of God’s 
will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die then embrace 
it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them: A misery 
much to be lamented; For though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet 
God had not revealed his whole will to them: And were they now living, saith hee, they 
would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. 
Here also he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at least that part of it) whereby 
wee promise and covenant with God and one with another, to receive whatsoever 
light or truth shall be made known to us from his written Word: but withall exhorted 
us to take heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and 
weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, saith he, It zs not 
possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such thick Antichristian 
darknesse, and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once. 

‘Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee should use all meanes to avoid 
and shake off the name of Brownist, being a meer nick-name and brand to make 
Religion odious, and the professors of it to the Christain world; and to that end, said 
hee, I should be glad if some godly Minister would goe over with you, or come to you, 
before my comming; For, said hee, there will bee no difference between the uncon- 
formable Ministers and you, when they come to the practise of the Ordinances out of 
the Kingdome: And so advised.us by all means to endeavour to close with the godly 


vafur ‘ghi-daag -6zg1 ‘HOINAA JO dIHS LNVHOUFN 





124 History of 


ready to receive them.’ So they lefte the goodly and pleasante 
citie, which had been ther resting place near -12- years; but they 
knew they were pilgrimes,” and looked not much on those things, 
but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and 
quieted their spirits? When they [37] came to the place they 
found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as — 
could not come with them followed after them, and sundrie also 
came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave 
of them.* That night was spent with litle sleepe by the most, but 
with freindly entertainmente and christian discourse and other reall 
expressions of true christian love. The next day, the wind being 
faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly 


party of the Kingdome of England, and rather to study union then division; v1z., how 
neare we might possibly, without sin close with them, then in the least measure to 
affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another Pastor or 
Teacher, saith hee, for that flock that hath two shepherds is not indangered, but se- 
cured by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he 
commended to us.” There is no other evidence that this summarizes the address or 
sermon of Robinson on the last day of the Pilgrims’ stay in Leyden. Neal, History 
of the Puritans, 1. 476, accepts it as such. See Sumner, in 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, 
Ix. 69. 

1 Of Delftshaven, Sir William Brereton wrote in 1634: ‘“‘It might well be accounted 
a fine town subsisting of itself, seeing it is so curiously built, and so dainty a harbour 
for shipping even in the streets: but this depends upon and belongs unto Delph, being 
only intended as it is called, Delphshaven. No town in England worth such a haven.” 
Travels, 5. 

2 Heb. 11. — BRADFORD. 

8 Dexter conjectures that it was on Friday, July 21/31 the Pilgrims set out from 
Leyden for Delftshaven, the port of Delft, on the Maas. ‘““They doubtless left Leyden 
by the Vliet, which stretches south for a mile and then turns to the southwest. A few 
villages diversify the green expanse and near Ryswick the canal bends almost south- 
east to Delft. Passing through this picturesque city, it continues to Delfshaven. 
The distance is perhaps twenty-five miles and the journey must have occupied six or 
eight hours.” England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 587. Young gives the distance 
as about fourteen miles. 

4 “After this they [the Brethren that stayed] accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, 
where wee were to inibarque, and there feasted us again.” Winslow, Hypocrisie 
Unmasked, *91. 


Plimmoth Plantation 125 





dolfull was the sight of that sadd and mournfull parting; to see 
what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what 
tears did gush from 
every eye, and pithy 
speeches peirst each 
harte; that sundry of | py. i é 
the Dutch strangers |} / MW). doe &\\ HW he 
that stood on the key ~T Mi? jl = f 
as spectators, could 


not refraine from A We WAY WW | Speen 
tears. Yet comfort- | Bab Ae fp ancae 
rh AGG ifid ‘ $. Volom i Som 


able and sweete it [KI AK. Aa A\ 6 Dis Cle 
was to see shuch \ AA sd \ 
lively and true ex- 
pressions of dear and 
unfained love. But 
the tide (which stays 
for no man) caling 
them away that were 
thus loath to departe, 
their Reve[ren]d pas- 
tor falling downe on 
his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks commended 
them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And 
then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves 
one of an other; which proved to be the last leave to many of 
them.’ 





DELFTSHAVEN, 17—?! 


1 From a plan of unknown date, but believed to be of the early eighteenth cen- 
tury. Part of the wharf A has been removed, but on it is said to have been in the 
seventeenth century a “poorhouse for travellers.’”? Here the Pilgrims may have 
passed the night before embarking. 

2 “And after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a flood of teares was poured out, 
they accompanyed us to the Ship, but were not able to speake one to another for the 
abundance of sorrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the ship lying to the key) 


126 Fiistory of 





Thus hoysing saile,’ with a prosperus winde they came in short 
time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from 
London, lying ready, with all the rest of their company. After a 
joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratulations, with other frendly 
entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to 
dispatch with the best expedition; as allso with their agents, aboute 
the alteration of the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was im- 
ployed hear at Hamton, and knew not well what the other had don 
at London. Mr. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what 
he was urged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espe- 
tialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. 
And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who 
consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive the 
money at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher 
they made the provissions; the which he accordingly did, though it 
was against his minde, and some of the marchants, that they were 
their made. And for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, 
he could not well in regarde of the shortnes of the time; againe, 
he knew it would trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was 
already delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which 
he feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave not 
contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from London 
to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions confirmed; but 
they refused, and answered him, that he knew right well that these 
were not according to the first agreemente, neither could they 
yeeld to them without the consente of the rest that were behind. 
And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away, from the 


and ready to set sayle, (the winde being faire) wee gave them a volley of small shot, and 
three pieces of Ordinance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for 
each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence with us in the 
midst of our manifold straits hee carried us thorow: And if any doubt this relation, the 
Dutch, as I heare, at Delphs Haven preserve the memory of it to this day [1646], and 
will inform them.” Hypocriste Unmasked, *o1. 

1 This was about -22- of July.— BrapFrorp. 





by 


% 
( 

















EMBARKATION OF THE PILGRIMS, DELFTSHAVEN 


Plimmoth Plantation 127 


cheefe of those that were behind, not to doe it. At which he was 
much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on 
their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was the 
first ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted 
well near 100/27. to clear things at their going away, he would not 
take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. 
[38] So they were forst to selle of some of their provissions to stop 
this gape, which was some -3- or -4- score firkins of butter, which 
comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided to large a 
quantitie of that kind.t Then they write a leter to the marchants 
and adventure[r]s aboute the diferances concerning the conditions, 
as foloweth. 
Aug. 3. Anno: 1620.? 

BELOVED FREINDS, Sory we are that ther should be occasion of writ- 
ing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of 
you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be 
conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr 
togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you the just 
cause and reason of our differing from those articles last made by Rob- 
art Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he 
might propound good ends to him selfe, yet it no way justifies his doing 
it. Our maine diference is in the-5- and-g- article, concerning the 
deviding or holding of house and lands; * the injoying wherof some of 


1 A firkin of butter contained fifty-six pounds, by proclamation. The export of 
butter from England had been prohibited by an act passed in the reign of Philip and 
Mary, on pain of confiscation of ship, etc.,and imprisonment. Under James I, in the 
fifteenth year of his rule, license was given to export three thousand barrels of Welsh 
butter annually from the ports of Bristol, Barnstable, Cardiff, and Chepstow, and to 
victual ships to an agreed amount. This part of the provision probably formed the 
most salable item. Captain John Smith printed in 1623 “A particular of such 
necessaries as either priuate families, or single persons, shall have cause to prouide 
to goe to Virginia,” in which butter was not mentioned. Generall Historie, 161. In 
1675 Josselyn gave what he regarded as necessary ship provisions, and allowed a 
daily ration of one quarter of a pound of butter toa messof four men. Relation of 
Two Voyages, *12. ° 

2 In the Bradford Letter Book this is dated at Southampton. Prince. 

* P. 105, supra. 


128 Fiistory of 


your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, 
to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, that when the 
greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), 
when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he 
set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with 
some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sides, and 
a day set for the paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. 
After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirce, and Mr. Martine, brought 
them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; and 
upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins ? a coppy 
therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we 
of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but 
only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight 
wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estates and were 
ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge 
therfore we beseech you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have 
bene commited, lay it wher it is, and not upon us, who have more 
cause to stand for the one, then you have for the other. We never 
gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but 
only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to 
further the provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. 
Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought 
meete to add a branch to the end of our -9- article, as will allmost heale 
that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be init. But that it may 
appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire 
also the good and inriching of our freinds who have adventured your 
moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, 
promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, 
that if large profits should not arise within the -7- years, that we will 
continue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blesing.? This 
we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since 

1 John Peirce and Christopher Martin. 

2 William Mullins was a passenger in the Mayflower, and came from Dorking, 
county Surrey. He died at New Plymouth, in February, 1620-21. N. E. Hist. 


Gen. Reg., XLtt. 62. 
3 Tt was well for them that this was not accepted.— BraprForp. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 129 


we are asured that if the whole charge was devided into - 4- parts, -3- 
of them will not stand upon it, netheir doe regarde it, etc. We are in 
shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away - 6ol1. worth of 
our provissions to cleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon 
great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to 
mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many 
muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our 
selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, and trust to 
the good providence of God, rather then his name and truth should be 
evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching 
the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in 
the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest, 

Yours, etc. 

Aug[ust] 3. 1620. 


It was subscribed with many names of the cheefest of the com- 
pany. 

At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole com- 
pany, which though it hath already bene printed, yet I thought 
good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at the 
same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care 
of a true pastor appears. 


My pear Brotuer, I received inclosed in your last leter the note of 
information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall 
be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle 
of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully 
to administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished 
for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet under- 
gone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot 
opprese you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaks.? The 
spirite of a man (sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his in- 
firmitie, I dout not so will yours. And the beter much when you shall 
injoye the presence and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for 


1 In Mourt’s Relation. 2 Acts, xvi. 5. ‘‘Paul was pressed in the spirit.” 
P P 


130 History of 


the bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte into their 
harts the least thought of suspition of any the least negligence, at least 
presumption, to have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. 
Now what shall I say or write unto you and your goodwife my loving 
sister? ! even only this, I desire (and allways shall) unto you from the 
Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe that my harte is 
with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily coming at the first 
oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to the whole, and am sorie 
I shall not rather speak then write to them; and the more, considering 
the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my 
hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best affection unto you, 
which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would express in more, 
and the same more, ample and full words. And the Lord in whom you 
trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, guid you 
with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and us his 
salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in the 
place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. 
Yours, etc. 
Jo: R{osinson]. 
July 27, 1620. 


This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him. 
The other follows.’ 


LoviNGE CHRISTIAN FRIENDS, I doe hartily and in the Lord salute 
you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, 
and most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a 
while to be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing 
how willingly, and much rather then other wise, I would have borne 
my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie 
held back for the present. Make accounte of me in the mean while, 
as of a man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall 
bonds set a side) having my beter parte with you. [40] And though 

1 Catharine Carver, whose family name is unknown. 


2 This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford’s Collection of Letters. PRIiNcE, in 
Bradford ms. 








, 1604-1643 


COINS AND MEDALS 


i 


EON 


pee 


Phimmoth Plantation 131 


I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee and resolve 
upon that which concerneth your presente state and condition, both 
severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some 
furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not be- 
cause you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And first, as 
we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our 
sines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the 
Lord call us in a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie 
and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and care- 
ful reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to remem- 
brance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage 
against us, and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up 
in one danger or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken 
away by ernest repentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed 
up unto a mans conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie 
and peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with 
hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our owne con- 
sciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us 
lieth, espetially with our associates, and for that watchfullnes must be 
had, that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take 
offence being given by others.! Woe be unto the world for offences, for 
though it be necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans 
corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either 
by whom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7.2 And if offences 
in the unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to 
be feared then death it selfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. 
how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God 
nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it 
sufficiente that we keepe our selves by the grace of God from giveing 


1 In his New Essays, ch. xxxvit., Robinson quotes approvingly from Chrysostom: 
“If men good and bad be joined together in special bond of society, they either 
quickly part, or usually become alike. Friendship either takes, or makes men alike.” 

2 Robinson amplifies the text by adding the words “or woman.’ He makes an 
application of this same text to apostates in his Defence of the Doctrine propounded 
by the Synod at Dort, Works, 1. 391. 


132 Plimmoth Plantation 


offence, exepte withall we be armed against the taking of them when 
they be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of 
grace in that person, who wants charritie to cover a multitude of 
offences, as the scriptures speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted to 
this grace only upon the commone grounds of Christianitie, which are, 
that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover 
offences, or wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly, are 
grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. 
‘7°, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have 
bene found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; 
neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in socie- 
ties, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besides these, 
ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to great care and 
conscience this way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the 
persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of 
more watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men 
and women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with 
them; which doth require at your hands much wisdome and charitie 
for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And 
lastly, your intended course of civill comunitie will minister con- 
tinuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, excepte 
you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking 
of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be 
avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence 
at God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe mur- 
mure at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch 
afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore pa- 
tience against the evill day, without which we take offence at the 
Lord him selfe in his holy and just works. 

A-+4:thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with 
your commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly 
bente upon the generall good, avoyding as a deadly [41] plague of your 
both ecommone and spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper 
advantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man 
represe in him selfe and the whol body in each person, as so many 
rebels against the commone good, all private respects of mens selves, 


A 

Re tA ELON 
OF THE STATE OF 
Religion: and with what. Hopes and 


Pollicies it hath beene framed, and is maintai. 
ned inthe feverall ftates of thefe wefterne 


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Printed for Simon Waterfon dwel- 
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figne of the Crowne, 
1605 





134 fiistory of 





not sorting with the generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not 
to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled 
and the parts firmly knite,so be you, I besheech you, brethren, much 
more carfull, that the house of God which you are, and are to be, be 
not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at the 
first setling therof.1 

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your 
selves civill goverments, and are not furnished with any persons of 
spetiall eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of 
goverment, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chus- 
ing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote the com- 
mone good, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour and obedi- 
ence in their lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them the 
ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not 
being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coate, then 
either the vertuous mindeof the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. 
But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords power 
and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how 
meane persons soever. And thisdutie you both may themorewillingly 
and ought the more conscionably to performe, because you are at 

1 Professor Dexter calls attention to the dearth of intellectual impulse in Plymouth 
Colony. Brewster and Smith were the only two men in the plantation before 1630 
who had enjoyed a university training. Prior to 1650 Harvard College neither re- 
ceived from Plymouth nor contributed to that place more than one or two persons. 
In 1658, of some eighteen English university men who had come to the colony 
only three had remained and followed their calling. In seven out of the eleven towns 
the pastorate was vacant or not yet established, thus confining the clerical and entire 
learned order to four persons, in a population of as many thousands. The only publi- 
cations emanating from the colony before 1650 were those of Winslow. The slender 
means of the settlers and the poverty of the soil made it difficult to provide suitable 
maintenance for the clergy. Pulpits remained vacant for long periods, and able men, 
like Norton, Chauncy, Hooke, and Williams, tarried but a short time and went to 
wider fields. “The glory of Plymouth Colony lies in the simple faith and courage of 
the Mayflower company, but we scan the history of her territory in vain to find a single 
man of comparative eminence in the State or national councils, or a single name that 
can be remembered in the literature of Massachusetts or the world.” The want of 
the stimulus due toa learned class told as heavily against Plymouth as its presence 
favored the Massachusetts Bay plantation. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, XV1l. 345. 


Plimmoth Plantation 135 





least for the present to have only them for your ordinarie governours, 
which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke.} 

Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, and 
of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong 
your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being 
also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and 
others of what concerneth them. ‘These few things therfore, and the 
same in few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your care and con- 
science, joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, 
that he who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all 
rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially 
over all his dear children for good, would so guide and gard you in 
your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of 
his power, as that both you and we allso, for and with you, may have 
after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our lives. 
Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. 

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
success in this hopefull voyage, 
Joun Rosinson. 


This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and 
suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place. 

All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, the 
company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, 
which had good acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. 
Then they ordered and distributed their company for either shipe, 
as they conceived for the best. And chose a Gov[ernou]r and -2- or 


1 Tn only one place are the Puritans described as wealthy, in a letter to Pope Inno- 
cent XI from the Secretary of the Propaganda. ‘Afterward the Earl [Arundel] being 
returned in England and giving an Account of the Natives of that Country, many 
Wealthy Puritans were desirous to remove thither as they did in great Numbers in the 
Year 1620. To prevent the progress of their Doctrines, the General of the Capuchins 
was ordered to send into that Country a Mission of his own Order, and several French 
and English Religious went thither accordingly.” The return of Waymouth’s voyage 
is intended, Arundel never having been in America. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
1. 66 n. 


136 Plimmoth Plantation 


-3+ assistants for each shipe,! to order the people by the way, and 
see to the dispossing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. 
All which was not only with the liking of the maisters of the ships, 
but according to their desires. Which being done, they sett sayle 
from thence aboute the-5- of August; but what befell them further 
upon the coast of England will appeare in the nexte chapter. 


1 Martin was governor on the Mayflower. 


The -8- Chapj/ter] 


Off the troubles that befell them on the coaste, and at sea, being forced, 
after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships and some of their 


compante behind them. [42] 


EING thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. 
Reinolds the mlaste]r of the leser ship complained that 
he found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea 

till she was mended. So the m[aste]r of the biger ship (caled Mr. 


Joans') being consulted with, they both 
resolved to put into Dartmouth and have 
her ther searched and mended, which ac- 
cordingly was done, to their great charg 
and losse of time and a faire winde. She 
was hear thorowly searcht from steme to 
sterne, some leaks were found and mended, 
and now it was conceived by the workmen 
and all, that she was sufficiente, and they 
might proceede without either fearor dan- 
ger. So with good hopes from hence, they 
put to sea againe, conceiving they should 
goe comfortably on, not looking for any 





MERCHANT SHIP, 1585? 


more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they 
were gone to sea againe above -100- leagues without the Lands 


1 This master has been identified as Christopher Jones. Had he been the Thomas 
Jones who commanded the Discovery (p. 276, infra), Bradford would hardly have 
spoken of the latter as “‘one Captain Jones,” after having taken the Mayflower voy- 
age with him. Christopher Jones attested a copy of the will of William Mullins, 
and was at New Plymouth in April, 1621. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 35. 


2 By John White. See p. 148, infra. 


138 Plhimmoth Plantation 


End, houlding company togeather all this while, the mlaste]r of 
the small ship complained his ship was so leake as he must beare 
up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pump- 
ing. So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships 
to bear up backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly 
was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was judged 
to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee would not 
prove sufficiente for the voiage.1 Upon which it was resolved to 
dismise her and parte of the companie, and proceede with the other 
shipe. The which (though it was greeveous, and caused great dis- 
couragmente) was put in execution. So after they had tooke out 
shuch provission as the other ship could well stow, and concluded 
both what number and what persons to send bak, they made 
another sad parting, the one ship going backe for London, and the 
other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for 
the most parte shuch as were willing so to doe, either out of some 
discontente, or feare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, 
seeing so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; 
but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many 
yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear 
the brunte of this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and 
judgmente of their brethern, they were contented to submite. 
And thus, like Gedions armie,? this small number was devided, as 


1 There is no reason to suppose that the Pilgrims had any special familiarity with 
shipping. In the early part of the seventeenth century shipbuilding was undergoing a 
radical change. Vessels of the older style were being driven rapidly out of competitive 
trade, and as a consequence were in the market. The English ships of the new design 
had finer lines and were faster than those constructed in either Spanish or Dutch 
yards. J. K. Laughton in Cambridge Modern History, 111. 309, 312. The Speedwell 
seems to have been a vessel of the older type. Slow-going and overmasted, she 
proved crank and leaky in a moderate wind. That she afterwards sailed in ocean 
voyages does not disprove the probability that she was to a degree unseaworthy, or 
that the master took advantage of her defects. 

? Deut. xx. 5-8. The verses embody the proclamation usually made before going 
into battle. 


A 
DESCRIPTION 
of New England: 


OR 


THE OBSERVATIONS, AND 
difcouerics, of Captain John Susith (Admirall 
of chat Country) in the North of America, in the year 
of our Lord 16143 with :nefucceffe of fixe Ships, 
. that went the next yeare 1645; and the 
accidents befell him among the 
French men of warres 


With che proofe of the prefent benefit this 
Counerey affoords: whither this prefent yeare, 
1616, ight voluntary Ships are gone 
80 wake further s>yall, 














Fe Ode SN OWA 3 
a Ye s | Re) \ A eect ea et 
SSD NCO Se Chee 








4t LONDON 
Printed by Humsfrey Lownes, for Robert Clerke; and 
are to be fould at his houfe calied che Lodge, 
in Chancery lane, ouer againft Line 
colnes Inne. 16166 


I40 fiistory of 





if the Lord by this worke of his providence thought these few to 
many for the great worke he had to doe. But here by the way let 
me show, how afterward it was found that the leaknes of this ship 
was partly by being overmasted, and too much pressed with sayles; 
for after she was sould and put into her old trime, she made many 
viages and performed her service very sufficently, to the great 
profite of her owners.’ But more espetially, by the cuning and de- 
ceite of the mlaste]r and his company, who were hired to stay a 
whole year in the cuntrie,? and now fancying dislike and fearing 
wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to free them selves; 
as afterwards was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For 
they apprehended that the greater ship, being of force, and in whom 
most of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne enough for 
her selfe, what soever became of them or the passengers; and indeed 
shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and yet, besides 
other incouragments, the cheefe of them that came from Leyden 
wente in this shipe to give the mlaste]r contente. But so strong 
was self love and his fears, as he forgott all duty and [43] former 
kindnesses, and delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended 
otherwise.? Amongest those that returned was Mr. Cushman and 
his familie, whose hart and courage was gone from them before, 
as it seems, though his body was with them till now he departed; 
as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind in Lon- 
don from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, 

1 In 1635 a vessel, the Speedwell, took John Winter and Edward Trelawny from 
Richmond’s Island to England. Baxter says this was the same vessel that had caused 
the Pilgrims so much trouble, and had been chartered by Trelawny for a voyage to 
New England. George Cleeve and his Times, 49 n. The name, however, is often met 
with in the lists of vessels of that day. A Speed-well, of 50 tons, was Martin Pring’s 
vessel in 1603. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1654. 

2 Of the crew of the Mayflower at least two were under a like contract, William 
Trevore and Ely. Bradford records that “‘when their time was out, they both 
returned.” One of these two was the probable informant on the master’s “cunning,” 


3 Charges of treachery, which were brought by Nathaniel Morton also against 
the master of the Mayflower, receive notice p. 158, infra. 





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Plhimmoth Plantation 141 


besides the expressions of his owne fears, it shows much of the 
providence of God working for their good beyonde mans expecta- 
tion, and other things concerning their condition in these streats. 
I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities in 
him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued 
to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe the offices 
of a loving freind and faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker 
of much comforte with them. 
The letter is as followth.! 


To his loving friend Ed: S[outhworth] at Henige House 
in the Dukes Place, these, &c. 
Dartmouth, Aug. 17. [1620.] 

LOVING FRIEND, My most kind remembrance to you and your wife, 
with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. 
For besides the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then 
deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all 
liclyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a 
bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these - 14: 
days, as that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet lam but 
as dead; but thewillofGod bedone.? Ourpinass will notceaseleaking, 
els I thinke, we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath 
been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put 
in hear to trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at 
sea but -3- or -4+ howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. 
And though she was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is as open 


1 In Governor Bradford’s Collection of Letters, this is Edward Southworth. 
Prince, in Bradford ms. Arber conjectures that this letter came into Bradford’s 
hands by his second wife, Alice, the widow of Southworth, to whom it was addressed. 
Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 46. Southworth was a member of the Leyden congrega- 
tion, and a say-weaver, and died before the summer of 1623. The Southworth fam- 
ily is associated with Basset-Lawe, which is in the same hundred as Scrooby, where 
Robinson’s church was located. Alice came to New Plymouth in the Anne. 

2 Cushman lived tomake the journey to New England and back in 1621, and died 
early in 1625. 


142 Plimmoth Plantation 


and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of 
with his fingers, -2+ foote longe, wher the water came in as at a mole 
hole.!. We lay at Hamton -7- days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and 
now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so 
have done these - 4: days, andare liketo lye-4- more,and by that time 
the wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our victualls will 
be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, 
and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when 
we come in the countrie. Neare -700/7. hath bene bestowed at Hamp- 
ton, upon what I know not.? Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will 
give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth 
out of unthankfullnes for his paines and care, that we are susspitious 
of him, and flings away, and will end nothing.* Also he so insullt]eth 
over our poore people, with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they 
were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to 
see his dealing,‘ and the mourning of our people. They complaine to 
me, and alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies 
in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or re- 
ceived but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and waspish, dis- 
contented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others that 


1 A reference to the dikes of Holland. 

2 It is known that the adventure or voyage called for at least £10 for each passenger, 
or £1500 for the whole; and in June, 1620, that sum had not been reached by some 
three or four hundred pounds. If the £1500 were intended to cover the cost of the 
voyage from Southampton, and £700 were expended by Martin in that place, some 
£800 would be left for the ships and crews. The Speedwell had been bought, and 
the Mayflower chartered. Josselyn says a ship of one hundred and fifty tons, and a 
crew of twenty-six men, would cost, with the mariners, £120 a month. That the 
merchant undertakers drove a hard bargain with the Pilgrims is apparent. 

3 Martin was the first of a long line of business men with whom the Leyden Pilgrims 
found difficulty over accounts. While distance, time, and dispute over particular items 
account for the difficulties in some degree, it is apparent that the emigrants were 
unfortunate as respects those with whom they had to deal. They seem to have been, 
as a rule, men of a low standard of commercial honesty, having frequent recourse to 
trickery, for which the so-called “accounts ” of those who were responsible for their 
keeping served a convenient purpose. 

* He was governour in the biger ship, and Mr. Cushman assistante. — BRADFORD. 


pifur ‘gvi ‘dag *“SLNAWAUNSVAN ‘6791 SAOINAA AO dIHS INVHOUAN 


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144 Ffistory of } 


would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they 
have had, that they might departe; but he will not hear them, nor 
suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors 
also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and con- 
trouling in things he knows not what belongs too, as that some 
threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave the shipe 
and goe theirway. But at the best this cometh of it, that he makes him 
selfe a scorne and laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, ex- 
cepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more 
then ever he loved us, for not confirming the conditions. But now, 
since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile the trueth, 
and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged them never to 
consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede 
apointed them to chose them they did chose.!_ But he and they will 
rue too late, they may [44] now see, and all be ashamed when it is too 
late, that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their 
courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, 
I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, 
excepte they would seale them, and better the vioage to have bene 
broken of then, then to have brought shuch miserie to our selves, dis- 
honour to God, and detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like 
to doe -4- or-5- of the cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came 
resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said 
he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden 
to the marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, and I know not 
what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions with the 
marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money flie 
to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will goe and lay out money so 
rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or 
on what conditions? 2ly. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, 
and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed 

1 T thinke he was deceived in these things. — Braprorp. 

2 Certainly the four signers of the letterof June 10, 1620 (p. 111, supra) were much 
opposed to the conditions accepted by Cushman. There is, however, no reason to 


believe that they carried their opposition so far as to refuse to proceed in the affair 
unless the agreement were modified. 


Plimmoth Plantation 145 


them into the hands of shaves;! he is not beholden to them, he can set 
out -2- ships him self to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 
-50/7- in, and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie 
left him, as I am persuaded,? etc. Freind, if ever we make a planta- 
tion, God works a mirakle; espetially considering how scante we shall 
be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, and devoyd 
of good tutors and regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is the 
meek and humble spirite of Moyses? and of Nehemiah who reedified 
the wals of Jerusalem, and the state of Israell? Is not the sound of 
Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not the philosiphers 
and all wise men observed that, even in setled commone welths, vio- 
lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to 
ruine; how much more in the raising of commone wealths, when the 
morter is yet scarce tempered that should bind the wales.‘ If I should 
write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I 
should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only 
this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for 
us instantly,* it may be the Lord will be yet entreated one way or other 
to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even the gasp- 
ing of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, and his will be 
done. It is better forme to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I 
doe daly, and expecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of 
death, both within me and without me. Poore William Ring ® and 

1 The usual reading is slaves, but the only doubtful letter is the second. Shave 
refers to a closeness in bargaining. 

2 ‘This was found true afterward. — BRADFORD. 

8 “My little finger shall be thicker than my father’s loins. . . . I will add to your 
yoke; my father hath chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions.” 
1 Kings, x11. 11. 

4 Note the same comparison as was used in Robinson’s letter, p. 134, supra. 

5 Urgently, persistently. 

6 A say-weaver, he is supposed to have turned back with the Speedwell. Mary 


Ring, probably his wife, came to the plantation about 1629, and died in 1633. 
Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, 111. 542. 

If the number of passengers in the two ships on leaving Southampton was one hun- 
dred and fifty, about one third remained in England after the division of the party at 
Plymouth. The actual number of the Pilgrim party sailing from that port was one 
hundred and two souls. 


146 Plimmoth Plantation 





my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we 
looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no 
more, but looking unto the joye that is before us, we will endure all 
these things and accounte them light in comparison of that joye we 
hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, 
whose praiers I desire ernestly, and wish againe to see, but not till I 
can with more comforte looke them in the face. The Lord give us that 
true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a 
breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your 
wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall 
be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, and many things 
more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last con- 
fession in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of presently, you 
may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my 
weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, the Lord 
make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours. 
Your loving freind, 
RoBART CUSHMAN. 
Dartmouth, Aug[ust] 17. 1620. 


These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they must 
needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.! 


1 “Vpon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and Marchants of 
London and other places, prouided two ships, the one of a hundred and three score 
tunnes, the other of three score and ten, they left the Coast of England, the two and 
thirtieth of August, with about one hundred and twenty persons, but the next day the 
lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimoth, where discharging her 
and twenty passengers; with the greater ship and one hundred passengers besides 
Sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September.” John Smith, Generall Historie, 
230. The date is, of course, incorrect, and the tonnage of neither ship is accurately 
stated. Smith may have written, “‘the twenty third,” a date which Deane accepts as 
probably correct. Prince, using a sentence in Cushman’s letter (p. 142, supra) says the 
two vessels put into Dartmouth “about Aug. 13,” and again set sail “about Aug. 21.” 
Annals, 71. If the statement of Cushman is correct, the voyage from Southampton 
to Dartmouth occupied about a week; for had they gone beyond Dartmouth, Plym- 
outh would offer a more convenient resting stage. Josselyn appears to have covered 
the distance from thirty miles east of the Isle of Wight to eighteen miles east of the 





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Lizard in some twenty-four hours, but he had a vessel of three hundred tons burthen, 
and was not hampered by a slower consort. Relation of Two Voyages. 

No description or representation of the Mayflower other than the brief references in 
Bradford exists. There is, however, no reason for believing that she differed materially 
from the merchant vessels of that day, or that an English vessel of her class differed 
materially from a merchant ship of any other commercial people of Europe. The map 
makers of that period almost invariably drew upon some part of their plate one or more 
vessels, usually of the trading type, with sails set, and threading their way among the 
monsters of the deep, often much larger than themselves. Whether the map was Eng- 
lish, Dutch, or German, the vessels have the same general appearance. The represen- 
tation given on p. 137, supra, is of peculiar interest, as it is taken from the original 
drawing of John White, who sailed to Virginia with the first and ill-fated settlement 
(1585), and thus had before him a vessel employed in an oversea voyage. It may be 
accepted as a fair reproduction of the general appearance of a merchant ship. From 
Joseph Furttenbach’s Architectura Navalis (1629) are taken the three plans of an 
Italian merchant ship (see p. 123, supra), and all four are reproduced by the Hakluyt 
Society in their admirable reprint of the Principall Navigations. The outline, interior 
arrangement and general proportions may thence be obtained. ‘The measurements 
in the plans are given in palmt, or spans of about nine and one-half inches each. 
That the vessels were to modern ideas absurdly small for such a voyage, that they 
were certain to be slow and cranky sailers, and that they were overcrowded on the 
voyage require no proof. The Mayflower brought one hundred and two passengers 
and a crew, with all the necessary stores for a voyage that must occupy months, and 
in the present case actually occupied eight months, in going to New England and 
returning. With every allowance there could be no provision for comfort, and very 
inadequate protection against the perils inseparable from an ocean voyage. 


The -9: Chap [ter] 


Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and of their safe arrivall 
at Cape Codd. 


EPT®: 6.! These troubles being blowne over, and now all being 
compacte togeather in one shipe, they put to sea againe 
with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days 

togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet accord- 
ing to the usuall maner many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. 
And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. 
Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, one of the sea-men, 
of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would 
allway be contemning the poore people in their sicknes, and curs- 
ing them dayly with gree[vlous execrations, and did not let to tell 
them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before 
they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they 
had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and 
swear most bitterly. But it pl[elased God before they came halfe 
seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which 
he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the first that 
was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head; 


and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to 
be the just hand of God upon him.? 


1 This in double notation would be September 6/16. It is a coincidence worth not- 
ing, that on September 17, the future archbishop of London, Laud, first preached before 
the King, on the introduction of Richard Neile, then bishop of Durham, who had, when 
in charge of the see of Rochester, appointed Laud one of his chaplains. New England 
owes to Laud’s honest but narrow and misplaced zeal a good share of its mental and 
religious activities. The contest for conformity supplied the churches of Massachusetts 
Bay with their leading and most characteristic preachers. 

2 Hardly one of these early emigrant voyages was not without a similar instance, 


150 F1istory of 


After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they 
were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with 
many feirce stormes, with which the shipewas shroudly shaken, and 
her upper works made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in 
the midd ships was bowed and craked, which put them in some fear 
that the shipe could not be able to performe the vioage. So some 
of the cheefe of the company, perceiveing the mariners to feare the 
suffisiencie of the shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred 
into serious consulltation with the m[aste|r and other officers of the 
ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to returne then 
to cast them selves into a desperate and inevitable perill. And 
truly ther was great distraction and differance of oppinion amongst 
the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what could be done 
for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and on the 
other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperatly. 
But in examening of all oppinions, the m[aste]r and others affirmed 
they knew the ship to be stronge and firme underwater; and for the 
buckling of the maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue the pas- 
sengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beame into 
his place; the which being done, the carpenter! and mlaste]r affirmed 
that with a post put under it, set firme in the lower deck, and other- 
ways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks 
and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, 
and though with the workeing of the ship they [46] would not longe 
keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if they 
noted more as a providence in favor of the good than as a sea incident. Thus Higgin- 
son: “This day a notorious wicked fellow that was given to swering and boasting of his 
former wickedness, bragged that he had got a wench with child before he came this 
voyage, and mocked at our daies of fast, railing and jesting against puritans, this 
fellow fell sick of the pockes and dyed.” Hutchinson Papers, 1. *41. 

1 “The Carpenter and his Mate is to have the Nayles, Clinches, roue and clinch- 
nailes, spikes, plates, rudder-irons called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper- 
nailes, and leather, sawes, files, hatchets, and such like: and [be] ever ready for calking, 


breaming, stopping leakes, fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards; as occasion requir- 
eth, and to give an account of his store.” Smith, Accidence, *3. 


Plimmoth Plantation  —— ‘1151 





did not overpress her with sails. So they commited them selves to 
the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these 
stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, as they could 
not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull,! for diverce days 
togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty 
storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon 
some occasion above the grattings, was, 

with a seele 2 of the shipe throwne into *“=# FOSLLn 
[the] sea; but it pleased God that he 

caught hould of the top-saile halliards, which hunge over board, 
and rane out at length; yet he held his hould (though he was sun- 
drie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by the same rope to 
the brimeof the water, and then with a boathooke and other means 
got into the shipe againe, and his life saved; and though he was 
something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and became a 
profitable member both in church and commone wealthe. In all 
this viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was William 
Butten,?’ a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near 
the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after 
longe beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape 
Cod; * the which being made and certainly knowne to be it, they 

1 “Wee strucke all sayles, and suffered our ship to bee tossed too and fro by the 
waues all that night (which Mariners call lying at Hull).”” Moryson, Itinerary (1617), 
Pt. 1. bk. 1, 2. See Albert Matthews in Col. Soc. of Mass.,Trans. x. 11. 

2 Roll or pitch of the vessel. 

8 He died November 6. See Prince, 1. 72, who cites Governor Bradford’s Pocket 
Book, which contained a Register of deaths, etc., from November 6, 1620, to the end 
of March, 1621. Dreanr. He was the son of Robert Butten, and was baptized in the 
Austerfield Church, February 12, 1598. Davis, in Bradford (Original Narratives of 
Early American History), 94. 

4 The name of Cape Cod is the only remains of Gosnold’s visit, in 1602, to this part 
of the coast. In the Concord he sailed round the Cape to the island of Cuttyhunk, 
and took in a cargo of cedar and sassafras. One of Gosnold’s men, Robert Saltern, 
was with Pring in the voyage of 1603. The cartography of the Cape is fully told in 


Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, 1.37-62. On Ribero’s map of 1529 this cape is 
named C, de Arenas, and on the map of Nic. Vallard de Dieppe of 1543, it is called 


152 Plimmoth Plantation 





were not a litle joyfull.! After some deliberation had amongst them 
selves and with the m[aste|r of the ship, they tacked aboute and 
resolved to stande for the southward (the wind and weather being 
faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habitation.’ 
But after they had sailed that course aboute halfe the day, they 
fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, and they 
were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in 
great danger; and the wind shrinking upon them withall, they re- 
solved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves 
hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by 
Gods good providence they did. And the next day * they gott into the 
Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie.t A word or too by the way 
of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole and his 
company, Anno: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape 


C. de Croix. Champlain, who followed Gosnold, named it Cap Blanc, and Captain 
John Smith, Cape James. - 

1 Bradford, p. 162, infra, gives the Bare of their reaching the Cape-harbor November 
11. “Itappears, therefore, that the Mayflower was sixty-five days on the passage from 
Plymouth (England) to Cape Cod, leaving the former place on the 6th of September.” 
DEANE. 

2 See note p. 158, infra. 

3 November 11, says Mourt’s Relation. 

4 Cape Cod is “onely a headland of high hils of sand, ouergrowne with shrubbie pines, 
hurts [the huckleberry, Vaccinium Myrtillus], and such trash; but an excellent harbor 
for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay 
on the other in the forme of a sickle: on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet: and in 
the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and Southwest 
of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as 
I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore and a strong current: which 
makes mee think there is a Channell about this shoale; where is the best and greatest 
fish to be had Winter and Summer, in all that Countrie. But the Saluages say there is 
no Channell, but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the Ile of 
Nausit ; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea.” Smith, Description of 
New England, 45. 

Smith (Advertisements, *14) speaks of the “Isles Nauset and Capawuck, neere 
which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the marine 
Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41.” 

5 Because they tooke much of that fishe ther. — Braprorp. 







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PART OF CHAMPLAIN’S MAP, 1612! 


1 Quinibequy is Kennebec; Chouacoit, Saco; Beau Port, Gloucester; St. Louis, 
New Plymouth; C. Blan, Cape Cod. 


154 F1istory of 





James; but it retains the formernameamongst sea-men. Also that 
pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they 
called Pointe Care, and Tuckers Terrour; but the French and 
Dutch to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous 
shoulds, and the losses they have suffered their.} 


1 “The sixteenth [May, 1602], we trended the coast southerly, which was all cham- 
paign and full of grass, but the islands somewhat woody. Twelve leagues from Cape 
Cod, we descried a point with some breach, a good distance off, and keeping our luff to 
double it, we came on the sudden into shoal water, yet well quitted ourselves thereof. 
This beach we called Tucker’s Terror, upon his expressed fear. The point we named 
Point Care.” Gabriel Archer, Relation of Captain Gosnold’s Voyage, Purchas, Pil- 
grimes, 1v. 1648. Tucker’s Terror is identified with Pollock Rip, and Point Care, 
with Monomoy Point. 

Waymouth’s ship, in 1605, in approaching the coast first sighted Sankaty Head, 
Nantucket, and seeking to escape from the rocks and shoals, was ‘‘embaied with con- 
tinuall showldes and rockes in a most uncertaine ground, from fiue or sixe fathoms, 
at the next cast of the lead we should have 15 and 18 fathoms. Ouer many which we 
passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and weather as faire as poore men 
in this distresse could wish: whereby we both perfectly discerned euery breach, and 
with the winde were able to turne, where we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we 
parted from the land, which we had not so much before desired, and at the first sight 
rejoiced, as now we all joifully praised God, that it had pleased him to deliuer vs from 
so imminent a danger.”’ Rosier, True Relation (Gorges Society), 92. 

Champlain, also, in 1606, sailing south along Cape Cod suddenly found his vessel in 
three and four fathoms of water though at a distance of a league and a half from the 
shore. “‘On going a little farther, the depth suddenly diminished to a fathom and a 
half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since we saw the sea breaking all around, but 
no passage by which we could retrace our course, for the wind was directly contrary. 
Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand-banks, we had to go at hap- 
hazard where there seemed to be the most water for our barque, which was at most 
only four feet: wee continued among these breakers until we found as much as four feet 
and a half. Finally, we succeeded by the grace of God, in going over a sandy point 
running out nearly three leagues seaward to the south-south-east, and a very danger- 
ous place. Doubling this cape, which we named Cap Batturier, which is twelve or 
thirteen leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, 
since we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and shoals, except in some 
places where the sea was breaking but little.”” He found anchorage in Chatham Roads. 
Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11.118. The “sandy point” is Monomoy, and 
Champlain marks the sand shoals on his large map of 1612. Some interesting specula- 
tions upon this region will be found in N. FE. Hist. Gen. Reg., xvi. 42, based upon the 
probable changes in the coast through the action of the sea. 


Plimmoth Plantation 156 


Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, 
they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, who had 
brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them 
from all the perilesand miseries therof, againe to set their feete on 
the firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell 
if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with 
sailing a few miles on the coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,? 
that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then 
pass by sea toany place in a short time; sotedious and dreadfull was 
the same unto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half 
amazed at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke 
will the reader too, when he well [47] considers thesame. Being thus 
passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prepara- 
tion (as may be remembred by that which wente before), they 
had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or 
refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much less townes 
to repaire too, to seeke for succoure.” It is recorded in scripture 3 
as a mercie to the apostle and his shipwraked company, that the 
barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but 
these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will 
appeare) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows then other 
wise. And for the season it was winter, and they that know the 
winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, and 
subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known 


1 Epist: 53. — BrapFrorp. 

2 “For besides the natives, the nearest plantation to them is a French one at Port 
Royal, who have another at Canada. And the only English ones are at Virginia, 
Bermudas and Newfoundland; the nearest of these about 500 miles off, and every one 
’ uncapable of helping them.” In this same paragraph Prince speaks of the Pilgrims 
being “disappointed of their expected country, . . . without the Help or Favour 
of the Court of England, without a Patent, with a Publick Promise of their Religious 
Liberties.”” Prince, Annals, 1. 94. 

3 Act. 28. — Braprorp. 


156 Plimmoth Plantation 


places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besides, what could 
they see but a hidious and desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts 
and willd men? and what multitudes ther might be of them they 
knew not. Nether could they, as it were, goe up to the tope of Pis- 
gah, to vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their 
hopes; for which way soever they turnd their eyes (save upward to 
the heavens) they could have litle solace or content in respecte of 
any outward objects. For summer being done, all things stand upon 
them with a wetherbeaten face; and the whole countrie, full of 
woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they 
looked behind them, ther was the mighty ocean which they had 
passed, and was now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them 
from all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship 
to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the 
mlaste|r and company? but that with speede they should looke out 
a place withtheir shallop, wher they would beat somenear distance; 
for the season was shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe 
harbor was discovered by them wher they would be, and he might 
goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must 
and would keepe sufficient for them selves and their returne. Yea, 
it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they 
would turne them and their goods a shore and leave them. Let it 
also be considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they 
left behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade con- 
dition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very 
smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their brethren 
at Leyden was cordiall and entire towards them, but they had litle 
power to help them, or them selves; and how the case stoode be- 
tweene them and the marchants at their coming away, hath all- 
ready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the spir- ° 
ite of God and his grace? May not and ought not the children of 
these fathers rightly say: Our faithers were English men which came 
over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes ,* but 


1 Deu: 26. 5, 7.— BRADFORD. 











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1 Fiistory of 





they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their 
adversitie, etc. Let them therfore praise the Lord, because he 1s good, 
and his mercies endure for ever.” Yea, let them which have been re- 
deemed of the Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from the hand of 
the oppressour. When they wandered 1n the deserte |and] willdernes out 
of the way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, and tharstie, 
their sowle was overwhelmed * in them. Let them confess before the 
Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before the sons of 
men.* 


NOTE (p. 152, supra). 


Morton, in his New Englands Memoriall, *12, makes a distinct charge of 
a plot between Master Jones and the Dutch to land the Pilgrims in a place 
other than the Hudsons River. ‘Nevertheless, it is to be observed, that their 
putting into this place [Cape Cod harbor] was partly by reason of a storm, by 
which they were forced in, but more especially by the fraudulency and con- 
trivance of the aforesaid Mr. Jones, the Master of the Ship: for, their Intention, 
asis before-noted, and his Engagement, was to Hudsons River ; but some of the 
Dutch having notice of their intentions, and having thoughts about the same 
time of erecting a Plantation there likewise, they fraudulently hired the said 
Jones by delayes while they were in England, and now under pretence of the 
danger of the Sholes, &¥c to disappoint them in their going thither.” In the 
margin Morton adds that of this plot “I have had late and certain Intelli- 
gence.”” Morton was chosen Secretary to the Court of the Colony in 1645 and 
held that office until his death, June 28, 1685. He thus passed ten years of his 
official activity during the life of Edward Winslow, and twelve years during 


“ And on our labour, and on our oppression.” Genevan version. 

107 Psa: v. I, 2, 4, 5, 8. — BRADFORD. 

“‘Fainted ”’ is used in both the Genevan and King James versions. 

“The preceding chapters embrace that portion of this History which Dr. Young 
published in the Chronicles of the Pilgrims, from the copy made by Secretary Morton 
in the Plymouth Church Records. Morton’s copy shows large and important omis- 
sions, as will be seen by a collation. The first twenty-six pages of the original manu- 
script, ending on page 42 of this printed volume [Deane edition], were copied almost 
entire, though not with verbal accuracy throughout. Greater liberties were taken 
with the remaining portion. Morton was compiling a church history, and admits 
that he made omissions.” DEANE. 


~_ @o PO 


Plimmoth Plantation 159 


the life of his uncle, Governor Bradford. From the latter he inherited his pa- 
pers and records. It is hardly probable that Bradford would have remained 
silent upon such a plot had it come to his knowledge. Nor is it probable that 
Morton received the information from Bradford himself or from his papers, 
or from Winslow. He must first have heard of the matter after 1657, 
and before 1669, the year of the publication of his book. In fact he says his in- 
telligence was “late and certain.”” No New England writer other than Morton 





mentions or suggests the incident, and it has been surmised that Thomas Wil- 
lett, of the Leyden congregation, and the agent of the Plantation at Kenne- 
beck, was the source of Morton’s intelligence. Willett had gone to New York 
when it was captured by the English in 1664, and became the first mayor 
of the city. It is conjectured that Willett there learned of the intended 
“perfidy” of Jones, and passed the information to Morton. As Secretary of 
the Colony Morton would hardly have given currency to a mere rumor or un- 
supported narrative. On the other hand, the claims of the Dutch in New 
York at the time would not be the best source of history, whether the reporter 
was friendly or otherwise to the conquering English. There exists no really 
valid reason for rejecting the story, while no entirely acceptable theory can be 
formed to account for its remaining so long untold. One piece of corroborative 
evidence may becited. Sir Joseph Williamson when preparing papers toserve 
as a justification of hostilities against the Dutch in New Netherland, wrote 
in 1663 as follows: “‘Now in the yeare 1620 the difference formerly between 
Archbishop Whitgift and Mr. Cartwright, the leader of the Non-conformists, 
and others about Church matters, was againe revived, soe that many persons 
removed into Holland for liberty of conscience, where afterwards beinge de- 
sirous to inlarge his Majesties empire in the west parts of the world, they in 
order thereunto, hyred a ship at Tarnere [Ter Vere?] in Zealand of 500 tunns 
to transport themselves, beinge the number of 460 persons, to Hudson’s river 


160 Fiistory of 





aforesaid, or the west end of Longe Island, havinge bene informed they were 
places of incouragement, in respect of the temperature of aire, scituation and 
conveniency for tradinge. But the Dutch which transported the said English 
brake faith with them most perfidiouslye, landinge them, contrary to the 
agreement at their shippinge, 140 leagues from the place, N. E. in a barren 
Countrey, since called Plymouth Colonie in New England, where the Dutch 
havinge thus deceitfully lodged our English, they in the latter end of the same 
yeare 1621, settled a Dutch factorie in the said Hudson’s River, through fraud 
and trechery, to the wearinge out of our English interest in that place, and 
contrary alsoe to theire engagement given to Sir Samuel Argoll that they 
would come thether noe more. Soe that in pursuance of the said engage- 
ment, all they have there, both shipps and goods, stands lyable to confis- 
cation.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, x. 385. 

It would be without profit to dissect this statement, and point out the many 
errors of fact contained in it. What gives it interest lies in the charge of 
treachery on the part of the Dutch against the Pilgrims, recorded one year be- 
fore the taking of New Netherland, and in a paper prepared to justify that 
act. The charge, in all probability, accompanied the English Commissioners 
sent to take possession of New York, and by this channel reached the ears of 
Thomas Willett. Such a conclusion merely points to an English origin, and 
does not indicate the source from which Sir Joseph Williamson obtained it. 
On July 6, 1663, the Council for Foreign Plantations ordered John Scott, 
Samuel Maverick and George Baxter to “drawe up a briefe narrative of and 
‘touching these perticulars following (viz.) 1st. Of the title of His Majesties 
to the premises [Manhattan and Long Island]. 2ly. Of the Dutch intrusion. 
3dly. Of their deportment since and management of that possession, and of 
their strength, trade, and government there, and 4thly. and lastly of the 
meanes to make them acknowledge and submitt to His Majesties government 
or by force to compell them thereunto or expulse them.” Seven days were 
allowed for the preparation of this narrative. Baxter had long held close rela- 
tions with the Dutch; Maverick was the well known early settler on Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and Scott’s career and connections with the Dutch did not 
qualify him to give an unbiassed opinion on the action to be taken. In short, 
the report could not but result in a presentation strongly against the Dutch at 
New Netherland. Unfortunately their narrative, if ever presented, has not 
been preserved. If it was submitted it could naturally have come to the notice 
of Under Secretary Williamson, when preparing his papers. Thestory could not 
have come from Maverick, for had he known it, he would have inserted it in 





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Plhimmoth Plantation 161 


his Account of New England, compiled about this time. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Proceedings, 1. 242. This reduces the possible source to Scott and Baxter, 
both of whom had long associated with the Dutch. The mention of the 
“west end of Long Island”’ in the Williamson statement offers a clue, as 
it points to Captain Scott, whose great grievance was the situation of the 
English at that point, ““inslaved by the Dutch their cruell and rapatious 
neighbours.” Letter to Joseph Williamson, December 14, 1663. New York 
Colonial Documents, 11. 48. The fact remains that in Williamson’s mem- 
orandum is found the first mention of the plot. 

Hubbard, following Morton (New Englands Memoriall, *12), is not entirely 
correct in believing that a settlement could not have been made on the Hud- 
son, because “the Indians in those parts were so numerous and sturdy in their 
disposition” that the Pilgrims, in their enfeebled condition, could never have 
defended themselves against them. History, 51. The situation as to Indian 
dangers on the Hudson was not different from that at New Plymouth. The 
Mohicans on the east bank were at constant enmity against the Mincees (San- 
hikans, as the Dutch called them) on the west side of the Hudson, but both 
were at war with the confederated Iroquois. Like the Massachusetts against 
the Tarrentines, either would welcome so powerful an aid as an armed Eng- 
lishman would give. The tribes on Long Island, Manhattan Island and in New 
Jersey did not possess sufficient strength to oust the new-comers, and the 
Dutch succeeded in keeping on fair terms with their uncomfortable neighbors. 
This arose from their trading instincts and methods, which catered to the im- 
mediate desires of the Indian without raising his suspicion and hostility by 
acts of fraud or force. 


The -10- Chap [ter] 





Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell 
. them theraboute. [48] 


EING thus arrived at Cap-Cod the-11- of November, and 
necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, 
(as well as the maisters and mariners importunitie,) they 
having brought a large shalop with them out of England, stowed 
in quarters in the ship, they now gott her out and sett their car- 
penters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused and shat- 
ered in the shipe with foule weather, they saw she would be longe 
in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe 
by land and discovere those nearest places, whilst the shallop was in 
mending; ? and the rather because as they wente into that harbor 
ther seemed to be an opening some-2:- or-3- leagues of, which the 
maister judged to be a river.” It was conceived ther might be some 
danger in the attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were per- 
mited to goe, being -16- of them well armed, under the conduct of 
Captein Standish, having shuch instructions given them as was 
thought meete.2 They sett forth the -15- of Nove[mJb[e|r: and 
when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by the sea side, 
they espied -5- or -6- persons with a dogg coming towards them, 
who were salvages; but they fled from them, and ranne up into the 
1 As the shallop was disabled, the ship’s long boat was used. This was usually the 
largest boat in the ship, and may have been fitted with sails. Smith says the long 
boat was in charge of the boatswain’s mate, “for the setting forth of Anchors, way- 
ing and fetching home an Anchor, warping, towing, and moreing.” An Accidence, *3. 
2 Pamet River. 
® With Standish went William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. 


Mourt is much more full than Bradford on this expedition, and should be read in this 
connection. 





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164 Fistory of 


woods, and the English followed them, partly to see if they could 
speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be more 
of them lying in ambush. But the Indeans seeing them selves thus" 
followed, they againe forsooke the woods, and rane away on the 
sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, 
but followed them by the tracte of theirfeet sundrie miles, and saw 
that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made 
their randevous and set out their sentinels, and rested in quiete 
that night, and the next morning followed their tracte till they had 
headed a great creeke,! and so left the sands, and turned an other 
way into the woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing 
to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them and them 
selves, falling into shuch thickets as wére ready to tear their 
cloaths and armore in peeces, but were most distressed for wante of 
drinke. But at length they found water and refreshed them selves, 
being the first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in 
thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been 
in for-times. Afterwards they directed their course to come to the 
other shore, [49] for they knew it was a necke of land they were to 
crosse over, and so at length gott to the sea-side, and marched to 
this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of clear fresh 
water,” and shortly after a good quantitie of clear ground wher the 
Indeans had formerly set corne, and some of their graves.? And 
proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher corne had been set the 
same year, also they found wher latly a house had been, wher some 


1 East-Harbor Creek. 

2 The lake gave its name to Pond Village, in North Truro. It lies three miles north 
of Pamet River. 

3 “The whole vicinity of Great Hollow to Little Harbor was famous Indian quar- 
ters. Only a few years since, where the wind had blown away the sand near the bank 
on Cornhill, several Indian skeletons were discovered, one in perfect condition, with 
every tooth white and sound. Indians’ graves containing skulls and bones, abundance 
of arrow heads, and stone hatchets, have been found within a few years. Great de- 
posits of shells marked by a darker belt of green, tell where stood their old wigwams.” 
Rich, Truro-Cape Cod, 65. 


Plimmoth Plantation 165 





planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly 
padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them 
diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares, 
faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very 
goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before).1 This was 
near the place of that supposed river they came to seeck; ? unto 
which they wente and found it to open it selfe into-2- armes with 
a high cliffe of sand in the enterance,’ but more like to be crikes of 
salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; and that ther was 
good harborige for their shalope; leaving it further to be discovered 
by their shalop when she was ready. So their time limeted them 
being expired, they returned to the ship, least they should be in fear 
of their saftie; and tooke with them parte of the corne, and buried 
up the rest, and so like the men from Eshcoll carried with them 
of the fruits of the land, and showed their breethren; of which, and 
their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts incour- 
aged. 

After this, the shalop being got ready, they set out againe for 
the better discovery of this place, and the mlaste]r+ of the ship de- 
sired to goe him selfe, so ther went some-30- men, but found it to 


1 Champlain when in this locality, at Chatham Harbor, noted that, “‘all the inhab- 
itants of this place are very fond of agriculture, and provide themselves with Indian 
corn for the winter, which they store in the following manner: — They make trenches 
in the sand on the slope of the hills, some five or six feet deep, more or less. Putting 
their corn and other grains into large grass sacks, they throw them into these trenches, 
and cover them with sand three or four feet above the surface of the earth, taking it out 
as their needs require. In this way, it is preserved as well as it would be possible to do 
in our granaries.” Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 121. 

2 Pamet River, which consists of a tidal harbor and a creek extending almost across 
the Cape. Freeman describes the river as dividing into three branches, on which are 
bodies of salt marsh. Cape Cod, 11. 537. The divisions are hardly noticeable on 
modern surveys. 

8 The high bank dividing the two arms of the river is known as old “'Tom’s Hill or 
Indian Neck.” The Indian name was Squopenik. 

4 J.e. Jones. 


166 Efistory of 





be no harbor for ships but only for boats;! ther was allso found -2- 
of their houses covered with matts, and sundrie of their implements 
in them, but the people were rune away and could not be seen; also 
ther was found more of their corne, and of their beans of various col- 
lours. The corne and beans they brought away, purposing to give 
them full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them (as 
about some -6- months afterward they did, to their good contente).? 


1 This expedition was composed of twenty-four of the Pilgrims and ten of the crew, 
including Jones, a party of thirty-four. A portion landed, as is supposed, in East 
Harbor Creek, and marched along the shore as they believed some six or seven miles, 
as the shallop could not proceed by reason of the stress of weather. About eleven 
o’clock on the next day, Tuesday, November 28, the shallop came to them and took 
them to Pamet River, fitly named Cold Harbor. Twelve feet at high water, which 
they established to be the case, would not afford a safe road for ships even of small 
size. 

2 The party followed the Pamet River some five or six miles, accompanied by the. 
shallop, and passed the night under a few pine trees. The next morning, Novem- 
ber 29, they did not hold to their determination to explore the river further; but 
wearied by the toil of making their way up and down hills and valleys covered with 
six inches of snow, and discouraged by the unpromising aspect of country and harbor, 
they retraced their steps and went up Pamet Creek towards Cornhill. The shallop 
does not appear to have gone into the creek, or even to have been with them when 
they reached its eastern bank, as they made use of a canoe found there to get to the 
other side. Mourt is full on the corn found at Cornhill, of which they took about 
ten bushels for seed. 

The party now divided, eighteen remaining to make further exploration, and sixteen 
returning, with all the corn, to the ship. As the weather was threatening, it was likely 
that all ten of the sailors went with the shallop, and to them were added “‘our weakest 
people, and some that were sicke,”’ or six of the Pilgrims. Jones was not only anxious 
to return, but would naturally have gone with the vessel, although made “leader” of 
the entire party. Those who remained spent Thursday, November 30, in following 
some beaten paths, some six or seven miles into the wood, in the expectation of finding 
an Indian town or some of their houses; disappointed in this, and returning by ‘‘an- 
other way,” they discovered the grave with the bones and skull of a man, and on the 
skull fine yellow hair. This circumstance, and the articles found with the remains, 
led them to believe they had discovered the burial place of an Indian king, or, what 
was more likely, of a Christian. Near this grave two of the sailors of the returned 
shallop saw the two houses, mentioned by Bradford, ‘‘which had beene lately dwelt 
in,”’ and of the construction Mourt gives a full account. No more corn seems to have 


Plimmoth Plantation 167 





And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of God, and a great 
mercie to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them 
corne the next yeare, or els they might have starved, for they had 
none, nor any liklyhood to get any [so] till the season had beene 
past (as the sequell did manyfest). Neither is it lickly they had had 
this, if the first viage had not been made, for the ground was now 
all covered with snow, and hard frosen. But the Lord is never 
wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have all 
the praise.’ 

‘The month of November being spente in these affairs, and much 
foule weather falling in, the -6- of Desem|be|r * they sente out their 
shallop againe with - 10- of their principall men,’ and some sea men, 


been obtained this day, and the shallop being not far distant, they embarked upon her 
and, Dexter concludes, reached the Mayflower that night. The direction taken by 
this party of eighteen can only be conjectured. Dexter says it was probably towards 
the Atlantic side, and somewhere between Small’s Hill and Highland Light. See 
Mourt, *10-*13. 

1 In spite of the unfavorable conditions and situation of Pamet or Cold Harbor, 
some believed it a fit place for a settlement. The possibility of raising corn, of which 
the deposits gave proof, the supposedly good prospect of fishing, and certain advan- 
tages of security and immediate safety against the dangers of further discovery and 
of present disease, were urged. Others, consulting Captain John Smith’s map, pointed 
to the place he called Angoan, unquestionably intended for Agawam [or Ipswich], 
as offering greater advantages. But Coppin, a pilot, described a navigable river and 
a good harbor, about eight leagues due west from where the Mayflower then lay, and 
his description doubtless turned the scale in favor of still another, or third expedition 
for discovery. Six days thus passed between the second and the third discoveries, if 
the shallop did return to the Mayflower upon the night of November 30. 

2 The 6th fell on Wednesday. 

3 Mourt gives the names of the ten: ‘“‘to wit, Captaine Standish, Maister Carver, 
William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Iohn Tilley, Edward Tilley, Iohn Houland, and 
three of London, Richard Warren, Steeuen Hopkins, and Edward Dotte [Doten], and 
two of our Seamen, Iohn Alderton and Thomas English, of the Ships Company there 
went two of the Masters Mates, Master Clarke and Master Copin, the Master 
Gunner, and three saylers.”” While the ten of the company are accounted for, the num- 
ber of sailors that accompanied them does not appear. Indeed, not much is known 
of the composition of the crew and the distribution of titles and functions among the 
members. 


168 Plimmoth Plantation 





upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of 
Cap-Codd. The weather was very could, and it frose so hard as 
the sprea of the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had 
been glased; yet that night betimes they gott downe into the botome 
of the bay,! and as they drue nere the shore they saw some -I0- 
or-12- Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed aboute 
a league or-2- from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any 
wher, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it grew late, and they 
made them selves a barricado with loggs and bowes as well as they 
could in the time, and set out their sentenill and betooke them to 
rest, and saw the smoake of the fire the savages made that night.’ 
When morning was come ® they devided their company, some to 
coast along the shore in the boate, and the rest marched throw the 
woods to see the land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling.* 
They came allso to the place wher they saw the Indlijans the night 
before, and found they had been cuting up a great fish like a gram- 
pus, being some -2- inches thike of fate like a hogg, some peeces 
wher of they had left by the way; and the shallop found -2- more 
of these fishes dead on the sands, a thing usuall after storms in 
that place, by reason of the great flats of sand that lye of.> So they 
ranged up and doune all that day, but found no people, nor any 
place they liked.° When the sune grue low, they hasted out of the 


1 They passed to the south of Billingsgate Point, and landed near the present 
Eastham, where they passed that night. 

2 Supposed to be four or five miles distant. 

3 December 7. 

4 Eight were in the boat, who found that the bay offered a good refuge for ships, 
having five fathoms of water, but that no river or creek came into it. The land party 
discovered two brooks of fresh water, ‘“‘the first running streames”’ seen in the coun- 
try, but looked upon. the soil as “none of the fruitfullest.”” Dexter believes Indian 
Brook (or Hatch’s Creek), lying between Eastham and Wellfleet, and a brook, without 
name, to the north of it, are intended. 

5 Delphinus Grampus. They gave the name of Grampus Bay to this locality. 

§ Mourt tells of their finding Indian footprints, houses, and a place of burial 
more elaborate than they had yet seen. *17. 


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PRING’S BARRICADE AT PATUXET (NEW PLYMOUTH) 


170 Fistory of 





woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes to 
come to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at high- 
water; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each 
other allthat day, since the morning.’ So they made them a barri- 
cado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, stakes, and thike 
pine bowes, the height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly 
to shelter them from the could and wind (making their fire in the 
midle, and lying round aboute it), and partly to defend them from 
any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should surround them. 
So being very weary, they betooke them to rest. But aboute mid- 
night, [51] they heard a hideous and great crie, and their sentinell 
caled, Arme, arme; so they bestired them and stood to their 
armes, and shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. 
They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd 
beasts; for one of the sea men tould them he had often heard shuch 
a noyse in New-found land. So they rested till about -5- of the 
clock in the morning; for the tide, and ther purposs to goe from 
thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after praier they pre- 
pared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best 
to be carring things downe to the boate. But some said it was not 
best to carrie the armes downe, others said they would be the 
readier, for they had laped them up in their coats from the dew. 
But some -3- or -4- would not cary theirs till they wente them 
selves, yet as it fell out, the water being not high enough, they layed 
them downe on the banke side, and came up to breakfast. But 
presently, all on the sudain, they heard a great and strange crie, 
which they knew to be the same voyces they heard in the night, 
though they varied their notes, and one of their company being 
abroad came runing in, and cried, Men, Indeans, Indeans; and 

1 They had parted company with the shallop between nine and ten o’clock in the 
morning. Apparently the boat was obliged to wait for high water before entering the 
creek. Dexter accepts the Great Meadow Creek (or Herring River) in Eastham, 


about one mile E. N. E. of Rock Harbor, as that mentioned by Bradford. In thus 
doing, he rejects Morton’s conjecture of Namskeket creek. Memoriall,* 19; Mourt, *18. 


Plimmoth Plantation 171 





withall, their arowes came flying amongst them. Their men rane 
with all speed to recover their armes, as by the good providence of 
God they did. In the mean time, of those that were ther ready, 
tow muskets were discharged at them, and -2- more stood ready in 
the enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded not to shoote 
till they could take full aime at them; and the other -2- charged 
againe with all speed, for ther were only -4- had armes ther, and 
defended the baricado which was first assalted.' The crie of the — 
Indeans was dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune 
out of the randevoue towourds the shallop, to recover ther armes 
the Indeans wheeling aboute upon them. But some running out 
with coats of malle on, and cutlashess in their hands, they soone 
got their armes, and let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped 
their violence. Yet ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, 
stood behind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his arrows 
flie at them. He was seen shoot -3- arrowes, which were all avoyded. 
He stood -3- shot of a musket, till one taking full aime at him, and 
made the barke or splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after 
which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wente all of 
them. They left some to keep the shalop,? and followed them 
aboute a quarter of a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot 
of -2- or -3- peces, and so returned. This they did, that they might 
conceive that they were not a[s2]ffrade of them or any way discour- 
aged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enimies, and give them 
deliverance; and by his spetiall providence so to dispose that not 


1 Captain Miles Standish fired the first gun. The party had become divided, some 
being at the barricaded camp and others at the shallop. Mourt repeats the statement 
that only four of the camp party had their arms ready, and adds that three guns were 
fired by the party on the creek, where the larger part of the arms had been deposited. 
It does not follow, as Dexter seems to say, that there were only four men at the 
barricado. Mourt, *19 n. Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence, *8, gives to Stand- 
ish the credit of wounding the Indian leader, but on what authority, ifany, he neglects 
to state. 

2 Six were left to guard the shallop, “‘for we were carefull of our businesse.”’ 


172 History of 





any one of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came 
close by them, and on every side [of] them, and sundry of their 


[? 2 Shell Heaps marking the sites of Indian Settlements: 





INDIAN SHELL HEAPS ON CAPE Cop ! 


1 From a paper on the Wampanoag Indians of Massachusetts, by Henry E. Chase, 
printed in the Smithsonian Report for 1883, pp. 878-907. Chase suggests that the 
Indians of Cape Cod were not numerous till a comparatively recent time, that the 
shell heaps mark places to which the Indians resorted at certain seasons for food, and 
that nearly all the objects of Indian use or manufacture found on the Cape could have 
been obtained in that region, thus pointing to a very limited exchange with other 
tribes. These Indians never abandoned the use of wigwams for houses, which natu- 
rally minimized the possibility of many permanent relics, and the shell heaps and 
burial places were to a great extent obliterated before a sufficiently intelligent interest 
in their preservation was awakened. 


Plimmoth Plantation 173 


coats, which hunge.up in the barricado, were shot throw and throw. 
Aterwards they gave God sollemne thanks and praise for their de- 
liverance, and gathered up a bundle of their arrows, and sente them 
into England afterward by the m[aste]r of the ship, and called that 
place the first encounter. From hence they departed, and costed 
all along, but discerned no place likly for harbor; and therfore 
hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine 
in the cuntrie before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he 
had been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they 
were glad, for it begane to be foule weather. After some houres 
sailing, it begane to snow and raine, and about the midle of the 
afternoone, the wind increased, and the sea became very rough, 
and they broake their rudder, and it was as much as-2- men could 
doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them 
be of good cheere, for he saw the harbor;! but the storme increas- 
ing, and night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett 
in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in -3- 
peeces, and their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they 
had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they recovered 
them selves, and having the floud with them, struck into the har- 
bore. But when it came too, the pillott was deceived in the place, 
and said, the Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eyes never saw 
that place before; and he and the mlaste|r mate would have rune 
her a shore, in a cove full of breakers, before the winde. But a lusty 
seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, 
about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did 
with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere and row lustly, for 
ther was a faire sound before them, and he doubted not but they 
should find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And 
1 Hubbard says the pilot could not distinguish between the Gurnet’s Nose, the 
entrance to Plymouth Harbor, and the mouth of ‘“‘Sagaquabe Harbor.” History, 56. 
Sagoquas is in the list of old names given by Smith, and it appears on his map as 


Oxford, lying between Plimouth and Cheuyot hill (Massachusetts Mount). In the 
Court Records Sagaquash is a form of Saquish. 


174 Ffistory of 





though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in the end they gott 
under the lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all that night in 
saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but 


1 In the notes to Mourt,*20, will be found the various opinions on the direction 
taken by the shallop in being swept into Plymouth Harbor. Of interest, also, are 
William W. Goodwin’s account printed in 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xvut. 378, 
and Edward Channing’s note in the same volume, p. 381. Goodwin states that the 
new moon fell on December 13 (O. S.), and the computed time of high tide at New 
Plymouth on the 21st would be “very nearly” nine o’clock in the forenoon. The 
storm was an usual southeast storm — a winter southeaster. In the afternoon the 
boat must have come up with Manomet Point, the southern point of Plymouth Har- 
bor, and about seven miles from the Gurnet on the north side of the entrance. “If 
they had seen Manomet, and were not sure of their position, they would naturally 
have turned the point and found themselves soon in a sheltered cove back of 
Plymouth Beach, known as Warren’s cove, where they would have been in tolerably 
smooth water and could easily have landed on the back of the beach. But witha 
broken rudder, and compelled to steer with oars, they could hardly have gone from 
this place over to Clark’s Island, in a heavy gale, passing over Brown’s Island 
shoal, which in a storm is always a dangerous place and generally covered with 
breakers. The very sight of the rough sea would surely have prevented them from 
making the attempt. If the wind had been northeast, everything would have been 
much worse for them. They would then have found themselves at once in ‘a cove 
full of breakers,’ from which there would have been no escape. Least of all could they 
have gone in the teeth of the gale to the north and northeast, the direction of Clark’s 
Island. 

“It seems to me certain, therefore, that they either passed Manomet Point without 
seeing it in the mist of the storm, or else did not recognize it as one of the two points 
of the harbor. After this they broke their mast in three pieces and lost the sail, so 
that henceforth they must have relied wholly on their oars. If they went W. N. W. 
from Manomet Point, which was their natural course, they would just clear the east- 
ern end of Brown’s Island; and then they would strike the strong flood tide which 
Bradford mentions. The gale would carry them across the channel, where they would 
soon see two high points, the Gurnet and Saquish Head, connected by a low sandy 
beach, forming Saquish Cove. This is the ‘cove full of breakers,’ as it always is ina 
southeaster. There the pilot probably mistook the two high points for two islands; 
and not seeing the low beach between them, he thought the entrance to the harbor 
must be between the points. This mistake probably caused his exclamation that ‘his 
eyes never saw that place before.’ But he soon found that he was running into the 
breakers ‘before ye winde’; and they were saved only by the steersman. . . . Mourt’s 
Relation gives some additional particulars. After escaping from the cove full of 





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SURVEY OF CLARK’S ISLAND, PLYMOUTH, 1688, 


Plimmoth Plantation 175 





were devided in their minds; some would keepe the boate for fear 
they might be amongst the Indians; others were so weake and 
could, they could not endure, but got a shore, and with much adoe 


breakers, it says: ‘We bare up for an Iland before us, and recovering of that Iland, 
being compassed about with many rocks, a darke night growing upon us, it pleased 
the Divine providence that we fell upon a piece of sandy ground, where our shallop 
did ride safe and secure all that night (?), and coming upon a strange Iland kept 
our watch all night upon that Iland.’ The ‘Iland’ which they saw in the west as 
they left Saquish Cove was Saquish Head, which in thick weather would naturally 
be thought to be an island. This is ‘compassed about with many rocks,’ and they 
must have rowed hard to weather these; but after passing them, they came upon the 
low sandy shore of Western Point on Saquish, which they easily passed before the 
wind. On its northwest side they would have found ‘sandy ground,’ where they could 
rest insafety under the lee of the point. The words ‘all that night’ must be a mistake, 
as the next clause shows, which refers to Clark’s Island. After resting from their exer- 
tions and finding that they were in no fit place to spend a stormy night, the point 
being quite low, they had an easy passage before the southeast wind to the south end 
of Clark’s Island, passing which they were under the lee of high land on the west shore 
of theisland, in perfect shelter from the storm. After spending Saturday and Sunday 
on the island, they went on to Plymouth Monday morning, when the tide was high at 
about nine o’clock. . . . I have always thought that the famous rock was not only 
or chiefly the landing-place of December 11 (21), but the pier which the whole 
company used while they were living on the ship before their house was finished. 
The real rock, which few have lately seen in its full length, is a boulder, about 
fifteen feet long and three feet wide, which lay with its point to the east, thus 
forming a convenient pier for boats to land during several hours of each tide. . . 

The rock is authenticated as the Pilgrims’ landing-place by the testimony of Elder 
Faunce, who about 1741, at the age of ninety-five, was carried in a chair to the rock, 
that he might pass down to posterity the testimony of Pilgrims whom he had per- 
sonally known on this important matter. The venerable Deacon Ephraim Spooner, 
who died in Plymouth in 1818, was present as a boy on this interesting occasion.” 

From actual experience and experimentation on his part, Channing reached the 
conclusion that, in the absence of direct testimony, it is safe to point to no particular 
spot as that on which the first Pilgrim foot pressed the mainland inside of Plymouth 
Harbor. 

Clark’s Island belonged to the townof Plymouth. In 1641 the liberty to make 
salt and use the wood on the island for that purpose was granted to John Jenney, pro- 
vided he sold good salt to the townsmen for two shillings a bushel; and in 1642 the 
town granted thirty acres “of the lands of Clarks Iland to the five [persons?] that 
make salt for twenty one yeares paying a bushell of salt yearely to Josuah Pratt dure- 


176 History of 





got fire, (all things being so wett,) and the rest were glad to come 
to them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the [53] north-west, 
and it frose hard. But though this had been a day and night of 
much trouble and danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning 
of comforte and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for 
the next day was a faire sunshininge day, and they found them 
sellves to be on an iland secure from the Indeans, wher they might 
drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, and rest them selves, and gave 
God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And 
this being the /ast day of the weeke,' they prepared ther to keepe the 
Sabath. On Munday* they sounded the harbor, and founde it fitt 


ing the said terme if it be demanded.” Exactly what the lessees did with their con- 
cession cannot be learned, but at the end of twenty years, in 1662, the town resumed 
all its rights, the island “ being nowdeserted and not Improved by any.” Thetown in 
1663 reserved the wood of Saquish, Gurnetts Nose and Clark’s Island to the use ofa 
minister, and John Smith, a boatman, and five years later, leave was given to Edward 
and Thomas Doty and Thomas Hewes to sett up a stage for fishing on the island, 
to take such wood as they might need for this purpose, and to keep sheep there, for a 
term of seven years. To this time no revenue to the town appears to have been derived 
from these various liberties; but in 1678 the island was leased to Richard’Willis for 
seven years, at an annual rental of three pounds, but “any of the towne may fech 
what wood of the said Iland they pleas either for building fierwood or otherwise.” 
Six months after the date of this action, Willis having died in the interval, the island 
was again leased for seven years to Edward Gray, he to assume all the conditions under 
the Willis agreement, but to pay a yearly rent of three pounds nine shillings to the 
town, and the sum of twenty shillings to Patience, relict of Richard Willis. This 
transaction proved no more profitable than the earlier, and in 1684 a committee was 
appointed to lease the island to the best advantage for the town. Before the com- 
mittee had succeeded in accomplishing its purpose the island was granted by Sir 
Edmund Andros to Nathaniel Clark, a member of Andros’s Council, and Secretary 
of the Colony. In defending its rights and claims the town fell so heavily in debt that 
in 1690 it was obliged to sell the island to John Watson. Records of the Town of 
Plymouth, 1. 7, 13, 17, 3, 99, 156, 158, 172. 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, vit. 255, 258. 
The island was called Clark’s Island because the master’s mate, Clark, was the 
first to step upon it. Morton, Memoriall, *21. 

1 Saturday, December 9, 1620. 

2 Monday, December 11, 1620. “‘In 1620, December 11, O. S., corresponded to 
December 21, N. S. When the anniversary was instituted at Plymouth in 1769, 


Plimmoth Plantation 177 


for shipping; and marched into the land, and found diverse corn- 
feilds, and litle runing brooks,! a place (as they supposed) fitt for 
situation; ? at least it was the best they could find, and the season, 
and their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. 
So they returned to their shipp againe with this news to the rest 
of their people, which did much comforte their harts. 

Onthe-15- of Desem|be]r: * they wayed anchor to goe to the place 
they had discovered, and came within -2- leagues of it, but were 
faine to bear up againe; but the - 16° day the winde came faire, and 
they arrived safe in this harbor.‘ And after wards tooke better 
view of the place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and 
the -25- day ® begane to erecte the first house for commone use to 
receive them and their goods.°® 


eleven days were added for difference in style, instead of ten, the true difference. The 
difference between old and new style then existing was incorrectly assumed in deter- 
mining the day of celebration.” Davis. See 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xx. 
237. 

1 See note on p. *21 of Mourt for the number of brooks running into the harbor. 
Mourt speaks of four or five brooks found on the eighteenth of December. 

2 Subsequent experiences caused the Pilgrims to doubt the wisdom of their choice 
of location. The decision reached, however, was held, even when subsequent explo- 
rations revealed reasons for removal to a more favorable locality — especially Mas- 
sachusetts Bay. 

3 Friday. 

4 On Tuesday, the nineteenth, they came into their determination of settling on the 
mainland, where they had found a hill, cleared land, a good running brook of sweet 
water, and a fair harbor for shallops and boats. They desired a location that was 
defensible, commanding a view of the surrounding country and of the bay, and con- 
venient for fishing, ever present in their minds as ‘“‘our principall profit.” A need of 
bringing wood a quarter of a mile would prove of minor importance if the forests were 
free of hostile natives, as they proved to be. 

5 Monday was the 25th. Unfavorable, if seasonable, weather, had delayed the 
erection of the building. 

6 Mourt is detailed in his account of what took place in the month after land- 
ing. (*22 et seq.) Writing some twenty months after the event, and doubtless depend- 
ing upon notes or “‘diurnalls” made at the time, the writer adds some comments born 
of actual trial of the place. The authors of the Relation obviously had in mind the 
desire to create a favorable impression in the readers, primarily the Council for New 


178 Fiistory of 


NOTE. 


There are, among others, accounts of two visits to Plymouth harbor 
before the coming of the Mayflower, one by Martin Pring in 1603, and 
the other by Champlain in 1605. Pring commanded a small ship, the 
Speedwell, sent out by some merchants and inhabitants of Bristol to 
make a farther discovery of the northern part of Virginia. As Sir Walter 
Ralegh had “a most ample Patent” of all those parts from Queen Elizabeth, 
permission was first obtained from him, and sailing from Kingroad in March, 
the ship was detained at Milford Haven until after the death of the Queen. 
In June Pring fell in with a “multitude of islands” in 43° of latitude, and 
sailing to the southwest without finding any people, he turned to find the 
“ Savage Rock” of Gosnold, where the desired sassafras could be obtained. 
The story is thus related in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1654: 

‘Departing hence we bare into that greate Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold 
ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting and finding people on the North side 
thereof. Not yet satisfied in our expectation, we left them and sailed ouer, 
and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and 
odde minutes: where we went on Land in a certaine Bay, which we called 


England. The bay of Plymouth was “‘a most hopefull place,” compassed with a 
goodly land, containing two well-wooded islands, and well stocked with fish and 
game. The soil was rich and the plant life abundant. Some advantages of this kind 
were needed to remove the bad impression raised by the accounts of actual suffering 
encountered by the settlers in their first year at New Plymouth, and by the com- 
plaining letters of such as had expected far easier conditions or a richer return in 
trading commodities. The harbor proved such that the Mayflower was obliged to 
lie off a mile and a half from the place selected for settlement. Mourt, *25. 

The similarity of language used in describing the expedition in Bradford and in 
Mourt points to a common authorship. 

Captain Smith describes Accomac as “‘a excellent harbor, good land; and no want 
of any thing, but industrious people.” He had a somewhat serious affair with the 
natives, fought forty or fifty of them, killed some and wounded others, “yet within 
an houre after they became friendes.”” Description of New England, *45. 

Smith claims that the mariners and sailors on these voyages found it their interest 
to conceal the miserable conditions of the colonists, for they “‘had alwayes both good 
fare, and good pay for the most part, and part out of our owne purses, never caring 
how long they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces, when wee 
lived upon a little corne and water, and not half enough of that, the most of which we 
had from amongst the Salvages.” Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *6. 


Plhimmoth Plantation 179 


Whitson Bay, by the name of the Worshipfull Master John Whitson then 
Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, and one of the chiefe Aduenturers, and finding 
a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning, wee called it Mount Aldworth, for 
Master Robert Aldworth’s sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, as well with 
his Purse as with his trauell. Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras. 

“At our going on shore, vpon view of the people and sight of the place, 
wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch 
and ward in, for the aduertizement and succour of our men, while they 
should worke in the Woods.! During our abode on shore, the people of the 
Countrey came to our men sometimes ten, twentie, fortie or threescore, and 
at one time one hundred and twentie at once. We vsed them kindly, and gaue 
them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize. They did eat Pease and 
Beanes with our men. Their owne victuals were most of fish. 

‘We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne, in 
whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight, and would giue him many 
things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long, which 
they vse for Girdles, Fawnes skinnes, and such like, and danced twentie in 
a Ring, and the Gitterne in the middest of them, vsing many Sauage gestures, 
singing lo, Ia, Io, la, Ia, Jo; him that first brake the ring, the rest would 
knocke and cry out vpon. Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long, 
and halfe a foote broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bowes of fiue 
or sixe foot long of Witch-hasell, painted blacke and yellow, the strings of three 
twists of sinewes, bigger then our Bow-strings. Their Arrows are of a yard 
and an handfull long not made of Reeds, but of a fine light wood very smooth 
and round with three long and deepe black feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, 
or Kite, as closely fastened with some binding matter, as any Fletcher of ours 
can glue them on. Their Quiuers are full a yard long, made of long dried 
Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue, and one handful beneath 
with prettie workes and compartiments, Diamant wise of red and other 
colours. 

“We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues, of whom the 
Indians were more afraid, then of twentie of our men. One of these Mas- 
tiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth. And one Master Thomas 
Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these 
Dogs, and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes, 
and returned safely. And when we would be rid of the Sauage’s company wee 
would let loose the Mastiues, and suddenly with out-cryes they would flee 


1 See p. 169, supra. 


180 Plimmoth Plantation 





away. These people in colour are inclined to a swart, tawnie, or Chestnut 
colour, not by nature but accidentally, and doe weare their haire brayded in 
foure parts, and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind: in 
which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and 
pleasure. They couer their priuities only with piece of leather drawne be- 
twixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before: where- 
unto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seeme to bee somewhat jealous 
of their women, for we saw not past two of them, who weare Aprons of Lea- 
ther skins before them downe to the knees, and a Beares skinne like an Irish 
Mantle ouer one shoulder. The men are of stature somewhat taller then our 
ordinary people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and giuen to treacherie, 
as in the end we perceiued. 

“Their Boats, whereof we brought one to Bristoll, were in proportion like 
a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames, seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad, 
made of the Barke of a Birch-tree, farre exceeding in bignesse those of Eng- 
land: it was sowed together with strong and tough Oziers or twigs, and the 
seames couered ouer with Rozen or Turpentine little inferiour in sweetnesse 
to Frankincense, as we made triall by burning a little thereof on the coales at 
sundry times after our comming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and 
sharpe at both ends, sauing that the beake was a little bending roundly 
vpward. And though it carried nine men standing vpright, yet it weighed 
not at the most aboue sixtie pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible in 
regard of the largenesse and capacitie thereof. Their Oares were flat at the 
end like an Quen peele, made of Ash or Maple very light and strong, about 
two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly: Passing vp a River we 
saw certaine Cottages together, abandoned by the Sauages, and not farre off 
we beheld their Gardens and one among the rest of an Acre of ground, and 
in the same was sowne Tobacco, Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and 
some of the people had Maiz or Indian Wheate among them. In the fields 
we found wild Pease, Strawberries very faire and bigge, Goose-berries, Ras- 
pices, Hurts and other wild fruits. 

“Hauing spent three Weekes vpon the Coast before we came to this place 
where we meant to stay and take in our lading, according to our instructions 
giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged vp the Earth 
with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of 
Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seuen 
Weeks, although they were late sowne, came vp very well, giuing certain 
testimonie of the goodnesse of the Climate and of the Soyle. And it seemeth 


fo9t ‘(HLNOWATd MAN) YOPUVH S.ONTUd 


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182 Plimmoth Plantation 


that Oade, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and 
fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here 
we found grasse aboue knee deepe. 

‘As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne vertue 
for the French Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly written good against 
the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, 
Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich- 
hasels, the best wood of all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees, 
Maples, holy to make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like 
a small red Peare-plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof 
carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristoll). 
We found also low trees bearing faire Cheries. There were likewise a white 
kind of Plums which were not growne to their perfect ripenesse. With diuers 
other sorts of trees to vs unknowne. 

“The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues, 
Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with sharpe 
and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furres 
being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no smal gaine to vs. 
Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the 
value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the yeere 1604, almost in Beuers and 
Otters skinnes only. The most vsuall Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, 
Cranes, Herons, Crowes, Gulls, and great store of other River and Sea- 
fowles. And as the Land is full of God’s good blessings, so is the Sea replen- 
ished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many 
ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales to make 
Oile withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs, Lobsters, Creuises, 
and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them. 

“By the end of Iuly we had laded our small Barke called the Discouerer, 
with as much Sassafras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into 
England before, to giue some speedie contentment to the Aduenturers: who 
arriued safely in Kingrode aboue a fortnight before vs. After their departure 
we so bestirred our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, dur- 
ing which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noone tide while 
our men which vsed to cut downe Sassafras in the Woods were asleepe, as they 
vsed to doe for two houres in the heat of the day, there came downe about 
seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and Arrowes, and enuironed our 
House or Barricado, wherein were foure of our men alone with their Muskets 
to keepe Centinell, whom they sought to haue come downe vnto them, which 


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184 F1istory of 


they vtterly refused, and stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being 
very carefull and circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe 
put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the 
same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour to 
the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in the Woods: 
at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and beganne a little to 
call for Foole and Gallant, their great and fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly 
laid themselues downe againe, but beeing quickned vp eftsoones againe with 
a second shot they rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons 
and with their Mastiues, great Foole with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew 
downe to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afarre off, with the 
Mastiue which they most feared, in dissembling manner they turned all toa 
iest and sport, and departed away in friendly manner: yet not long after, 
euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where wee 
wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile space, and the very same 
day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe to the shoare in greater 
number, to wit, very neere two hundred by our estimation, and some of them 
came in their Boates to our ship, and would haue had vs come in again: but 
we sent them backe, and would none of their entertainment. 

‘About the eighth or ninth of August wee left this excellent Hauen at the 
entrance whereof we found twentie fathomes water, and rode at our ease in 
seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the Hauen winding in compasse like the 
shell of a Snaile, and it is in latitude of one and forty degrees and fiue and 
twentie minutes.” 

It was on July 19, 1605, that Champlain doubled Cape St. Louis [Brant 
Point] and sailing for two leagues along a sandy coast, where he saw a great 
many cabins and gardens, he entered a little bay intending to await a time 
favorable to proceeding. Champlain thus describes the visit to Port du Cap 
St. Louis, that is to Plymouth harbor. 

“There came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for 
cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they 
catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the 
shape of a spear and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang-shape, 
and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me 

one of their hooks, which I took as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened 
on by hemp, like that in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that 
they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it ; and indicated 
that it grew to the height of four or five feet. This canoe went back on shore 


Phimmoth Plantation 185 


to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke 
to arise on our account. We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to 
the shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them some 
bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. Some of them came to us and 
begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable 
to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were 
accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ashore, where I saw many 
others, who received us very cordially. I made also an examination of the 
river, but saw only an arm of water extending a short distance inland, where 
the land is only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook not 
deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is abouta 
league. On one side of the entrance to this bay there is a point which is al- 
most an island, covered with wood, principally pines, and adjoins sand- 
banks, which are very extensive. On the other side, the land is high. There 
are two islets in this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around 
which it is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very conspicuous 
from the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance 
to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis, distant two leagues 
from the above cape, and ten from the Island Cape. It is in about the same 
latitude as Cap St. Louis.” Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 77. 























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Shion a FLIER CE Hi Ot Ted 5pa Kpehyeih Ra on rey 
aro Hts aby i sina i ana jo pa gts jccnpsal 
MIRE we I acicatl ne aprdag fovea da Quai set . Beri) is satche 
ait ta a Fath Gi Gh Wal OMe: dove SURE BMH oO niyake 
tio it MEE AOS Rete tLe B amibisebxay uate i vi ney, Se 
Porta nee 4 ft Caren. .ab Leikt Obei awica ae ; Mac oi vlad 
Thy nies af Rae ath bo spogags aa Ds Sir tei ei open aiid ele 
“ie AGUS TO RA torks aed eta Gite oomehenan ed) te hie dae sk ’ 
Lictaay ei, ihe be Nee it BOTLINT “ellwqioaris f boat ne | 
oe shan sift, ‘sh i woig. oof a) Aaiedaae | 
biritonis Bete teed » tn Arsen Lis aes ee 
Ribas eg or Ve rany a orb oul: bah Hea feb» saint! 
PUSILIS acl) FOGG ah Wie mantras wil naaae id) wi .oae 
em Reet oleh TREES dal Rd he aE ‘kai ti borpac a opel 
Witee o> Piaaetec bey re wpe hanbel ost reaeh omeit: Srey iits 0, sins a i 
UGE et ibinod, rye) sanhin' (saa 12 qa hae ob agi 


ae i i 7 rez rege Lf 


The -2. Booke 


The rest of this history (if God give me life, and op- 
portunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way 
of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall 
things, and passages as they fell in order of time, 
and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make 


use of. And this may be as the -2- Booke. 








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The -2- Booke 


The remainder of Anno 1620. 


SHALL a litle returne backe and begine with a combination 
made by them before they came a shore, being the first foun- 
dation of their govermente in this place; occasioned partly by 
the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers 
amongst them had let fall from them in the ship; That when 
they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had 
power tocommand them, the patente they had being for Virginia, 
and not for New england, which belonged to an other Goverment, 
with which the Virginia Company had nothing to doe.’ And partly 


1 In permitting “‘particular plantations” the Virginia Company recognized in such 
bodies a certain independence of their regulations and a freedom of action. In Febru- 
ary, 1619-20, the Company passed the following important order: “Itt was ordered 
allso by generall Consent that such Captaines or leaders of Perticulerr Plantat¢ons 
that shall goe there to inhabite by vertue of their Graunts and Plant themselvs their 
Tennantes and Servantes in Virginia, shall have liberty till a forme of Gouerment be 
here settled for them, Associatinge vnto them divers of the gravest and discreetes 
of their Companies, to make Orders, Ordinances and Constitucons for the better 
orderinge and dyrectinge of their Servants and buisines Prouided they be not Repug- 
nant to the Lawes of England.” Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 303. This order 
was passed on the very day that the patent to John Peirce and associates was “al- 
lowed and Sealed in veiwe of the Courte with a Totall approbacon.” Those who 
acted under that patent would thus be possessed of certain powers of framing rules 
or orders for their own governance, certain powers of local legislation. The “compact” 
only recognizes this authority. Higher than any power derived from letters patent or 
even company charter was the right of an English subject. “‘Go where he would, so 
long as he settled on land claimed by England and acknowledged allegiance to the 
English crown, the Englishman carried with him as much of the Common Law of 
England as was applicable to his situation and was not repugnant to his other rights 
and privileges.”” The colonist in Virginia and in New Plymouth was guaranteed the 
possession and enjoyment of all liberties, franchises, and immunities he would have 


190 Fistory of 1620 





that shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condition consid- 
ered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more 
sure. 


held had he been born and abiding in England itself. Channing, History of the United 
States, 1. 161, 162, 174. Hubbard, History, 62, foreshadowed this view by concluding 
that the laws of England would be recognized, so far as they could apply. 

“In all this there was nothing new. The election of administrative functionaries 
took place in every borough town in England. What was really new was that whilst 
in England each corporation was exposed to the action of the other forces of the 
social system, in America the new corporation was practically left to itself. It was as 
if Exeter or York had drifted away from the rest of England, and had been left to its 
own resources on the other side of the Atlantic. The accident which had deprived the 
colony for a time of all legal connexion with the Home Government, was only a fore- 
shadowing of itsfuture fortunes. Sooneror later the colonies would have a social and 
political history of their own, which would not be a repetition of the social and po- 
litical history of England.” Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642, Iv. 163. 

1 One mention of the existence of the original compact is to be found in the early 
records or history of the settlement. In fact, it was a temporary measure, and was 
superseded by the patent granted to Peirce and associates. Morton’s introductory 
paragraph to the compact (*14) differs materially in form and spirit from that of Brad- 
ford, whom he generally closely follows. A part of the difference arises from his wish to 
introduce the alleged fraud perpetrated on the Pilgrims by the Dutch, and to do this 
he sets aside the reason assigned by Bradford for entering into the agreement. A few 
verbal differences in the text of the compact are also to be noted in Morton, but they 
are not such as would indicate that he had the original paper before him, and there 
is always the possibility of typographical errors in proof-reading. It is also strange 
that Roger Williams when the dangers surrounding his newly established settlement 
at New Providence “now especially, call vpon vs to be compact in a civill way and 
power,” did not recall and revert to this earlier compact of the Pilgrims. In the form 
proposed by Williams, and on which he desired the opinion of John Winthrop, the 
masters of families at New Providence “‘doe with free and ioynt consent promise 
each vnto other, that, for our common peace and wellfare (vntill we heare further of 
the Kings royall pleasure concerning our selues) we will from time to time subiect 
our selues in actiue or passiue obedience to such orders and agreements, as shall be 
made by the greater number of the present howseholders, and such as shall be here- 
after admitted by their consent into the same priviledge and covenant in our ordinarie 
meeting. In witnes whereof we herevnto subscribe, etc.” 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 
vi. 187. 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation 1g! 


The forme was as followeth. 


In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the 
loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace 
of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, and Ireland king, defender of the 
faith, etc. 

Haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente 
of the Christian faith, and honour! of our king and countrie, a 
voyage to plant the first colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, 
doe by these presents solemnly and mutualy in the presence of God, and 
one of another,’ covenant and combine our selves togeather into a 
civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation and fur- 
therance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, consti- 
tute, and frame shuch just and equall lawes, ordinances, acts, consti- 
tutions, and offices,* from time to time, as shall be thought most meete 
and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we 
promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have 
hereunder * subscribed our names at Cap-Codd the -11- of November, 
in the year of the raigne® of our soveraigne lord, King James, of Eng- 
land, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie 
fourth. Anno Dom. 1620. 


1 “The Honour.” Morton. 2 “And one another.”” Morton. 

3 “Officers.” Morton. 4 “Hereunto.” Morton. 

5 Morton omits “the year of.” 

6 ‘Bradford gives no list here of the signers of this compact. Morton [Memoriall, 
*15] must have had some other authority than this History for the names he has 
appended to it in the Memorial, or else he supplied them by conjecture from Brad- 
ford’s list of passengers in the Appendix. If we may suppose this compact to have been 
signed by all the adult male passengers, it would seem that other names besides those 
Morton has given should have been included.” DEANE. 

Morton follows quite closely the order of names given in Bradford’s list, which in 
itself offers a fair argument for his having copied from Bradford and not from the 
original sheet on which the compact had been written and signed. A few variations 
may be laid to errors in copying or in printing. As to names in the Bradford list which 
are not to be found in that of Morton, they represent servants who may have been 
under age or closely bound by articles of indenture, and members of families whose 
head had already signed. 


192 Fitstory of 1620 





After this they chose, or rather confirmed,! Mr. John Carver 
(a man godly and well approved amongst them) their Governour 
for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, 
or comone store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, 
foulnes of the winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune 
some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, 
they mette and consulted of lawes and orders, both for their civill 
and military Govermente, as the necessitie of their condition did 
require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, 
and as cases did require.’ 

In these hard and difficulte beginings* they found some dis- 


1 Some confusion has arisen from the insertion of this phrase. Deane believes that 
it “may possibly be an inadvertence, and may have been intended to apply to his re- 
election” in 1621. Note in his edition of Bradford, 99. It is also possible that Carver 
was “‘governor”’ on the Speedwell, as Martin was on the Mayflower, a place due to 
him as one of the purchasing agents. See p. 136, supra. 

2 Of these earliest laws and orders no formal record exists, and Bradford makes 
only passing reference to them from time to time. The first order of record is that of 
December 17, 1623, when it was ordained that “‘all Criminall facts, and also all [mat- 
ters] of trespasses and debts betweene man and man should [be tried] by the verdict 
of twelve Honest men to be Impanelled by Authority in forme of a Jury upon their 
oaths.” Nothing follows until 1626. Plymouth Col. Rec., x1. 1. John Cowell (Dr. 
Cowheel, as Coke with intent called him), issued in 1607 The Interpreter, and, because 
of his strong expressions in favor of absolute monarchy, called down upon it the dis- 
pleasure of King and Commons. He distinguishes the three forms of trial in Eng- 
land, one by Parliament, another by battle, and the third by assize or jury. “The 
triall by Assise (be the action ciuile or criminall, publick or priuate, personall or reall) 
is referred for the fact to a Iurie, and as they finde it, so passeth the Judgement, and 
the great fauour that by this the King sheweth to his subiects more then the princes 
of other nations, you may reade in Glanuil,” etc. The grand jury, for the considera- 
tion of weightier causes, consisted of twenty-four persons; the petit jury required only 
twelve, but had cognizance of criminal as well as of civil causes. For obvious reasons, 
the settlement of New Plymouth would not require a grand jury in 1623. 

8 Captain John Smith twice speaks of the sufferings endured by the Pilgrims in 
these weeks, and lays them to their obstinacy in not having employed him as a guide. 
“Nothing would be done for a Plantation till about some hundred of your Brownists 
of England Amsterdam and Leyden, went to New Plymouth: whose humorous ignor- 
ances caused them for more than a year, to endure a wonderful deal of misery with an 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation 193 





contents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous 
speeches and carriages in other; but they were soone quelled and 
overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall carrage 
of things by the Gov[erno]r and better part, which clave faithfully 
togeather in the maine. But that which was most sadd and lam- 
entable was, that in -2- or -3- moneths time halfe of their com- 
pany dyed, espetialy in Jan: and February, being the depth of 
winter, and wanting houses and other comforts;! being infected 


infinite patience; saying My Books and Maps were much better cheap to teach them 
than myself. Many others have used the like good husbandry; that have paid soundly 
in trying their self-willed conclusions.” The True Travels, 46. ‘At last, upon those in- 
ducements, some well disposed Brownists, as they are tearmed, with some Gentlemen 
and Merchants of Layden and Amsterdam, to save charges, would try their owne con- 
clusions, though with great losse and much miserie, till time had taught them to see 
their owne error: for such humorists will never beleeve well, till they bee beaten with 
their owne rod. . . . Yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an hundred passen- 
gers, besides twenty they had left behind at Plimoth; for want of good take heed, 
thinking to finde all things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes in 
wandering up and downe, in frost and snow, wind and raine, among the woods, cricks 
and swamps, forty of them died, and threescore were left in most miserable estate at 
New-Plimoth.” Advertisements, *17, 18. ‘Now since them called Brownists went, 
some few before them also having my bookes and maps, presumed they knew as much 
as they desired, many other directers they had as wise as themselves, but that was best 
that liked their owne conceits; for indeed they would not be knowne to have any 
knowledge of any but themselves, pretending onely Religion their governour, and 
frugality their counsell, when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity, and 
contempt of authority; because they could not be equals, they would have no supe- 
riours; in this fooles Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they have 
payed soundly in trying their owne follies, who undertaking in small handfuls to make 
many plantations, and to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished 
to nothing, to the great disparagement of the generall businesse.” Jd. 21. 

“It is observed by the Indians that every tenth yeare there is little or no Winter, 
which hath been twice observed of the English ; the yeare of new Plimouth mens 
arrivall was no Winter in comparison; . . . and where as many died at the beginning 
of the plantations, it was not because the Country was unhealthfull, but because their 
bodies were corrupted with sea-diet.”” Wood, New Englands Prospect, *4. 

1 Before January I, 1620-21, they had marked out the position for a platform on 
which to place their ordnance, and for two rows of houses and a fair street. To reduce 
the number of houses to be built the settlers were classed in nineteen families, and land 


194 Plimmoth Plantation 1620 





with the scurvie! and [ss] other diseases, which this long voiage 
and their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as 
ther dyed some times - 2: or -3- of a day, in the aforesaid time; that 
of -100- and odd persons, scarce -50- remained.? And of these in 
the time of most distres, ther was but -6- or -7- sound persons, 
who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, 
night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their 
owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them 
meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed 


for a shelter was assigned to each family. The allotment was made on the north and 
south sides of what is now Leyden Street, and in the first volume of the Plymouth 
“Records of Deeds”’ Bradford’s rough sketch of the street is given, with the names 
of seven families whose lots fell on the south side of the street. Each person was 
allowed a space of half a pole in breadth and three poles in length, or about four 
hundred and eight and one third square feet. As they intended to impale round the 
area thus taken for settlement, and many of the settlers were ill through exposure 
and deprivations, it became an object to keep the extent within as narrow bounds as 
possible. The common house, about twenty feet square was almost completed by 
January 9, when it was determined that each family should build its own house, 
this course tending to hasten construction. 

1 Scurvy or Scorbute, arose from exposure and a too exclusive diet of salted foods. 
Champlain gives a detailed account of it in his Voyage of 1604, 1. 50 (Prince So- 
ciety). Of his party of seventy-nine, thirty-five died, and more than twenty were 
at the point of death. He called it mal de la terre, and knew of no remedy. Sir Richard 
Hawkins states that ten thousand Englishmen had died of it in twenty years. He 
gives the symptoms and some remedies. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1373. Extreme 
cold very frequently develops the first manifestations of a scorbutic taint. 

2 “The bill of mortality, as collected by Prince, from Bradford’s pocket-book [now 
lost], is as follows. There died in December, 6; in January, 8; in February, 17; in 
March, 13; total, forty-four. According to Smith, before the arrival of the Fortune, 
November gth, six more were added to the list, which would include Carver and his 
wife, making the number of deaths fifty.” Deane. The fearful cost in human lives 
of these early English plantations in America is well shown by Channing, History of 
the United States, 1. 204, 205. In brief the figures prove that of 5649 emigrants leaving 
England for Virginia in the period 1606-1625, only 1095 colonists were living in Vir- 
ginia in 1625. In the twelve months 1622-1623, ‘‘347 persons perished in the Indian 
massacre, and nearly 1000 died of disease or starvation on the way to Virginia or in 
the colony.” 





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196 Fiistory of 1620 


and uncloathed them; in a word, did all the homly and neces- 
sarie offices for them which dainty and quesie stomacks cannot 
endure to hear named; and all this willingly and cherfully, with- 
out any grudging in the least, shewing herein their true love unto 
their freinds and bretheren. A rare example and worthy to be 
remembred.! Tow of these -7- were Mr. William Brewster, ther 
reverend Elder, and Myles Standish, ther Captein and military 
comander, unto whom my selfe,? and many others, were much 
beholden in our low and sicke condition. And yet the Lord so 
upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at 
all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said 
of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vis- 
sitation, and others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or 
any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had 
need of them. And I doute not but their recompence is with the 
Lord. 

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not 
to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the passengers that 
were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made 
to drinke water, that the sea-men might have the more bear, and 
one ? in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere,* it was an- 
swered, that if he were their owne father he should have none; the 
disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of 
their company dyed before they went away, and many of their 


1 Rememmembred in ms. 

2 Bradford, on Thursday, January 11, was “vehemently taken with a griefe and 
paine, and so shot to his huckle-bone [hip-bone].” He had not recovered his strength 
by April, when he was chosen governor. 

3 Which was this auther him selfe. — BRADFORD. 

4 On Christmas Day they began to drink water aboard the Mayflower, but “‘at 
night the Master caused vs to haue some Beere, and so on boord we had diverse times 
now and then some Beere, but on shore none at all.” Mourt, *24. According to Wood, 
the ship-provisions allowed to the passenger for his passage money were, “Salt Beefe, 
Porke, salt Fish, Butter, Cheese, Pease, Pottage, Water-grewell, and such kinde of 
Victuals, with good Biskets, and sixe-shilling Beere.” New Englands Prospect, *42. 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation — 197 


officers and lustyest men, as the boatson, gunner, -3- quarter- 
maisters, the cooke, and others. At which the m[aste]r was some- 
thing strucken and sent to the sick a shore and tould the Govler- 
no]r he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though 





ALGONQUIN INDIANS, BY CHAMPLAIN 


he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company 
[56] ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then 
amongst the passengers; for they that before had been boone com- 
panions in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and well- 
fare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie saing, 


198 Fiistory of 1620 





they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected 
by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to 
lye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let 
~ them dye.! But shuch of the passengers as were yet abord shewed 
them what mercy they could, which made some of their harts re- 
lente, as the boatson (and some others), who was a prowd yonge 
man, and would often curse and scofe at the passengers; but when 
he grew weak, they had compasionon him, and helped him; then he 
confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them 
in word and deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like 
Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye and 
dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben 
for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing 
his felows, saing he had done this and that, for some of them, he had 
spente so much, and so much, amongst them, and they were now 
weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave 
his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he 
went and got a litle spise and made him a mess of meat once or 
twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went 
amongst his fellows, and swore the rogue would cousen him, he 
would see him chooked before he made him any more meate; and 
yet the pore fellow dyed before morning. 

All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and would 
sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached 
near them, they would runeaway. And once they stoale away their 
tools wher they had been at worke, and were gone to diner.? But 

1 “Great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell nor 
passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is used 
much ledgerdemaine, therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men 
well, and in health at Sea: in this case some masters are very provident, but the most 
part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or 
die, for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger, as I have 
seene too oft approved by lamentable experience, although we have victualled them 


all at our owne charges.” Smith, Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *28. 
2 Mourt, *31. This occurred a full month before the visit of Samoset, and led to the 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation 199 





about the -16- of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst 
them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well 
understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by 
discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged 
to the eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with 
whom he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by their 
names, amongst whom he had gott his language.! He became 
prof[i]table to them [57] in aquainting them with many things con- 
cerning the state of the cuntry in the east-parts wher he lived, which 
was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people hear, 
of their names, number, and strength; of their situation and dis- 
tance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His 
name was Samasett; he tould them also of another Indian whose 
name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England 
and could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some 
time of entertainmente and gifts, dismist,* a while after he came 


placing of the few pieces of ordnance — five in all — intended for the defense of the 
platform, and to establishing of military orders, with Miles Standish as captain. 

1 Samoset came from Morattiggon, supposed to be Monhegan Island, described in 
Mourt as “lying hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and fiue dayes by land.” 
Christopher Levett met him in 1623-24, and speaks of him as ‘“‘one that hath ben 
found very faithfull to the English, and hath saued the lives of many of our Nation, 
some from starving, others from killing.” Voyage into New England (Gorges Society), 
102. He is identified as the Captain John Somerset mentioned in a deed of July 15, 
1625, and in many ways connected with the territory near Pemaquid. An interesting 
note on Samoset and Somerset orMuscongus Island, by Albert Matthews is'in Col. Soc. 
of Mass. Publications, v1.59. Mourt describes him as speaking broken English, but free 
in speech so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage. Though not of 
that region, he gave information that proved very serviceable to the Pilgrims in their 
future, for they learned of Monhegan, the frequenting of that island by fishing vessels 
from Europe, and its short distance from New Plymouth. In 1622 the shallop went 
to that part in search of corn, and with good result (tnfra, p. 274). 

2 Samoset passed this night in the house of Stephen Hopkins, the plan of sending him 
to the ship being defeated by a high wind and low water. Mourt, *33, says, the next 
day he went back to the “Massasoits.” It is possible that some of Massasoit’s men 
may have been skulking in the neighborhood of the settlement, and that to them 
Samoset returned; or that some of the Massachusetts Indians were thus lurking, 


200 fiistory of 1620 





againe, and °5: more with him, and they brought againe all the 
tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming 
of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt;! who, about -4: or-5- 


and were induced to return with Samoset with a few beaver skins. It is hardly likely 
that Indians from a distance, in midwinter, and in the presence of a possible enemy, 
should be equipped for trade. The principal dwelling place of Massasoit was forty 
miles distant, and the bay on which the Massachusetts Indians lived was about equally 
removed. As Samoset was dismissed on Saturday morning and returned the following 
day, hecould not have covered theeighty miles. Nor is it likely that Massasoit, were he 
in the woods near New Plymouth, would have delayed his visit to the English for four 
days after having tested their friendliness by Samoset. The five who accompanied 
Samoset on his second visit may have been Massachusetts Indians, and in the mean 
time a messenger had been sent to notify Massasoit of the Pilgrims. He came to the 
English on Thursday, March 22. 

1 Massasoit appears in contemporary writings under a bewildering multiplicity of 
forms. Prince (1. *1o1 m) writes that he found “‘the ancient People from their Fa- 
thers in Plymouth Colony pronounce his Name Ma-sas-so-tt,” and this evidence is 
conclusive. Bicknell states (Sowams, 12) that his true or tribal name was Ousa- 
mequin, meaning “‘ yellow feather” (ousa, yellow, and mequin, feather), and that 
Massasoit means “ the great sachem.” Others believe that about 1632, when mak- 
ing war upon the Narragansetts, he changed his name to Ousamequin (the variants 


pepe ve Lge onto as gin eel a 
ame ie Bs sank Sef te —fonnsfeaf Slaps ue fo Scere ; 


ee 8 nett late 


SIGNATURES OF OUSAMEQUIN AND HIS SON, WAMSUTTA 


‘are many, but may be recognized as attempts at representing the sound of the name). 
He lived until 1662, maintaining friendship with the English until his death, and ex- 
ercising a wholesome influence over the Indians under his authority. That he was 
a warrior, his preéminence indicates; but little is known of his history or of his wars, 
and his reputation stands deservedly high in New England history. His position as 
chief, one of the few to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage unto, is 
freely conceded by Winslow, Good Newes from New England, *56. His character was 
strongly vouched for by Hobbamock, a Wampanoag, and therefore one of Massa- 


1620 Phimmoth Plantation 201 


days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attendance, 
with the aforesaid Sguanto. With whom, after frendly entertain- 
ment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him 
(which hath now continued this -24- years) in these terms. 

-1- That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to 
any of their peopl |e]. 


soit’s subjects. When Tisquantum, in 1622, sought to gain greater influence with 
the English by casting doubt on Massasoit’s faithfulness to his treaty, it was Hob- 
bamock who said “‘flatly that it was false,”’ and assured Bradford of the Indian chief’s 
good carriage. And again in 1623, when on his way to visit the sick sachem, Hob- 
bamock told Winslow that he would never see his like again amongst the Indians, 
saying, ‘‘he was no liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger and 
passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled toward such as had offended 
him; ruled by reason in such measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean men; 
and that he governed his men better with few strokes, than others did with many; 
truly loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the 
Indians; showing how he oft times restrained their malice, etc., continuing a long 
speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as would have made 
the hardest heart relent.’’ Winslow, Good Newes, *7, 27. 

1 “An abstract of this treaty is also in Mourt’s Relation. The two copies vary in the 
third and sixth articles. In the third article, in Mourt, the security to the English has 
reference merely to their tools, that they should be restored if taken away by the In- 
dians; and the sixth article is made reciprocal by the addition of the following: ‘as we 
should do our pieces when we come to them.’ There is an additional clause in Mourt, 
which, however, can hardly be considered one of the articles to the treaty, viz: 
‘Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally.’” 
Deane. Morton copied from Mourt. The phrasing of this last condition may well 
mark the first stage towards becoming “‘loyal subjects” of King James, as did the 
nine signatories to the writing of September 13, 1621. In June, 1621, Massasoit 
acknowledged to Winslow that “‘he also was King James his man.” Mourt, *45. 
In the renewal of the league in 1639, it is expressly stated that Ussamequin [Massa- 
soit] had acknowledged himself “subject to the King of England,” in the earlier con- 
federacy. 

In the paper entered upon the Plymouth Colony Records, x1. 20, the league with 
Massasoit is mentioned, who “freely gaue them all the lands adjacent, to them and 
their heires for ever, acknowledging himselfe content to become the subject of our 
Soveraigne Lord the King aforesaid his heires and Successors.”’ Although the planters 
believed themselves to be the first colony in New England, and looked upon the 
land as “void of Inhabitants,” they obtained an additional right from the neighbor- 
ing Sachem. That neither Bradford nor Mourt refer to this transaction in land is 
to be noted. 


202 Fiistory of 1620 


-2- That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should 
send the offender, that they might punish him. 

-3- That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he 
should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his. 

-4- If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; 
if any did warr against them, he should aide them. 

-S- Heshould send tohis neighbours confederates, to certifiethem 
of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise com- 
prised in the conditions of peace. 

-6: That when ther men came to them, they should leave their 
bows and arrows behind them.! 

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams,? some 
-40+ mile from this place, but Sguanto continued with them, and was 
their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for 
their good beyond their expectation.* He directed them how to set 


1 This treaty was renewed by Ousamequin [Massasoit] and his son, Mooanam 
{[Wamsutta, or Alexander], in 1639, with certain additions to the terms, oneof them 
being that “‘hee or they shall not give, sell, or convey away any of hisor theirlands, 
territories, or possessions whatsoeuer, to any person or persons whomsoeuer, without 
the priuitie and consent of thts gouerment, other then to such as this gouerment 
shall send and appoint.” Plymouth Col. Rec., 1. 133. 

The peace lasted during the life of Massasoit and during the times of his two 
sons who succeeded him, until the termination of the war, known by the name of 
the younger, that of Philip, in 1675. 

2 The town of Barrington, Rhode Island, occupies the place once known as Sowams 
or Sowamset. The question is fully discussed in Bicknell, Sowams, 151, while the 
claim for Warren is in Fessenden, History of Warren, R. I., 27-30, published in 
1845, as a supplement to Tustin’s Discourse. On the Ms. map, prepared by 
Ezra Stiles and reproduced in this volume, Warren is designated as the location. 
A spring, near Baker’s Wharf, was long known as Massasoit’s spring, and as early 
as 1632 there was an English house in the place, probably a trading house of 
Plymouth. Winthrop, History, 1. *72. 

3 Fully to appreciate the good fortune of the Pilgrims in possessing Tisquantum and 
Hobbamock as interpreters, it isonly necessary to read what one of the Jesuit Fathers 
says on the difficulties of learning the language of the Indians. ‘‘ Meanwhile, the great- 
est desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their duties, 
was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen — caring 


> 


1620 Plhimmoth Plantation 203 





their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and 
was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their 
profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native [58] of this 
place,' and scarce any left alive besides him selfe. He was caried 
away with diverce others by one Hunt,? a m[aster] of a ship, who 


but little for it, with one exception — could not impart by rules, or teach with advan- 
tage; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by les- 
sons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various 
attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by every sort of ser- 
vice, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed 
teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could be obtained unless 
their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a 
short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry 
about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable 
for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our 
men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, indeed, which fall under sight, 
touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Sav- 
ages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the 
greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a profound ignorance of the 
things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Sav- 
ages either could not, or would not explain the former.”’ An instrument was offered in 
young Pontgravé, who had fled from punishment and had lived long enough among the 
Indians to know their language; but for political reasons, his services were not used. 
Jesuit Relations (Thwaites ed.), 11. 219, 231, 241. 

Inthe archives of the Catholic church at the mission of Lac des deux Montagnes 
(Oka), Canada, are preserved a grammar, dictionary, discourses and instructions in 
the Algonquian language, dated about the middle of the seventeenth century. Before 
1630 only fragments of a vocabulary of the Massachusetts or New England languages 
are to be found, in Winslow and Captain John Smith. See es Bibliography of the 
Algonquian Languages, 1891. 

1 Mourt speaks of Squanto as ‘‘the only natiue of Paluctes where we now inhabite.” 
His tribesmen were swept away by the plague. 

2 Thomas Hunt was master of one of the two vessels in Captain John Smith’s voyage 
to the coast of New England in 1614. After Smith’s departure, Hunt’s vessel ‘“‘staied 
to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish,” and it was then that he kidnapped twenty- 
four of the natives. He took them to Malaga, Spain, where for a little private gain he 
sold those ‘‘silly Saluages for Rials of eight; but this vilde act kept him euer after 
from any more imploiment to those parts.”” Smith, Generall Historie, 204, 205. In 
the Briefe Relation, *12, it is said that only as many were sold as he could get money 
for. “But when it was understood from whence they were brought, the Friers of those 


204 Phimmoth Plantation ——_—_—_620 





thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for Eng- 
land, and was entertained by a marchante in London,! and im- 
ployed to New-found-land and other parts, and lastly brought hither 
into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other designes in 
these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is men- 


parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith; 
and so disappointed this unworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make 
by this new and Deuilish project.”’ Hunt was not the first to kidnap the Indians. Smith 
attributed a deep purpose to the act, ‘‘to keepe this abounding Countrey still in ob- 
scuritie, that onely he [Hunt] and some few Merchants more might enioy wholly the 
benefit of the Trade, and profit of this Countrey.” Generall Historie, 205. The same 
charge, with the added one of treacherous conduct, is made in the Description of New 
England, 65. In the Public Records Office, London, is a letter from Captain John 
Barlee to Levinus Munck, dated August 18, 1607, sending a list of prisoners in Spain, 
and adding that the ‘‘Adventurers” particularly wish the recovery of two savages, 
Manedo and Sasacomett, whom they hope to make very useful to them. 2 Mass. 
Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 11. 38. Barlee was Gorges’ Lieutenant Captain in 1607. 
Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), 111. 143. 

1 Mourt gives the name of the merchant, Master John Slanie, who dwelt in Corne- 
hill, and was governor of the Newfoundland Company, 1610-1628, and held the office 
of Treasurer. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1876. One Humfrey Slany, merchant of London, 
was in the same company, traded with Guinea, and held shares in the Virginia Com- 
pany. 

2 Thomas Dermer had been employed by the Council of New England with Cap- 
tain John Smith, and set sail (1615) with that unfortunate leader, whose vessel proved 
unseaworthy and put back into port. Dermer in a small bark continued his voyage, 
and is supposed to have remained in Newfoundland from 1616 to 1618, during which 
time he saw Tisquantum, then with Captain John Mason, governor of that island. 
Returning to England in 1618, he was again sent to America on a fishing voyage, and 
ordered to join Captain Rocraft, another agent of the Company, then believed to 
be at the Newfoundland fishing station. Dermer did not find him there, and learn- 
ing of his death in Virginia, determined to take a pinnace and explore the coast, 
such doubtless being his instructions. A relation of his voyage was read before the 
Virginia Company in London, July 10, 1621. Leaving the fishermen to their labor, 
he coasted the shore from thence, searching every harbor, and compassing every 
capeland, till he arrived in Virginia. It was on his return voyage northward that he 
encountered some vessels of Amsterdam and Horne, in Delaware and Hudson rivers, 
‘who yearly had there a great and rich trade for Furrs.”” His accounts so worked upon 


A briefe Relation 


OF THE 


DISCOVERY 


AND PLANTATION 


Laem, OF 
New ENaLanp: 


AND 


OF SVNDRY ACCIDENTS 
THEREIN OCCVRRING, FROM 
the yeere of our Lord M. vc. vit, to this 
prefent M.pe.xx1it. 


Together with the {tate thereof'as now it ftandeth; 
the generall forme of gouernmentintended ; and the. 
diuifion of thie whole Terricorie into Couns 
ties , Baronries, &c. 


MOG 
SYze 


LONDON, 
Printed by Fobn Haviland, and ate to be 


foldby WitutaMmM BLADEN, 
MODCXXII 


206 | Fiistory of 1626 





tioned in a booke set forth Anno: 1622. by the Presidente and 
Counsell for New-England,' that he made the peace betweene the 
salvages of these parts and the English ; of which this plantation, 
as it is intimated, had the benefite. But what a peace it was, may 
apeare by what befell him and his men.? 

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, 
as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by a freind, 
bearing date June -30- Anno: 1620. And they came in November 
following, so ther was but -4- months differance. In which rela- 
tion to his honored ® freind, he hath these pasages of this very place. 


I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or 
Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called 
Plimoth ;4 and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would 


the cupidity of the Company that the Discovery was sent out to drive the Dutch and 
French away. Returning to New England to continue his discoveries he was set upon 
by some Indians, badly wounded, and, retiring to Virginia, there died. 2 Mass. Hist. 
Collections, 1x. 7; Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 504. 

1 Page 17.— Braprorp. A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of 
New England. The pamphlet is reprinted in 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, rx., and in 
Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), 1. 199. The reference will be found on p. 13. 

2 Gorges says that Dermer was “‘betrayed by certaine new Saluages, who sodainly 
set upon him, giving him foureteene or fifteene wounds; but by his valour, and dexteritie 
of spirit he freed himselfe out of their hands, yet wasconstrained to retire into Virginia 
again the second time, for the cure of his wounds, where hefell sicke of the infirmities 
of that place, and thereof dyed: so ended this worthie Gentleman his dayes, after he 
had remained in the discouery of that coast two yeares, giuing vs good content in all 
hee vndertooke; and after he had made the peace between vs and the Saluages, that 
so much abhorred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as you haue heard; 
but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie, 
who haue a peaceable plantation at this present time among them, where our people 
both prosper, and liue in good liking, and assurednesse of their neighbours, that had 
beene formerly so much exasperated against vs.” 4 Briefe Relation, *19. In his Briefe 
Narration, *20, he mentions Epenow as the betrayer of Dermer, and Capewack as the 
place of the encounter. Epenow had good reason to be suspicious of any European. 

3 The word was first written honourable, but even this fails to suggest the person 
to whom it was written. 

4 “Plymouth. . . still bears the name assigned to the place by Smith. We are not 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation 207 


that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the num- 
ber of -50- persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton,! because ther 
the savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to the 
west of Plimoth, bear an invetrate malice to the English, and are of 
more streingth then all the savages from thence to Penobscote.? Their 
desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many 
of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers ? and 


told when the Pilgrims formally adopted it. They must have been familiar with 
Smith’s map, and could not long have been ignorant of the fact, that the spot which 
they had selected for their plantation bore this name. Morton says, ‘ This name of 
Plymouth was so called, not only for the reason here named, but also because Plym- 
outh in O, E. was the last town they left in their native country; and for that they 
received many kindnesses from some Christians there.’ The place was at an early 
period called New Plymouth. In William Hilton’s letter written from this place in 
1621, it is so styled; and it became the legal designation of the colony. As their num- 
bers increased, and towns began to spring up within the jurisdiction, the early place 
of settlement, asa town, was called Plymouth, while the colony or plantation was styled 
New Plymouth. Onsomeofthelaterimpressions of Smith’s map [beginning with the sev- 
enth state], issued in some of his other works, after the establishment of this colony, 
the word ‘New’ is engraved over the name Plymouth. Morton’s Memortall, 25; 
Plymouth Colony Laws (Brigham’s ed.), 22-38.”” Deane. On Smith’s map, see Winsor, 
Memorial History of Boston, 1. 55. 

1 On the eighth state of Smith’s map, inserted in the second or 1632 issue of the 
Generall Historie, Charlton appears on the south side of the Charles River, and near 
its mouth. 5 

2 “The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived to the east 
and northeast of the Narragansitts; and their chief sachem held dominion over divers 
other petty sagamores; as the sagamores upon the island of Nantuckett, and Nope, or 
Martha’s Vineyard, of Nawsett, of Mannamoyk, of Sawkattukett, [Bridgewater] 
Nobsquasitt, Matakees [both in Yarmouth], and several others, and some of the Nip- 
mucks. Their country, for the most part, falls within the jurisdiction of New Plym- 
outh Colony. This people were a potent nation in former times; ‘and could raise as 
the most credible and ancient Indians affirm, about three thousand men. They held 
war with the Narragansitts, and often joined with the Massachusetts, as friends and 
confederates against the Narragansitts.” Gookin, Historical Collections, in 1 Mass. 
Hist. Collections, 1. 148, who adds that this nation was almost swept away by the 
plague. “Thereby divine providence made way for the quiet and peaceable settle- 
ment of the English in those nations.” 

* Small cannon or mortars, and usually named apart from “ ordinance ”’ or larger 
pieces. As late as 1704 they were “ mostly used at Sea at the Bulk-heads of the 


208 Fistory of 1620 


smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. 
Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve © 
they were, for the Frenche? have so possest them; for which cause 
Squanto cannot deney ? but they would have kild me when I was at 
Namasket,’ had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of the bord- 
ers of [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of the plantations 
which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patux- 
ite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset 4 and Saughtughteti * are for the 
most part a blakish and deep mould, much like that wher groweth 
the best tobaco in Virginia. In the botume of the great bay is store 
of codd and basse, or mulett, etc. But above all he comends Pacanaw- 
kite for the richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English 


Forecastle, Half-deck, or Steeridge, in order to clear the Decks when an Enemy 
boards the ship.” Harris, Lex. Tech. 

1 This mention of the French refers to the French fishing and fur trading vessels 
that came to the Cape, and not to the more northern settlements on the St. Lawrence. 
A curious note on the French in New England will be found in 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Pro- 
ceedings, v. 129. Prepared in 1630 it depends upon the relations that had come to the 
notice of the unknown writer. He mentions the French vessel that was near “‘the 
Massachusetts upon a Fishing voyadge, and to discover the Bay” which was cast away. 
He then relates the oft told story of the one old man who escaped to shore, whom the 
Indians preserved alive, and who exerted himself to draw them from their worship of 
the Devil. Failing in this, he uttered the dire prediction that came true in the year 
of the plague (p. 220, infra). What gives a lively interest to this memorandum is a 
marginal note saying: “Capt. Smith mentioneth this in his booke called ‘The Pathway 
to Plantations.’ But I had the most certaine relation thereof from Mr. Oldham who 
went to N. England presently after this plague.”” Oldham came in 1623, a passenger 
in the Anne. The incident may refer to the wreck of a French ship mentioned on 
p. 210,infra. That the Frenchmen much used Narragansett Bay, Winslow learned 
on his mission to Massasoit in June, 1621. Mourt, *43. Frenchman’s Bay is found on 
early maps of the waters below Taunton River. 

2 Against this line Bradford wrote the word “ Note.” 

3 In Middleborough. Namasket probably means a “fishing place,” from namas, a 
fish, awk, place, and et, at. Kinnicutt, Indian Names of Plymouth County, 49. At one 
time the place was well populated by Indians. 

4 Nauset, now Eastham. Mourt did not record a favorable opinion of the place. 
(Relation, *52.) 

5 Satucket, a part of Brewster. 


1620 Plimmoth Plantation 209 


graine, etc.! Massachusets is about -9- leagues from Plimoth, and 
' situate in the mids betweene both, is full of ilands and peninsules very 
fertill for the most part. 


With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being 
now better knowne then they were to him. 

He was * taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak (a place 
not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they 
demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, 
they kept him still and indevored to kill his men; but he was freed 
by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave 
him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib.-9- fol. 1778. 
But this was Anno: 1619. 

After the writing of the former relation he came to the Ile of 
Capawack* (which lyes south of this place in the way to Virginia), 
and the foresaid Sguanto with him, wher he going a shore amongst 
the Ind[elans to trad, as he used todoe, was betrayed and assaulted 
by them, and all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him 


1 This last sentence is inclosed with the quotation marks, though manifestly 
Bradford’s own. 

2 Smith called the Massachusetts “‘the Paradise of all these parts; for, heere are 
many Iles all planted with corne; groues, mulberries, saluage gardens and good har- 
bors: the Coast is for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you 
passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned 
people: but the French having remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing for vs 
to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, v7z. if there be neer three thou- 
sand people vpon these Iles; and that the Riuer doth pearce many daies iourneies 
the intralles of that Countrey.” Description of New England, *44. This was, of course, 
before the devastating plague. 

8 Bradford had first written ‘‘he was shortly after this.” The three words were 
struck out when he wrote the closing sentence of this paragraph. 

4 Martha’s Vineyard, La Soupconneuse of Champlain. It was from this island that 
one of the Indians kidnapped by Hunt came, one Epenowe, who “‘had been showed 
in London for a wonder.” In some way he fell into the hands of Captain Henry 
Harley, and thus came to the knowledge of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and formed one of 
the inducements for interesting that speculator in a venture to ““Capawick.” The 
story is told in Gorges, Briefe Narration, chaps. x1. and x11. 


BVO Fiistory of 1620 





selfe gott abord very sore wounded, and they had cut of his head 
upon the cudy of his boat, had not the man reskued him with a 
sword. And so they got away, and made shift to gett into Virginia, 
wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or the diseases of the cuntrie, 
or both togeather, is uncertaine.! [60] By all which it may appear 
how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this 
plantation was begune, save as the powerfull hand of the Lord did 
protect them. These thing[s] were partly the reason why they kept 
aloofe and were so long before they came to the English. An other 
reason (as after them selves made known) was how aboute -3- years 
before,” a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but the men gott 
ashore, and saved their lives, and much of their victails, and other 
goods; but after the Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather 
from these parts, and never left watching and dogging them till they 
got advantage, and kild them all but -3- or -4- which they kept, and 
sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used 
them worse then slaves; (of which the foresaid Mr. Dermer re- 
demed -2- of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come 
to revenge it.? 


1 Dermer, with Squanto as guide, had visited Plymouth and travelled a day’s jour- 
ney westward to Nummastaquyt (Namasket or Middleboro), whence he sent messen- 
gers a day’s journey further west to Poconackit. At Poconackit, which he described 
as bordering on the sea, he met two Indian kings, one of whom is believed to have been 
Massasoit, and the other Quadaquina. Returning to Monhegan he embarked on a pin- 
nace the Sampson for a voyage of discovery to Virginia, was nearly wrecked near 
Nahant harbor, and sailing round Cape Cod he was taken prisoner by Indians at 
Manamoick “the southerne part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliff Inlets.” He was 
delivered from their hands, and proceeded to Capaock (Martha’s Vineyard), where he 
saw Epenow, the Indian who had escaped from Hobson’s vessel in 1614. Thence he 
went through Long Island Sound to Virginia. His letter will be found in Purchas, 
Pilgrimes, tv. 1778. 

2 Writing in December, 1619, Dermer spoke of having redeemed that summer one 
Frenchman at Namasket, and another at Massachusetts, who had “‘three years since 
escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod.” Bradford, using this account, 
added the word “‘about.” 

. § No more graphic account of the sufferings of those Frenchmen could be given 


a i 


1620 Phimmoth Plantation 211 


Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to the Eng- 
lish to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs} of the cuntrie, 


than that of Pratt in his “Narrative” (4 Mass. Hist. Collections, tv. 479), as told him 
by Peksuot, the Indian sachem in those parts: ‘You say French men doe not loue 
you, but I will tell you what wee haue don to them. Ther was a ship broken bya 
storm. They saued most of their goods and hid it in the Ground. We maed them 
tell us whear it was. Then we maed them our sarvants. Thay weeptmuch. When 
we parted them, we gaue them such meat as our dogs eate. Onof them hada Booke 
he would ofen Reed in. We Asked him ‘ what his Booke said.’ He answered, ‘It 
saith, ther will a people, lick French men, com into this Cuntry and driue you all 
away,’ and now we thincke you ar thay. We took Away thayr Clothes. Thay liued 
but a little while. On of them Liued longer than the Rest for he had a good master 
and gaue him a wiff. He is now ded, but hath a sonn Alive.” 

1 “Tt was known to the said planters of Plymouth not long after, that these Indians, 
before they came to make friendship with them, had taken Balaam’s counsel against 
Israel in getting all the powwawes of the country together, who for three days inces- 
santly had, in a dark and dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English, and 
thereby have prevented their settling in those parts, which when they discerned was 
not like to take place, they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The like was con- 
fessed many years after to have been attempted by an old and noted and chief Sag- 
amore and Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the Massachusetts, called 
Passaconaway, who, when he perceived he could not bring about his ends therein, he 
left it, as his last charge to his son, that was to 
succeed him, and all his people, never to quarrel by mart of Koapaffaroacnoey 
with the English, lest thereby they came to be ras: 4 i 
destroyed utterly, and rooted out of the country.” 
Hubbard, History, 60. In 1642 Passaconaway 
was, with other Indians, disarmed by the Massa- V 
chusetts government, but he remained friendly to 
the English, and certainly died before 1675, in spite of tradition to the contrary. Drake, 
Biography and History of the Indians of North America (11th ed.), 278. ‘There are, 
however, among them some persons who, as they say, are in concert with the devil, 
in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in 
so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the mark very well, 
and tell them things similar to those which actually happen to them. For this reason 
they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who 
delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers.’’ Champlain, 
Voyages (Prince Society), 11.124. Winslow states that the “office and duty of the 
powah is to be exercised principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases 
of the sick or wounded.” See his Good Newes from New England, *53, and his 






212 fiistory of 1620 


for -3+ days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse and 
execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly and service 
they held in a darke and dismale swampe. 

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the 
mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and the sick and lame re- 


a 


\ 
| AAS 
Cs 
= ee 
ae 
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PRINTING OFFICE, ENGLAND, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 


covered apace, which put as [it] were new life into them; though they 
had borne their sadd affliction with much patience and contentednes, 
as I thinkeany people could doe. But itwas the Lord which upheld 
them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne 
the yoake, yea from their youth. Many othersmaler maters I omite, 
sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall made 
by one of the company; and some other passages of jurneys and 
account of the sickness of Massasoit, in the same work, *28. Roger Williams once 
witnessed the performance of a powah, but after that he “‘durst never bee an eye 
witnesse, Spectatour, or looker on, least I should have been partaker of Sathans In- 


ventions and Worships, contrary to Ephes. 5. 14 [probably meaning v. 11].” 
Key into the Language, 152. 


1620 Phimmoth Plantation 213 


relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing 
to know them more perticulerly.1 And being now come to the °25° 
of March I shall begine the year 1621. [61] 


1 The manuscript of Mourt’s Relation was carried to England by Robert Cushman, 
who sailing in the Fortune, did not reach London till February, 1622. The title of the 
Relation was entered on the Stationer’s Register, June 29, 1622, as Newes from newe 
England. About a fortnight later, on July 15 the council of Plymouth entered on the 
Register the title of its pamphlet 4 Breife Relation of the Discouerie, and Plantation 
of Newe England. The dates are not without significance, as the printing press shewd 
unusual activity in this year of 1622 in tracts relating to colonization. Cushman’s 
Sermon at Plymouth, New England, December 9, 1621 (registered March 22), Cope- 
land’s sermon, preached at Bowe Church in Cheapside in May, 1622 (registered May 
18), and Donne’s sermon before the Virginia Company, November 13 (registered No- 
vember 28), represented one phase of this activity. Edward Waterhouse’s Declaration 
of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia (registered August 21), and a poem on 
the Massacre (registered September 11), constituted the new material; while reissues 
were made of Smith’s New England Trials, and Whitburne’s New-found-Land, and an 
enlarged tract on silkworm culture in Virginia. The competition of the two com- 
panies, the proposed restrictions on the fisheries, and the enterprise of the Nether- 
landers in the West Indies and northern coasts of ‘‘Virginia,” contributed to this 
printing of colonization writings. 





Anno -1621° 





HEY now begane to dispatch the ship away which brought 

them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begin- 

ing of Aprill.2 The reason on their parts why she stayed 
so long, was the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was 
well towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing 
hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, the 
“14° of Jan[uary] the house which they had made for a generall 
randevoze by casulallty fell afire, and some were faine to retire 
abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst 
them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much sooner 
any dispatch. Againe, the Gov[ernor] and cheefe of them, seeing 
so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to 
send away the ship, their condition considered, and the danger 
they stood in from the Indeans, till they could procure some shel- 
ter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon 
them selves and freinds, then hazard all. ‘The m[aste|r and sea- 
men likewise, though before they hasted the passengers a shore 
to be goone, now many of their men being dead, and of the ablest 
of them, (as is before noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and 
weake, the m[aste]r durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine 
to recover, and the hart of winter over. 


~ 1 Carver was again chosen “Governor for this year,” and again stood alone in the 
magistracy. The size of the settlement still permitted all to ‘‘meet and consult” on 
laws and orders, and the communal form of organization upon a business basis made 
the task of governing comparatively simple. It was still the community of the “‘com- 
pact.” 

? Captain John Smith, whose sources of information were many if not wholly 
reliable, states that the Mayflower left New Plymouth about the fifth of April, and 
arrived in England the sixth of May. Generall Historie, 230. 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 255 


Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther 
corne,! in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing 
them both the maner how to set it, and after how to dress and tend 
it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish and set with it (in 
these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them 
that in the midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up 
the brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to 
take it, and wher to get other provisions necessary for them; all 
which they found true by triall and experience. Some English seed 


1 Winslow states that they set some “twentie Acres of Indian Corne, and sowed 
some six Acres of Barly and Pease, and according to the manner of the Indians, we 
manured our ground with Herings or rather Shadds, which we haue in great abund- 
ance, and take with great ease at our doores.”” Mourt, *60. Captain John Smith de- 
scribes how in New England they “stick at every plant of corne, a herring or two; 
which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know 
what to doe with.” Advertisements for the Unexperienced, *27. Morton, a not unre- 
liable observer in spite of his frailties, says: “‘You may see in one towne-ship a hun- 
dred acres together set with these Fish [he misnames the fish shad or allizes], every 
acre taking 1000. of them: and an acre thus dressed will produce and yeald so much 
corne as 3. acres without fish.” New English Canaan, *89. The same practice was 
followed by the Almouchiquois, described by Champlain, save that the shells of the 
signoc or siguenocs were used. Roger Williams in his Key into the Language of Amer- 
ica gives sequnnock, called by Josselyn the horse-foot. It is the Limulus polyphenus, 
and is found on the Atlantic coast as far south as Virginia, being still used for fertiliz- 
ing purposes. A correct representation of the signoc is given on Champlain’s map of 
New France, 1612. With the corn, these Indians would plant three or four grains 
of the Brazilian bean — the bush or kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), indigenous to 
America. Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 64, 86. 

At Manhattan fish’does not appear to have been used as manure, and in Virginia 
fish as manure was unknown. 

2 The use of the alewife (Clupea vernalis) in planting gave great importance to the 
taking of the fish. In this respect Plymouth was fortunate in having a source of supply 
in'the brook which ran through the town. The Indian showed them how to place and 
manage a weir for taking the fish at the proper season, and as early as 1633 the distri- 
bution was confined to the inhabitants of the town, “ and that no other haue any right 
or propriety in the same, onely for bait for fishing, and that by such orderly course as 
shall be thought meet by the Governor and Cowncell.” Plymouth Col. Rec., 1.17. In 
the earlier years each inhabitant resorted to the brook for his supply of fish, but this 
was found not only inconvenient, but resulted in injuring the property of those near the 


216 Plimmoth Plantation 1621 


they sew, as wheat and pease, but it came not to good, eather by 
the badnes of the seed, or latenes of the season, or both, or some 
other defecte. [62] In this month of April whilst they were bussie 
about their seed, their Goviernor] (Mr. John Carver) came out of 
the feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his 
head, and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so 
as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days 
after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavi- 
nes amongst them, as ther was cause.! He was buried in the best 
maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore 
armes; and his wife,? being a weak woman, dyed within ‘5° or °6° 
weeks after him. 

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove[rno]r in his 
stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been 
near the point of death, Isaack Allerton was chosen to be an Asist- 
ante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued 
sundry years togeather, which I hear note once for all.* 

May «12° was the first mariage in this place,* which , according to 
place of taking. In 1639 a herring weir was placed in Jones River and also at Mortons 
Hole, Eagles Nest and Bluefish Rivers. The fishery at the Town Brook appears then 
to have become a town affair, the weir being kept up by distributing the cost among 
the inhabitants, and the taking and allotment of ‘the fish being assigned to town 
officers, who should receive an allowance of two shillings for every thousand fish so 
taken. For others to take fish either above or below the weir after it was set was 
punished by a forfeit of five to one. Records of the Town of Plymouth, 1. 5, 6. 

1 Hubbard, who had an opportunity to gather information from the sons of the 
first comers, says of Carver: “he being a gentleman of singular piety, rare humility, 
and great condescendency; one also of a public spirit, as well as of a public purse, 
having disbursed the greatest part of that considerable estate God had given him, for 
the carrying on the interest of the company, as their urgent necessity required.” 
History, 67. 

2 Her name was Catharine, but of what family is unknown. In Leyden they lived 
first on Middleberg and, after 1617, on Middlegracht. Two children are believed to 
have been buried in Holland, but the governor left no descendants. 

3 In 1624 the number of Assistants was increased to five, and the governor had a 


double voice. Infra, p. 350. 
4 The marriage here noticed was that of Edward Winslow. The wife, Elizabeth 


eA CVOST HYMBLE 


SVPPLICATION 


OF MANY THE KINGS MAIESTIES 
LOYALL SVBIECTS , READY TO TESe- 
tifte all civill obedience, by the oath , as the 
Law of this Realme requireth, and 
that of'’confcience, 
Who are Perfecated,onely for differing 
in Religion, contrary to divine 
and humane teftimonies 
as followeth. 


Prov. 21.1 Fs 
He that floppeth his eare at. the erying of the 
oore, be [hall alfo crie , and not 
6 Bel be heard. : € 


Printed 1626 


218 Fistory of 1621 


the laudable custome of the Low-cuntries, in which they had 
lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magis- 
trate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute in- 
heritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cog- 
nizans, and most consonante to the scriptures, Ruth «4° andno wher 
found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a part of their 
office. “This decree or law about mariage was publisht by the 
States of the Low-countries Anno: 1590. That those of any religion, 
after lawfull and open publication, coming before the magistrates, 
in the Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried 
one to another.’ Petets Hist. fol: 1029.1 And this practiss hath 


(Barker), whom he had married in Leyden in May, 1618, died on March 24, 1621. 
He now marries Mrs. Susannah (Fuller) White, widow of William White, who died 
February 21, 1620-21, and mother of Peregrine White. 

1 Jean Francois Le Petit, compiler of La Grande Chronique ancienne et moderne, 
de Hollande, Zelande, etc., to the end of 1600. The work was published at Dor- 
drecht, 1601, in two volumes, but the pagination does not permit comparison with 
Bradford’s reference. No English translation was printed. 

In 1604 there was issued at Amsterdam, 4n Apologie or Defence of such Trve 
Christians as are commonly (but vniustly) called Brovvnists, etc., by Francis Johnson 
and Henry Ainsworth, in which was expressed the opinion ‘‘that the celebration of 
marriage, and burial of the dead, be not ecclesiasticall actions appertaining to the 
ministry, but civil and so to be performed; . . . else there will be a nourishing still 
of two popish errors by this means; the one, that matrimony is a sacrament, the other, 
that prayer is to be used for the dead, or at least over them, at their burial.” See 
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xvut. 168. In his Just and Necessary Apology (1619), 
Robinson writes in favor of this view of marriage, which “doth properly and imme- 
diately, appertain to the family. . . . Secondarily and immediately to the common- 
wealth, and public governors of the same: who, therefore weighing their office, and 
what concerneth them do accordingly, in the Low Countries, comelily and in good 
order tie that knot of that marriage amongst such their subjects, as require it at their 
hands. . . . Neither ought the pastor’s office to be stretched to any other acts than 
those of religion, and such as are peculiar to Christians: amongst which marriage, 
common to Gentiles as well as to them, hath no place.” Works, ut. 45. “‘Marriage 
[is] likewise solemnized by the English and Dutch Reformed Churches, without the 
use of the ring or any ceremony, only an admonition precedes, directing how these 
married persons should demean themselves each to other, and for that end those 
scriptures read hereunto most pertinent; as also a large discourse precedes, touching 


1621 Plhimmoth Plantation 219 


continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all 
the famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time, Anno: 
1646. 

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was 
thought meete to send some abroad to see their new freind Massas- 
oyet, and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him the faster 
unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw the countrie, and 
see in what maner he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and 
how the ways were tohis place, if at any time they should have occa- 
sion.! Sothe °2:of July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. 
Hopkins,” with the fore said Squanto for ther guid, who gave him 
a suite of cloaths, and a horse-mans coate, with some other small 
things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short com- 
mons, and came both weary and hungrie home. For the Indeans 
used then to have nothing [63] so much corne as they have since the 
English have stored them with their hows,* and seene their indus- 


the institution of this sacred ordinance, and those texts hereunto pertinent also read.” 
Brereton, Travels, 63. 

1 A full account of this mission, by the pen of Edward Winslow, is in Mourt, *40. 
Bradford does not mention a reason for this embassy on which his message to Massa- 
soit laid some stress, the over friendliness of the Indians with their wives and children, 
whose frequent visits made heavy demands upon the small stock of food at New Plym- 
outh. Winslow noted that the manner of all Indians is to live ‘where victuall is 
easiliest to be got,” especially in summer. The English settlement, being on a good 
lobster ground, experienced what this visit and stay of the natives imposed upon | 
their hospitality and good nature. Opportunity was taken, also, to offer to the Cape 
Indians, through Massasoit, compensation for the corn taken the previous winter on 
the first landing in the Cape bay. 

2 The date in Mourt is June 10, an error, as that day was the Sabbath. Dexter be- 
lieves it to be a misprint. It was Stephen Hopkins who accompanied Winslow. He 
appears to have been reliable and venturesome, having taken part in two of the ex- 
ploring expeditions on the Cape. He came from London, and was not a member of 
the Leyden church. Rev. Mr. Da Costa, in New England Gen. Hist. Reg., XXXII, 301, 
seeks to identify this Stephen Hopkins with the somewhat unruly passenger on the 
Sea Adventure, wrecked upon Bermuda, July 28, 1609, when on his way to Virginia. 
* % The Indian never took kindly to the plough, though much impressed by its effi- 
cacy, seeing it “‘teare up more ground in a day, than their Clamme shels could scrape 


220 Fistory of 1621 





trie in breaking up new-grounds therwith.! They found his place to 
be -40° myles from hence, the soyle good, and the people not many, 
being dead and abundantly wasted in the late great mortalitie which 
fell in all these parts aboute three years before the coming of the Eng- 
lish, wherin thousands of them dyed; they not being able to burie 
one another, ther sculs and bones were found in many places lying 
still above ground, where their houses and dwellings had been; a 
very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that the 
Narighansets? lived but on the other side of that great bay, and 


up in a month.” Having no cattle or horses and the labor of cultivation falling upon 
the women, the male Indian found no use for such an implement. Wood extols 
the good cultivation by clam shells, giving a preference to it over that resulting 
from the use of European tools. New Englands Prospect, *81. 

1 As Winslow and Hopkins followed the river of Wenatuxet, a branch of the Titi- 
cut, rising about six miles from New Plymouth, they noted that few places by the 
river had not been cleared and gave signs of having been inhabited. ‘‘ Thousands 
of men have lived there, which dyed in a great plague not long since: and pitty it was 
and is to see, so many goodly fieldes, and so well seated, without men to dresse and 
manure the same.” Mourt, *43, 44. 

In April, 1636, John Winthrop, Jr., made a journey to this place, and thus described 
it: “I suppose you have heard of our arrivall at Teeticut, and oportune meeting with 
our vessell. Concerning that place, I conceive it is not above 22 or 24 miles from mount 
Wooliston or Dorchester mill, the cuntry thereabouts very fertyle and rich ground, 
and so all downe the river for 30 miles together (for so farre we went downe before it 
grew wide into Saceames [Sowams] harbour); a ship of 500 tunnes may come vp about 
10 or 12 miles in the Narrow river. There is noe meadow nor salt marsh all the way, 
neyther could I see any in all Narigansett Bay, and as farre as I could perceive, there 
is more marshe vpon Charles River and Misticke then all the Naragansetts neere the 
sea. I was vp with Canonicus at his great citty. There be many wigwams, but they 
stand not together as I have heard reported. The ground there seemeth to be farre 
worse then the ground of the Massachusett, being light, sandy and rocky, yet they 
have good corne without fish: but I vnderstand that they take this course; they have 
every one 2 feilds, which after the first 2 yeares they lett one feild rest each yeare, and 
that kepes their ground continually in hart.” John Winthrop, Jr. to his father, April 
7,1636. 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, v1.514. The river is formed by the Wenatuxet and 
Namasket rivers, which uniting make the Titicut or Taunton Great River. 

2 “ The Narragansitts were a great people heretofore; and the territory of their 
sachem extended about thirty or forty miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt 
Bay, including Rhode Island and other islands in that bay, being their east and north 


éupptr ee 4s 





a en a eee OT ee ty SR oe RTI Tr rR 
- 


ee 


eee Lhenatfh fe 


Pic. Rating 
4 eta pe 


“aed 33 | 





SOWAMS, RESIDENCE OF OUSAMEKIN., 


fear Plhimmoth Plantation 221 


were a strong people, and many in number, living compacte to- 
geather, and had not been at all touched with this wasting plague. 


bounds or border, and so running westerly and southerly unto a place called Wekapage 
[Southerton?] four or five miles to the eastward of the Pawcutuk River, which was 
reckoned for their south and west border, and the easternmost limits of the Pequots. 
This sachem held dominion over divers petty governors, as part of Long Island, 
Block Island, Cawesit [in Wareham], Niantick, and others, and had tribute from some 
of the Nipmuck Indians, that lived remote from the sea. The chief seat of this sachem 
was about Narragansitt Bay and Cannonicut Island. The Narragansitts were reck- 
oned in former times able to arm for war more than five thousand men, as ancient 
Indians say. All do agree they were a great people, and oftentimes waged war with 
the Pawkunnawkutts and Massachusetts, as well as with the Pequots.”” Gookin, His- 
torical Collections of the Indians of New England, in r Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 147. 

1 Bradford’s account of the gruesome evidences of the plague is supported by 
Thomas Morton: “‘And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habita- 
tions made such a spectacle after my comming into those partes, that, as I travailed 
in that Forrest nere the Massachusets, it seemed to mee a new found Golgotha.” 
New English Canaan (Prince Society), 132. 

No mention of the epidemic which proved so disastrous to the Indians occurs before 
the winter of 1616-17, which Richard Vines and his companions passed at Saco 
River. Doubtless from him Gorges learned that the warriors had perished in war, and 
“those that remained were sore afflicted with the Plague, for that the Country was 
in a manner left void of Inhabitants; Notwithstanding, Vines and the rest with him 
that lay in the Cabbins with those People that dyed some more, some lesse, mightily, 
(blessed be GOD for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ake while they stayed 
there.” Description of New England, *12. Two years later, in 1619, Dermer described 
the disease as ‘“‘the Plague, for wee might perceive the sores of some that had escaped, 
who described the spots of such as usually die.” Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1778. The 
Pilgrims were told by Samoset that at Patuxet, where they had set New Plymouth, 
“about four years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there 
is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none.”? Mourt, 
*33. The time of this pestilence in Massachusetts would thus seem to be fixed, begin- 
ning with the year 1616, and burning itself out in 1617, but still existing in places in 
1619. Winslow speaks of finding among the Massachusetts people in December, 
1622, a great sickness, “‘not unlike the plague, if not the same,” but he could not 
speak with knowledge, never having seen a case of the plague. If the disease was the 
same, it did not spread generally, as the tribes in the South of the Bay were free from 
it, though it was found in January, 1623, at Namasket. Winslow, Good Newes from New 
England, *20. Phinehas Pratt recalled when writing his account, that when the 
Weston people settled at Wessagusset there was a “great Plag Among the salvagis, 


200 Fiistory of 1621 


About the later end of this month, one John Billington lost him 
selfe in the woods, and wandered up and downe some -5- days, liv- 
ing on beries and what he could find. At length he light on an In- 


and, as them selfs told vs half thayr people died thereof.” 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 
Iv. 479. This doubtless referred to the Massachusetts tribe, against which Weston’s 
people committed their depredations. The anonymous writer of the New England 
Narrative, 1630, says the plague lasted for three years. This he giveson the au- 
thority of John Oldham. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, v. 130. His statements are 
much altered by Sir Joseph Williamson, who had the paper before him when he 
wrote in 1663. 

Authorities show no differences in describing the results of the pestilence. The Indian 
population on the coast of Massachusetts was practically wiped out. Captain John 
Smith had counted forty settlements on the coast from the Penobscot to Cape Cod. 
Description of New England, *25. Dermer passed along the same coast in 1619 and 
‘found some antient Plantations, not long since populous now vtterly void; in other 
places a remnant remaines, but not free of sickness.” The banks of the Titicut River 
told the same story to Winslow. 

Little can be learned from a study of the use of words by such writers as sea-cap- 
tains and adventurers. Plague was at this time not unfrequently associated with the 
idea of divine anger or justice, and the word occurs in that connection in Wiclif (1382). 
It was applied to any infectious disease or epidemic, accompanied with great mortality; 
but the plague was particularly that which in later times is called the “‘oriental”’ or 
“bubonic plague,” closely resembling typhus in its symptoms, “‘but distinguished 
from it by the absence of any true rash, and by the development of buboes and car- 
buncles.”” The Atheneum (London), September 25, 1886, gives a list of the dates of 
the appearance of this scourge from A.D. 252 to 1837. Charles Francis Adams has on 
two occasions reviewed the evidence at hand, once in his edition of Morton’s New 
English Canaan (Prince Society), 133, and again in his Three Episodes of Massachu- 
setts History, 1. 4,9. He rejects the suggestion that it was yellow fever, though 
Gookin obtained an account of the disease, from some old Indians, who had been 
youths at the time of the pestilence, answering to that fever. “The bodies all over 
were exceeding yellow, describing it by a yellow garment they showed me, both 
before they died and afterwards.” 1 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 148. That the dis- 
ease did not attack Europeans and was not stayed by frost, are taken to be good 
reasons against its being ‘yellow fever. Small-pox was too familiar to Europeans to 
have escaped notice, and Bradford expressly states that the small-pox was more 
feared by the Indians than the plague.. Roger Williams also made a distinction be- 
tween the plague and pox. Narragansett Club, v1. 99. It could not, therefore, have 
been the small-pox. Mr. Adams concludes that it was “‘more probably, as Bradford 
says, ‘an infectious fever,’ or some form of malignant typhus, due to the wretched 


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1621 Plimmoth Plantation 223 





dean plantation, -20- miles south of this place, called Manamet. 
They conveid him furder of, to Nawssett, among those peoplle] that 
had before set upon the English when they were costing, whilest 


sanitary condition of the Indian villages.” Note in New English Canaan, 134. Dr. 
Herbert U. Williams says: “There is no evidence in any of the original records to sug- 
gest that the epidemic among the Indians was a disease native to the New England 
coast, but there are several reasons for thinking that it was not. First, may be noted 
the great susceptibility of the Indians, and second, the immunity of the English. 
Ample means for the transportation of an infection were present in Indians that had 
been taken to Europe and afterwards brought back to America, and in the frequent 
visits of furtraders and fishermen.” He further asserts, that “the American continent 
seems to have been the birthplace of a remarkably small number of the great infectious 
maladies of the world.” Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, xx. 340. The Indians do 
not seem to have known of the plague before the visitation of 1616. Captain John 
Smith writes, “but what disease it was the Salvages knew not till the English told 
them, never having seene, nor heard of the like before.” Advertisements for the Unex- 
perienced Planters, *o. Morton makes the same statement of a disease which the 
Indians “‘never heard of before.”” New Englands Memoriall, *27. 

“There can be no doubt that all our familiar maladies were rife in Europe at the 
time when Columbus set out on his fateful voyage and initiated the greatest tragedy, 
the most tremendous event in human history. . . . At once, the very ancient condi- 
tions of the Old World were reproduced. Air- and water-borne diseases began to sweep 
in great waves of pestilence over the whole vast regions of the West. The entire popu- 
lation was susceptible; and, therefore, almost every individual was stricken down. 
Each disease took its toll of victims, and then, its nutritive supply exhausted, passed, 
but only to return after intervals of years in the same epidemic form. Towns and 
cities of the European type, foci of endemic disease, arose on the seaboard, extended 
into the interior, and provided the starting point of fresh epidemics. Measles, cholera, 
and especially small-pox, penetrated into remote prairies and forests, and piled the 
earth with the dead.” Reid, Laws of Heredity. See Stanley Hall in 2 Mass. Hist. Soe. 
Proceedings, xvu. 7, 8. 

The Narragansett Indians were not much affected by the plague. This the other 
Indians attributed to their exceeding devotion in their worship of Kiehtan, their god. 
Winslow, Good Newes, *68. But in 1637 Williams found the great sachem of this tribe, 
Canonicus, “very sour, and accused the English and my self for sending the plague 
amongst them, and threatening to kill him especially.” This may refer to the later 
pestilence, though no mention is made of its having prevailed among the Narragan- 
setts. 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 159. 

The Indians had no remedies for the plague beyond the incantations and perform- 
ances of their Powahs, who did, most certainly, according to Roger Williams, “(by 


224 Fistory of 1621 


the ship lay at the Cape, as is before noted. But the Gove[rno]r 
caused him to be enquired for among the Indeans, and at length 
Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and the Govel[rno]r sent a . 
shalop for him, and had him delivered.1 Those people also came 
and made their peace;and they gave full satisfaction to those whose 
corne they had found and taken when they were at Cap-Codd. 


the help of the Divell) worke great Cures,” though they administered nothing, but 
howled and roared over the sick. Parkman summarizes the native remedies in his 
Jesuits in North America, 94. ‘The comparative immunity of the European from the 
disease would naturally suggest to the Indian the idea of his ability to use the plague 
for his own ends, an idea Tisquantum borrowed to further his ambitions to rule. Nor 
can it be said the English remedies of the day were much better. To one of the Win- 
throps an English physician sent directions for making “‘my Black powder against the 
plague, small pox,” etc., of which toads formed the chief ingredient. Mass. Hist. Soe. 
Proceedings, v.381. The “‘plague-water” of 1727 showed little improvement: “ Aqua 
epidemica is prepared from the roots of masterwort, angelica, pyony, and butter-bur; 
viper-glass Virginia-snakeroot, rue, rosemary, baum, [etc.]; the whole is infused in 
spirit of wine, and distilled.” Chambers’s Encyclopedia, s. v.Water. In one respect the 
practice of the Indians did not differ widely from that of the English. As the latter 
believed in smothering and sweating out a fever, so the Indians used their “‘hot-house,” 
which is described in Williams, Key into the Language of America, 211. 

It would be too much to expect that the opportunity to draw a lesson from this 
visitation would be allowed to pass by the English; but it is curious to find the two 
Mortons uniting upon the same story. A Frenchman thrown among the Indians by 
the destruction of his vessel, threatened them with the displeasure of God, who 
would destroy them for their wickedness. Thomas Morton says the Frenchman 
predicted that vengeance would come for their “‘bloudy deede” in killing four captive 
Frenchmen. Nathaniel Morton states that he said: ‘God was angry with them for 
their wickedness, and would destroy them, and give their Country to another people, 
that should not live like beasts as they did,” etc. And in the margin he wrote “A 
memorable passage of Gods punishing of the Heathen for their notorious Blas- 
phemy, and other sins.”” Cotton Mather uses the incident in his Magnalia, B. 1. 
ch. ii. § 6. Supra, p. 208. Nathaniel Morton adds that the Indians saw a “Blazing 
Star or Comet, which was a fore-runner of this sad Mortality, for soon after it came 
upon them in extremity,” and explains that “‘this seemeth to be the same that was 
seen about that time in Europe.” To accept this statement would place the pesti- 
lence late in 1618, two comets being seen in Europe in that year, one in August, and 
the second in October. New Englands Memoriall, *23. 

1 Mourt, *49, gives a detailed account of this mission, but assigns the wrong date 
of June 11. Prince adopts Bradford, and so does Dexter. 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 226 


Thus ther peace and aquaintance was prety well establisht with 
the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Ho- 
bamack come to live amongst them,! a proper lustie man, and aman 
of accounte for his vallour and parts amongst the Indeans, and 
continued very faithfull and constant to the English till he dyed. 
He and Squanto being gone upon bussines amonge the Indeans, at 
their returne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to the 
English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant,? alyed to Massassoyte, 
but never any good freind to the English to this day, mett with 
them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett -14- miles to the west 
of this place, and begane to quarell with [64] them, and offered to 
stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of 
him, and came running away all sweating and tould the Gov[erno]r 
what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for 
they threatened them both, and for noother cause but because they 
were freinds to the English, and servisable unto them. Upon this 
the Gove[rno]r taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be 


1 Hobbamock was a Wampanoag, a man of position in his tribe. The name is not 
unlike that for an evil spirit, Hobbomock. Wood gives the latter as Abamacho, and 
relates a story about one Abamoch. New Englands Prospect, *65, 69. There exists 
no proof that the friendly Indian of this name is intended. 

No mention is made by Bradford of a third useful native, Tokamahamon, ‘‘whom 
we found faithfull before and after vpon all occasions.” Mourt, *46. 

2 Corbitant lived at Mettapuyst, now Gardner’s Neck, in the township of Swan- 
sea, lying between the Shawomet or Sewammock, and Toweset necks. This place 
was some five or six miles from Puckanokick, and the name was derived from Mattapu, 
“he sits down,” with a locative affix, “denoting a resting place, the end of a carry, 
between rivers, round falls, etc., where, after carrying the canoe, they rested.” 
Kinnicutt, Indian Names of Places in Plymouth County, 46. Corbitant was sachem 
of Pocasset, and subject to Massasoit, but was never friendly to, or trusted by, the 
English. He may have been the sachem who was with Massasoit on the day before 
Winslow arrived who sought to shake his confidence in the English, “saying if we 
had been such friends in deed, as we were now in show, we would have visited him 
in this his sickness, using many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to per- 
suade him to give way to some things against us, which were motioned to him not 
long before.” Winslow, Good Newes, *31. 


226 Fiistory of 1621 


borne; for if they should suffer their freinds and messengers ! thus 
to be wronged, they should have none would cleave to them, or 
give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards; butnexte 
they would fall upon them selves. Where upon it was resolved to 
send the Captaine and -14- men well armed, and to goe and fall 
upon them in the night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, 
to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a 
hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe and be their guid, 
and bring them ther before day. He said he would, and bring them 
to the house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So 
they set forth the -14- of August, and beset the house round; the 
Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred the house to search 
for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but 
understood that Squanto was alive, and that he had only threat- 
ened to kill him, and made an offer to stabe him but did not. So 
they withheld and did no more hurte, and the people came trem- 
bling, and brought them the best provissions they had, after they 
were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 
-3- sore wounded which broak out of the house, and asaid to pass 
through the garde. These they brought home with them, and they 
had their wounds drest and cured, and sente home. After this they 
had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer 
peace; yea, those of the Iles of Capawack sent to make frendship; 

1 Even among the Indians the safety of a messenger was assured, “‘it being as well 
against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent hands on any 
such.” Winslow, Good Newes, *3. ““The Mowharke Indians are so extremely insenced 
or rather inraged at the most inhumane murther committed by the northeren Indians 
vpon two of their sagamores, whom they sent with presents to confirme the league of 
friendship lately made between them, to which some of the English of the town of 
Hadley were witnesses, — I say the Mowharkes are in consideration of the premises 
so inraged, that they resolue to bee fully reuenged, not only vpon the northeren 
Indians, but allso vpon all the English, supposeing, as it is affirmed, that the English 
are the cheife plotters and contriuers of this mischeefe, which the Mowharkes say 


is a villiny neuer known or heard of amongst the Indians.” Thomas Willett to John 
Winthrop, Jr., July 26, 1664. § Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 399. 


1621 Phimmoth Plantation 227 


and this Corbitant him selfe used the mediation of Massassoyte to 
make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while 
after. 


1 See Mourt, *61. A “treaty” was made with nine of the Indian chiefs on September 
13. Of it Winslow wrote in 1635: ‘‘We were so tender of his Majesties honor as we 
would not enter into League with any of the natives that would not together with 
ourselves acknowledge our Soveraigne for their king as appeareth by a writing to 
that end, whereunto their knowne markes are prefixed.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 
v. 132. Morton (New Englands Memoriall,*29) has preserved the text of this curious 
document, with the names of the signing Indians. It is in no sense a treaty, but 
merely an acknowledgment of submission to the King. 


“September 13. Anno Dom. 1621. 


“Know all men by these Presents, That we whose Names are under-written do 
acknowledge our selves to be the Loyal Subjects of King James, King of Great Britain, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. In Witness whereof, and as a Testi- 
monial of the same, we have Subscribed our Names or Marks, as followeth. 


“‘Ohquamehud. Nattawahunt. Quadaquina. 
q 

**Cawnacome. Caunbatant. Huttamoiden. 

**Obbatinnua. Chikkatabak, Apannow.” 


Drake describes Ohquamehud as a Wampanoag. The name is also met in the deed 
from the Indians of Nauset, made to the New Plymouth people in 1666. His name is 
there spelled Oquomehod, and he is described as the father of George. Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Proceedings, xu1v. 257. Quadaquina, a brother of Massasoit, is believed to have 
been the second of the two kings from Pocanoket who met Dermer in 1619. Natta- 
wahunt may be the Connecticut Sachem mentioned by Bradford (infra, vol. 11. p. 168), 
but under the changed form of Natawanute. Drake, however, believes him to be 
the Nashacowan, a Nipmuck chief, signer of the agreement with the Massachusetts 
government of 1643, and with whom Massasoit then lived. Drake, Indians of North 
America, 106; Mass. Col. Rec., u. 55. Obbatinnua has, by some, and Prince among 
them, been identified as the Obbatinewat, to whom a party was sent about this 
time. Dexter, however, rejects this identification, on the ground that the English, 
had it been the same person, would not have asked him to submit himself, as the 
other chiefs had already done by this paper. Obbatinewat was sachem of the Massa- 
chusetts, but recognized Massasoit as his superior. Caunbatant, of whom something 
will be learned from Mourt, lived at Mattapoist (now Swansea), and became hostile 
to the English. Chikkatabak, better known as Chikataubat, is also associated with 
the Massachusetts and with Passonagessit, or Mount Wollaston. He died in 1633. 
Drake believes Apannow to be Aspinet, of Nauset, and not Epenow, of Martha’s 
Vineyard, and Cawnacome, he thinks, may be Conecoman, sachem of Manomet. 


228 Fistory of . 1621 


After this, the -18- of Sep[tlember they sente out ther shalop to 
the Massachusets, with -10- men, and Squanto for their guid 
and [65] interpreter, to discover and view that bay, and trade with 
the natives; the which they performed, and found kind entertaine- 
ment.! The people were much affraid of the Tarentins, a people to 


The subject is greatly involved in difficulties, and not the least must be attributed 
to the attempts of the writers to record the names phonetically, and then have their 
records passed through the hands of copyist and printer. The result shows much 
confusion. 

This peace was not much relied upon by the English. When Massasoit fell sick in 
1623, Corbitant, as his probable successor, became of importance, and Winslow, 
from policy, stopped at Mattapuyst when bearing remedies for the sick chief. “ Al- 
though he were but a hollow-hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so fit as 
this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and the rest of the sachems there- 
about, hoping, through the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled 
state, to settle their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat dangerous, 
in respect of our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamock had been employed 
[in 1621] upon a service against him, which he might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming 
it the best means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in prac- 
tice.” He returned with Corbitant to Mattapuyst, after effecting Massasoit’s re- 
covery, and lodged with him. “By the way I had much conference with him, so 
likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, 
and never better pleased than when the like are returned again upon him.”’ Winslow, 
Good Newes, *26, 3z. An account of a supposed daughter of Corbitant, named 
Nummumpaum or Weetamoe, the wife of Wamsutta, son of Massasoit, is in New 
England Hist. Gen. Reg., Liv. 261. 

1 Hubbard says this expedition intended “in part to discover and view the said 
bay, of which they had heard a great fame, and partly to make way for after trade 
with the natives of the place; for having lived with the Dutch in Holland, they were 
naturally addicted to commerce and traffic. . . . For which purpose something like 
a habitation was set up” at Nantasket. History, 68, 102. This habitation could 
hardly have been more than a temporary shelter or a fishing stage such as was erected 
in places on the coast resorted to by fishermen. The assertion made by Drake, of 
the purchase of this territory in 1622 from Chickatabut by Thomas and John Gray 
and Walter Knight, rested upon an unpublished deposition by Knight, dated 1653, 
then in Drake’s possession. History of Boston, 41 n. No trace can be found of the 
deposition since Drake had it. Such a purchase at that time is improbable in 
itself, and while dates given from memory are open to grave doubt, depositions 
made, usually by interested parties, cannot be accepted as authority. Knight and 


1621 Plhimmoth Plantation 229 





the eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away 
their corne, and many times kill their persons.1 They returned in 
saftie, and brought home a good quan|{ti|ty of beaver,? and made re- 
porte of the place, wishing they had been ther seated; (but it seems 


Thomas Graves, according to Felt, came with Roger Conant; but Conant was at 
Plymouth in 1623. 

1 The Plymouth authorities appear to have engaged the Indians to plant corn for 
their use. In November, 1622, Governor Bradford and his party went for grain to 
the Massachusetts, ‘‘and the rather, because the savages, upon our motion, had 
planted much corn for us, which they promised not long before that time.”’ Champlain 
had found much land in these parts “cleared and planted with Indian corn.” Voyages, 
15972: 

Champlain found that the Indians on the coast in the Kennebec region did not 
plant corn, because of their exposure to attack from other tribes. Among the Almou- 
chiquois, near Saco Bay, he saw the first indications of cultivation of the soil by the 
natives. Among the predatory tribes the Tarratines, living east of the Penobscot, 
stood prominent, and the Massachusetts formed their convenient prey. John White 
wrote in 1630: “In times past the Tarentines (who dwell from those of Mattachusets 
bay, neere which our men are seated; about fifty or sixty leagues to the North-East) 
inhabiting a soile unfit to produce that Countrey graine, being the more hardy 
people, were accustomed yearely at harvest to come down in their Canoes, and reape 
their fields, and carry away their Corne, and destroy their people, which wonderfully 
weakened, and kept them low in times past: from this evill our neighbourhood hath 
wholy freed them, and consequently secured their persons and estates, which makes 
the Natives there so glad of our company.” The Planters Plea, *27. See Godfrey, 
in r Maine Hist. Coll., vit. 93, and Wood, New Englands Prospect, *51. 

2 With the first meeting with the Indians at Patuxet [new Plymouth] the trade in 
furs began. Before Samoset had ended his first night’s stay, he was urged to bring 
in the neighboring Indians ‘‘with such Beuers skins as they had to trucke with vs.” 
The severe winter so occupied the settlers that little attention could be given to trade 
other than in corn, but with the summer came the opportunity to give it consideration. 
Through Massasoit they sought to organize a trade in beaver with the tribes and 
settlements under his authority, and Tisquantum was employed by him to spread 
his orders. Mourt, *33, 45, 46. The English now used Tisquantum in securing trade 
with the Indians on Massachusetts Bay. Beaver skins constituted the basis of all 
commerce with the Indians. The savages used them on their beds, as hangings in the 
wigwam, as clothing, as presents among themselves, and even as gifts or offerings to 
their dead. To them the skins served as a medium of exchange and the chief article 
of wealth. Francis Kirby, in June, 1632, described to John Winthrop, Jr., the va- 
rious qualities of beaver skins. 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1x. 247. 


230 Fiistory of 1621 





the Lord, who assignes to all men the bounds of their habitations, 
had apoynted it for an other use).1 And thus they found the Lord 
to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings and 
incommings, for which let his holy name have the praise for ever, 
to all posteritie. 

They begane now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to 
fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well re- 
covered in health and strenght, and had all things in good plenty; 
for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excer- 
sised in fishing, aboute codd, and bass, and other fish,? of which 
they tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All 
the sommer ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store 
of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when 
they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besides 
water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies,*® of which they 
tooke many, besides venison, etc. Besides they had aboute a peck 


1 Mourt, *57, should be read for a more full account of this expedition to the 
Massachusetts. 

2 Smith noted that cod was abundant on the coast in March, April, May and half 
of June; from May to September, mullet and sturgeon could be had; and from the 
end of August to November the cod returned. The Newfoundland fisheries were 
chiefly in June and July. Description of New England, *35. 

3’ Champlain saw no turkeys, but the Indians described them in such a way as to 
identify them, as a bird as large as a buzzard which came when the corn was ripe. 
They had a kind of hair under the throat, and a red crest falling over the beak. Hig- 
ginson reported them as “‘farre greater than our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, 
sweet, and fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long.” New 
England Plantation. Wood was enthusiastic over turkey hunting in winter, ten or a 
dozen being sometimes killed in half a day. New Englands Prospect, *32. Josselyn 
remarks upon the growing scarcity of the bird, “the English and the Indians hauing 
now destroyed the breed, sothat’t is very rare to meet witha wild Turkie in the Woods; 
But some of the English bring up great store of the wild kind, which remain about 
their Houses as tame as ours in England.” New England’s Rarities, *42. Modern orni- 
thologists have suggested that this wild turkey, or Meleagris Americana, long since 
became extinct, and the domesticated turkey, Meleagris gallopavo, was brought in 
from Mexico or the West Indies. 


1621 Plhimmoth Plantation 231 


a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to 
that proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largely of 
their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, 
but true reports.! 

In November, about that time twelfe month that them selves 
came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,? 
in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with 
him -35- persons to remaine and live in the plantation; which did 
not a litle rejoyce them.* And they when they came a shore and 
found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less 
glade. For most of them were lusty yong men, and many of them wild 
enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till 
they came into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but 


1 “Reference is here made, doubtless, to letters of Winslow and Hilton, sent to 
England by the Fortune, in which they give a flattering description of the country, 
and speak of the colony as in a prosperous condition. ‘We are so far free from want,’ 
writes the former, ‘that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.’ Winslow’s letter 
was printed in Mourt’s Relation, which was probably sent over at the same time. Hil- 
ton’s letter first appeared in [Smith] New Englands Trials.” Deane. The letter of 
Hilton will be found in Morton, New Englands Memoriall (Davis ed.),377. Infra, 
Pp. 240. 

2 She came the -g- to the Cap. — Braprorp. é 

3 Smith in his New Englands Trials gives an account of this voyage of the Fortune. 
In May, 1621, “‘they sent another [ship, the Fortune] of 55 Tunnes to supply them 
[the settlers], with 37 persons, they set saile in the beginning of July, but being crossed 
by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimmoth, and 
ariued at New Plimmouth in New England the eleuenth of Nouember, where they 
found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie and in good health, except six 
that died. Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded with clapboord, 
wainscot and walnut, with about three hogsheads of Beuer skins and some Saxe- 
fras, the 13 of December, and drawing neare our coast, was taken by a Frenchman, 
set out by the Marquis of Cera, Gouernour of I/e Deu [Dieu] on the coast of Poytou, 
where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and companie, took from them to 
the value of about 500 pounds and after 14 days sent them home witha poore supply 
of victuall, their owne being devoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants; they 
ariued at London the 14o0f Februarie.” The version given in the Generall Historie, 
234, differs in language. See p. 268, infra. The master of the Fortune was Thomas 
Barton. 


232 F1istory of 1621 


a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should 
become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the In- 
deans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some 
of the sea-men had cast out) to take the sayls from the yeard least 
the ship [66] should gett away and leave them ther. But the mlas- 
telr hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any 
thing but well should have befallne the people hear, he hoped he 
had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt 
they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. 
So they were all landed;!but ther was not so much as bisket-cake? 
or any other ® victialls for them, neither had they any beding, but 


1 The following list of passengers by the Fortune who received allotments of 
land in 1623 is taken from Plymouth Col. Rec., x11. 5, where the location of the 
lots is also indicated. The names marked with a f did not share in the division of cattle 
in 1627, and had probably died or removed in the interval. 


John Adams I acre Robert Hickes I acre 
William Bassite 2 William Hiltonf I 
William Bealef I Bennet Morgant I 
Edward Bompass I Thomas Mortonf I 
Jonathan Brewster I Austin Nicolas I 
Clemente Briggs Lee William Palmer 2 
John Cannonf I William Pittt I 
William Connert I Thomas Prence I 
Thomas Cushman I Moyses Simonson I 
Steven Dean I Hugh Statie I 
Philipe de la Noye I James Stewardt I 
Thomas Flavellt I William Tencht I 
Flavell I John Winslow I 
Foordf 4; sons John and William Wright I 


William}, d. Martha. 


2 A bread, twice baked, and made without leaven or salt, the fore-runner of hard- 
tack. The making of ship-biscuit was a distinct trade in London, and the product 
was also supplied to the troops. Breadstreet, however, which owed its name to 
the bakers, appears to have been confined to the houses of the wealthy. In 1600 
Bakers Hall was in Hart lane, in Tower Street Ward, conveniently situated near the 
river. . 

3 Nay, they were faine to spare the shipe some to carry her home. — Braprorp. 


we Plhimmoth Plantation 233 





some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese 
any meate in; nor over many cloaths, for many of them had brusht 
away their coats and cloaks at Plimouth as they came. But ther 
was sent over some burching-lane! suits in the ship, out of which 
they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of 
strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of 
beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; 
but that could not now be helpte. | 

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the late 
Gove[rno]r, now deseased, full of complaints and expostulations 
aboute former passagess at Hampton; and the keeping the shipe so 
long in the country, and returning her without lading, etc., which 
for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth. 


Part of Mr. Weston’s letter. 


I durst never aquainte the adventure[r]s with the alterations of the 
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very 
glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they 
would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this 
ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily 
distasted. I know your weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve 
more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of 
the time you spente in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would 
have done much more; but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, 

1 Stow, Survey of London (Kingsford ed.), states that the Hosiers were originally 
in Hosier lane, near Smithfield; from that place they moved into Cordwainer Street, 
and thence into ‘‘Birchouerislane” by Cornhill; ‘“‘so called of Birchouer, the first 
builder and owner thereof, now corruptly called Birchin lane, the North halfe whereof 
is of the said Cornehill warde, the other part is of Langborne warde. This lane, and 
the high streete neare adioyning, hath beene inhabited for the most part with 
wealthie Drapers, from Birchouers laneon that side the streete downe to the Stockes: 


in the raigne of Henrie the sixt, had yee for the most part dwelling Fripperers or 
Vpholders, that solde olde apparell and householde stuffe.” 1. 81, 198. 
Come traveler from Turkey, Roome, or Spaine, 


And take a sute of trust in Birchin Lane. 
Rowland, Melancholie Knight, 21. 


234 F1istory of 1621 





to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy 
them out faire, and subscribe them with the principall of your names. 
And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our 
moneys were laid out.1 And then I shall be able to give them some 
satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words to shift of. And 
consider that the life of the bussines depends on the lading of this 
ship,which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may be freed from 
the great sums I have disbursed for the former, and must doe for the later, 
I promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all the other adven- 


turers should. |67] 
We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter 
then your former, and with less limitation.? For any thing that is els 


1 The accounts were in chief part kept by Christopher Martin, whose sensitive- 
ness in regard to them is recorded on p. 142, supra. As Martin was now dead, the 
accounts had probably fallen into confusion. 

2 A patent to John Peirce and his associates was sealed by the Virginia Company 
of London, February 2, 1619-20. It could apply only to Virginia. Under this patent 
the Pilgrims sailed for Virginia, and the landing in New England rendered it ‘‘void 
and useless.”” It became necessary to obtain a new patent, and from the company 
having jurisdiction over New England. The complication was explained to Weston, 
by letters sent in the Mayflower, which returned to England in May. He then applied 
to the newly recognized Council for New England. Emboldened by his success in over- 
coming the opposition to his Company, Gorges and his associates issued their first 
patent on June I, 1621, to Peirce and his associates. This led to the recall by the Vir- 
ginia Company of its patent to Peirce (supra, p. 95), unless he should still intend to be- 
gin a plantation within the limits of the Southern company. Records of the Virginia 
Company, 1.515. In the mean time Parliament had assembled, and instituted an en- 
quiry into “‘monopolies” granted by the crown. The patent made to Gorges fell into 
this enquiry, as it created a monopoly, of which its holders intended to make full use, 
in spite of their protestations to the contrary. Colonial Hist. of New York, 111. 5; Gorges, 
Briefe Relation,* 10, 34. Three times did Gorges appear before Parliament, but could 
not quiet the opposition. The House presented the patent as a public grievance, and 
Gorges sorrowfully records that in consequence of this action “this their public 
declaration of the House’s dislike of the cause shook off all my adventurers for plan- 
tation, and made many of the patentees to quit their interest.”” Gorges, rendered 
prudent by the growing difference between the King and Parliament, forebore to claim 
his full rights, but did succeed in gaining advantage for his own schemes. 

The Peirce patent, “probably the oldest document in Massachusetts officially 
connected with her history” (DEANE), is in the collection of the Pilgrim Society at- 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 235 


worth writting, Mr. Cushman caninforme you. I pray write instantly 
for Mr. Robinson to come toyou. And so praying God to blesse you 
with all graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest 
Your very loving frend, 
Tuo. WEsTON. 
London, July 6. 1621. 


This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispacht away, being 
laden with good clapbord ! as full as she could stowe, and -2- hoggs- 
heads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling 
comodities brought with them at first, being all to geether unpro- 
vided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw 
a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. 
The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500 /7. Mr. Cushman 
returned backe also with this ship,” for so Mr. Weston and the rest 


Plymouth, Mass. The full text is given on p. 246, infra. As to Peirce ever being in 
New England, see 1 Maine Hist. Coll., 1.38 n. 

1 At this time clapboard meant a smaller size of split oak, imported from Germany, 
Denmark or Sweden, and used by coopers for making barrel-staves. Bailey’s Diction- 
ary (1725) defines clapboard as a “‘board cut ready to make casks.”’ In this sense the 
word has passed out of usage in England. It was not applied to wainscoting until 
later, and as a board used to cover the roof or sides of a house, each board being 
made tooverlap that below it, the term has been used only in the United States. In 
Stow’s time a building constructed by shipwrights in Tower Street Ward had a roof 
and wall of “‘Boordes not exceeding the length of a Clapboord, about an inch thicke, 
euery Boorde ledging ouer other, as in a Ship or Gallie.”” He looked upon it as a 
“strange kind of building,” and from the notice he gives of it, the construction 
must have been as novel as it was recent. Survey of London (Kingsford), 1. 137. 
See note in Morton, New English Canaan (Prince Society), 182. 

2 Before sailing, and on December 12, Cushman delivered, in the “Common 
House” a sermon on the text 1 Cor. x. 24, “‘Let no man seek his own; but every man 
anothers wealth.” First printed in London in 1622, it was the first sermon delivered 
in New England to be printed. It has since been reprinted many times. In the fore- 
word, addressed ‘“‘to his loving Friends and Adventurers for New England,’ he 
gives a very favorable account of the plantation, especially in its relations with the 
Indians. He came as an agent of Weston to induce the planters to enter into an 
agreement with Weston. And he takes the opportunity of a sermon to preach self- 


236 Plimmoth Plantation 1621 





had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted 
not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; 
considering allso how by Mr. Cushmans perswation, and letters 
received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they 
yeel[dJed to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with 
their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had 
made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all 
the rest should fall of, yet he would never quit the bussines, but 
stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente some lad- 
ing in the ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and con- 
firmed the same from his mouth, and serious protestations to him 


denial and submission to what Weston desired. A single quotation will develop his 
main argument. 

“The country is yet raw, the land untilled, the cities not builded, the cattel not 
settled, we are compassed about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of the 
country, which cannot in any comely or comfortable manner help themselves, much 
less us. We also have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, which helped 
us hither, and now again supplied us, so that before we think of gathering riches, we 
must even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love and labor, and cursed 
be that profit and gain which aimeth not at this.” To the planters he presented a 
hopeful picture of future reward: 

‘*And you my loving friends the adventurers to this plantation; as your care has 
been, first to settle religion here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, go 
on, to do it much more, and be careful to send godly men, though they want some of 
that worldly policy which this world hath in her own generation, and so though you 
lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly in your free and ready minds to your 
powers, yea, and beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus honor God 
with your riches, and I trust you shall be repaid again double and treble in this world, 
yea, and the memory of this action shall never die, but above all adding unto this 
(as I trust you do) like freeness in all other God’s services both at home and abroad, 
you shall find reward with God, ten thousand-fold surpassing all that you can do or 
think; be not therefore discouraged, for no labor is lost nor money spent which is 
bestowed for God, your ends are good, your suceess is good, and your profit is coming, 
even in this life, and in the life to come much more.”” Cushman’s preface to his Ser- 
mon. The printed sermon, as the product of one not ordained to preach, received 
notice at the hands of W. Rathband, in his Brief Narration of some Church Courses 

. in New England, p. 46, where the “‘preacher”’ is said to have been a “‘comber of 
wooll,” a sign pointing to Cushman. See 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 11. 404 n. 






| A 

SERMON 
PREACHED AT 
PLIMMOTH IN 
oe ENGLAND 


sae fs 162 & 
donee affemblie of his 
CMase, by 
Ohare 
énbabising. 


VV HEREIN IS SHEWED 
the danger of felfe-loue, and the 
pe of true SRS 


VVITH A PREFACE, 
Shewin eid Comdiion the Canney 
Condition a, the 
a OM. X2. 
Be affectioned to loue one pi, with brotherly 
bone. 


> 











Written in the yeare 1631. 










LONDON 
Printed by 2. D. for Lounn BELLanmre, 
and are to be fold at his (hop at the two oe 
hounds in Corne-hill 5 necre the Royall 
Exchange. 363 2 








2.3 8 Fiistory of 1621 


selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was the first 
and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as 
heard of the returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine 
is the confidence in man.)! But of this more in its place. 

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him 
from the Gov[erno|r, of which so much as is pertenente to the 
thing in hand [ shall hear inserte. 


Str, Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the -6- of 
July, 1621, I have received the -10- of Novemble]r, wherin (after 
the apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations 
upon himand us all. ‘Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is 
at rest [68] in the Lord from all those troubles and incoumbrances with 
which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care 
and pains was so great for the commone good, both ours and yours, as 
that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his 
days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges 
in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sus- 
taine; but the loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens 
lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of the one, ther may be hope of 
recovery, but the other no recompence can make good. But I will not 
insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to the things them 
selves. You greatly blame us for keping the ship so long in the coun- 
trie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay -5- weks at Cap-Codd 
whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indur- 
ance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule wintera place of 
habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make provission to 
sheelter us and our goods, aboute which labour, many of our armes 
and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased 
God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a dis- 
ease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well 

1 “Private purses are cowld compfortes to adventurers, and have ever been founde 
fatall to all enterprices hitherto undertaken by the English, by reason of delaies, 
jelocies, and unwillingness to backe that project which succeeds not at the first at- 


tempt.” Reasons or Motives for the raising of a publique stock, 1607-08. The entire 
paper will be found in Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 27. 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 239 


not in any measure sufficente to tend the sick. And now to be so 
greatly blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, 
and much discourage us. But you say, you know we will pretend weak- 
nes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve 
it, but it was more weaknesof judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes 
herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently 
amongst the rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould 
you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their 
harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might 
salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeede, it is our 
callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill 
conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse 
others, etc. 


The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed those 
conditionsaccording to his desire, and sente him theformeraccounts 
very perticulerly; also how the ship was laden, and in what condi- 
tion their affairs stood; that the coming of these [69] people would 
bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in 
time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him and the rest of 
the adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his 
demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his 
promise, etc. 

After the departure of this ship, (which stayed not above °14° 
days,) the Gove[rno]r and his assistante haveing disposed these 
late commers into severall families, as they best could, tooke an ex- 
acte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned the 
same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hould 
out above ‘6: months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they 
could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So 
they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, 
which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of 
supply. 


1 The actual situation of the settlers did not agree wholly with the glowing report 


240 F1istory of | 1621 





Sone after this ships departure, the great people of the Nari- 
gansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a 
bundle of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which 


of William Hilton, a passenger in the Fortune. Writing in November or Decem- 
ber, 1621, he said: ‘At our ariuall at New Plimmoth in New England, we found all 
our friends and planters 
in good health, though 
they were left sicke and 
weake with very small 
meanes, the Indians 
round about vs peace- 
able and friendly, the 
country very pleasant 
and temperate, yeelding naturally of itself great store of fruites, as vines of diuers 
sorts in great abundance; there is likewise walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts and plums, 
with much varietie of flowers, rootes, and herbs no lesse pleasant then wholsome 
and profitable: no place hath more goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better. ‘Tim-: 
ber of all sorts you haue in England, doth couer the Land, that affoords beasts of 
diuers sorts, and great flocks of Turkies, Quailes Pigeons and Patriges: many great 
lakes abounding with fish, fowle, Beuers and Otters. The sea affoords vs as great 
plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the riuers and Iles doth varietie of wilde 
fowle of most vsefull sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse 
nor qualitie we know. Better grain cannot be then the Indean corne, if we will plant 
it vpon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all free-holders, the rent day 
doth not trouble vs, and all those good blessings we haue, of which and what we list 
in their seasons for taking. Our companie are for most part very religious honest 
people; the word of God sincerely taught vs every Sabbath: so that I know not any 
thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife 
and children to me, where I wish all the friends I haue in England.” Smith, New 
Englands Trials, 13. 

Pratt laid the blame on the letters received from New England. ‘‘Som Indescret 
men, hoping to incoridg thayr freinds to Come to them, writ Letters Conserning the 
great plenty of Fish fowle and deare. . . . The Adventvrers, willing to saf thayr 
Monys, sent them weekly provided of vicktualls, as Many moor after them did the 
lyke; and that was the great Cause of famine.” Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, tv. 
477. Winslow said the same of the scant supply of provisions sent by the Fortune. 
“Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein: but rather cer- 
tain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that 
plenty we enjoyed.” Good Newes,*11. Winslow himself had not been without blame in 
the glowing accounts of plenty at hand. He now explained that everything must be 





1621 Plimmoth Plantation 241. 


their interpretours tould them was a threatening and a chaleng.' 
Upon which the Gov[erno]r, with the advice of others, sente them 
a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, 
they might begine when they would; they had done them no wrong, 
neither did they fear them, or should they find them unprovided. 
And by another messenger sente the sneake skine back with bulits 
in it; but they would not receive it; but sent it back againe.? But 


expected in its proper season, and had not the settlers been in a place when shell-fish 
could be taken with the hand, they would have perished. The months of their ex- 
tremities were May and June. 

Such favorable reports were not confined to New England. Virginia in her early 
days suffered from the same cause, and one of the charges made against the Sandys 
faction was “‘the practice of sending ‘double and contradictory letters’ from the chief 
officers of the Colony to the Company, those sent officially giving ‘assurance of abun- 
dance,’ and those sent privately asking for ‘large supplies,’ so that many persons were 
‘allured to go over’ on false pretences. The spreading of false rumors, and publica- 
tion of letters, books, and ballads describing the ‘happy estate of the Plantation, 
which was most unreasonably put in, practice this last Lent, when the colony was in 
most extreme misery.’”? Hist. Mss. Com., vit. pt. 11. 43. 

1 This message was sent by Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, by 
an Indian, who was accompanied by the friendly Indian Tokamahamon. As both 
Tisquantum and Hobbamock were absent when this messenger arrived at Plymouth, 
the Governor determined to hold him against their return, and in the mean time 
entrusted him for safe-keeping to Standish, who hoped to extract from him the mean- 
ing of the sending. Tokamahamon could only say that he thought, but could not 
certainly tell, that it meant hostilities. Standish and Hopkins succeeded in allaying 
the fears of the messenger and learned “‘that the messenger which his master [Can- 
onicus] sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war; 
and to the end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) 
detained many of the things [which] were sent to him by our Governor, scorning the 
meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, and also of the 
greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, 
that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his life, but 
assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he would 
be friends with us.” Winslow, Good Newes, *2. It was Tisquantum who interpreted 
the message intended by the arrows and skins. Hubbard calls attention to a similar 
message of arrows sent by the Scythians to Darius. History, 69. 

2 In reply Bradford sent a defiant message with the powder and shot, assuring 
Canonicus “‘if he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohiggan- 


242 Plimmoth Plantation 1621 


these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large all- 
ready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow, at the requeste of some 
freinds.! And it is like the reason was their owne ambition, who, 
(since the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire 
and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be a barr 
in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under 
their wings.” 


set, (the place of his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet 
withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked for. This mes- 
sage was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to this 
savage king; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it 
to stay in his home or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another took 
it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole 
back again.” Winslow, Good Newes, *3. 

1 Good Newes from New England: or A true Relation of things very remarkable at the 
Plantation of Plimoth in Nevv-England, 1624. Two impressions of the tract appear 
to have been issued in London in this year, the second containing some additional 
matter: “‘wherevnto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intelligence of 
the present estate of Virginia.” 

A copy of Winslow’s Good Newes from New England, probably once a part of the 
Prince library, came into the hands of John Adams. By him it was left, together 
with the rest of his collection, to the town of Quincy and the Adams Academy. The 
collection is now deposited in the Public Library of Boston, and in this copy of 
Winslow are many manuscript annotations by Prince. On a fly-leaf he says, after 
collating Bradford and Morton, “By which it seems he [Winslow] must have left 
London in the beginning of February, and must have printed his relation there be- 
tween the end of October, 1623, and the end of January, 1623-4; and I know it is the 
custom of the London printers to begin the year on their books at Michaelmas, so 
that after Sept. 29, 1623, they will date them at the bottom of the titlepage, 1624.” 
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xx. 229. 

2 Notwithstanding the desire of peace shown by the Narragansetts in the summer 
of 1621, there was common talk among the Indians of their preparations against the 
English in the late fall of that year. Though the Fortune added thirty-five settlers 
to Plymouth, it did not really increase the strength of that place, because the new 
settlers brought neither arms nor provisions, and bore heavily upon the resources of 
the planters. A knowledge of this weakness encouraged the Indians, and “occasioned 
them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.” The hostility of the 
Narragansetts appears to have been assumed almost from the first year of settle- 
ments. They were the most numerous of the coast tribes, having been lightly touched 


GOOD 
NE WES 


7 FROM New-EncLAND: 
OR 


A tue Relation of things very re- 
markable at the Plantation of Plimoth 
in Neaew-Encotrawnpb. 


Shewing the wondious providence and good- 
nes of G on, in their preicivation and continuance, 
being delivered from many epparant 
deaths and dangers. 


Together with a Relation of fuch religious and 
civill Lawes and Cuftomes, as are in praftile amongtt 
the /ndiaxs, adjoyning to them at this day. As alfo 
what Commodits are there to be rasfed for the 
maintenance of that and other Planta- 
tions in the: faid, Country. 


Written by E. iW. who hath borne a part in the 
fore-named troubles, and there liued {ince 
their firft Arrivall, 


Wherevnto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible 
inielligence of the prefent eftate of Virginia, 





LONDON 
Vriated by 7.D. for William Bladen and Sohn Bellamie, and 
axv to be foldiat cheir Shops, at the Brb/e in Pawls-Church- 
yard, and ar che three Golden Lyons in Com-hill, 
netre the Royall Exchange, 3 6 2 4 


244 Fiistory of 1621 


But this made them the more carefully to looke to them selves, 
so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, 
and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which 
were every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required 
ther was also warding in the day time. And the company was by 
the Captaine and the Gov[erno]r [7o] advise, devided into -4- 
squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto 
which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther 
should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, 
with muskets, whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean 
treachery.” This was accomplished very cheriully, and the towne 
impayled round by the begining of March, in which evry family had 
a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. 
Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of 
waight. One the day called Chrismas-day, the Gov[erno]rcaled them 
out to worke, (as was used,) but the most of this new-company ex- 


by the disease that swept away their neighbors. They were warlike and ambitious, 
feared by the weaker tribes, like the Pokanokets and the Massachusetts, but were 
themselves held in check by the Pequots on the west. They could bring into the field 
a large number of warriors, though the figures given by some are doubtless exagger- 
ated, and must be received with caution. It is only natural that they should look 
with alarm and suspicion upon a possible alliance between their enemies and the 
English, and seek to prevent its being made. In the jealousy existing between the 
two Indians at Plymouth Hobbamock claimed that the Massachusetts were joined 
in a confederacy with the Narragansetts against the English, and that Tisquantum 
was in the plot. See p. 252, infra. 

1 In this defense they took in the top of the hill (Fort, and later Burial Hill,) under 
which the town was seated, “ making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary 
circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three whereof 
are gates, and the fourth in time to be.” There was a general muster or training held, 
the first in New England, and each commander “‘drew his company to his appointed 
place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they 
brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they graced them with 
their shot, and so departed.” Winslow, Good Newes, *4. This was done in February 
and March, 1622. 

2 “* Tf the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were to be freed from it; 
but not otherwise, without special command.” Winslow, Good Newes, *5. 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 2456 


cused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to 
work on that day.! So the Gov[erno]r tould them that if they 
made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were 
better informed. So he led-away the rest and left them; but when 
they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in the 
streete at play, openly; some pitching the barr, and some at stoole- 
ball, and shuch like sports.2 So he went to them, and tooke away 


1 Mourt, *24, shows there was no observance of the day in 1620. “‘We went on 
shore, some to fell tymber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry, so no man 
rested all that day.” 

The observation of Christmas Day in England was appointed by Statute 5 and 6 
Edward VI c. 3, but the Puritans regarded it as abused by superstition and profane- 
ness, and as one of other pagan or popish festivals. Ainsworth says in his Arrow 
against Idolatrie : ‘Our purple Queen hath made many moe holy dayes then ther be 
monethes (that I say not weeks) of the yere, in honour of her Ladie and all her Saincts, 
and these some of them correspondent to the paynim festivities, as Christmas, 
Candlemas, Fasgon or Shrovetide, according to the times and customes of the gentiles 
Saturnal, Februal and Bacchus feasts” (Ed. 1640, p. 156). Even in England observ- 
ance of the day was not general, as the Bishop of Norwich showed: “‘Some of the 
aldermen went to church in their scarlets, and some would not; some opened their 
shops, and some shut them up; some eat flesh on that day, and others eat fish.” 
Strype, Life of Archbishop Parker.[ | For the revels that were held on Christmas, 
see Love, Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England, 24. In Holland the Dutch 
Reformed church kept the day, but associated with it in New Netherlands was a 
festival with common sports, such as bowling, dancing, ball playing and the like. 
New England held days of fasts and days of thanksgiving, and not until the latter 
part of the seventeenth century were Christmas and other holidays observed. Sewall, 
Diary, under Christmas. 

2 Stool-ball, an ancient game played by both sexes, and in which balls are driven 
from stool to stool. By the Puritans ‘‘all games where there is any hazard of loss are 
strictly forbidden; not so much as a game at stool-ball for a Tansay, or a cross and 
pyle for the odd penny at a reckoning, upon pain of damnation.” Lewis, English 
Presbyterian Eloquence, 17. The attitude of the Puritan towards sports was exempli- 
fied by the history of the Declaration of Sports, as told by Rev. Dr. Slafter in 2 Mass. 
Hist. Soc. Proceedings, x1x. 86. Issued first by James I to counteract the extreme 
position taken by the Puritans on the proper observation of the Jewish Sabbath, the 
opposition it aroused proved sufficient to prevent a general enforcement. The Decla- 
ration remained in abeyance until October 18, 1633, when it was, under Laud’s per- 
suasion, republished by Charles I. ‘‘As yet the only notion of liberty entertained by 


246 Fiistory of 1621 


their implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, 
that they should play and others worke. If they made the keeping 
of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should 
beno gameingorrevellinginthestreets. Since which time nothing 
hath been atempted that way, at least openly. 


NOTE. 


THE PEIRCE PATENT. 


This Indenture made the First Day of June 1621 And in the yeeres of the 
raigne of our soueraigne Lord James by the grace of god King of England 
Scotland Fraunce and Ireland defendor of the faith etc. That is to say of 
England Fraunce and Ireland the Nynetenth and of Scotland the fowre and 
fiftith. Betwene the President and Counsell of New England of the one partie 
And John Peirce Citizen and Clothworker of London and his Associates of 
the other partie Witnesseth that whereas the said John Peirce and his Asso- 
ciates haue already transported and vndertaken to transporte at their cost and 
chardges themselves and dyvers persons into New England and there to erect 
and build a Towne and settle dyvers Inhabitantes for the advancem[en]t of 
the generall plantacon of that Country of New England Now the sayde Presi- 
dent and Counsell in consideracon thereof and for the furtherance of the said 


either of the church parties was the removal of restrictions which the opposite party 
considered it all-important toimpose. The Puritan objected to the compulsory observ- 
ance of the Laudian ceremonies. Laud objected to the compulsory observation of 
the Puritan Sabbath.” Gardiner, History of England, vu. 321. 

The temper of the Puritan clergy on this subject is illustrated by the charge brought 
against Charles Chauncy, who later came to Plymouth. “In your sermons as other 
priuate discourses, you haue much slighted and detracted from the power and 
authority of the Church, and haue both publiquely and priuately affirmed and sayd, 
that the Church hath power to appoynt dayes for fasts and prayers, but that they 
find not the conscience, but are indifferent, which causeth many to worke on holy 
dayes openly, contrary to the lawes and Cannons of our Church, and pressing that 
matter a little further then sound Judgment in Diuinity or discretion would haue ledd 
you, you sayd that there be many thousand soules damned in hell for their gaminge 
and Revellinge in xij dayes at Christmass tyme, and that the Damned in hell doe 
curse the birth of our Saviour Christ, and the Church for Institutinge the celebracon 
thereof, or you haue sayd like wordes in effect and substance, to the great admiracon 
and astonishment of the hearers.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, X11. 339. 


































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1621 Plhimmoth Plantation 24.7 


plantaéon and incoragem[en]t of the said Vndertakers haue agreed to graunt 
assigne allott and appoynt to the said John Peirce and his associates and 
euery of them his and their heires and assignes one hundred acres of grownd 
for euery person so to be transported besides dyvers other pryviledges Liber- 
ties and commodyties hereafter menconed. And to that intent they haue 
graunted allotted assigned and confirmed, And by theis pre[sen]ntes doe 
graunt allott assigne and confirme vnto the said John Peirce and his Asso- 
ciates his and their heires and assignes and the heires and assignes of euery of 
them seuerally and respectyvelie one hundred seuerall acres of grownd in 
New England for euery person so transported or to be transported, Yf the 
said John Peirce or his Associates contynue there three whole yeeres either 
at one or seuerall tymes or dye in the meane season after he or they are shipped 
with intent there toinhabit. The same Land to be taken and chosen by them 
their deputies or assignes in any place or places whersoeuer not already in- 
habited by any English and where no English person or persons are already 
placed or settled or haue by order of the said President and Councell made 
choyce of, nor within Tenne myles of the same, vnles it be the opposite syde 
of some great or Navigable Ryver to the former particuler plantacon, together 
with the one half of the Ryver or Ryvers, that is to say to the middest thereof 
as shall adioyne to such landes as they shall make choyce of together with all 
such Liberties pryviledges proffittes and commodyties as the said Land and 
Ryvers which they shall make choyce of shall yeild together with free libertie 
to fishe in and vpon the Coast of New England and in all havens portes and 
creekes Therevnto belonging and that no person or persons whatsoeuer shall 
take any benefitt or libertie of or to any of the grownds or the one half of the 
Ryvers aforesaid, excepting the free vse of highwayes by land and Navigable 
Ryvers, but that the said vndertakers and planters their heires and assignes 
shall haue the sole right and vse of the said grownds and the one half of the 
said Ryvers with all their profittes and appurtennces. And forasmuch as the 
said John Peirce and his associates intend and haue vndertaken to build 
Churches, Schooles, Hospitalls Towne howses, Bridges and such like workes 
of Charytie As also for the maynteyning of Magistrates and other inferior 
Officers, In regard whereof and to the end that the said John Peirce and his 
Associates his and their heires and assignes may haue wherewithall to beare 
and support such like charges. Therefore the said President and Councell 
aforesaid do graunt vnto the said Vndertakers their heires and assignes Fif- 
teene hundred acres of Land more over and aboue the aforesaid proporcon 
of one hundred the person for euery vndertaker and Planter to be ymployed 


248 —— Eiistory of 1621 


vpon such publique vses as the said Vndertakers and Planters shall thinck 
fitt. And they do further graunt vnto the said John Peirce and his Associates 
their heires and assignes, that for euery person that they or any of them shall 
transport at their owne proper costes and charges into New England either 
vnto the Lands hereby graunted or adioyninge to them within Seaven Yeeres 
after the feast of St. John Baptist next comming Yf the said person trans- 
ported contynue there three whole yeeres either at one or seuerall tymes or dye 
in the meane season after he is shipped with intent there to inhabit that the 
said person or persons that shall so at his or their owne charges transport any 
other shall haue graunted and allowed to him and them and his and their 
heires respectyvelie for euery person so transported or dyeing after he is 
shipped one hundred acres of Land, and also that euery person or persons who 
by contract and agream[en]t to be had and made with the said Vndertakers 
shall at his and their owne charge transport him and themselves or any other 
and setle and plant themselves in New England within the said Seaven 
Yeeres for three yeeres space as aforesaid or dye in the meane tyme shall haue 
graunted and allowed vnto euery person so transporting or transported and 
their heires and assignes respectyvely the like nomber of one hundred acres 
of Land as aforesaid the same to be by him and them or their heires and as- 
signes chosen in any entyre place together and adioyning to the aforesaid 
Landes and not straglingly not before the tyme of such choyce made possessed 
or inhabited by any English Company or within tenne myles of the same, ex- 
cept it be on the opposite side of some great Navigable Ryver as aforesaid 
Yeilding and paying vnto the said President and Counsell for euery hundred 
acres so obteyned and possessed by the said John Peirce and his said Asso- 
ciates and by those said other persons and their heires and assignes who by 
Contract as aforesaid shall at their owne charges transport themselves or 
others the Yerely rent of Two shillinges at the feast of St. Michaell Thar- 
chaungell to the hand of the Rentgatherer of the said President and Counsell 
and their successors foreuer, the first paym[en]t to begyn after the expiracon 
of the first seaven Yeeres next after the date hereof And further it shal be 
lawfull to and for the said John Peirce and his Associates and such as con- 
tract with them as aforesaid their Tennantes and servantes vpon dislike of or 
in the Country to returne for England or elsewhere with all their goodes and 
chattells at their will and pleasure without lett or disturbaunce of any paying 
all debtes that iustly shalbe demaunded And likewise it shalbe lawfull and is 
graunted to and for the said John Peirce and his Associates and Planters their 
heires and assignes their Tennantes and servantes and such as they or any of 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 24.9 


them shall contract with as aforesaid and send and ymploy for the said plan- 
tacon to goe and returne trade traffique inport or transport their goodes and 
merchaundize at their will and pleasure into England or elswhere paying onely 
such dueties to the Kinges maljes]tie his heires and succesors as the Presi- 
dent and Counsell of New England doe pay without any other taxes Imposi- 
cons burthens or restraintes whatsoeuer vpon them to be ymposed (the rent 
hereby reserved being onely excepted) And it shalbe lawfull for the said Vn- 
dertakers and Planters, their heires and successors freely to truck trade and 
traffique with the Salvages in New England or neighboring thereaboutes at 
their wills and pleasures without lett ordisturbaunce. As also to haue libertie 
to hunt hauke fish or fowle in any place or places not now or hereafter by the 
English inhabited. And the said President and Counsell do covenant and 
promyse to and with the said John Peirce and his Associates and others con- 
tracted with as aforesaid his and their heires and assignes, That vpon lawfull 
survey to be had and made at the charge of the said Vndertakers and Planters 
and lawfull informacon geven of the bowndes, meetes, and quantytie of Land 
so as aforesaid to be by them chosen and possessed they the said President 
and Counsell vpon surrender of this p[rese]nte graunt and Indenture and vpon 
reasonable request to be made by the said Vndertakers and Planters their 
heires and assignes within seaven Yeeres now next coming, shall and will by 
their Deede Indented and vnder their Common seale graunt infeoffe and con- 
firme all and euery the said landes sosett out and bownded as aforesaid to the 
said John Peirce and his Associates and such as contract with them their heires 
and assignes in as large and beneficiall manner as the same are in theis p[re- 
se|ntes graunted or intended to be graunted to all intentes and purposes with 
all and euery particuler pryviledge and freedome reservacon and condicon 
with all dependances herein specyfiedand graunted. And shall alsoat any tyme 
within the said terme of Seaven Yeeres vpon request vnto the said President 
and Counsell made, graunt vnto them the said John Peirce and his Associates 
Vndertakers and Planters their heires and assignes, Letters and Grauntes of 
Incorporacon by some vsuall and fitt name and tytle with Liberty to them 
and their successors from tyme to tyme to make orders Lawes Ordynaunces 
and Constitucons for the rule governement ordering and dyrecting of all per- 
sons to be transported and settled vpon the landes hereby graunted, intended 
to be graunted or hereafter to be granted and of the said Landes and 
profittes thereby arrysing. And in the meane tyme vntill such graunt 
made, Yt shalbe lawfull for the said John Peirce his Associates Vndertakers 
and Planters their heires and assignes by consent of the greater part of them 


250 Fiistory of 1621 


to establish such Lawes and ordynaunces as are for their better governem[en]t, 
and the same by such Officer or Officers as they shall by most voyces elect and 
choose to put in execucon And lastly the said President and Counsell do 
graunt and agree to and with the said John Peirce and his Associates and 
others contracted with and ymployed as aforesaid their heires and assignes, 
That when they haue planted the Landes hereby to them assigned and ap- 
poynted, That then it shalbe lawfull for them with the pryvitie and allow- 
aunce of the President and Counsell as aforesaid to make choyce of and to 
enter into and to haue an addition of fiftie acres more for euery person trans- 
ported into New England with like reservacons condicons and pryviledges 
as are aboue granted to be had and chosen in such place or places where no 
English shalbe then setled or inhabiting or haue made choyce of and the 
same entered into a booke of Actes at the tyme of such choyce so to be made 
or within tenne Myles of the same, excepting on the opposite side of some 
great Navigable Ryveras aforesaid. And that it shall and may be lawfull for 
the said John Peirce and his Associates their heires and assignes from tyme to 
tyme and at all tymes hereafter for their seuerall defence and savetie to en- 
counter expulse repell and resist by force of Armes aswell by Sea as by Land 
and by all wayes and meanes whatsoeuer all such person and persons as with- 
out the especiall lycense of the said President or Counsell and their successors 
or the greater part of them shall attempt to inhabit within the seuerall pre- 
sinctes and lymmyttes of their said Plantacon, Or shall enterpryse or attempt 
at any tyme hereafter distruccon, Invation, detryment or annoyaunce to the 
said Plantagon. And the said John Peirce and his associates and their heires 
and assignes do covennant and promyse to and with the said President and 
Counsell and their successors, That they the said John Peirce and his Asso- 
ciates from tyme to tyme during the said Seaven Yeeres shall make a true 
Certificat to the said President and Counsell and their successors from the 
chief Officers of the places respectyvely of euery person transported and 
landed in New England or shipped as aforesaid to be entered by the Secretary 
of the said President and Counsell into a Register book for that purpose to be 
kept And the said John Peirce and his Associates Jointly and seuerally for 
them their heires and assignes do covennant promyse and graunt to and with 
the said President and Counsell and their successors That the persons trans- 
ported to this their particuler Plantacon shall apply themselves and their 
Labors in a large and competent manner to the planting setting making and 
procuring of good and staple commodyties in and vpon the said Land hereby 
graunted vnto them as Corne and silkgrasse hemp flaxe pitch and tarre sope- 


1621 Plimmoth Plantation 251 


ashes and potashes Yron Clapbord and other the like materialls. In witnes 
whereof the said President and Counsell haue to the one part of this p[rese]nte 
Indenture sett their seales! And to th’ other part hereof the said John Peirce 
in the name of himself and his said Associates haue sett to his seale geven the 
day and yeeres first aboue written. 

Lenox Hamitton Warwick SHEFFIELD FERp: GorRGES 


On the Verso of the instrument is the following indorsement: — 


Sealed and Delivered by my Lord Duke in the presence of 
Epwarp CoLiincwoop, Clerke. 


1 This word looks a little like seale, with a punctuation mark following it. The sensé 
would seem to require the plural; there were originally six seals affixed to the instrument. 
C. D{eane]. Under each signature was originally a strip of parchment and a seal, of which 
four are still attached to the document. The sixth signature has been torn from the film. 
This Patent was first printed by Deane in 4 Mass. Hist, Collections, u. 156. 





Anno -1622: 


T the spring of the year they had apointed the Massachusets 
to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to 
prepare for that vioag about thelater end of March. But 

upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon 
some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with the Narighan- 
sets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated 
also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private 
whisperings betweene him and other Indeans.! But [71] they resolved 
to proseede, and sente out their shalop with: 10- of their cheefe men 
aboute the begining of Aprill, and both Sq[ulanto and Hobamake 
with them, in regarde of the jelocie betweenethem. But they had 
not bene gone longe,” but an Indean belonging to Squantos family 


1 Hobbamock told of many secret passages that passed between Tisquantum and 
others, “‘having their meetings ordinarily abroad, in the woods; but if at home, how- 
soever, he was excluded from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, 
when they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there was no show of 
honesty.” The Governor held a council and decided to disregard the charges. “As 
hitherto, upon all occasions, between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted 
courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves 
in our new-enclosed town; partly because our store was almost empty, and therefore 
must seek out for our daily food, without which we could not long subsist; but espe- 
cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged to prosecute 
their malicious purposes with more eagerness than ever they intended. Whereas, on 
the contrary, by the blessing of God, our fearless carriage might be the means to dis- 
courage and weaken their proceedings.” Winslow, Good Newes, *5. Charlevoix says 
that to “‘secure the esteem of these barbarians, it is good not to allow them to despise 
us with impunity. You must even, outwardly, give contempt for contempt, if you 
would repress their insolence.”’ History (Shea’s ed.), 11. 27. 

? Winslow says they had turned the point of the harbor, called the Gurnet’s Nose 
and becoming becalmed, had let fall their grapnel to set things to right and prepare 
to row. Good Newes, *6. Gurnet is a promontory containing about twenty-seven 
acres, and connected with Marshfield by a beach about seven miles long known as 
Duxbury (formerly Salt-house) beach. 


1622 Plinmoth Plantation 253 





came runing in seeming great fear,’ and tould them that many of 
the Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, 
were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not with- 
out danger. And being examined by the Govierno]r, he made as 
if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were 
at his heels. At which the Gov[erno]r caused them to take armes 
and stand on their garde, and supposing the boat to be still within 
hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or «2: to be 
shote of, the which they heard and came in. But noIndeans apeared; 
watch was kepte all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was 
confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false;” yet the Gov- 
[erno]r caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could 
observe (preten|dling other occasions), but ther was nothing found, 
but all was quiet.* After this they proseeded on their vioge to the 


1 The Indian had wounded his face, and had the blood still fresh upon it. He 
reported a gathering of the natives at Namasket, about fifteen miles from Plymouth, 
and that he had received the blow for speaking in behalf of the English. The Indians, 
he reported, were resolved to take advantage of Captain Standish’s absence to assault 
the town. 

2 In expressing his confidence in Massasoit, Hobbamock said “he presumed he 
would neuer have undertaken any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse, 
that is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the manner amongst 
them not to undertake such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of 
that rank. To this the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just and neces- 
sary occasions of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but espe- 
cially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest, but because his love 
more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no 
cause wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should do well to continue his 
affections.”” Winslow, Good Newes, *7. 

8’ The woman went to Pokanoket, Massasoit’s place of residence, and finding 
no sign of any hostile movement, told the chief of Squanto’s accusations. Massasoit 
naturally took offense, and came to Plymouth to,clear himself, and showed his anger 
against Tisquantum. After his departure he sent a messenger to Governor Bradford 
“‘entreating him to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused 
him.” While admitting his guilt, Bradford sought to turn aside this demand, urging 
his usefulness as an interpreter, but the sachem was not to be pacified. He demanded 
Tisquantum as a subject, whom the Governor could not retain without violating the 


254 Fiistory of 1622 





Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed 
be God. 

But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they 
begane tosee that Squanto sought his owneends, and plaid his owne 
game, by putting the Indians in fear, and drawing gifts from them 
to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stir up warr 
against whom he would, and make peace for whom he would. Yea, 
he made them beleeve they kept the plague buried in the ground, 
and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie 
the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more 
to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like 
to have cost him his life.’ For after the discovery of his practises, 


treaty. “Yet because he would not willingly do it without the Governor’s approba- 
tion, offered him many beavers’ skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according 
to their manner, their sachem had sent his own knife, and them [the messengers] 
therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him.” Bradford replied 
that it was not the manner of the English to sell men’s lives at a price, but when they 
had deserved justly to die, to give them their reward. He sent for Tisquantum, who 
came and charged Hobbamock with his overthrow, but expressed a willingness to 
abide by the Governor’s decision, though he knew what fate Massasoit had pre- 
pared for him. ‘But at the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver him into 
the hands of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall 
behind a headland [Manomet] not far off. Whereupon, having heard many rumors of 
the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination between the savages 
and them, the Governor told the Indians he would first know what boat that was ere 
he would deliver them [him] into their custody. But being mad with rage, and im- 
patient at delay, they departed in great heat.’’ The boat was the shallop from Weston’s 
ship, the Sparrow. Winslow, Good Newes, *9. 

1 “Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this Tisquantum; 
who, to the end, he might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so 
consequently of himself, told them we had the plague buried in our storehouse; 
which, at our pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and 
destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, upon the fore- 
named brabbles, sent for by the Governor to this place, where Hobbamock was and 
some other of us, the ground being broke in the midst of the house, whereunder cer- 
tain barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him 
what it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein the plague 
was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 256 





Massosoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him 
to stick close to the English, and never durst goe from them till he 
dyed. They also made good use of the emulation that grue be- 
tweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. 
And the Gov[erno]r seemed to countenance the one, and the Cap- 
taine the other, by which they had better intelligence, and made 
them both more diligente. [72]! 


one of our people, whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it. 
Who answered, No; but the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at 
his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.” Winslow, Good Newes, *10. 

Among the Hurons in 1640 the charge was made that the French spread the small- 
pox everywhere, and after the smallpox there would follow certain colics which in 
three days would carry off all those who had escaped the pestilence. Jesuit Relations 
(Thwaites), xx. 29. A fatal influence was attributed tothe pictures displayed by the 
priests, and an entire village decided no longer to use French kettles, as everything 
coming from the French could communicate disease. La Jeune’s Relation for 1638 is 
eloquent on this fear. [b. xv. 17. 

1 “Now, though he could not make good these his large promises, especially be- 
cause of the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this 
false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of blood, to provoke us to march 
into his country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not 
easily be quenched; and hoping if that block were once removed, there were no other 
between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred before his peace. 
For these and the like abuses the Governor sharply reproved him; yet was he so neces- 
sary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when 
we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency 
therein; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear; and 
if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and 
seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all 
sides.”” Winslow, Good Newes, *8. 

The last mention of Hobbamock in the history of Plymouth is in connection with 
the day of humiliation in July, 1623 (p. 324, infra). The writer of New Englands First 
Fruits attributes Hobbamock’s conversion to that incident, for he ‘‘resolved from that 
day not to rest till he did know this great good God, and for that end to forsake the 
Indians, and cleave to the English, which he presently did, and laboured by all pub- 
lique and private meanes to suck in more and more of the knowledge of God, and his 
wayes, and as he increased in knowledge so in affection and also in his practise, 
reforming and conforming himselfe accordingly: and (though he was much tempted 
by inticements, scoffes and scornes from the Indians) yet, could he never be gotten 


256 Fiistory of eens 


Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they 
looked hard for supply, but none came. But about the later end of 
May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had 
beene some French-man; but it proved a shalop which came from 
a ship ! which Mr. Weston and an other had set out a fishing, at a 
place called Damarins-cove,-40- leagues to the eastward of them, 
wher were that year many more ships come a fishing.? This boat 
brought -7- passengers and some letters; but no vitails, nor any 
hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe. 


Mr. Carver, In my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cush- 
man wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte the shipe 
back againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with -35- 
persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of 
the parsemonie of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you 
a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer 
they will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing be- 
fore; so faithfull, constant, and carefull of your good, are your olde 
and honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send 
you no supplie, etc. I am now to relate the occasion of sending this 


from the English, nor from seeking after their God; but died amongst them, leaving 
some good hopes in their hearts that his soule went to rest.” *2. 

1 The ship was the Sparrow of which Rodgers was the master, and Gibbs, master’s 
mate. Wanting a pilot it put into Damaris Cove, a group of small islands lying north- 
west from Monhegan. ‘‘The men that belong to the ship there fishing, had newly set 
up a may pole and were very merry.” Preparing a small boat for coasting, they would 
not trust an Indian pilot, because one so guided had just been lost. So Gibbs under- 
took it, and, touching at the Isle of Shoals (Smith’s Islands) and at Cape Ann, they 
reached Plymouth. Pratt’s Narrative. 

2 Levett says that from June to the last of January or thereabouts, no English 
fishing ships were on the coast of what is now Maine. ‘‘The fleet of Fishermen doe 
comonly arive there in January and February: the fishing contenewes untill the be- 
gininge of May, and by the end of that month comonly they depart. The maner of 
the Fishermen is to leave there shallops in the Contry untill the next season every 
shipe in that harbor where they fish. They may be of them in all about 3 or 400.” 
The English contingent of this fishing fleet he places at forty or fifty sail. See Chris- 
topher Levett (Gorges Society), 64. - 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 267 





ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more 
favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who 
taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, etc. Mr. 
Beachamp and my selfe bought this litle ship, and have set her out, 
partly, if it may be, to uphold! the plantation, as well to doe others 
good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly out; 
though we are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion we have 
sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte;? whom we 
desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries 
as you cane spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things we 
pray you lendor sell them some seed corne, and if you have the salt 
remaining of the last year, that you will let them have it for their pre- 
sente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we 
have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one 
of the litle ilands in your bay, etc.? And because we intende, if God 
plase, [73] (and the generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month an- 
other shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Vir- 
ginia, etc. And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide with you 
on the coast, which I conceive may be a great help to the plantation. 


1 T know not which way.— BRapForp. 

2 Winslow says the Sparrow brought six or seven passengers, ‘‘that should before 
have been landed at our Plantation; who also brought no more provision for the pres- 
ent than served the boat’s gang for their return to the ship.” Good Newes, *11. The 
passengers, who cannot now be identified, would seem to have constituted wholly a 
private venture of Weston and Beauchamp, probably like Oldham and his associates, 
to plant, fish, manufacture and trade upon their own account for the benefit of their 
employers. This placed them upon the same basis as the “particular plantations” in 
Virginia, enjoying land rights and exemption from the conditions imposed upon the 
members of the plantation proper. Such freedom had given rise to some troublesome 
conditions in Virginia, and they went through the same course at New Plymouth. As 
soon as the importance to the plantation of the fur trade came to be realized, these 
‘*particular adventures” could be nothing else than interlopers, contributing nothing 
to the chartered communities, and subjecting them to most unfair competition. 
The making of salt did not appeal strongly to the settlers, while those engaged in 
it required food and shelter for an entire winter, imposing a heavy tax upon their 
slender stores. 

3 They had written of more than one island in the bay. 

4 See p. 121, supra. 


258 Eiistory of 1622 





To the end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will 
be also for your good, we pray you give them entertainmente in your 
houses the time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, 
but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, to the end 
lading may be ready and our ship stay not.? 

Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions 
for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. 
James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give 
him nothing;? so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, 
but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next we pur- 
pose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente ; 
that if your peopl[e] should be as unhumane as some of the adventurers, 
not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, 
and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch 
Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of 
force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. 

I find the generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so 
could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they 
say) to God and your selves. 

Subscribed, 
your loving freind, 
Tuo: WEsTON. 
Jan: 12. 1621 [-22]. 


Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent. 

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a 
slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it 
either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James spake of, by 
him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember 
what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It 1s better to trust in the Lord, 
then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 146. [3.] Put not your trust 
in princes (much less in marchants) nor in the sone of man, for 
ther 1s no help in them |him]. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God of 
Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God. And as they 


1 For clapboards, 2 James 1. 15, 16. 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 259 


were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest 
neede and wants, which was caused by him and the rest, who put so 
great a company of men upon them, as the former company were, 
without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live al- 
most a whole year before any could [74] be raised, excepte they had 
sente some; so, upon the pointe theynever had any supply of vitales 
more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise); for all 
the company sent at any time was allways too short for those peo- 
ple that came with it. 

Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later date; 
one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the adventurers, as 
foloweth. . 


Mr. Carver, Since my last, to the end we might the more readily 
proceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall 
adventurers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente 
(save Pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he 
formerly had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, 
and will adventure no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the 
adventurers being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason 
that those that are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are 
unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are for- 
ward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having 
well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in the 
agreemente,! (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of the adven- 
turers and planters, upon just occasion, to break of their joynte stock,) 
to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme the same on 
your parts. Which being done, we shall the more willingly goe for- 
ward for the upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any 
case you must agree to the artickles, and send it by the first under 
your hands and seals. So I end 

Your loving freind, 
Tuo: WEsTON. 
Jan: 17. 1621 [-22]. 


1 Deane refers to the third article in the agreement, p. 105, supra. 


260 Plimmoth Plantation 1622 


Another leter was write from part of the company of the ad- 
venturers to the same purpose, and subscribed with-g- of their 
names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were tow. 
Thes[e] things seemed strang[e] unto them, seeing this uncon- 
stancie and shufling; it made them tothinke ther was some misterie 
in the matter. And therfore the Gov[erno]r concealed these letters 
from the publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for 
advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband and 
scater them (in regard of their straits); and if Mr. Weston and 
others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over 
with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most 
would fall to him, to the prejudice of them selves and the rest of the 
adventure[r]s, their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. 
And it was doubted whether he had not sente [75] over shuch a 
company in the former ship,’ for shuch an end. Yet they tooke 
compassion of those -7- men which this ship, which fished to the 
eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no 
corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for they turned them off without 
any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan 
come, so as they could not performe any of those things which Mr. 
Weston had apointed, and might have starved if the plantation had 
not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any 
of their owne.” The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both 

1 The Fortune. 

2 Weston’s haphazard sending of unprovided men had been practised in Virginia, 
and called out the sharp criticism of Captain John Smith. ‘The charge was all one 
to send a workman as a roarer, whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get 
fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with ‘more loy- 
terers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would 
rather starve then worke.” Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *6. 

The Council for New England was at this time contending against the interlopers, 
or free-traders, who came to the coast of New England to trade or to fish, and usually 
for both objects. This infringed the monopoly set up by the council under its charter, 


and reduced its profits. In defense of the rights of the Council Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
wrote A briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, published by 


ADVERTISEMENTS 


For the unexpérienced Planters of 
New. England, or any where. 
O R, a : 
The Path-way to experience to erecta 
PLANTATION. 
With the yearely proceedings of this Country in Fifhing 

and Planting, fince the yeare 1614. tothe yeare 1630. 

and their prefent eftate. 


Alfo bow to prevent the greatef? inconveniences, by their 
proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations, 
by approvedexamples, 


With the Countries Armes, a defcription of the Coaft, 
Harbours, Habitations, Land-markes, Latitude and 
Longitude : with the Map, allowed by our Royall 
King CHARLES, 





ByCaptainclou N Sm 17TH, fometimes Governour of 
Vigeoinia, and AdmuallofNevv-Encranp, 





LONDON, 
Printedby loun Havi LAND, andareto be fold by 
Rossaz Mizz ovang, at the Grey-hound 
in Pauls Chusch-yard, 1631. 


262 Fiistory of 1622 





ship and fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very 
slender accounte.! 

After this came another of his ships,? and brought letters dated the 
-10+ of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth. 


the Council in 1622. Its special object was “‘to striue to vindicate our reputation 
from the iniurious aspersions that haue beene laid vpon it, by the malicious prac- 
tises of some that would aduenture nothing in the beginning, but would now reape 
the benefit of our paines and charges, and not seeme beholding to vs; and to that 
end they disualew what is past, and by sinister informations derogate what they 
can from the present course intended: the rather because the good Orders appointed 
to bee put in execution there, are likely to restraine the licentious irregularitie of 
other places.” *7. This is doubtless the book, the printing of which was referred, 
at a meeting of the Council on May 31, 1622, to the Earl of Arundel. It is reprinted 
in 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1x. 1; in Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges (Prince Society), 
I. 199. 

Weston’s venture gave offense to the New England Company, for in the minutes of 
the meeting of May 31, 1622, is the following entry: ‘‘First it is ordered that concern- 
ing the Complaint made of Mr. Weston, petition shall bee made to his Majestie for 
the forfeiture of his shipp and goods to the president and Councells use.”? This could 
not have referred to the Fortune, for her cargo had been taken by the French. The 
order was probably directed against one of Weston’s vessels about to go to New 
England, and the paragraph of the Records that followed may be the real cause of 
action: “It is thought fitt that there shall bee an order procured from the Lords of his 
Majestie’s Councell for sending for such as have in contempt of authority gone for New 
England this last yeare, As also to procure a further warning to bee given to them from 
further attempting, by Proclamation, and Mr. Attorney to bee moved therein.” On 
November 6 issued the royal proclamation prohibiting “‘interloping and disorderly 
trading” to New England. 

1 A vessel of thirty tons, called the Sparrow, and a “pinnace of Mr. Westons,” 
were reported to the Virginia Company as bringing provisions to Virginia in the sum- 
mer of 1623. Records of the Virginia Company, 11. 496. As the pinnace could hardly 
have been obtained or constructed in New England, it was in all probability the Swan. 
Carver described the Speedwell as a pinnace, though of sixty tons. The name was gen- 
erally applied to a small, light, two-masted vessel, often in attendance on a larger 
vessel as tender; and, later, to a double-banked boat propelled by oars. 

* The Charity, of one hundred tons, accompanied by a smaller vessel, the Swan, of 
thirty tons. They left London about the last of April, and arrived in the end of June 
or beginning of July, bringing fifty or sixty men. Though sent over at the charge of 
Weston to plant for him, it was the Plymouth plantation that supported them fora 
time. Smith, Generall Historie, 236; Winslow, Good Newes, *13. 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation - 263 


Mr. BraprorD, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good 
news touching your estate and procee[d]ings, I am very glad to hear. 
And how soever he was robed on the way by the French-men, yet I 
hope your loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne 
doth much animate the adventurers, sothat I hope some matter of im- 
portance will be done by them, etc. .As for my selfe, I have sould my 
adventure and debts unto them, so as I am quite! of you, and you of 
me, for that matter, etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an 
adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if 
you can apprehend it. I perceive and know as well as another, the 
-dispossitions of your adventurers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne 
on to this they have done; and yet I fear that hope will not draw them 
much furder. Besides, most of them are against the sending of them of 
Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of the 
most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) excepts against them. So that 
my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith 
break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in 
law and conscience, for the most parte of the adventurers have given 
way unto it by a former letter. And the means you have ther, which I 
hope will be to some purpose by the trade of this spring, may, with the 
help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of transporting those of 
Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question, but by Gods 
help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you 
to your discretion. 

I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene,? 
and others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, 
to send them by these ships ; and marvelling they sent not so much asa 
letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some 
dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him 
-with [76] great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a 
paire of new-shoes, and sow it betweene the soles for fear of intercept- 
ing. I, taking the leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke 

1 See how his promise is fulfild.— Braprorp. 

2 It may be noted that the four names prominent in these letters — Weston, 


Greene, Pickering and Peirce — are not found among the forty-two adventurers who 
signed the composition with the New Plymouth plantation in 1626. See vol. 1. p. 6. 


264 fiistory of 1622 


it open,! and found this treacherous leter subscribed by the hands of 
Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to your hands 
without answer, might have caused the hurt, if not the ruine of us all. 
For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us 
that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as 
enimise, etc., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather 
by the ears, to the distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in 
shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not 
only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady 
against you, etc. I mente to have setled the people I before and now 
send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and de- 
fence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous 
and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to 
my brother and those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find 
fitte. Thus, etc. 
Your loving freind, 
Tuo: WEsTON. 
Aprill 10, 1621. 


Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned. 


To Mr. Braprorp and Mr. BrewsTER, etc. 


My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath 
bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he 
being judged a man that thought him selfe above the generall, and not 
expresing so much the fear of God as was meete in a man, to whom 
shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great impor- 
tance. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but 
a few words to the wise. 

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any 
thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of 
him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew,? whom he doth send as principall 


1 An example imitated by Governor Bradford in the case of Lyford and Oldham. 
See p. 383, infra. 

2 Andrew Weston, returning to England in the Charity, in the autumn of 1622, is 
supposed to have taken with him an Indian boy “‘papa Whinett, belonging to Abba- 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 265 


in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set 
against you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston 
their owne ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte 
of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible 
testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre- 
tending he comes forand from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett 
what you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if they came from the 
company, and possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. 
And further toinforme them selves what spetiall places or things you 
have discovered, to the end that they may supres and deprive you, 
etc: 

The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve 
you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is 
cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave 
you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the ad- 
vancemente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare 
well. 

Your loving freinds, 
EDWARD PICKERING. 
WILLIAM GREENE. 


I pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but 
make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in 
this month. 


The heads of his answer. 


Mr. Braprorp, This is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to 
answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne conscience 
and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending 
the ship Sparrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther 
are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet 


dakest Sachem of Massachusetts.” Sir Ferdinando Gorges learned of this, and the 
Council for New England, November 19, 1622, directed that a letter be written to 
Thomas Weston, directing him to deliver the boy to Leonard Peddock, then about to 
sail for New England. The name of Peddock is perpetuated in that of one of the largest 
islands in Boston Bay. 


266 . Fiistory of 1622 


I presume they will be governed by shuch as I set over them. And I 
hope not only to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that 
may scandalise the vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. 
I am so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude 
or violence of what is yours, as I have charged the m[aste]r of the ship 
Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good 
quantitie of fish,” etc. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill 
this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands and 
taken the effecte the other desired. 

Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, 
and we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we 
have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds,* and we 
will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but 
what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in 
the countrie a litle ship + (Gf God send her safe thither) with mariners 


1 Little attention was given to the quality of seamen sent on these long voyages. 
In 1619 Pring, not inexperienced in such matters, was obliged to flog five of his men, 
and poured out his woes to the directors of his voyage, blaming them for giving him 
“this incorrigible scum of rascals — sea-gulls, sea-apes—— whom the land hath 
ejected for their wicked lives and ungodly behaviour.” Cal. State Papers, East Indies, 
March 23, 1619. The French sailors seem to have been no better. Biard, at Port 
Royal, in 1612, came to know the men of St. Malo and Biscay, who resorted to the 
coasts for fishing and trading, and formed the greater part of his parishioners. He 
described them as “‘ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having no sign 
of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond 
the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with 
licentiousness and the cavilings and revilings of heretics.” Jesuit Relations, u.7. A 
few years later Lucy Downing, a sister of Governor John Winthrop, sought to have her 
son put to a good seaman—like Allerton or Peirce— to be taught seamanship. 
Those proficient claimed that the art of navigation could not easily be attained, and 
that without help in the rules as well as by practise, “it can neuer be attained to be 
more than a comman seaman, wich is noe better than commane slauerye.” They also 
claimed that a seaman was not sufficiently instructed “‘till he could make his owne 
instruments.” The voyages were long and the company none of the best. 5 Mass. 
Hist. Collections, 1. 29, 40. 

2 But ye [he] left not his own men a bite of bread. — BRADFORD. 

§ Bradford had first written of “ your houeses.” . 

4 The Swan. 


1622 Plhinmoth Plantation 267 


and fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the sav- 
ages, and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, 
as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring, and so I 
comend you to the protection of God, who ever keep you. 
Your loving freind, 
THo: WEsTON. 


[78] Thus all ther hopes in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in 
the dust, and all his promised helpeturned into an empttie advice, 
which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them 
to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in 
their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade 
with,! but others prepared and ready to glean up what the cuntrie 
might have afforded for their releefe. 

As for those harsh censures and susspitions intimated in the for- 
mer and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and 
wisly of them as they could, waighing them in the ballance of 
love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly and 
loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from 
over deepe jealocie and fear,” togeather with unmeete provoca- 
tions, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and 
was inbittered in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, 
the Gov[erno|r received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home 
in the ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former 
passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was 
heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was the 
difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the leter of a 

1 Writing in 1624, Winslow said, “‘For in these forenamed straits, such was our 
state, as in the morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed 
the duties of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after time; and 
though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen men stagger by reason of 
faintness for want of food, yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God, 
we have enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened 


unto us.” Good Newes, *51. 
2 Bradford wrote “‘arising from the same,” but struck it out. 


268 Fiistory of 1622 


wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to the 
Govferno]r. It was as followeth. 


BELoveED Sir, I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and 
many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home 
the -17- of Feb. Being robbed by the French-men by the way, and car- 
ried by them into France, and were kepte ther -15- days, and lost all 
that we had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped 
with our lives and ship.! _Isee not that it worketh any discouragment 


1 In the Public Records office, London, Colonial, v. 112, is a “‘complaint of certain 
Adventurers and Inhabitants of the Plantation in New England,” on the capture and 
looting of this vessel. It “sheweth: 

“That a ship belonging to them, named the Fortune, of the burden of between 40 
and 50 tons or thereabouts, being upon their way homeward, and near the English 
coast, some eight leagues off Use, called by the Frenchmen Ile d’Use [Dieu], was, the 
19th of January last assailed and taken by a French Man of War, the Captain 
whereof was called Fontenau de Pennart de Brittannie: and carried to the Isle of Use. 

“That Fontenau presented the ship, and company thereof, being 13 persons, as 
prisoners to Monsieur le Marquis de Cera, Governor of the Isle, who although, upon 
examination and sight of their Commission, he found that they were neither pirates, 
nor assistants to Rochelle, and acknowledged there was no breach between England 
and France: yet said, He would make prize of them, to give content to his Captains 
and servitors. 

“That thereupon Monsieur de Cera kept Thomas Barton, Master of the ship, 
seven days, close prisoner in his Castle; and the rest of the company under guard; 
and commanded his soldiers to pillage them; who left them not so much as a kettle to 
boil their meat in, nor a can to drink in. 

“That Monsieur de Cera took away of the goods of the Adventurers, in beaver 
skins and other commodities, to the value of £400, at the least. 

‘““That he took away of the Owners, a Newshett [new-sheet cable], an anchor, two 
murderers with their chambers, eight calivers with bandileers, a flag, ensign, powder, 
shot, ropes, lines, and other instruments, to the value of £50. 

“That he suffered his soldiers to pillage the company, that they took away all their 
apparel; not leaving some of them a hat to their heads, nor a shoe to their feet, to the 
damage of £50 at least. 

“That he sent for all their letters; opened and kept what he pleased: especially, 
though he was much entreated to the contrary, a letter written by the Governor of 
our Colony in New England, containing a general Relation of all matters there. 

“That when any ship, English or Dutch, came into the road; he caused our com- 
Pany to be stowed under the hatches. And — having detained them thirteen days; 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 269 


hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, 
or before. In the mean space know these things, and I pray you be ad- | 
vertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, 
through some discontents that arose betwext him and some of our ad- 
venturers, and hath sould all his adventures, and hath now sent +3: 
smale ships for his perticuler plantation.’ The greatest wherof,” being 
-100- tune, Mr. Reynolds * goeth m[aste]r and he with the rest pur- 
poseth to come him selfe; for what end I know not. 

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you 
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, ex- 
cepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. 


and fed them with lights, livers, and entrails: because he suffered his soldiers to eat 
all their good victuals — at length he sent them aboard a little lean flesh, a hogshead 
of small wine, some little bread and vinegar, to victual them home. But withal pro- 
pounded to them, to testify, under their hands, That he had taken from them but two 
hogsheads of fox [beaver] skins: else, he said, they should not have liberty. 

‘““Howbeit, by the kindness of a young Gentleman, pitying their distress — who 
only amongst the French could speak English — they were discharged; giving under 
their hands, that the Marquis of Cera had taken from them two hogsheads of beaver 
skins, and some other small matters.” Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 506. 

1 The Sparrow, the Charity and the Swan. 

2 The Charity. 

8 Reynolds had been captain of the Speedwell, p. 116, supra. 

4 From what company or for what place Weston took his patent is not known. 
In May, 1622, the Council for New England sought to secure the forfeiture of his ves- 
sel and goods, apparently for sending them to New England “‘in contempt of author- 
ity.” This could hardly have been the Charity, for Weston had his patent before she 
sailed in April-May, 1622. The records of neither company show that a patent issued 
in his name. 

The Council for New England was seeking to enlarge its means and its power. On 
March 9, 1621-22, it had granted by indenture to John Mason Cape Trabigzand or 
Cape Anne, “lying in the northernmost parts of the Massachusetts Country and to 
the northeastwards of the great river of the Massachusetts.” Other patents or grants 
were made in May, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was chosen governor of the Council, and 
advances were made for interesting the merchants of the western parts of England 
in the fishing on the coast of New England. As the patent was about to be renewed, 
adventurers were called upon to pay in their whole subscriptions, or be dropped from 
the new corporation, and the questions of sending a ship and issuing a book (p. 260, 
supra) received consideration. Evidently new energy came into the company with 
the selection of Sir Ferdinando as the president. 


270 Fiistory of 1622 


If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, 
and let them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, 
let them leave a good pawne, etc. It is like he [78]1 will plant to the 
southward of the Cape, for William Trevore,? hath lavishly tould but 
what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen,? and the Narigan- 
sets. I fear these people will hardly deale so well with the savages as 
they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a 
distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither 
must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. 
We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds at Leyden 
are well, and will come to you as many as can this time. I hope all will 
turne to the best, wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather 
up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully and with cour- 
age in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill the day of refresh- 
ing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably to- 
geather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 

Yours, 

Ropart CusHMaNn.! 


On the other sid of the leafe, in the same leter, came these few 
lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, 
and of whom more will follow,’ to be spoken in its place. 


1 The number is repeated in the ms. 

2 'Trevore had come in the Mayflower, under an agreement to remain in New 
England for one year. Vol. 11. p. 401. 

3 The Indians, according to Winslow, believed that either the Dutch or French 
passed through from sea to sea at some point between Cape Cod and Virginia, and 
engaged in a profitable trade. The inlet, known to the Indians as Mohegon, Winslow 
believed to be Hudson’s River. Good Newes, *61. Hence it was concluded New Eng- 
land was an island. The true Moheag or Mohegan was Pequot territory, extending 
from Connecticut River to the Narragansett lands, and lying to the north of what 
became later the Pequot region. Captain John Smith mentions a Moshoquen people, 
but with too great indefiniteness to permit identification. 

4 This letter was written between the middle of February, 1622-23, and the end of 
April, 1623, probably nearer the end of that interval, as the writer entertains hopes of 
receiving compensation from the French for the taking of the Fortune. 

5 See p. 306. ‘ 


1622 Plhimmoth Plantation 271 


Wortuy Sir, I desire you to take into consideration that which is 
writen on the other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne 
collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more in- 
feebled. And for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, 
I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you ad- 
mite I will approve. But as for Mr. Weston’s company, I thinke them 
so base in condition (for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt 
for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My pur- 
pose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lines, and so rest 

Your loving freind, 
Joun PErrce. 


All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded 
to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. 
Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, and 
done for them, and to some, more espetially; and partly in compas- 
sion to the people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them 
selves were,) and were by the ship to be presently put a shore, (for 
she was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge;) 
and they were alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. 
Soas they had received his former company of -7- men,” and vitailed 
them as theirowne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 
-60- lusty men),? and gave [79] housing for them selves and their 
goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means the place 
could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte of the sommer 
till the ship came back againe from Virginia.* ‘Then, by his direc- 


1 The Charity. 

2 Who came in the Sparrow. 

3 In 1668 Phinehas Pratt described himself in a petition to the General Court, as 
“the remainder of the forlorn hope of sixty men.” He was then in extreme penury. 
4 Mass. Hist. Collections, tv. 475. 

4 Pratt says Weston’s people remained at Plymouth until the other vessels should 
arrive, some eight or nine weeks after their first coming, and “‘then we maed hast to 
settle our plantation in the Massachusetts Bay.” Bradford intimates that they did 
not remove until the return of the ship from Virginia; Winslow says after the return 


272 Fistory of 1622 


tion, or those whom he set over them, they removed into the Mas- 
sachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by 
light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left 
all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed.! But of 
ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, 
nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither 
did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and 
had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone 
fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not the sooner amongst them; 
and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing 
of them.’ 

Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from whom 
they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch 
them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never 
fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. 
This boat which came from the eastward brought them a letter 
from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being 


of their “‘coasters,”’ which had found a fit place for settlement. It is possible the coast- 
ers refer to the vessels going to Virginia. By September the settlement at Wessagus- 
cusset or Wessagusset was made, nearly opposite the mouth of the Quincy River, 
overlooking what was formerly known as Hunt’s Hill Cove; but the upland having 
been removed, the submerged site is now partof King’s Cove. This question was 
determined by Charles Francis Adams from the Winthrop map. 2 Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Proceedings, vit. 22; Adams, Weymouth Thirty Years Later. They purchased 
the land from a sagamore, Aberdecest, to whom belonged the Indian boy “papa 
Whinett” mentioned on p. 264, supra. 

1 The sick and lame were left at Plymouth, where they were tended by Dr. Samuel 
Fuller, though among the Weston people there was a “‘chirurgeon,” Salsberry by name. 
Winslow states that the sick were recovered gratis and sent to Wessagusset as occa- 
sion served. 

2 “For their master’s sake, who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued 
to do them whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the 
want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when God in his providence 
would disburden us of them, sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability 
and fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and 
unconscionable beginnings.” Winslow, Good Newes, *14. 


1622 Plhimmoth Plantation 273 





a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. 
Being thus inscribed. 


To ALL HIS GOOD FREINDS AT PiimorTH, these, etc. 

FRIENDS, CUNTRIMEN, AND NEIGHBOURS: I salute you, and wish you 
all health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few lines 
to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad 
news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that 
my selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have 
received shuch a blow, that -400- persons large will not make good our 
losses.! Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that 
the old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufficente. 
That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. 
And now againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would 
serve the Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting 
peace in the world to come. And so I rest, 

Yours, 
Joun Hup.eston.? 


1 Captain John Smith was sarcastic in his reference to this massacre. ‘‘ These 
simple Salvages their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to 
cut all their throats in a morning,and upon the 22d. of March, so innocently attempted 
it, they slew three hundred forty seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and 
brought them to that distraction and confusion within lesse than a yeare, there were 
not many more than two thousand remaining [of between seven and eight thousand].” 
Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *7. The actual loss in the massacre is 
placed at three hundred and forty-seven. 

2 In June, 1620, the Virginia Company had complimented Huddleston, master of 
the Bona Nova, “‘who discharged himselfe well of all that was reposed to his trust and 
returneth much comended from the Gouernor and Counsell, as one of the sufficientest 
masters that ever came thither.”? November 21, 1621, a commission was granted to 
John Huddleston, for a voyage to Virginia and for a free fishing on the coast of 
America. He still commanded the Bona Nova, a vessel of about two hundred tons. 
On the same day a commission issued to the Discovery (p. 277,1nfra). Records of the 
Virginia Company, 1. 370, 554. This incident of the supply drawn from the Mon- 
hegan fishermen may have given occasion to the reference by Maverick. Writing 
about 1660 he gave this account of the settlement at Plymouth: “This place was seated 
about the yeare 1620 or 1621 by a company of Brownists, which went formerly from 


274 . f1istory of | 1622 





By this boat the Gov[erno]r returned a thankfull answer, as was 
meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted 
by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provis- 
sions he could of the ships, who was kindly received by the foresaid 
gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90?] could, but writ to 
others to doe the like. By which means he gott some good quantitie 
and returned in saftie, by which the plantation had a duble bene- 
fite, first, a present refreshing by the food brought, and secondly, 
they knew the way to those parts for their benefite hearafter.? But 
what was gott, and this small boat brought, being devided among 
so many, came but toa litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till 
harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each 
person; and the Gov[erno]r caused it to be dayly given them, other- 

wise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it 


England to Amsterdam, and not beeing able to live well there, they drew in one Mr. 
Weston, and some other Merchants in London to Transport them and their Famelies 
into those Westerne parts; They intended for Virginia, but fell with Cape Cod alias 
Mallabar, and got into the Harbour of it, and finding it not fitt for Habitation sought 
further and found this place and there settled liveing extream hardy for some yeares 
and in great danger of the Indians, and could not long have subsisted, had not Plym- 
outh Merchants settled Plantations about that time at Monhegon and Pascatta- 
way, by whom they were supplyed and the Indians discouraged from assaulting them.” 
2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1. 242. 

1 Bradford omits numbers 80 to 8g in his page, but the text is continuous. 79 is 
repeated in the paging, but in a more modern hand; not, however, that of Prince. 

2 Deane conjectures this was probably in June, using Winslow’s account who wrote: 
“I found kind entertainment and good respect; with a willingness to supply our 
wants. But, not being able to spare that quantity I required (by reason of the neces- 
sity of some among themselves; whom they supplied before my coming), [they] would 
not take any bills for the same: but did what they could freely, wishing their store 
had been such as they might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and 
supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed; provoking one another to the 
utmost of their abilities. Which, although it were not much, amongst so many people 
as were at the Plantation; yet through the provident and discreet care of the Gover- 
nors, [it] recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground was ready.” 
Good Newes, *11. Samoset had told them something of these eastern parts. P. 199, 
supra. 


1A22 Plhimmoth Plantation 275 


up and then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they 
made pretie shift till corne was ripe.! 

This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both strong 
and comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe and 
batll[e]ments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher 
they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger.” It 


1 “Tt is not a small proporéon of corne that will feed a Man when that is his onelie 
sustenance, had you no other provisions in England perhaps the land were too little 
to sustain her inhabitantes.” George Sandys to Samuel Wrote, Virginia, March 28, 
1623. 

2 This fort, as well as the structures erected in later years, was placed on Fort 
(Burial) Hill, the hill being already enclosed with the pale. ‘‘This work was begun 
with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once 
finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages 
from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the great- 
est part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we hoped God 
would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation.” Winslow, 
Good Newes, *13. 

From some sentences in this tract by Winslow (*39-40) it appears that more than 
ten months were required to complete the fort, and that some of the members of the 
settlement looked with disfavor upon this construction. “‘Those works which tend 
to the preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him lieth, 
sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men to reason against their 
own safety; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded 
from proceeding, flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting 
it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity.’ The anxieties 
were increased by the conduct of Massasoit, who ‘‘seemed to frown on us, and 
neither came or sent to us as formerly.” ' 

**Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their 
wonted friendship, yet are we more wary of them then before; for their hands hath 
-bin embrued in much English blood, onely by too much confidence, but not by force.” 
Abstract of letters sent from the Collony in New England, July 16, 1622. In Smith, 
Generall Historie, 236. If he is abstracting the same letters in a later paragraph, 
the settlers still affirmed the fine qualities of the air, soil and products of New Eng- 
land, and that “‘they are building a strong fort, they hope shortly to finish, and 
in the interim they are wel prouided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in 
health, and well neare 60 acres of ground well planted with corne, besides their gar- 
dens well replenished with useful fruits. . . . Andto conclude in their owne words, 
should they write of all plenties they haue found, they thinke they should not be 
beleeued.” 


276 Ffistory of 1622 


served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly 
for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and 
time of wants; but the deanger of the time required it, and both 
the continuall rumors of the fears from the Indeans hear, espe- 
tially the Narigansets, and also the hearing of that great massacre 
in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch the same. 

Now the wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had 
their hungrie bellies filled.! But it arose but toa litle, in compari- 
son of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well 
aquainted with the manner of Indean corne, (and they had no 
other,) allso their many other imployments, byt cheefly their 
weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. 
Also much was stolne both by night and day, before it became 
scarce eatable, and much more afterward.? And though many 
were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet 
hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraines*) to 
venture. So as it well appeared that famine must still insue the 
next year allso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, 
to which they durst not trust. Markets ther was non to goe too, 
but only the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold 
now another providence of God; a ship comes into the har[9t]bor, 
one Captain Jones being cheefe ther in.t They were set out by some 


1 Against this paragraph and on the reverse of page [79] Bradford inserted an ac- 
count of a drought; but finding he had mistaken the year, he re-wrote it against page 
[103], where it will be found. 

2 Winslow charges what was probably true, that Weston’s people stole the corn. 
“That little store of corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest 
walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem to help us in our 
labor about our corn, yet spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then 
eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable. And though they re- 
ceived much kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we 
showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c. the chief of them’ being forestalled 
and made against us before they came, as after appeared.’ Good Newes, *13. 

5 The final s may have been intended for the last half of the parenthesis. 

‘ Thomas Jones in 1617 commanded the Lzon, one of two ships sent to the East 


1622 Phimmoth Plantation 277 


marchants to discovere all the harbors betweene this and Virginia, 
and the shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along the coast wher they 
could. This ship had store of English-beads (which were then good 
trade) ! and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and 
also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, 
and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after the rate 
of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 


Indies by Sir Robert Rich, afterwards Earl of Warwick. The adventure, as was 
not unusual, became one of piracy, and, chasing a junk of the Mogul’s mother, Jones 
was arrested and sent home for trial. The specific charge brought against him by the 
East India Company, whose trade was threatened by these piratical expeditions, 
was, the “‘hiring away of their men,” for the King of Denmark. While awaiting his 
trial, he was engaged by the Earl to take some cattle to Virginia, and bond was given 
for his appearance, when wanted. Jones took the Falcon to Virginia, with John 
Clark, as his mate. In its meeting of November 21, 1621, the Virginia Company 
granted a commission for fishing and trading to Captain Thomas Jones, master of the 
Discovery, a vessel of, sixty tons burden. Acapital of £900 was subscribed, of 
which one third was adventured in this voyage, the object being to cut out the French 
and Dutch ships from “‘a most certaine and beneficiall trade of Furs to be had with the 
Indians in Virginia in the lymittes of the Southerne Colony” and in the Delaware 
and Hudsons rivers. Expedition was enjoined, as some Dutch ships had recently left 
Holland for trade; but Jones did not reach Jamestown until April, 1622, and brought 
up at New Plymouth in August. So active was he in carrying out his instructions that 
he was charged (December, 1622), by the Council of the New England Company, 
with robbing the natives of New England of their furs and taking some prisoners, 
who fortunately escaped. The Virginia Company denounced the wickedness of the 
Captain and mariners of this venture, by which the adventurers were quite over- 
thrown. Later, in 1625, he was suspected of an illegal seizure of a Spanish vessel in 
the West Indies, which he brought to Virginia, and there died. Records of the Vir- 
ginia Company, 1. 562, 567; Records of the Council for New England, 78; Va. Hist. 
Mag., xv. 367; XvI. 5. 

1 **'The money with which they will buy their food, wood, bark house, and other 
necessaries, is little beads or tubes of glass, knives, awls, blankets, kettles, hatchets, 
and similar things: this is the money they must carry with them.” Le Jeune in 1634, 
Jesuit Relations (Thwaites), v1, 223. Some of the natives used shell beads for cur- 
rency, but readily preferred those of glass or porcelain brought from Europe in the 
trading ships. Beads are not mentioned in the inventory of goods at Trelawney’s 
station on Richmond Island, — but eleven dozen knives were valued at £2.0.3. or 
about four pence each. 


278 Plimmoth Plantation 1622 





3s. per li., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means 
they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other things, and 
- intended to buy what corne they could.} 

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was 
in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory; he had been sec- 
retarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger 17 this ship.” 


1 “Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such provisions as we most needed, 
and he could best spare; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the 
things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed 
him to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or after was; for 
as we had now but small store of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, we 
were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help’ 
ourselves by trade; but through God’s good mercy to us, he had wherewith, and did 
supply our wants on that kind competently.” Winslow, Good Newes, *15. 

2 John Pory (1570?-1635) early became interested in the study of geography, and, 
in 1600, made a translation of John Leo’s Geographical Historie of Africa, dedicating 

it to Sir Robert Cecil. 


Pory, i itle, de- 
eng j2 SPyawy >: Pod OF hey? LS fypate ee she title, de 


scribes himself as 
“lately of Goneuill 
ve Tory . and Caius College in 
Cambridge.” His 
friend in this endeavor was Richard Harve who thus spoke of Pory in the epistle 
dedicatory to Sir Robert Cecil in the third volume of his collection of voyages: “‘ Now 
because long since I did foresee that my profession of divinity, the care of my family, 
and other occasions might call and divert me from these kind of endeuors, I haue for 
these 3 yeares last past encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographie 
and forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend, Mr. John Pory, 
one of speciall skill and extraordinary hope to performe great matters in the same, 
and beneficial for the commonwealth.” He travelled much in Europe, and held some 
connections with the English embassies. In 1618 Sir George Yeardley offered him the 
secretaryship for Virginia, and he arrived in the colony April 19 of the following year. 
He served on the council in Virginia and was speaker of the first House of Burgesses. 
He sailed from Virginia for England on the Discovery, and thus touched at New 
England, and after that fell into some adventures. “Our old acquaintance, Mr. Pory, 
is in poor case, and in prison at the Terceras, whither he was driven, by contrary 
winds, from the north coast of Virginia, where he had been upon some discovery, 
and upon his arrival was arraigned, and in danger of being hanged as a pirate.” 
Chamberlain to Carleton, July 26, 1623. He returned to Virginia in 1624. 

















os 






a SEES = | tee ig a ‘ aU Sy 
IED LH. Se Tb % Se Hb 


Se 


Her 3) 
AA EP tL 
eS ete 





cANNOTATIONS 
UPON THE FOUR.TH BOOR 
OP MOSES), CALLED 


NUMBERS. 


WHEREIN, BY CONFERENCE. OF THEy 
SCRIPTVRES,BY COMPARING THE GREEK AND 
Chaldec Verfions, and teftimonies of Hebrew writers; 
the Lawes and'Ordinanceés given of old unto; 

Ifraeltin this book, are explained. 


By Henry Ainfworth,’ 


ee 
so 
I Will put you in remembrance, though ye once knew this ,'how that 
the Lord having faved a people out of the land of Ecypt,afterward de. 
firoyed thems that beleeved not. Iude v. 5. 
Fourtie yeres was! grieved with this generation . Pfal. 95.10. 
But with whom was he grieved fourtie yeres? was it not with them that 
had fynned,whofe carkeffes fell in the wildernes? And to whom {ware he, 
that they fhould not enter into his reft, but to them that belceved note So 
wee fee, that they could not enter in, becaufe of unbelecf.. Let us 
dabour therfore to enter into that Reft , lest any man 
full after the fame example of unbelecf. 
Heb. 3,17. ELLIO Fle 


e& o& ef 


Imprinted:in the yere 1619 











280 Fiistory of 1622 


After his departure he write a leter to the Govlerno]r in the post- 
scrite whereof he hath these lines. 


To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many 
ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well be- 
stowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not 
suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate 
worke upon the-5- books of Moyses.! Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe 
highly comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scriptures 
of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke 
by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds 
shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping. 

Your unfained and firme freind, 

Aug. 28. 1622. Joun Pory. 


These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authores mem- 
orie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and 
him selfe after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite 
amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne. [92] 

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at 
the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock 
of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come 
upon them.” And hearing that they hear had bought trading como- 


1 From 1616 to 1619 Ainsworth printed each year a volume of Annotations on one 
of the five books of Moses, and on the completion of the series they were gathered 
into one volume, ‘‘ Annotations upon the five Books of Moses,”’ which was issued in 
five different impressions before 1640. It is well described as “elaborate,” for it con- 
tained fourteen hundred quarto pages and must have enjoyed no little reputation in 
its day, and even at a later time. For in 1690 a translation into the Dutch appeared, 
in 1692, one into the German, and in 1846 the series was issued in a modern setting. 

2 “When they came there, they neither applied themselves to planting of corn nor 
taking of fish, more than for their present use, but went about to build castles in the 
air, and making of forts, neglecting the plentiful time of fishing. When winter came 
their forts would not keep out hunger, and they having no provision beforehand, and 
wanting both powder and shot to kill deer and fowl, many were starved to death, and 
the rest hardly escaped.” Levett, Voyage, 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, v111. 182. 

Before the harvest Weston’s men were creating trouble. “‘They had not been long 


fo) Phimmoth Plantation 281 


dities and intended to trade for corne, they write to the Gov[erno]r 
and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy 
their small ship in the servise; and furder requested either to lend 
or sell themso much of their! trading comodities as their part might 
come to, and they would undertake-to make paymente when Mr. 
Weston, or their supply, should come. The Gov[erno]r condesended 
upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute the Cap 
to the southward with the ship, wher some store of corne might be 
got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to 
goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and interpreter, about the 
latter end of September ; but the winds put them in againe, and put- 
ting out the -2- time, he fell sick of a feavor, so the Govlerno]r 
wente him selfe.? But they could not get aboute the should of Cap- 
Cod, for flats and breakers, neither could Squanto directe them bet- 


from us, ere the Indians filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealing their 
corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because 
the same men [1.e. the Indians], in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading 
Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor to send some of his 
men to plant by them, alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for us. 
But we knew no means to redress those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to 
better walking, as occasion served.” Winslow, Good Newes, *14. 

The Charity returned to England in the end of September, or beginning of October, 
leaving Weston’s colony “‘sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them 
reported.” The Swan remained, “‘for their further help.” Jb. *15. 

1 Bradford had first written “our.” 

2 The expedition was crossed more than once. First by the sudden death at Plym- 
outh of ‘‘Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master Weston; who from him 
had a charge in the oversight and government of his Colony,”’ and who received a 
‘burial befitting ‘his place, in the best manner we could.”” Sanders succeeded to 
Greene and directed the vessel to go; but twice under Standish was she driven back 
by cross and violent winds. The Captain falling sick of a fever, and the growing 
necessities of the plantation, induced Bradford to take his place: “‘our own wants 
being like to be now greater than formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect 
our corn 4nd spend much time in fortification, but especially because such havock 
was made of that little we had, through the unjust and dishonest carriage of those 
people before mentioned, at our first entertainment of them.” The final sailing did 
not take place until November. Winslow, Good Newes, *16. 


282 Efistory of 1622 





ter, nor the m[aste]r durst venture any further, so they put into 
Manamoyack Bay and got with [what] they could ther.’ In this 


1 One of the objects of this voyage was to find ‘‘that supposed, and still hoped, 
passage within the shoals,” through which Tisquantum insisted he had twice passed, 
in English and French vessels. In this belief he was supported by the Indians at 
Manamoyack (see below). After the death of Tisquantum the expedition turned 
back, “because the master’s sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tem- 
pestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them.” Winslow, 
Good Newes, *18. Winslow says that at Manamoyack harbor, they sounded it and 
‘found the channel, though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured 
the ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more violence at some 
other place more southerly, which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of 
the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance 
thereof might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as yet known.”’ 
LEPeLG, 

“That night [on reaching Manamoyack harbor] the Governor, accompanied with 
others, having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. At first the inhabitants 
played least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there before; but 
understanding the ends of their coming, at length came to them, welcoming our 
Governor according to their savage manner; refreshing them very well with store of 
venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance; promising 
to trade with them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was mixed 
with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for at first they were loth 
their dwellings should be known; but when they saw our Governor’s resolution to stay 
on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all 
their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our men, walking 
forth occasionally, espied. Where upon, on the sudden, neither it nor they could be 
found; and so many times after, upon conceived occasions, they would be all gone, 
bag and baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s means better persuaded, 
they left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of 
corn and beans, though the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the 
company good encouragement; Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and 
the inhabitants affirming they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals 
aforesaid.’ Winslow, Good Newes, *17. 

An Indian shared what he had with a visitor or a stranger, and it was probably as 
much a fear of exhausting his supply of grain, as a wish to conceal what he had, that 
led to this removal and evasion. ‘‘They are quicke; in halfe a day, yea, sometimes at 
few houres warning to be gone and the house up elsewhere; especially, if they have 
stakes readie pitcht for their Mats.” Williams, Key into the Language of America 
(Narragansett Club), 75. 


“1622 Phimmoth Plantation 283 





place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the 
nose (which the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within 
a few days dyed ther; desiring the Gov[erno]r to pray for him, that 
he might goe to the Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed 
sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remem- 
brances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this 
vioage, in one place and other, about -26- or -28- hogsheads of corne 
and beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in 
these parts, for they set but a litle till they got English hows.! Andso 


1 After the death of Tisquantum the party went to Massachusetts, where they 
expected to obtain corn planted for them by the Indians. They were disappointed, 
however, finding a great sickness, not unlike the plague, prevailing among the natives, 
and much dissatisfaction among the Indians through the “‘injurious walking” of the 
Wessagusset people. “‘Indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown in that 
place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used to do for a beaver’s skin; so. 
that little good could be there done.” Thence they returned into the bottom of the 
bay of Cape Cod, visiting Nauset, where the Sachem, Aspinet, received the Governor 
kindly and eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans were obtained. Also at Matta- 
chiest they had kind entertainment and some corn. The stormy weather continued 
and endangered much their vessel. The shallop was cast away, depriving them of the 
means of loading corn on the vessel, which lay distant about two leagues, and having 
only a small and leaky boat of her own, unfitted even to carry wood and water. 
‘*Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought 
mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge to the Indians not to meddle with 
it, promising him that dwelt next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; 
which he undertook, and the sachem promised to make good.” The shallop was found 
almost buried in the sand at high water mark, unserviceable for the present, but hav- 
ing many things remaining in her. Entrusting her also to the care of the natives, the 
Governor resolved to return to Plymouth by land, a distance of some fifty miles. 
Having procured a guide, he and his party started, “receiving all respect that could 
be from the Indians in his journey, and came safely home, though weary and sur- 
bated; whither some three days after the ship also came.” Winslow, Good Newes, *18. 
Upon the return of this party, another, led by Standish and accompanied by the car- 
penter of the Weston settlement, set out to get the corn and recover the shallop, 
which was safely accomplished, with no little difficulty in January, 1622-23. Jb. *19. 

It was the Nauset Indians who had shown the first hostilities to the Pilgrims (p. 170, 
supra). Winslow gives an account of the theft and return of some articles while at 
Nauset at this time. Good Newes, *20. 


284 Phimmoth Plantation 1622 





were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, 
to have been better laden. Afterward the Gov[erno]r tooke a few 
men and wente to the inland places,! to get what he could, and to 
fetch it home at the spring, which did help them something. [93]? 
After these things, in Feb[ruary], a messenger came from John 
Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Westons men in the bay of 
Massachusets, who brought a letter * shewing the great wants they 


1 The inland places were Namasket and Manomet [now Monument], and Hobba- 
mock acted as interpreter. 

2 The settlement “‘is now almost able to comfort itself,’ was the report of the 
Council of New England in 1622, when asking for a continuation of the countenance 
of Prince Charles, under which “‘it will speedily grow, both to serve his majesty with 
honour and profit, and multiply the same service to your highness in time to come, as a 
tribute due for the grace it receives, by the blessings of a long peace and prosperity that 
our nation enjoys under the reign of his sacred majesty, through which we have the 
easier passage to advance the cross of Christ in heathen parts, and to display his 
banner in the head of his army against infernal spirits, which have so long kept 
those poor distressed creatures (the inhabitants of those parts) in bondage.” 4 Briefe 
Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, 1622, Epistle dedicatory. 

“Wee haue setled at this present, seuerall Plantations along the Coast, and haue 
granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conuen- 
iencie. Those of our people that are there, haue both health and plenty, so as they 
acknowledge there is no want of any thing, but of industrious people, to reape the 
commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed so much affected to the 
place, as they are loth to be drawne from thence, although they were directed to 
returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose rather to performe that 
office by letters, together with their excuse, for breach of their duty in that behalfe.”’ 
Ib. *28. 

3 The letter was written by Sanders, and stated “‘that being in great want, and their 
people daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a plantation of 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither a fishing, with 
the first opportunity of wind; but knew not how the colony would be preserved till 
his return. He had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew 
to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore was resolved to 
take it by violence, and only waited the return of the messenger, which he desired 
should be hastened, craving his advice therein, promising also to make restitution 
afterward. The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger [an Indian] 
what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who answered, 
very little more than that they reserved for seed, having already spared all they 
could.” Winslow, Good Newes, *35. 


A 
RELATION OR 


Tournall of the beginning and proceedings 
ofthe Englith Plantation fetledat Plimoth in NEw 
Eno ianp, by certaine Englifh Aduenturers both 
Merchants and others. 


With their difficult paffage,their fafe ariuall, their 
ioy full building of, and comfortable PaaDE them- 


felues in the now well defended Towne 
of New Ptimoru, 


AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE 


feuerall difcoueries fince made by fome of the 
fame Englith Planters there refident. 


4 
I, Inaiourney toPvCKAN OKICK the habitation of the Indians greae 
teff King Matlafoye : a¢ alfotheir meffage, the anfwey and entertainment 
they had of bin, 
Il. Inavoyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawfet, to feeke 


aboy that had loft bim/elfe inthe woods : with (uch accidents as befell theme « 


in that voyage. 

ITT, Intheiriourney to the Kingdome of Namafchet, in defence of their 
greateft King Maflafoyt, againft the Narrohiggon(ets,: andro reuenge the 
Luppofed death of their Interpreter Tifquantum. 

IIIT, Their voyage to be Mallachufets, aad their entertainment there, 


With an anfwer to all fuch obiections asare any way made- 
againft the lawfulneffe of Englith plantations 
in thofe parts, 


Se 


LONDON, 


Printed for Zohi Bellamie, and-are to be fold at his fhop at thetwo - 
Greyhounds in Cornhill acer the Royall Exchange, 16226" Mn. 0, 


R 


286 Fiistory of 1622 


were falen into; and he would have borrowed a 5h of corne of the 
Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether 
he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he 
came from the eastward, whither he was going. The Govlerno]r and 
rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate 
the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart 
for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged the 
Indeans by stealing their corne, etc., as they were much incensed 
against them.’ Yea, so base were some of their own company, as 


1 'The letter was signed by the Governor and his councillors, and was thus sum- 
marized by Winslow (Good Newes, *35): “We altogether disliked their intend- 
ment, as being against the law of God and nature, showing how it would cross the 
worthy ends and proceedings of the King’s Majesty, and his honorable Council for 
this place, both in respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and 
also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the glad tidings of sal- 
vation, which we and they were bound to seek, and were not to use such means as 
would breed a distaste in the salvages against our persons and professions, assuring 
them their master [Weston] would incur much blame hereby, neither could they an- 
swer the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with theirs, having 
but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, 
muscles, and such other things as naturally the country afforded, and which did and 
would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had in 
great abundance, yea, oysters also, which we wanted; and therefore necessity could 
not be said to constrain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should consider, if they 
proceeded therein, all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and 
then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made the Indians their 
enemies, would be very difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little 
the sooner, and so continue their peace; upon which course they might with good 
conscience desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they could 
not. 

“Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most swelled, and dis- 
eased in their bodies, and therefore the more unlikely to make their party good 
against them, and that they should not expect help from us in that or any the like 
unlawful.actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the prin- 
cipal agents should expect no better than the gallows, whensoever any special officer 
should be sent over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, which we ex- 
pected, and who would undoubtedly call them to account forthe same.” Bradford 
also sent a personal letter to Sanders, ‘showing him how dangerous it would be for him 


1622 Plimmoth Plantation 2907 





they wente and tould the Indeans that their Govlerno]r was pur- 
posed to come and take their corne by force.1 The which with other 
things made them enter into a conspiracie against the English, of 
which more in the nexte. Hear with I end this year.’ 


above all others, being he was their leader and eommander; and therefore in friendly 
manner advised him to desist.” 

The Wessagusset people laid aside their plan of seizing the Indians’ corn, and San- 
ders, provisioned by Plymouth for the voyage, and ignorant of the intentions of the 
natives, sailed about the end of February in a shallop for Monhegan, leaving others 
with instructions to oversee things till his return. 

1 Hubbard states that this was ‘“‘reported by some that survived sometime after 
the planting of the Massachusetts Colony.” History, 77. 

2 Bradford had noted many things proving the growing hostility of the Indians. 
In February, 1622-23, Standish went to Mattachiest to obtain corn, and stood on 
guard against attack, though he could not explain the grounds of his suspicion. The 
thievish propensity of the Indians was again seen, as at Nauset upon a former occa- 
sion, and the bold front of Standish must have produced its effect upon the natives. 
In March, he went again to Manomet, but did not receive that entertainment which 
had been shown to Bradford. During this visit two messengers came from the Massa- 
chusetts tribe to induce the Manomet Indians to join in the intended destruction of 
the English at Wessagusset and at Plymouth. Standish could not but notice the 
bold conduct of one of these messengers, Wituwamat by name, and the better enter- 
tainment given to him. An Indian from Paomet was also there, and in the conspiracy, 
and they hoped to be able to make way with Standish and his party on so fair an 
opportunity. While their grievances lay particularly against the Wessagusset people, 
the Indians were fully aware that those of New Plymouth would not permit the death 
of an Englishman to remain unavenged. The plan therefore included the destruction 
of both plantations. Standish, on his guard and watchful, escaped any mishap, but 
treasured up his anger against Wituwamat. Winslow, Good Newes, *24. The colonists 
had very fresh reminders of the dangers they ran in their relations with the Indians. 
The Virginians were taking precautions for their own safety and executing revenge 
upon the natives. A ballad describing the punitive expedition was printed in Lon- 
don in the spring of 1623, and the text is given in Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 147. 





Anno Dom: -1623- 


T may be thought strang that these people should fall to these 
extremities in so short a time, being left competently pro- 
vided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that 

moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besides much they gott of the 
Ind[{e]ans wher they lived, by one means andother. It must needs be 
their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or 
could get it; and,it may be, wasted parte away among the Indeans 
(for he that was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for 
keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they be- 
gane tocome into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed cov- 
erings; others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, 
and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap full of 
corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, from the 
Indeans, of which they greevosly complained.' In the end, they 


1 Winslow states that before he went to visit Massasoit, ‘‘we heard many com- 
plaints, both by the Indians, and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston’s 
colony, how exceedingly their company abased themselves by undirect means, to get 
victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, fetching them wood and 
water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat; whereas, in the mean time, they might with dili- 
gence have gotten enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night 
brake the earth, and robbed the Indians’ store; for which they had been publicly 
stocked and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end 
of February; at which time they had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any 
for seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any terms. 
Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to that spiked up every 
entrance into their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to pro- 
ceed.”’? Winslow, Good Newes, *34. 

Slaves among the Indians were not unknown. The Iroquois used their captives to 
assist their women in agriculture and in carrying burdens, and among the Algonquins, 
captured women and children were employed in the same way. Williams in his Key 
gives no word for slave, and the word for “‘he is my servant” (p. 63) means “he 
accompanies me.” 




















fs Fos PER RSS ne - Ske Se =| (.. ‘5 hae a bs 3 * 9-0 vs 
ee AG Ss NY 2 sy me Ae MNES wee : a 
ay °. TU & ; \ x me Deets 





a tee 
wn Se we SS emcs cme 


wor = . 
S e 

‘ = 
\ 


3 
Aes iy 
2-h' @-te w@ ‘ae. 





WINTHROP’S MAP, SHOWING WESSAGUSSET © 


290 Fistory of 1623 


came to that misery, that some starved and dyed with could and 
hunger.’ One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast 
in the mudd, and was found dead in the place. At last most of them 
left their dwellings and scatered up and downe in the [94] woods, 
and by the water sides, wher they could find ground nuts and 
clames, hear -6- and ther ten. By which their cariages they became 
contemned and scorned of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to 
insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times 
as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground 
nuts? or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and 


1 The parallel sufferings of the Ribaut colony in Florida are described by Parkman: 
“Conquest, gold, military occupation, — such had been their aims. Not a rood of 
ground had been stirred with the spade. Their stores were consumed: the expected 
supplies had not come. The Indians, too, were hostile. . . . Some were digging roots 
in the forest, or gathering a kind of sorrel upon the meadows. One collected refuse 
fish-bones, and pounded them into meal. . . . ‘ Oftentimes,’ says Laudonnié€re, ‘our 
poor soldiers were constrained to give away the very shirts from their backs to get 
one fish. If at any time they shewed unto the savages the excessive price which they 
tooke, these villaines would answere them roughly and churlishly: If thou make so 
great account of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish: then fell they out 
a laughing and mocked us with open throat.’”” Pioneers of France in the New World, 
71, 72. 

2 Gosnold speaks of “‘ground nuts as big as eggs, as good as potatoes, and forty on 
a string not two ynches under ground.” Smith’s Virginia, 107. The Jesuit Relation 
for 1613-14 speaks of the chiquebi root, “peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our 
potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a 
slender thread, grow deep in the earth.” And again, they mention some roots “‘ which 
the Savages eat in their time of need, and which are as good as Truffles.” Jesuit Rela- 
tions (Thwaites), 11. 169, 245. Champlain saw these roots cultivated by the Indians 
near Cape Cod and at Gloucester, and his editor, Slafter, believes they were those of 
the Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tuberosus), a plant originating in this part of 
America, carried to Italy, and there named girasole (sunflower), whence Jerusalem by 
corruption. This plant is believed to be figured between the two Indians in the illus- 
tration on p. 197, supra. Lescarbot gave the roots the local name canadas. There 
were other kinds of ground-nuts, among them Arachis hypogaea and Apios tuberosa. 
It is not a little strange that no word for ground-nut is found in Williams’s Key. 
Trumbull gives the Micmac word shuben or sgabun, and the Abenaki pen as names 
of the wild or Indian potato. Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., 11. 26. For Champlain’s repre- 


1623 Phmmoth Plantation 291 





eate it up;! and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie 
blanket. or shuch like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would 
take it and let the other lye all nighte in the could; so as their con- 
dition was very lamentable. Yea, in the end they were faine to 
hange one of their men, whom they could not reclaime from steal- 
ing, to give the Indeans contente.? 


sentation of the plants noted in his travels in North America, see the illustration 
facing p. 358, infra. 

1 Pratt reported the growing boldness of the Indians towards the Wessagusset 
people, ‘‘insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their pots, and 
eat before their faces; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to hold 
a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since John Sanders went to Mun- 
higgen, they had hanged one of them that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it 
not; that another of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most 
forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their victuals, because 
they would not take pains to bring it home; that they had sold their clothes for corn, 
and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not 
endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed 
into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left.” Winslow, Good Newes, 
P26 

2 When the Indians were gathering round the settlement, preparing to strike, the 
chief was asked what wrong the English had committed. ‘‘He answered, ‘some of you 
steele our Corne and I have sent you word times without number and yet our Corne 
is stole. I come to see what you will doe.’ We answered, ‘It is on man wich hath don 
it. Your men have seen vs whip him divers times, besids other manor of punishments, 
and now heare he is Bound. We give him vnto you to doe with him what you please.’ 
He answered, ‘that is not just dealeing. If my men wrong my nabur sacham, or his 
men, he sends me word and I beat or kill my men, acording to the ofenc. If his men 
wrong me or my men, I send him word and he beats or kills his men Acording to the 
ofenc. All Sachams do Justis by thayr own men. If not we say they ar all Agreed and 
then we Fite, and now] say you all steele my Corne.’ ” The offender was released, but 
was soon brought in by the Indians upon a new charge of stealing corn. He was kept 
bound for some days. Phinehas Pratt, in 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1v. 482. The In- 
dians becoming more threatening the culprit was hanged in the sight of the natives, 
and having done justice, the whites made a sortie against the Indians, who fled on 
their approach. This Wessagusset hanging has been celebrated in the verse of Butler, 
who devotes some lines to it in Hudibras (canto 11. ll. 409-436). He assumes that one 
other than the chief thief was executed, and so the story has come to be related. 
Thomas Morton in his New English Canaan makes the same statement, but cannot 


292 Fiistory of 1623 


Whilst things wente in this maner with them, the Gov[erno]r 
and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was sick 
and near unto death.! They sent to vissete him, and with all sente 
him shuch comfortable things as gave him great contente, and was 
a means of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers the con- 
spiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of Mr. 
Westons people, for the continuall injuries they did them, and 
would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that 
end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. 
And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they ther- 


have served to give Butler the idea of a vicarious sacrifice. The subject, now little 
more than a literary curiosity, receives full notice in Adams’ edition of the New Eng- 
lish Canaan, 96, 251 n, and in his Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, 79-82. 
Roger Williams, in describing the manner of executing judgments among the Indians, 
states that the “‘most usuall Custome amongst them in executing punishments, is 
for the Sachim either to beat, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand.” 

1 The intelligence came in March, while Standish was at Manomet. As a Dutch 
vessel had been cast on the shore near the chief’s dwelling place, the occasion offered 
an opportunity to visit Massasoit, as was the Indian custom, and to confer with the 
Dutch. Winslow and John Hamden, “‘a gentleman of London,”’ fitted with some cor- 
dials for the sick man, went to the aid of Massasoit, with Hobbamock asa guide. The 
story of this mission of mercy is told at some length by Winslow, in Good Newes, *26. 
The Dutch had succeeded in getting their vessel free, and had departed before Winslow 
arrived; ‘‘so that in that respect our journey was frustrate.” The cure was soon made, 
depending as it did upon the somewhat better prepared food supplied by Winslow, 
and a release from the noise and charms which constituted the basis of Indian treat- 
ment. It is quite within bounds to say that the Indians knew nothing of medicine, 
and the few simples they used were offered in ignorance by the Powah. Williams 
notes that ‘‘they have not (but what sometimes they get from the English) a raisin or 
currant or any physick, Fruit or spice, or any Comfort more than their Corne and 
Water, &c.”” Key into the Language of America (Narragansett Club), 209. 

Massasoit told Hobbamock of the plot against the English, naming the Massa- 
chusetts Indians as the chief agents, and implicating the natives of Nauset, Paomet, 
Sokones, Mattachiest, Manomet, Agawam and the isle of Capawack. Most of these 
were bound by the article of allegiance, signed by the chiefs in 1621. On Winslow’s 
return from Sowams, another Indian, “‘Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sa- 
chem of the Massachusetts, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Conbitant, 
and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing.” Winslow, 
Good Newes, *32, 37. 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 293 





fore thought to doe the like by them, and had solisited him to joyne 
with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that 
speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, before it was to 
late, for he asured them of the truth hereof.! 

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it in to serious de- 
libration, and found upon examenation other evidence to give light 
hear unto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean time, came one of 
them ? from the Massachucets, with a small pack at his back; and 
though he knew not a foote of the way, yet he got safe hither, but 
lost his way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so 
was mist.*? He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, 


1“ Aswe respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety, he advised 
us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. 
And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; 
if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their coun- 
trymen at Wichaguscusset [Wessagusset] are killed, they being not able to defend 
themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives; nay, through the multi- 
tude of adversaries, they shall with great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore 
he counselled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would 
cease.” Winslow, Good Newes, *32. 

2 Morton (Memoriall,* 42) says, ‘This mans name was Phinehas Pratt, who hath 
penned the particular of his perillous Journey, and some other things relating to this 
Tragedy.” ‘The narrative is printed in 4 Mass. 

Hist. Collections, 1v. 476. With some stratagem Ae Binchas Pratt e 
he left the settlement before morning, and ran to 

the southward till three o’clock in the afternoon, snow lying on the ground. That 
night about sundown he forded a river, and coming to a deep dell, built a fire and 
passed the night by it. Noting the direction by the stars, he set out in the morning, 
but returned to the fire and made a second start, reaching about three in the after- 
noon the territory later occupied by Duxbury. Keeping the water on his left he passed 
through the James River, found some tokens of settlers, and soon after met John 
Hamden, one of the messengers to Massasoit, who told Pratt of the Indian plot. 
The party engaged in making canoes returned to Plymouth, and the next day the 
Indians who had pursued Pratt from Wessagusset came to inquire for him. This 
messenger, missing Pratt, went on to Manomet, and was intercepted by Bradford at 
Plymouth on his return. ‘‘So he was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of 
guard, and there kept. Thus was our fort hanselled, this being the first day, as I take 
it, that ever any watch was kept there.” 

3 Writing some twelve years later, William Wood gives a description of this terri- 


2904 Fiistory of 1623 


and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he 
observed) would be all knokt in the head shortly. This made them 
make the more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten 
Standish and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, 
out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, 
cut of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his 
order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; 
and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. Weston or 
some supplie came to them.! Or, if any other course liked them 


tory which may explain how Pratt lost his way: “It being the custome of the Indians 
to burne the wood in November, when the grasse is withered, and leaves dryed, it con- 
sumes all the underwood, and rubbish, which otherwise would overgrow the Countrey, 
making it unpassable, and spoyle their much affected hunting: so that by this meanes 
in those places where the Indians inhabit, there is scarce a bush or bramble, or any 
combersome underwood to be seene in the more champion ground. Small wood grow- 
ing in these places where the fire could not come, is preserved. In some places where 
the Indians died of the Plague some fourteene yeeres agoe, is much underwood, as in 
the mid way betwixt Wessaguscus and Plimouth, because it hath not beene burned; 
certaine Rivers stopping the fire from comming to cleare that place of the countrey, 
hath made it unusefull and troublesome to travell thorow, in so much that it is 
called ragged plaine, because it teares and rents the cloathes of them that passe.” 
New Englands Prospect, *13. 

1 The Governor, “having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing 
with the truth thereof,” took the advice of the body of the company on March 23, 
1622-23, being a yearly court day. The importance of the issues involved, and the 
necessity for secrecy, led to the entire conduct of the punitive expedition to be en- 
trusted to Bradford, his assistant, Allerton, and Standish. The last named was to 
take as many men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the 
Indians in the Massachusetts, and on pretence of trade he would first visit Wessa- 
gusset to learn the real situation, and then go to Massachusetts Bay, making sure of 
Wituwamat, “that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order 
to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all of that disposition.” 
Eight men were chosen for the expedition, and going to the Weston people found them 
scattered, unarmed, careless and oblivious of any danger. He offered them a refuge 
at Plymouth, or food if they decided to remain and aid in the punishment of the 
Indians. A native came, ostensibly to trade in furs, but really to learn what was being 
done, and seeing that Standish was angry, he feared their combination had been discov- 
ered. A menacing message from one of the chiefs, Peksuot, and some bragging threats 
from Wituwamat, decrying Standish to his face, occupied one day, and on the next, 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 295 





better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked 
him and the rest. But most of them desired he would help them 
with some corne, and they would goe with their smale ship to the 


finding it impossible to get many of the chiefs together, Standish determined to act. 
Meeting four of the Indians in a room, with the same number of his own men, he 
““save the word to his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Peksuot, 
and snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, killed him 
therewith, the point whereof he had made sharp as a needle and ground the back also 
to an edge. . . . But it is incredible how many wounds these two pineses received 
before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and 
striving to the last.” Peksuot, Wituwamat and a third Indian were killed in this 
room; a youth, about eighteen years of age, “‘ which was brother to Wituwamat, and, 
villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men,” 
was hanged. In another place the Weston men killed two, and in a third place the 
Standish party killed one, permitting another to escape and so give the alarm. Three 
of Weston’s men were with the Indians, of whom two suffered torture and death. 
The head of Wituwamat was brought to Plymouth, according to order, and exposed 
at the fort. Winslow, Good Newes, *37-45. 

Winslow states that this determination was made before Pratt’s arrival, who came 
on the day after the Standish party had been selected. Pratt says the rescue party 
left two or three days after his coming to Plymouth, but he ‘‘being fanted was not 
able to goe with them.”” Winslow, a better authority, starts the expedition on the day 
after Pratt had reported the conditions of the Wessagusset party. 

Bradford was more full in writing in September. ‘‘We went to reskew the lives of 
our countrie-men, whom we thought (both by nature, and conscience) we were bound 
to deliver, as also to take veng{elance of them for their villanie entended and deter- 
mined against us, which never did them harme, weaiting only for opertunitie to 
execute the same. But by the good providence of god they were taken in their owne 
snare, and ther wickednes came upon their owne pate; we kild seven of the cheife of 
them, and the head of one of them stands still on our forte for a terror unto others; 
they mett our men in the feild and shoat at them, but thank be to god not a man of 
them were hurte; neither could they hurte the Indeans with their peices, they did so 
shilter them selves behind great trees, only they brake the arm of a notable rogue 
as he was drawing his bow to shoot at Capten Standish, after which they came away.” 
Bradford’ s letter of September 8, 1623. Printed in American Historical Review, vi11.295. 

The number of the combining chiefs was five, of whom the two principal were 
killed. The other three were powahs, known to the English, one of whom had his arm 
broken by a shot in an encounter with Standish. Obtakiest, sachem of the Massa- 
chusetts, whose brother had revealed the plan (p. 292), was also involved, being 
drawn into it by the importunity of his people. The course pursued by the Mas- 


296 Fiistory of 1623 





eastward, wher hapily they might here of Mr. Weston, or some sup- 
ply from him, seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be 
[95] in the land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for 
their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard no- 
thingfrom Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of 
any worth, and he got them all the corne he could (scarce leaving to 
bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at 
sea, and so came home, not takeing the worth of a peny of any thing 
that was theirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because 
they have allready been published in printe more at large.’ 


sachusetts Indians was justified by the conduct of Weston’s people. The Indians 
to the south of Plymouth were terrified by this summary measure, and ‘forsook 
their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps and other 
desert places, and so brought manifold diseases among themselves, whereof very 
many are dead.” They planted but little corn, and dared not come to Plymouth. 
Canacum, sachem of Manomet, Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, and Ianough, sachem of 
Mattachiest, arenamed by Winslow as among those who died. The treatment pro- 
cured the desired end, and produced a wholesome fear among the Indians, who were 
not powerful enough to carry on such a war of revenge as did the Iroquois against 
the French, for the ill-timed interference of Champlain. On the justice and necessity 
of the act, see Adams, Three Episodes, 100. 

This incident, however necessary to the preservation of the settlement, put an end 
to the tradein furs and corn with the Massachusetts. ‘‘We have been much endam- 
aged in our trad, for ther wher we had most skins the Indeans are rune away from 
their habitations, and sett no corne, so as we can by no means as yet come to speake 
with them.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 

1 “We gave the capten ordere, if Mr. Westons people would, that he should bring 
them to us and we would aford them the best secoure we could, or if they chose 
rather to goe to Monhegin, that then if he tooke any corne from the Indeans, he 
should let them have to victuall them thither (which accordingly was done, though 
ours had scarce enoughe to bring them home againe). Yet for all this, and much more 
they cannot afford us a good word but reproach us behind our backes.” Bradford’s 
letter of September 8, 1623. A part of them went to the Isles of Shoals, where Pratt 
says his ““Company” (Weston’s?) then was, and where later he joined them. How 
many of the Wessagusset settlement thus escaped destruction is not known. Pratt 
says that ten died of starvation, one dying on the vessel while going to the eastward. 
Three were killed by the Indians, and doubtless not a few died in the months of pri- 


2 Winslow, Good Newes, *25-47. 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 297 


This was the end of these that some time bosted of their 
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe and 
bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who had many wo- 
men and children and weak ones amongst them; and said at their 
first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an 
other course, and not fall into shuch a condition, as this simple 
people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; 
God can make the weake to stand; let him also that standeth take 
heed least he fall.? 


vation. Four of this plantation were among those left by Levett in Casco Bay. 
2 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., 11. 102 n. With their fishing friends, they took some retali- 
ation upon the Indians of Massachusetts Bay, perhaps urged to it by a knowledge 
of the torture inflicted upon their companions who had been seized by the Indians. 
““When we killed your men,” the Indians reported, “they cried and maed II fauored 
Fases.”” Winslow says this was the boast of Wituwamat. Good Newes, *24. Pratt indi- 
cates the descents made from the north. ‘‘Then we went with our ship into the Bay 
and took from them two Shalops Loading of Corne and of thayr men prisoners ther 
as [at?] a Towne of Later Time Caled Dorchester. The third and last time was in the 
bay of Agawam. At this Time they took for thayr casell a thick swamp. At this time 
on of our ablest men was shot in the sholder. Wether Any of them wear killed or 
wounded we could not tell.” Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1v. 486. Pratt 
later became a member of the Plymouth settlement. A petition, presented by him 
in 1668, asking for help because of loss and suffering in the early days of the planta- 
tion, was sold in the Drake sale, November, 1885. It is printed in 4 Mass. Hist, 
Collections, tv. 487. Of the Wessagusset settlement nothing remained but the deserted 
block house. 

1 Morrell, who knew the situation of Wessagusset, and the history of Weston’s 
plantation, drew this sound conclusion: “‘I conceiue that far distance of plantations 
produce many inconveniences and disabilities of planters, when as severall Colonies 
consist but of twentie, or thirtie, or about that number, which in a vast vncommanded 
Continent, makes them liable to many and miserable exigents, which weakens all 
vnion, and leaues them difficultly to be assisted against a potent or a daily enemy, and 
dangerously to be commanded; when as some one Bay well fortified would maintaine 
and inrich some thousands of persons, if it be planted with men, able, ingenious, and 
laborious, being well furnished with all provisions and necessaries for plantations. 
Besides, if one Bay be well peopled, its easily defended, surveyed, disciplined, and 
commanded, be the seasons never so vnseasonable, and all their Forces in few houres 
readie in Armes, either offensiuely to pursue, or defensiuely to subsist, convenient 
numbers ever at sea, and sufficient ever at home for all service, intelligence and dis- 
coverie.” New England, at end. 


298 | FAistory of 1623 


Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, 
under another name, and the disguise of a blacke-smith,' w[h]lere he 
heard of the ruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and 
with a manor-2- came to see how things were. But by the way, for 
wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in the botome 
of the bay between Meremek river and Pascataquack, and hardly 
escaped with life,? and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, 
who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him out of 
all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascataquack, and 
borrowed a suite of cloaths,and got means to come to Plimoth. A 
strang alteration ther was in him to shuch as had seen and known 
him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are the muta- 
ble things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon 
them, though they dayly see the vanity therof.® 

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyl- 
ing in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) so he desired to borrow + 
some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship and 
good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing 
for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite to his supplie, 


1 Being a member of the Ironmongers Company in London the “‘disguise” would 
seem appropriate, were it not that the Blacksmiths had a separate guild and hall from 
the Ironmongers. 

2 Ipswich Bay, says Hubbard, History, 78. 

3 John Robinson wrote in his New Essays, ch. xv. printed in 1625: ‘Whilst crafty 
men deceive others, they themselves, though they little consider it, are most deceived 
by Satan, whose instruments they are, fitted for his hand, and purposes. And what 
avails it the ravenous bird to devour that, which belongs not to her, if therewith, she 
herself be taken by the leg in the fowler’s snare? Besides, even in respect of men, 
howsoever such wily-beguiles may for a time, if they carry close, amongst other 
advantages, get the opinion of prudent and politic persons, and be accounted the more 
wise, by how much they have the more skill to deceive; (Petrarch), yet if their crafti- 
ness come to be found out and appear, they become often a prey to all, and always a 
scorn to the most simple; like the wily fox who being once caught, hath his skin plucked 
over his ears, wherewith every fool will have his cap furred, as a worthy lord was wont 
to say. (Lord Willoughby.)” 

_4 Bradford had first written “loan.” 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 299 


but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies.1 ‘They tould 
him he saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have 
any supply; also how the case stood betweene them and their adven- 
turers, he well knew; they had not much bever, and if they should 
let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the peo- 
ple, seeing therwas no other means to procure them foode which 
they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they 
would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly 
for the former reasons. So they let him have -1oo- beaver-skins, 
which waighed 170 7. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all 
the world faild him, and with this means he went againe to the 
ships, and stayed his small ship and some of his men, and bought 
provissions and fited him selfe; and it was the only foundation [96] 
of his after course. But he requited them ill, for he proved after a 
bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them 
any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he 
divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he 
yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all- 
togeather by the ears, because they had done more then they could 
answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to 
doe what he could. But his malice could not prevaile. » 

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when 
they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might 
raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then 


they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie.? 

1 See p. 271, supra. 

2 Cushman,in December, 1621, had taught in his sermon at New Plymouth, ‘Even 
so men blow the bellows hard, when they have an iron of their own a heating, work 
hard whilst their own house is in building, dig hard whilst their own garden is in 
planting, but is it so as the profit must go wholly or partly to others; their hands wax 
feeble, their hearts wax faint, they grow churlish, and give cross answers, like Naball, 
they are sour, discontent, and nothing will please them. . . . Let there be no prodigal 
person to come forth and say, Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain- 
eth to me, and let me shift for myself; Luke 15.12. It is yet too soon to put men to 
their shifts; Jsrae] was seven years in Canaan, before the land was divided into tribes, 


300 Fistory of 1623 


At length, after much debate of things, the Gov[erno]r (with the 
advise of the cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should 
set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust 
to them selves; in all other things to goe on in the generall way as 
before.1 And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, accord- 
ing to the proportion of their number for that end, only for 
present use (but made no devission for inheritance),? and ranged all 
boys and youth under some familie. This had very good success; 
for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was 
planted then other waise would have bene by any means the Gov- 
[erno]r or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trou- 
ble, and gave farr better contente.? The women now wente willingly 


much longer before it was divided unto families; and why wouldst thou have thy 
particular portion, but because thou thinkest to live better than thy neighbor, and 
scornest to live so meanly as he? but who, I pray thee, brought this particularizing 
first into the world? Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal state 
with his fellows, but would set his throne above the stars?” 

1 The determination to alter the manner of using the land was taken in the month of 
April, at the time of corn planting. The settlers had little but the corn required for 
seed, and considered “that self-love wherewith every man, in a measure more or less, 
loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbour’s, and also the base disposi- 
tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most burdenous 
to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man should use the best diligence 
he could for his own preservation.” Winslow, Good Newes, *48. Some of the passengers 
who had come in the Fortune may also have been an important influence in leading to 
the change. They were not bound by the “compact,” nor in religious or other sym- 
pathy with the original settlers. The division was by lot, for obvious reasons, con- 
nected with the quality of the soil, etc. For further modifications of the system of 
land holding, see p. 372, infra. 

2 In the second division, that of 1627, it was agreed “That the first division of the 
acres should stand and continue f[irme according] to the former division made unto 
the possessors thereof and to their heires forever.’’ Plymouth Col. Rec., x1. 4. In 1636 
it was “‘enacted by the Court and the Authoritie thereof That Inheritances shall 
decend according to the comendable Custom tenure and hold of east greenwich.” 
- Ib. 187. This was the form in the first charter of Virginia, “as of our Manor of East- 
Greenwich, in the County of Kent, in free and common Soccage only, and not in 
Capite.” 

3 The success was not reflected in the yield of the crops. Planting began in April 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 301 





into the feild, and tooke their litle-ones with them to set corne, 
which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have 
compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.? 

The experience that was had in this commone course and condi- 
tion, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, 
may well evince they [the] vanitie of that conceite of Platos and 
other ancients,” applauded by some of later times; that the taking 


and the season continued fair till the latter end of May, when a severe drought set 
in. For six weeks they were almost without rain, ‘so that the stalk of [corn] that 
was first set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth, and that which 
was later, not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk hanging the head, and 
changing the color in such manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also 
ran up according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched 
away, as though they had been scorched before the fire.”” Winslow, Good Newes, *49. 

1 The Virginian experiment in common developed one danger that threatened its 
continuance: “‘When our people were fed out of the common store, and labored 
jointly together, glad was he who could slip from his labor or slumber over his task 
he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take so much 
pains in a week, as now they themselves will do in a day: neither cared they for the 
increase, presuming that howsoever the harvest prospered, the general store must 
maintain them.”? Ralph Hamor, in Purchas, Pilgrimes, 1v. 1766. About 1614 the 
advisability of allotting to each man a “private garden” was considered, but the 
plan did not meet with acceptance, and a number of allotments of three acres each 
were made to leasing farmers, who should pay an annual rent of two and one-half 
barrels of corn into the common store for each male worker. These farmers gave 
only one month’s labor a year for the community, and that labor was not to be given 
in seed-time or in harvest. 

Smith may have had this experiment in a common stock in mind when he advised the 
new plantations not to stand “‘too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those 
wild Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your magga- 
zines, which commonly eat out all poore mens labours, nor any other too hard impo- 
sition for present gaine; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him, plant 
freely without limitation so much as hee can, be it by the halfes or otherwayes: And 
at the end of five or six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he hath 
planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you finde hee hath 
extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever; all his charges 
being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good.” Advertisements for the Unex- 
perienced Planters, *23. 

2 “The communism upon which Plato has based his ideal polity seems to have 


g02 Fistory of 1623 





away of propertie, and bringing in communitie into a comone 
wealth, would makethem happy and florishing; as if they were wiser 
then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed 
much confusion and discontent, and retard much imployment that 
would have been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men 
that were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that 
they should spend their time and streingth to worke for other mens 
wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man 
of parts, had no more in devission of victails and cloaths, then he 
that was weake and not able to doe a quarter the other could; this 
was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and 
[97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner 
and yonger sorte, thought it some indignite and disrespect unto 
them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for 
other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they 
deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well 
brooke it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe 
alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and one as 
good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God 
hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take 
been suggested by his desire for the unity of the state. If those two small pestilent 
words ‘meum’ and ‘tuum,’ which have engendered so much strife among men and 
created so much mischief in the world, could be banished from the lips and thoughts 
of mankind, the dream of the philosopher would soon be realized. The citizens 
would have parents, wives, children, and property in common; they would rejoice 
in each other’s prosperity and sorrow at each other’s misfortune; they would call 
their rulers, not ‘lords’ and ‘masters,’ but ‘friends’ and ‘saviours.’ Plato was aware 
that such a conception could hardly be carried out in this world; and he evades or 
adjourns rather than solves the difficulty by the assertion of the famous ‘paradox’ 
that only when the philosopher rules in the city will the ills of human life find an end. 
In the Critias, where the ideal state, as Plato himself intimates to us, is to some extent 
reproduced in an imaginary description of ancient Attica, property is common, but 
there is no mention of a community of wives and children. Finally in the Laws Plato, 
while still maintaining the blessings of communism, recognizes the impossibility of 


its realization, and sets about the construction of a ‘second-best state’ in which the 
rights of property are conceded.” Jowett, Dialogues of Plato, v. 390. 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 303 


of the mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. 
And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condi- 
tion. Let none objecte this is men’s corruption, and nothing to the 
course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in 
them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them. 

But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their corne 
was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to 
rest on Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to 
havea bitt of any thing the next day. And so, as one well observed, 
had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, 
above all people in the world. Yet they bore these wants with 
great patience and allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a 
time as for the most parte of -2- years; which- makes me re- 
member what Peter Martire writes, (in magnifying the Spaniards) 
in his -5-Decade,! pag. 208. ‘They (saith he) led a miserable life 
for -5- days togeather, with the parched graine of maize only, and that 
not to saturitie; and then concludes, that shuch pains, shuch labours, 
and shuch hunger, he thought none living which 1s not a Spaniard 
could have endured.”’ Butalass! these, when they had maize (thatis, 
Indean corne) they thoughtit as goodas a feast, and wanted notonly 
for-5- days togeather, but some time -2- or -3- months togeather, 
and neither had bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other 
place, in his -2- Decade, page 94, he mentions how others of them 
were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and 
dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities they 

1 The full title of this work is: ‘De Nouo Orbe, or The Historie of the West Indies 
Contayning the actes and aduentures of the Spanyards, which haue conquered and 
peopled those countries, inriched with a varietie of pleasant relation of the Manners, 
Ceremonies, Lawes, Gouernments, and Warres of the Indians. Comprised in eight 
Decades. Written by Peter Martyr a Millanoise of Angleria, Chiefe Secretary to the 
Emperour Charles the fift, and of his Priuie Councell. Whereof three, haue beene for- 
merly translated into English, by R. Eden, whereunto the other fiue, are newly added 
by the Industrie and painefull Trauaile of M. Lok, Gent. London, Printed for Thomas 


Adams. 1612.”’ A sketch of Michael Lok’s career is in the Dictionary of National 
Biography. 


304 F1istory of | 1623 


[the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great 
wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his name have the 
praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some 
sorte may be applied to this people: “ That with their miseries they 
oppened a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what 
ease other men came to tnhabite in them, in respecte of the calamities 
these men suffered ; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher all 
things are provided for them.” 

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they 
were devided into severall companies, -6- or-7- to a gangg or com- 
pany, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass 
and shuch like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne.! 
No sooner was the boate dis[98|charged of what she brought, but 
the next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did 
they returne till they had cauight something, though it were - 5- or 
-6- days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to goe 
home emptie would be a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, 
they strive who would doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, 
then all wente to seeking of shelfish, which at low-water they digged 
out of the sands.? And this was their living in the sommer time, till 

1 Hubbard states of this single boat: “‘for that year [1623] it helped them for to 
improve a net where with they took a multitude of bass, which was their livelihood 
all that summer. It is a fish not much inferior to a salmon, that comes upon the coast 
every summer, pressing into most of the great creeks every tide. Few countries have 
such an advantage. Sometimes fifteen hundred of them have been stopped in a creek, 
and taken inone tide.” History, 80. Yet the bass fisheries never offered a profitable 
venture for the European markets. 

Smith writes of this year, ‘‘it is true, at first there hath beene taken a thousand 
Bayses at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night, of 
other fish when and what they would, when they had meanes; but wanting most 
necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie 
themselves, resist theirenemies, and plant their plants.” Advertisements for the Un- 
experienced Planters, *17. 

2 Four years later De Rasiere relates that Plymouth Bay “‘is very full of fish 


[chiefly] of cod, so that the Governor before named [Bradford?] has told me that when 
the people have a desire for fish, they send out two or three persons in a sloop, whom 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 305 


God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped with ground- 
nuts and foule. Alsoin thesommer they gott now and then a dear; 
for one or -2- of the fitest was apoynted to range the woods for that 
end, and what was gott that way was devided amongst them. 

At length they received some leters from the adventure[r]s, too 
long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their further 
crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner. 


LovING FREINDS, As your sorrows and afflictions have bin great, so 
our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been 
small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parra- 
gon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within-14- days after 
she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with 
tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and 
an 100 /1. bestowed upon her.! All the passengers lying upon our charg 
or -6- or-7-weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned 
hereby, so as some dangerous evente had like toinsewed. But we trust 
all shall be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with 
patience you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst 
these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship? came and brought diverce 


they remunerate for their trouble, and who bring them in three or four hours time as 
much fish as the whole community require for a whole day — and they muster about 
fifty families.” New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 2 Ser., 11. 351. 

1 Smith notes that ‘‘this 16th of October [1622] is going the Paragon with 67 per- 
sons and all this is done by priuat mens purses.” New Englands Trials, C..4. In his 
Generall Historie, *236, he says, ‘‘The Paragon with thirty seven men, sent to releeve 
them, miscarried twice.”” The sum of the two figures will approach that given in the 
text. Winslow intimates that the Paragon started a third time, and was wrecked; 
but he evidently wrote on a rumor, for he later expressly speaks of the safe, though 
dangerous, return into England of this third venture. Good Newes,*49, 50. Bradford 
(p. 312, infra) also speaks of a ship of which he fears the loss, but gives no name. 
It must have been in one of those false starts of the Paragon that John Peirce took 
passage for New England (p. 308, infra), an experience he did not repeat. Smith 
makes the “seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England,” 
land in New England —clearly a reference to the Anne and Little oe Adver- 
tisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *17. 

»% The Charity, which, according to Winslow, had left he plantation “fin the end 
of September or the beginning of October,” 1622. 


306 : Eistory of 1623 


leters from you, etc. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good 
reports that diverce have brought home from you, etc. 


These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.! 

So farr of this leter. 

This ship was bought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at his 
- owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, and 
the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for 
which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in 
whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance 
and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But 
his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear 
hopfully thus seated, and by the success God gave them had ob- 
tained the favour of the Counsell of New-England, he goes and 
sues to them for another patent of much larger extente (in their 
names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him 
selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and 
sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which fol- 
lows.” But the Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first re- 


1 This is written in the margin. 

2 On June 1, 1621, the council for New England granted a charter to John Peirce 
and his associates, the associates being the Pilgrims then at New Plymouth. Peirce, 
“‘whose name we onely made use of and whose Associates we were” (Plymouth 
Col. Rec., x1. 21), without the knowledge or consent of his Associates, obtained April 
20, 1622, and apparently for his own benefit, a new grant, superceding that of 1621. 
“It further appeared that that upon the xxth day of Aprill, 1622, Mr. Jo: Peirce 
granted Letters of Associacon unto the said Adventurers, whereby hee made them 
jointly interrested with him in the Lands granted by the abovesaid Indentures. More- 
over it appeared that upon the said«xxth day of April, 1622, after the said Mr. 
Peirce had interrested the said Adventurers in the Lands past unto him by the said 
Indenture, that hee yieldd and surrendred upp the said Indenture and Received upp 
the Counterpart thereof, And tooke a pattent or Deed pole [a deed made and exe- 
cuted by one party only] of the said Lands to himselfe, his Heires, Associates, and 
Assignes for ever, bearing date the xxth of Aprill, 1622, with which Surrender and 
new Grant the Adventurers affirmed that they were not privy unto, And therefore 
conceived themselves’ deceaved by Mr. Peirce, which was the cause of their Com- 
plaint.’’ The Council ordered that the Associates “‘are left free to hold the privi- 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 307 





turne, and the charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted 
he pesters him selfe and takes in more passengers, and those not very 
good to help to bear his losses, and sets out the-2- time. But [99] 


ledges by the said former grant of the first of June [1621], as if the later had never bin, 
And they the said Associates to receive and enjoy all that they doe or may possesse 
by vertue thereof. And the Surplus that is to remaine over and above, by reason of the 
later grant, the said Peirce to enjoy, and to make his best benefitt of, as to him shall 
seeme good.” Thereupon James Sherley, as treasurer to the said Adventurers of New 
Plymouth, asked that a new patent should be issued, covering as much as had been 
granted to Peirce by that of June 1, 1621. Records of the Council for New England, 91. 

Of John Peirce little is known, beyond the fact that his being “‘citizen and cloth- 
worker of London.” He intended to make the voyage to New England, but it is 
quite certain he never came over. He had a connection with Weston, either at this 
time or later, and that would not make him very friendly to the Plantation when 
troubles came upon him. ‘‘Mr. John Pearce wrote he would make a parliamentary 
matter about our grand patent. I pray you wish our friends to look to it, for I mistrust 
him. I perceive there passeth intelligence between Mr. Weston and him, by means of 
Mr. Hix.” Bradford to Cushman, June 9, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 37. The first 
letter in Mourt signed “R. G.” was written to Peirce. Hix may be Robert Hicks, 
mentioned on p. 316, infra. 

This is undoubtedly the John Peirce who became interested in the Virginia Com- 
pany, and in February, 1619-20, received a grant of land in Virginia, for himself and 
his associates. It was proposed to entrust to this party some of the children sup- 
plied by the city of London for transportation to America, but the proposition failed, 
“first because they [Peirce and Associates] intend not to goe this two or three moneths 
and then after there arryvall wil be long in settlinge themselves, as allso that the 
Indians are not acquainted with them, and so they may stay four or five years 
before they have account that any good is donne.”” The later application by Peirce 
to Gorges led to a withdrawal of the patent obtained from the Virginia Company. 
Records of the Virginia Company, 1. 299, 303, 311, 515. His brother, Abraham Peirce, 
was Cape Merchant in Virginia, and conducted his business in such a way as to give 
the company much trouble, and involve an interference by the Privy Council. 
John claimed to have been drawn into the Virginia venture by his brother. Acts 
of the Privy Council, Colonial, 1. 132, 189; Records of the Virginia Company, index. 

“And of deeds there be two sorts, deeds indented and deeds pool. Which diuision, 
as M. West. saith, parte i, Simbolleography], lib. 1. sect. 46. groweth from the forme or 
fashion of them; the one being cut to the fashion of teeth in the toppe or side, the 
other being plaine. . . . A polled deede, is a deede testefying, that onely the one 
of the parties to the bargaine hath put his seale, thereunto, after the maner there 
by him described.’’ Cowell, The Interpreter (1607), Deedes. 


308 Fiistory of 1623 





what the event was will appear from another leter from one of the 
cheefe of the company, dated the -g- of Aprill, 1623. writ to the 
Gov[erno]r hear, as followeth. 


Lovinc FREIND, When I write my last leter, I hoped to have re- 
ceived one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des- 
[cember] I litle thought to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had 
brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought 
us the wofull tidings of his returne when he was half way over, by ex- 
traime tempest, werin the goodnes and mercie of God appeared in 
sparing their lives, being -109- souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, 
etc., and the companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, etc. 

Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to 
assigne over the grand patente to the companie,’ which he had taken 
in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante.? I am sorie 
to writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against 
him, both the first and -2- time of his returne; in regard he, whom you 
and we soconfidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, 
should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at 
his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and 
disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his 
unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set 
it at, which was sooli. which cost him but S0/z., makes many speake 
and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, 
with charge aboute the passengers, 640/1., etc. 


1 “By this Company seems to be meant the Adventurers to Plymouth Colony.” 
Prince, 1. 136. 

2 Bradford appears to have first learned of the terms of this patent of Peirce through 
David Thomson. “About that grand patent which we understand you have gott 
from Mr. Peirce, which if it be as we have it is by Mr. Thomsons relation, but to 
goe by a right line from the Gurnatsnose due west into the land a certain way, and no 
furder north-ward, it will stripe us of the best part of the bay, which will be most com- 
modious for us, and better than all the rest; therefore seeing now is the time to helpe 
these things we thought it were then necessarie to send aboute the former patente 
for Cape Anne; we desire it may be procured with as ample privileges as it may, 
and not to be simplie confined to that place, but in our liberty to take any other, if we 
like it better.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. See p. 358, infra. 


1623 Phimmoth Plantation 309 


We have agreed with -2- marchants fora ship of -140- tunes, caled 
the Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring -60- pas- 
sengers and -60- tune of goods, etc. 


This was dated Aprill-9- 1623. 

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing 
and proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in 
theirs then my ownewords. And yet though ther was never got other 
recompence then the resignation of this patente, and the shares he 
had inadventure, for all the former great sumes, he was never quiet, 
but sued them in most of the cheefe courts in England, and when he 
was still cast, brought it to the Parlemente.'! But he is now dead, 
and I will leave him to the Lord. 

This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie at sea at her -2- re- 
turne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been in- 
formed by Mr. William Peirce * who was then mfaste]r of her, and 
many others that were passengers in her.* It was aboute the midle 


1 Fletcher speaks of the “feigned and perfidious dealings of Mr. John Peirce to- 
wards me, and others, who now hath manifest himself, at least to some, not to mind 
that good for you, or us, as was fit, and oft pretended.” To Bradford and others, 
November 25, 1625. Bradford Letter Book, 39. 

2 The name of no sea-captain occurs so frequently in the earliest years of New 
England history as that of William Peirce, and always with good report. Bradford, 
after first meeting him in the summer of 


1623, said he “hath used our passengers yy, os rig 
well, and dealt very honestly with us,” ee 
and again,asaman“‘asweperceivevery c OCA. a 


skillful and diligent in his bussines, and 

a very honest man, whose imployments 

may doe us much good; and if you resolve, as we ernisly desire you may, of any 
course aboute fishing we think he is as fite an Instrument as you can use.” Bradford’s 
letter of September 8, 1623. 

3 John Peirce had trouble with his passengers after his return over the cost of trans- 
portation. One Hopkins claimed that he had paid Peirce for the passage of himself 
and two persons more, with their goods. Peirce acknowledged this, “‘but allegeth that, 
by reason of his unfortunate return, the rest of the passengers that went upon the 
like conditions, had been contented to allow 4os. a person towards his loss; and there- 





310 Fiistory of Ly 1623 


of Feb[ruary]. The storme was for the most parte of -14- days, but 
for-2-or -3-days and nights togeather in most violente extremitie. 
After they had cut downe their mast, the storme beat of their round 
house and all their uper works; -3- men had worke enough at the 
helme, and he that cund?! the ship before the sea, was faine[100] to 
be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them, as 
many times those upon the decke knew not whether they were 
within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in the sea 
as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord 
preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to 
the wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and heard 
what they had endured. 

About the later end of June came in a ship,’ with Captaine 


fore desireth that Master Hopkins may do the like. Which Master Hopkins, at length, 
agreed unto; so as Master Peirce and his Associates will accept £6, for three pas- 
sengers, out of [the] £20 his Adventure which he hath in their Joint Stock. And there- 
fore they both pray that the Council will be pleased to write to the Associates, to 
accept thereof. Which they were pleased to do.” Records of the Council for New 
England, May 5/15, 1623. A sequel to this controversy is to be found in Bradford’s 
letter of September 8, 1623: ‘‘About Hobkins and his men we are come to this isew. 
The men we retaine in the generall according to his resignation and equietie of the 
thinge. And about that recconinge of -20- ode pounds, we have brought it to this 
pass, he to is have -6/1- payed by you ther, and the rest to be quite; it is for nails and 
shuch other things as we have had of his brother [Stephen] here for the companies use, 
_ and upon promise of paymente by us, we desire you will accordingly doe it.” 

1 Con means to direct the steering of a ship from some commanding position on 
shipboard. According to Captain John Smith (Accidence, 1), the ‘‘maister is to see to 
the cunning the Ship,” but the under officers, like the quarter-master, also performed 
that duty. Phillips, World of Words, defines it, “‘to conduct or guide a ship in the 
right course, for he that conns stands aloft with a compass before him, and gives the 
word of direction to the man at the helm how to steer.” Deane suggests that “he 
that cund” the Paragon was probably not “‘aloft.”” 

2 This ship, called the Plantation, was doubtless the new vessel under construction 
at Whitby in the county of York, in November, 1622, “‘for and to the use of the said 
Adventurers,” viz. [Ludovick Stuart] Duke of Lenox, £160; [Thomas Howard] Earl 
of Arundell, £160; Lord [Edward] Gorges, £150; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, £160; Sir 
Samuel Argall, £180; Dr. Barnabas Goche, £150; Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe, £100; and 
Captain Robert Gorges, £160. These subscriptions, if they were paid, together with 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 311 





Francis West, who had a comission to be admirall of New-Eng- 
land, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to 
fish and trade without a licence from the Counsell of New-England, 
for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could 


an additional contribution of £50, placed by Treasurer Gooche, made a total of £1270. 
Among the items noted were “Sayles, a single suite at 14d. per p[oun]d, will amount 
to £130; Cables and Rigging at £400; Anchors, at £110.” Records of the Council for 
New England, 75, 76. 

1 Francis West, a brother of Lord Delaware, went to Virginia in 1608, and became 
a leading character in that colony. In 1617 he received a commission as master of 
ordnance during life, and on November 2, 

1622, a commission to Captain Francis West , © tr 
was ‘“‘ordered” to be engrossed, and after- LLUES si LE 

wards sealed. Six days later it was agreed @&~ a 

that there shall bee a Commission granted to 

Captain Francis West to go to New England, Captain of the ship called the Plantation 
and admiral for that coast “‘dureing this Voyage.”” Captain Thomas Squibb was at 
the same time named “‘to bee ayding and Assisting to the Admirall,” but more specifi- 
cally to “‘discover, survey,” and take possession of Mount Mansell, in behalf of Sir 
Robert Mansell, who had paid for his share in the adventure by a noteof hand. The 
commission was sealed November 30, and his instructions were prepared by Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. Records of the Council for New England, 68, 69, 76. He went 
out to act under the Royal Proclamation of November 6, 1622, prohibiting inter- 
loping and disorderly Trading to New England in America. Hazard, 1. 151. On 
January 15, 1622-23, it was proposed to elect Sir Samuel Argall ‘“‘Admirall of New 
England,” but no action is recorded. 

At home the proclamation was sent out by the Council accompanied by a letter, 
prepared by Sir Ferdinando, stating ‘‘that it is not the Councells meaning to stay or 
hinder any from goeing to New England, in fishing voyages, soe as they will conforme 
themselves ”’ to the orders of the council. These orders, adopted November 16, 1622, 
were: that a certain number of men, proportioned to the size of the ship, should be 
taken out and left in New England, victualled for two months, and equipped with 
sufficient provision of hooks, lines and leads; and that there should be no barter or 
trade with the natives, or supplying them with any victuals, or furniture of war. 
Smith broadly hints that the proclamation hindered the settlement of the coast of New 
England. “Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should 
have planted it selfe of it selfe, especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first 
yeare, as they have oft told me, and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe 
of their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under 
their protections: but it proved so contrary, none would goe at all. So for feare to 


312 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 





doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found 
the fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon com- 
plainte made to the Parlemente, procured an order that fishing 
should be free.1 He tould the Gov[erno|r they spooke with a ship 
at sea, and were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in 
which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not 
arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that 
fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them 
full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The mlaste]r of this ship had 
some ‘2° hh of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 9/1. 
sterling a hoggshead, and under 8/7. he would not take, and yet 
would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had 


make a contempt against the Proclamation it hath ever since beene little frequented 
to any purpose, nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe.”’” Thus it stood 
until the going of the Winthrop party. Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, 
*22. The plan of leaving a part of the fishing crew as settlers was the same as that of 
the Dorchester company. See p. 360. 

1 Having obtained its charter the company turned to raising money for its conduct, 
and by two methods. The first was by a voluntary contribution of £100 from each 
patentee; the other was by an easy ransoming or license for privileges to fish or to 
trade upon the coast. The purpose expressed was to introduce a regular proceeding or 
uniformity, under joint stock ventures, for that promiscuous and disjointed trading 
which had inflicted heavy losses upon all and threatened to keep the undertaking in 
a demoralized condition. The raising of the question of a patent in Parliament and 
the issue of letters by the Lords of Council giving notice of the grant and warning 
interlopers, excited the opposition of the western cities and towns. ““The most fac- 
tious of every place, presently combined themselves to follow the business in Parlia- 
ment, where they presumed to prove the same to be a monopoly, and much tending 
to the prejudice of the common good. But that there should be a conformity in trade, 
or a course taken to prevent the evils that were likely to ensue, or to appropriate 
possessions, or lands, after a generous manner, in remote parts of the world, to certain 
publick persons, of the common wealth, for the taking care, and spending their time 
and means how to advance the enlargement of their country, the honour of their 
king, and glory of their God; these were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of, 
and the principal actors in this kind must be first traduced in private, then publickly 
called upon in Parliament, to answer such other scandals as could by malice be 
invented.” The agitation was sufficient to hinder the Council for New England 
“from the hopes we had this yeare, to giue some life extraordinarily to those affaires,” 


te By the King, 
@q A Proclamation prohibiting interloping and 


diforderly trading to ACew England in eA merica. 


Gay) © it hath euer beene helda principall Office of Chriftian Kings,to 

Z| Yo) ¥| fcette by all pious meanes the abuaucement of Chrittan Religion ; forhe 

XG jy confideration thereof , bath beene a {pectall motme bnto Us, fromtime to 

ha} time, as often as caule bath required, to farther.bp Our Royall aurhoztty, 

YY OPH the good difpofition ofanyof Dur wellatfected Subtects, that hane awl 

ea, ¥ GI to atteniptthe diltcouering and planting in any partsofthe mogld, as yet 
HP XK } 

‘\ 





= fanageand bnpoffeffen by the Subiects of any Chultanwzince o2 State. 
y= fi 2nd now for that, bp Gods facred fauour,there ts likely to enfue great ad- 
PH uancement of bis glozy, Dur Crown, and State, bp reafon of Dur grant 
er Cre heeretofoze made to the Counlcll fo2 the managing of the affatves of New 
England it America, being in breadth from fosty degrees of Poztherly late 
cude fromthe Equinoctiatttine,to forty ctghe degrees ofthe lapd Mortherip latitude, and iMilengeh by 
ali the breadth afozefapd, thozowoutthe maine land from Seato Sea; we cannot but continue pur 
{peciall refpect and fauour bnto them in thetr endeuours, andererctle Our Royall authorty again 
ebinderers thereof. xaberefoze, bauing recemed certatne infozmation of many and ttoterable 
abules offered by {und2y interlopers,reeguiar and Difobedient perfons, ehatfeeking prinetpallp their 
etal pituate profits, hanc not only impeached fome of the Planters there,of their lawful pot 
fons, but alfotabken from them thew Limber without giving any fat faction , as in tuftice thep 
ought foaue Donesand notthereibith contented, Have rined hole hoods to the btterratne of che 
faine fo. ever after as alfo,bp cating of thetr batlat inthe barbozs of fome of thetic Plands, bane al: 
mok made then dnferutceable: And pet not focontented,by their promifcuous trading alwell Par: 
tinergas Makers with the Sauages , baue ouerthpotwne the trade and commerce ehat before has 
had,to the great profit of the Planters,and Which Were tndecd their painetpatl Hopes foz the aduances 
ment of that plantation, nect bnto the commodities that coat affozds of Fithing : Merther heeriwith 
fatiffied, but as if they refoluedto omitnothing that night be mipfougand intolerable, they did not 
fozbeare to barteralbayp to the Sauages, Hwo7ds, Prkes, Dufhets, Forling peeces, Patch, wob- 
Der, DHot,and other warlike Weapons and teach themebe ble thereof not onlp to thet otbne prefent 
puntment divers of them being Moztlyafter Nain by ehelame Sauages, whom they hadfotaughe, 
And With the fame Weapons whieh ehey bad furnithed ehent withail) but alfo tothe hasard of the 
lives of Dar good fubiects already planted there, and (afinuch as intbem lap) to the mabing of the 
Whole attempe it felfe (how pious and Hopeful foeuer)fruttrate,o2fo much the moze difficult. wBBe, 
fo2 refozmationand pzenention of thefe o2 the like eufls Heereafter, and fo2 the moze cleare Becla 
ration of Our Hingly refolution and iui turents, both to matntapne mur Royall grant ateeadp 
made, and fo bphold andencourage by alltbayes and meanes the worthy difpofitions of the buder- 
takers of thofe defignes, baue thought fit, and doe beerby Lrattty charge and command, hat noue 
of our Subiects whatfoener, (not Aduenturers, Jubabltors o2 Planters ttt New England) pzefume 
From henceforth to feequent thole Coatts, to trade o2 traffique Wich thofe people, o7 to (nteymedie 
tn the oobes 02 freehold of any the Pianters oz Pahabitants (otheriile then by che licence of the 
fayd Counfell, 2 according to che orders eftablihed by Our Prtup Countell for the releefe o2 eale of 
thetcanfpoztation of rye Colony in Virginia) bpon patne of Our high mdignation, and the confilcatis 
On, penaletesandforferturesin Ourlayd Ropall granterpzefled: Weauing tt neuertheiefle, in che 
meanie time,to the difcretion of the fayd Counfel foz New England,to proceed againk the fozefayd offens 
Ders according to thefame,efpectally, (eng use finde the armes of the fayd Counlell to bee open tore. 
cetueinto that plantation any of Dur loutng Subiects, Who are ouling to topne With shem m che 
charge, and participate tn the profits thereof, ' 
Giuen at Our Courtat Theobalds,the fixt day of Nouember, in the yeere of Our ReigneofEngland,France,and 
Ircland,the twentieth, and of Scotland the fixe and fiftieth. 


God faue the King. 


Imprinted at Londonby Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the 
Kings moft Excel Maicftic. M.DC, XXIL 


314 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 





lived so long with out, and would doe still, rather then give so 
unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia. 

About -14- days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, wherof 
Mr. William Peirce was m[aste]r, and aboute a weeke or -10- days 
after came in the pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a 
fine new vessell of about -44- tune, which the company had builte 
to stay in the cuntrie.! They brought about -60- persons for the 


1 The Little James, John Bridge, master. The Council for New England, January 
21, 1622-23, appointed Emanuel Altham to be “captain in the new pinnace built for 
Mr. Peirces plantation.”” One Samuel Althem, captain of the Little James, also under 
the “adventurers for Mr. Peirce’s plantation,” is mentioned in the Records for Feb- 
ruary 25, 1622-23, and is the same person. Captain John Smith, in his Generall His- 
torte, 239, gives the name Altom. This pinnace may have been the first of the vessels 
“of good burden and extraordinary Mould,” designed to be built by the Council for 
New England, to lie upon the coast for the defense of merchants and fishermen em- 
ployed there, and ‘“‘also to waft the fleets as they go to and from their markets.” Yet 
in the Briefe Relation, *28, the announcement was made that “we purpose from hence- 
forth to build our shipping there [New England], where wee find all commodities fit 
for that seruice, together with the most opportune places that can bee desired.” The 
Popham colonists had, in 1607, built a pinnace, the Virginia, which brought some 
of them back to England. 

Before sailing, the adventurers for Peirce’s plantation petitioned the Council that 
‘in consideraton of many crosses and Losses [Bradford uses the same words in his 
letter of September 8, 1623, infra] by them lately sustayned they might have to them- 
selves the Moyety (formerly reserved unto the Councell) all such prizes as they 
should seize and Lawfully take upon the Coasts of New England, as by the position 
and Lycence appeareth.”’ This power, easily capable of abuse, was granted and proved 
a source of much trouble, as will appear. A like power was given on the same day to 
the ship Catharine, of 180 tons, belonging to Edward Lord Gorges, and having Thomas 
Squib, as captain, and Joseph Stratton, as Master. Council for New England, 79, 88. 

These “‘crosses and Losses” were in part the reported staying at Norwich, by the 
Mayor and his officers, of certain barrels of meal intended for the relief of the Planters 
in New England, and the impressing for his Majesty’s service of some of the persons 
going in the Little James, by the Marshal of the Admiralty. ‘The Marshall Answered 
that hee sent not aboard to press any, but if any were prest it was their owne fault 
to bee abroad, And that such as were press’d their names were returned to Chatham 
where the Kings Shipps lay, soe that he could not discharge them. But he would 
henceforth forbeare to press any off such Shipps Company as should be bound 
for New England.” Jb. 89. 


% 


Lb 


me 





316 Eiitstory of 1623 


generall, some of them being very usefull persons, and became good 
members to the body, and some were the wives and children of 
shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad, as they were 


On the Little James was John Jenny, “a leading man, and of a public spirit, that 
improved the interest both of his person and estate, to promote the concernments of 
the Colony; in which service he continued faithful unto the day of his death, which 
happened in the year 1644, leaving this testimony behind, that he walked with God, 
and served his generation.”” Hubbard, 83. On this voyage of the Little James ‘‘Goodey 
Jenenges was delevered of a Child in the Shep a month before we cam a shore and 
are both well yet god be praised.”” Other passengers were Edward Burcher or Bur- 
chard and his wife. 

See note on the Paragon, p. 305, supra. 

The passengers by the Anne and Little James receiving land in the division of 1623 
were: 


Anthony Anable 4 acres Manasseh Fance [Kempton] I acre 
[Edward] Bangs 4 Goodwife Flavell I 
Robert Bartlett I Edmond Flood I 
Fear Brewster I Brigett Fuller I 
Pacience Brewster I Timothy Hatherly +, 

Marie Bucket I William Heard I 
Edward Burcher [Burchard] 2 Margaret Hickes and children? 4 
Thomas Clarke I William Hilton’s wife and 2 
Christopher Connant I children ® 3 
Cuthbart Cuthbartson 6 Edward Holman I 
Anthony Dixe 2 John Jenings [Jenny] 5 
John Fance I Robert Long I 
Experience Mitchell 4 James Rande I 
George Moreton 4 Robert Rattliffe [Ratcliffe] 4 
Thomas Morton, junior I Nicholas Snow I 
Ellen Newton o AR Alice Southworth [Bradford] I 
John Ouldham [and others] - 10 Francis Spragge 3 
Frances (wife of William) Palmer 1 [Barbara] Standish I 
Christian Penn I Thomas Tilden 3 
[William] Peirce’s two servants 0 Stephen Tracy 3 
Joshua Pratt I Ralfe Walen oO 


The following names were also in the list, probably because of newly arrived mem- 
bers of the family entitling them to land. Francis Cooke (a Mayflower passenger) 





1 Not in the Hazard list. 
2 Hazard says ‘“‘ Robert Hickes, his Wife and Children.” 
8 Hazard has Eilton. 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 317 


faine to be at charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, 
besides these ther came a company, that did not belong to the gen- 
erall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to have 
lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to 
the generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and dis- 
turbance alror|mongst them, as will after apeare.' I shall hear 
againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as 
came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words 
and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without 
tediousness.? 


BELOVED FREINDS, [ kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths 
and wellfare, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you 


who receives four acres; Richard Warren, also a Mayflower passenger, six acres; and 
Phinehas Pratt, a relic of the Weston adventure at Wessagusset. The location of 
lands is given in Plymouth Col. Rec., x11. 5, and on p. 347, infra. 

1 This troublous company was probably Oldham and his associates, ten in number. 

2 In his letter of September 8, 1623, Bradford returns hearty thanks for “a large 
and liberall suply”’ received by these vessels. “‘If God had seen it good we should have 
been right glad it had come sooner, both for our good and your profite; for we have 
both been in a langwishing state; and also faine to put away our furrs at a small 
vallew to help us to sume necessaries, without which notwithstanding we should 
have done full ill, yea indeed could not have subsisted; so as we have little or nothing 
to send you, for which we are not a litle sorie; but if you knew how necessarily we 
were constrained too it, and how unwillingly we did it, we suppose you cannot at all 
blame us for it; we put away as much at one time and other of bevar as, if they had 
been savid togeather and sould at the best hand, would have yeelded -3- or -4-100 
pounds.” But the absence of method was found in the shipments from England by 
the Anne. “We wanted a perfect bill of lading, to call for ech parcell of our goods, 
which as you have occation we pray you see toe hereafter, for it is very requisite though 
you have to deale with honest men.”? From Peirce some necessaries were purchased, 
‘*the cheefe whereof is bread, and course cloth, and some other needfull things withall; 
and with them he hath put upon us some other things less necessarie, as beefe, etc. 
which we would not have had if we could have had the other without them; fear of 
want againe before suply come to us, as also a litle to encourag our people after ther 
great dishartening hath made us pressume to charg you herewith; a bill of perticku- 
lars we have here sent you; we hope the furres will defray it.”” Bradford’s letter of Sep- 
tember 8, 1623. 


318 Fiistory of 1623 





all this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall 
leters. Naither indeed have we now sent you many things, which we 
should and would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, 
(though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but 
monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, 
as, etc. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long 
you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to 
goe, and often shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly 
to the Treasurer! and directe what persons should be sente. It greev- 
eth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been 
hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company 
hear to see that honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them 
back if any other come, etc.? We are not any way so much in danger, 
as by corrupte an[d] noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came with- 
out my consente; but the importunite of their freinds got promise of 
our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any 
lewd men, for we may have honest men enew, etc. 
Your assured freind, 
Rlosart] [Cusuman.] 

1 James Sherley. 

2 Winslow seems to conform to this suggestion by the last paragraphs of his Good 
Newes, *65, 66, where he warns the intending settler that the plenty is not to be had 
without means and proper instruments. ‘“‘I write not these things to dissuade any 
that shall seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to further the glory of God, 
and the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage 
such as with too great lightness undertake such courses; who peradventure strain 
themselves and their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, than 
seeing their foolish imagination made void, are at their wits’ end, and would give ten 
times so much for their return, if they could procure it; and out of such discontented 
passions and humors, spare not to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, 
which themselves deserve. As, for example, I have heard some complain of others 
for their large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water and 
want many delicates they have here enjoyed, could presently return with their 
mouths full of clamor. And can any be so simple as to conceive that the fountains 
should stream forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like butchers’ shops or 
fishmongers’ stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands? If thou canst 
not live without such things, and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take 
pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where thou art; 


1623 Phimmoth Plantation 319 


The following was from the genrall. 


LoviNG FREINDS, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty 
affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo 
preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and 
health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that 
you have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship 
sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands 
and freinds, with their children, etc. We would not have you discon- 
tente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in 
spetiall, him! on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us toneclecte 
you, orcontemne him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at 
last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly? answer your 
expectations to the full.? Ther are also come unto you, some honest 
men to plant upon their perticulers besides you. A thing which if we 
should not give way unto, we should wrong both them and you. Them, 


for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beggar’s purse, and an idle hand, be here intol- 
erable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is much more abominable.” 

1 Tfohn] R[obinson]. — Braprorp, in the margin. 

2 “Tndeed freinds it doth us [muc]h good to read your honest letters. We perceive 
your honest minds, and how squarly you deal in all things, which giveth us much 
comforte, and howsoever things have been for time past, we doubt not for time to 
come but ther shall be that good coraspondance which is meete. And we shall labore 
what we can to be answarable to your kindnes and cost.” Bradford’s letter of Sep- 
tember 8, 1623. 

3 “For our freinds in Holand we much desired their companie, and have long 
expected the same; if we had had them in the stead of some others we are perswaded 
things would have been better then they are with us, for honest men will ever doe 
their best endeavoure, whilst others (though they be more able of body) will scarce 
by any means be brought too; but we know many of them to be better able, either for 
laboure or counsell then our selves; And indeed if they should not come to us, we 
would not stay [herl]e, if we might gaine never so much wellth, but we are glad to take 
knowledge of what you would write touch[ing] them, and like well of your purpose 
not to make the generall body biggere, save only to furnish them with usefull members, 
for spetiall faculties.”’ As to any further bond or covenant to be made with the com- 
pany, Bradford continued, “‘we take our freinds at Leyden to be comprehended in the 
same, and as much interese[d] as our selves; and their conssents to be accordingly 
had; for though we be come first to this place, yet they are as principalle in the acction 
and they and we to be considred as one body.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 


320 Efistory of 1623 





by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you, for that being 
honest men, they will be a strengthening to the place, and good neigh- 
bours [102] unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we 
have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade for skins to be re- 
tained for the general till the devidente; 2ly. that their setling by you, 
be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for the lying 
of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy and easie assembling 
togeather.! 

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, etc. Diverse other 
provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and 
though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet 
it is that we could, etc. 

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and 
fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence 
that place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and 
rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish 
in hopes after things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is bet- 
ter, you shall be the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are 
earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.” If the land afford 
you bread, and the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God 
will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are 
neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take 
the worst to your selves, with contend [content], and leave the best to 
your neighbours, with cherfullnes. 


1 Smith urged the adventurers to make their plantations “‘so neere and great as 
you can; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your small parties can doe 
nothing availeable.” Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *23. Morton, 
though perverse in his attitude towards New Plymouth, probably gave a glimpse of 
the truth when he wrote that, “‘this, as an article of the new creede of Canaan, would 
they have received of every new commer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a 
dangerous people, subtill, secreat and mischeivous; and that it is dangerous to live 
seperated, but rather together: and so be under their Lee, that none might trade for 
Beaver, but at their pleasure, as none doe or shall doe there: nay they will not be 
reduced to any other song yet of the Salvages to the southward of Plimmouth, because 
they would have none come there, sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must 
come stronge.” New English Canaan (Prince Society), 256. 

2 This proved rather, a propheti, then advice. — BRapDForD. 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 321 


Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to 
breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty; the honour 
shall be yours to the worlds end, etc.! 

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards 
you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, 
who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both 
doe and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously pre- 
served you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all 
future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious 
in blise at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us 
joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accom- 
plish and perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him that 
confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. 
To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever and ever.? 


1 “Notwithstanding this sharpe encounter at the first, and some miscarriages 
afterward, yet, (conceiving Gops providence had directed them unto that place, and 
finding great charge and difficultie in removing,) they resolved to fixe themselves there; 
and being assisted by some of their freinds in Lonpon, having passed over most of 
the greatest difficulties that usually encounter new Planters, they beganne to subsist 
at length in a reasonable comfortable manner; being notwithstanding men but of 
meane and weake estates of themselves. And after a yeares experience or two of the 
Soyle and Inhabitants, sent home tydings of both, and of their well-being there, which 
occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place, and to take it into consideration.” 
White, The Planters Plea, *67. 

2 In an earlier letter Bradford had expressed himself in a manner requiring expla- 
nation. ‘‘We wishte you would either roundly suply us, or els wholy forsake us, that 
we might know what to doe; this you call a short and peremptorie resolution. Be it 
as it will, we were necesarily occationed by our wants (and the discontents of many) 
therunto. Yet it was never our purpose or once came into our minds to enter upon 
any cource before we knew what you would doe, upon an equall treaty of things, 
according to our former, as we conceivd, bonds between us. And then if you should 
have left us we mente not to joyne with any other (as you it should seeme conceived) 
but thought we could get our selves foode, and for cloathes we intended to take the 
best course we could, and so to use the best means we could to subsiste, or otherwise 
to returne. Though indeed we thinke if you had left us we might have had others 
desirous to joyne with us. Also you may conceive some of us have had enough to doe 
to hould things togeather amongst men of so many humors, under so many dificulties, 
and feares of many kinds; and if any thing more hath been said or writen to any by 
us, it hath been only to shew that it might rather be marvilled that we could at all 


22 Fistory of . 1623 


This leter was subscribed with -13- of their names. 

These passengers, when they saw their low and poore condition 
a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and according to their 
diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in 
England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie 
in what they saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they 
saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, 
all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see 
them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not ex- 
pecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better 
days togeather. And truly it was [103] no marvell they should be 
thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were 
ragged in aparell, and some litle beter then halfe naked; though 
some that were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. 
But for food they were all alike, save some that had got a few pease 
of the ship that was last hear. The best dish they could presente 
their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or 
any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continu- 
ance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated 
the freshnes of theirformer complexion. But God gave them health 
and strength in @ good measure; and shewed them by experience the 
truth of that word, Deut.-8- 3. That man liveth not by bread only, 
but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord doth a 
man live. 

When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in 
Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we 
may live and not dye. Gen.:-42- 2. and -43- I, that the famine was 
great, or heavie in theland; and yet they had shuch great heirds, and 
store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besides flesh, must needs pro- 
duse other food, as milke, butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was 


subsist, then that we were in no better case haveing been so long without suplie, and 
not at all for your disgrace. If necessity or pation have caried others fuder, your wis- 
dom will (I doute not) beare with it.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 


1628 Plhimmoth Plantation 323 


counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, ther- 
fore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, 
and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea 
for the most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all 
ages; for his mercie endureth for ever. 

On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, 
when it was ripe, should be imparted to the new-commers, whose 
provissions which they brought with them they feared would fall 
short before the year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came 
to the Govierno|r and besought him that as it was before agreed 
that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly 
they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might 
freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of the 
victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and let 
the new-commers injoye what they had brought; they would have 
none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bar- 
gaine or exchainge.' Their requeste was granted them, for it gave 
both sides good contente; for the new-commers were as much 
afraid that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provis- 
sions brought, and they should have fallen into the like condition. 

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the help 
of many hands.” Also they sente in her all the beaver and other 
furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to in- 

1 See p. 391, infra. 

2 Bradford contracted with Peirce for a return freight to cost £150, which he sup- 
posed the English company would think “something much,” but no better terms could 
be had. “We did it the rather that he might come directly home, for the furtherance 
of our other affares; as also for some other respects necessarie and benefitiall for us; 
we have laded him with clap-board, the best we could gett, which we hope at the least 
will quite the cost; for lengths they are not cut by the advice of the Cooper and pipe- 
stafmaker which you sent us; for thicknes they are biger than those which come frome 
other places, which must accordingly be considered in the prices; the cooper of the ship 
saith they are worth- 5- per-roo- and I here he means to bye some of them of you.” 


Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. The number of furs placed on the dnne was 
not great owing to the causes described on p. 296, supra. 


gin. Fiistory of | 1623 





forme of all things, and procure shuch things as were thought 
needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was 
come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the 
face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many, 
for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particuler 
planting was well seene, for all had, one way and other, pretty 
well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more 
in[xo04]dustrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall 
wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day. » 

I may not here omite how, notwithstanding] all their great 
paines and industrie, and the great hopes of a large cropp, the 
Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten 
further and more sore famine unto them, by [reason of] a great 
drought which continued from the -3- weeke in May, till about the 
midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the 
most parte), insomuch as the corne begane to wither away, though 
it was set with fishe, the moysture whereof helped it much. Yet 
at length it begane to languish sore, and some of the drier [higher] 
grounds [lands] were partched like withered [dried] hay, part 
whereof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a 
solemne day of humilliation, to seek the Lord by humble and fer- 


1 Bradford described Winslow as “‘one of our honest freinds . . . and also we have 
given him Instrucktion to treat with you of all such things as consceirn our publick 
good and mutuall concord; expecting his returne by the first fishing shipss.” Letter 
of September 8, 1623. 

The vessel had a long and troublesome passage, but proved seaworthy. “In the 
latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two ships with supply unto 
us; who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recovered in short 
time; who, also, notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found 
not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger ship, called the 
Anne, was hired and there again freighted back; from whence we set sail the roth 
of September. The lesser called the Little James, was built for the company at their 
charge. She was now also fitted for trade and discovery to the southward of Cape 
Cod, and almost ready to set sail.”” Winslow, Good Newes, *51. The Little James must 
thus have sailed southward soon after the date of Winslow’s departure. 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 325 


vente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to give 
them a gracious and speedy answer, both to their owne, and the 
Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all the morn- 
ing, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather and very 
hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward 
evening [somewhat after the midle of the after none] it begane to 
overcast [and before they broake up] and shortly after to raine, 
with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as gave them cause of 
rejoyceing, and blessing God. It came, without either wind, or 
thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in that [lasted all that 
night in shuch] abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete 
and soked therwith [, and the next day was a faire sunshine day 
againe]. Which did so apparently revive and quicken the decayed 
corne and other fruits, as was wonderfull to see, and made the 
Indeans astonished to behold; and after wards the Lord sent them 
shuch seasonable showers, [and reane till harvest as was necessarie| 
with enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, 
caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small comforte 
and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) they also 
sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its 
place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.? 

Those that came on their perticuler looked for greater matters 
then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, 
and shuch pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; 
as if they would be great men and rich, all of a sudaine; but they 


1 See note 1 on p. 276. Mr. Deane, judging by sequence in time, transferred 
this account of the drought to p. 100 of his text. The matter is written on the reverse 
of f. 102 of the manuscript, and thus falls against this summary of the food conditions 
for the year, and Bradford expressly states that he “thought meet here to insert the 
same.” No reason is apparent for altering the position of the paragraph. As the ac- 
count in this place is not a mere copy of that written by Bradford on f. 79, the vari- 
ations in language are noted, the words in brackets appearing in the earlier entry. 
Winslow speaks of the same incident in Good Newes, *49, 50; p. 300, supra, n. 3. 


326 Fistory of 1623 


proved castels in the aire.! These were the conditions agreed on 
betweene the colony and them. 

First, that the Gov[erno]r, in the name and with the consente 
of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive and im- 
brace them; and is to allote them competente places for habita- 
tions within the towne. And promiseth to shew them all shuch 
other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to 
performe.’ 

-2: That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all shuch laws and 
orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the publick 
good. 

-3: That they be freed and exempte from the generall imploy- 
ments of the said company, (which their presente condition of 
comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, and shuch other 
imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the collony. 


1 Morrell, who wrote with the actual condition of the settlement before him, gave 
this warning: ‘‘Fishermen, manuall artificers, engeners, and good fowlers are excel- 
lent servants, and onely fit for plantations. Let not Gentlemen or Citizens once 
imagine that I prejudize their reputations, for I speake no word beyond truth, for they 
are too high, or not patient of such service: though they may be very necessary for 
Martiall discipline, or excellent, (if pious) for example to the seditious and incon- 
siderate multitude.”’ New England at end. “I have myselfe heard some say, that they 
heard it was a rich land, a brave countrey, but when they came there they could see 
nothing but a few Canvis Boothes and old houses, supposing at the first to have found 
walled townes, fortifications and corne fields, as if townes could have built themselves, 
or cornefields have growne of themselves, without the husbandry of man. These men 
missing of their expectations, returned home and railed upon the Country.” Wood, 
New Englands Prospect, *40. 

2 “*Touching those which came unto us in ther pertikerlar, we have received them 
in as kindly maner as we could, according to our abilite, and offered them as favorable 
termes as we could touching their footing with us. Yett they are sundrie of them 
discouraged I know not whether by the countrie (of which they have no triall) or 
rather for want of those varietis which England affords, from which they are not yet 
wayned, and being so delitefull to nature cannot easily be forgotten without a former 
grounded r[esoluJtion. But as they were welcome when they came, [so s]hall they be 
when they goe, if they thinke it not for their gloo]d, though we are most glad of honest 
mens companie, and loath to part from the same.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 327 





-4ly- Towards the maintenance of Gov[ernmen]t, and publick 
officers of the said collony, every male above the age of - 16° years 
shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of it, into the 
commone store. _ 

‘sly: That (according to the agreemente, the marchants made 
with them before they came) they are to be wholy debarred from 
all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and shuch like 
commodities, till the time of the comunallitie be ended. 

About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges 
in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and 
families, intending their to begine a plantation;! and pitched 
upon the place Mr. Weston’s people had forsaken. He had a com- 
mission from the Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gov- 
e[rno|r of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell and 


1 Robert Gorges helda grant from the Council of Affairs for New England, dated De- 
cember 30, 1622, conveying to him, in consideration of the services of his father and 
the payment of £160, a tract of land in New England called “ Messachustack,” lying 
on the northeast side of the bay called “‘Messachuses,” together with all the shores or 
coasts along the sea for ten English miles in a straight line towards the northeast, and 
thirty English miles into- the mainland with all islets or islands lying within three 
miles of any part of the said land, excepting such land as had been granted formerly. 
By the tenure he was to find four able armed men to attend the governor when re- 
quired. P. R.O., Colonial, 1574-1660, 35; Gorges, Breife Narration, *34. The quality of 
his following showed that it was intended to be the forerunner of a larger movement, 
and was designedly organized upon a grandiose scale, including Church as well as 
State. It represented the whole dignity of the Council for New England, and also 
Gorges’ favorite scheme of establishing episcopacy in New England Charles Francis 
Adams, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xv1. 196. Robert Gorges had ‘‘newly come 
out of the Venetian war.” John Gorges, his brother, succeeded to the grant, and in 
January, 1628-29, conveyed a part of the territory to Sir William Brereton, who sent 
over some settlers to occupy it. Mass. Col. Rec., 1. 29, 68. Although Wessagusset 
was deserted after the expedition of Standish, “the pale and houses” were left 
standing and were occupied by Robert Gorges. He also built some warehouses for 
storing his goods. Pratt says he was accompanied by six gentlemen and divers men 
to do his labor, and other men with their families. As the place has always been 
occupied since that time, it was the first settlement in Massachusetts Bay and the 
second in Massachusetts. See Adams and Nash in Weymouth Historical Society, III. 


328 Phimmoth Plantation 1623 





assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Chris- 
topher Levite, Esquire,! and the Gov[erno]r of Plimoth for the 
time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse shuch 
other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) 


1 In May, 1623, Christopher Levett, captain of one of his majesty’s ships, was ad- 
mitted by the Council for New England as a “principal patantee,”’ on a payment of 
£100. Six thousand acres of land were granted 
OF Sf; e tohim. Council for New England, 94. Hecon- 
a KICHf e ceived the plan of building a “‘city”’ in his ter- 
ritory, to be called York; and his influence was 
such that the royal Secretary, Conway, expressly recommended his undertaking to 
the county and city of York, whence he hoped to draw fifty men, and to adda like 
number from other parts. He sailed for New England in the same year, and explor- 
ing the eastern coast for a place of settlement, finally settled upon that known as 
Quack. This place was the centre of the fishing stations, and he described it as 
“about two leagues to the east of Cape Elizabeth,” doubtless using Smith’s map. It 
has been identified as Portland harbor. He remained about a month on the plantation 
of David Thomson, and at that place he “met with the Governor [Gorges], who came 
thither in a bark which he had from Mr. Weston about twenty days before I arrived in 
the land. The Governor then told me that I was joined with him in commission as a 
councillor, which being read I found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three 
more of the council, administered unto me an oath.” 4 Voyage into New England, 91. 
Levett returned to England in 1624, and sought some active employment, while await- 
ing a favorable opportunity to resume his New England project. Not succeeding in 
that, he petitioned the king to be given a sufficient force of ships and men to fortify 
New England stations near the fishing grounds, pledging himself to make a profitable 
return. The King, acceding to his wish so far as to appoint him, (he then being a 
member of the council of the plantation,) governor in those parts, instructed the 
clergy to read the notice of the adventure in the parish churches, and to pay over to 
him all such sums as should voluntarily be given. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xx, 
339. It is known that Levett returned to New England, meeting Winthrop there in 
1632, but he died on the return passage to England. Baxter, Christopher Levett (Gorges 
Society). Christopher Levett described himself as “not beinge bred upp to any thinge 
but the sea and in that nether no otherwyse then a traveler and Comander of some 
Merchant Shipps.”’ Letter to Coke, December 26, 1624. But he had never been ex- 
amined for the Mariner’s art, and when he accompanied the expedition to Cadiz, he 
was in a transport ship, and “‘used no better than a meare slave.”’ He wished to com- 
mand the Neptune, built by Gorges to transport some of his planters to Maine, and 
then in public service, but his wish was denied. He put a high estimate on the New 
England fisheries. 


VOYAGE 
INTO NEVV 
ENGLAND 


Begunin 1623. andended 
Inl624. 


Performed by CurtsTopHer LevetT, 
his Maiefties Woodward of Somerfet /hire, and 
one of the Councell of New-England. 







Bonauens 
ture. 


Yorkes « ys 2 
SO 


Printed at Lonpon, by Wirtiam Tones, 
andare to be (old by Edward Brewfter, atthe figne 
ofthe Bible in Paules Church yard, 
3628. 


213,0 Fistory of 1623 


full power to him and his assistants, or any -3- of them, wherof 
him selfe was all way to be one, to doe and execute what to them 
should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, 
etc., with diverce other instructions.! Of which, and his comission, 
it pleased him to suffer the Gov[erno]r hear to take a coppy.? 

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they 
could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship he came 
in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor 
them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his 
men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear-14- days. In 
the mean time came in Mr. Weston with his small ship, which he 
had now recovered. [105*] Captaine Gorges tooke hold of the op- 
portunite, and acquainted the Govlernolr hear, that one occa- 
sion of his going to the eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston, 
and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his 
charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of 
his assistants, with the Gov[erno|r of this place; and charged him, 
first, with the ille carriage of his men at the Massachusets; by 
which means the peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe 
and the people which he had brought over to plante in that bay | 
were therby much prejudised.* To this Mr. Weston easily an- 

1 The Charter given to the Council for New England by the King in 1620 conferred 
power on the Council to pass the laws, orders, ordinances, directions and instructions 
needed to “‘correct, punish, pardon, govern and rule” all such of the King’s subjects 
as should adventure to New England, and in defect of such laws, in cases of necessity, 
the plantation officials were to act according to their good discretions, “‘as well in cases 
capitall and criminall, as civill, both marine and others, so allways as the said statutes, 
ordinances, and proceedings, as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Laws, 
statutes, government and policie of this our realme of England.” Hazard. 1. 110. 
Doubtless the same provisions were repeated in this commission to Robert Gorges. 

2 Sir Ferdinando acknowledged the aid of those of New Plymouth, “(who by his 
[Robert’s] commission were authorized to be his assistants) to come unto him, who 
willingly obeyed his order, and as carefully discharged their duties.” Briefe Narra- 
tion, *33. 

3 In Ms. also 145. 

4 Winslow was as outspoken on evil results of Weston’s “disorderly colony, that are 


1623 Phimmoth Plantation 331 





swered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and 
might have befalen any man; he left them sufficiently provided, 
and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any 
errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler 
was passed by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sir 
Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing was this; he 
used him and others of the Counsell of New-England, to procure 
him a licence for the transporting of many peeces of great ord- 
nance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in the 
countrie, and I know not what shipping. The which when he had 
obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private pro- 
fite; for which (he said) the State was much offended, and his father 
suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for 
it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney 


dispersed, and most of them returned [to England], to the great prejudice and damage 
of him that set them forth; who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, 
in respect of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be 
no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because she would not 
foster them in their desired idle courses. I would be understood to think there were 
no well deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a grief to some 
that they were so yoked.” Winslow, Good Newes from New England, To the Reader. 
Even Morton described the Wessagusset people as “‘no chosen Separatists, but men 
made choice of at all adventures, fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Wes- 
tons undertakinges: and that was as much as hee neede to care for: ayminge at Beaver 
principally for the better effecting of his purpose.” New English Canaan (Prince 
Society), 246. 

1 On June 24, 1619, was issued an Order in Council, made by the King’s express com- 
mand, for preventing the unlawful export of iron ordnance, at this time highly es- 
teemed upon the continent. Calendar State Papers, Domestic, 1619-1623, 55. The 
patent granted to the Council for New England provided: “‘If any person or persons, 
adventurers or planters of the said colony, or any other, at any time or times hereafter, 
shall transport any moneys, goods, or merchandizes, out of any of our Kingdoms, with 
a pretence or purpose to land, sell, or otherwise dispose of the same within the limits 
and bounds of the said Colony, and yet nevertheless being at sea, or after he hath landed 
within any part of the said colony shall carry the same into any other foreign country 
with a purpose there to sell and dispose thereof, that then all the goods and chattels 
of the said person or persons so offending and transported, together with the ship or 


222 Fiistory of 1623 





it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew 
him self. But after many passages, by the mediation of the Gov- 
ferno]r and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes 
(though he aprehended the abuse of his father deeply); which, 
when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave 
shuch provocking and cutting speches, as made him rise up in great 
indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb 
him, or send him home for England. At which Mr. Weston was 
something danted, and came privatly to the Govlerno]r hear, 
to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend 
him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed 
him, that after they had pacified things, he should thus breake 
out, by his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him 
selfe and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd 
the Govlerno]r to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. 
The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, 
and the Gov[erno|r was contente to take his owne bond to be 


vessel wherein such transportation was made, shall be forfeited to us.’ Hazard, 1. 
110. In February, 1623, the Council for New England, on the strength of its patent 
and the royal proclamation of 1622, sought to inforce a monopoly of transportation 
to New England, by forbidding it save under a license. As ‘‘many persons of evill 
disposicon have heretofore (and may hereafter if care bee not taken) under collour of 
Transportinge Goods to New England, carried the same into other parts beyond the 
Seas, to the abuse of his Majesties most gratious favour, contrary to the express 
commands of the said Counsell,” it was ordered that every ship, setting out for 
New England for fishing or transportation of passengers or provisions, should take a 
license from the Council, and deliver to the Council a list of passengers and of the 
cargo. Records of the Council of New England, 86. The regulation called for specific 
information, ‘all the names, Surnames, Trades, professions and faculties of all pass- 
[enge]rs, together with an Invoyce or Inventory, Signed also by the proprietor of all 
such Goods, Cattle, Armes, Muniton, and provisions whatsoever, intended to be 
thither transported in their severall Shipps.”’ It is possible one of the underlying rea- 
sons for such a regulation was the misconduct of Weston. If such lists and invoices 
were ever prepared and filed with the clerk of the Council, none have been found. The 
depredations on English trade and shipping committed by the pirates of Algiers and 
Tunis occasioned a royal proclamation, April 6, 1623, prohibiting the furnishing to 
those places any gunpowder, shot, armour, weapons, munition, or victuals whatever. 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 333 


ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords should 
send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was 
a freindly parting on all hands.' 

But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the 
Gov{erno|r and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind 
their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge 
justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, 
and shortly after the Govierno|r tooke his leave and went to the 
Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind enter- 
tainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for 
Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her 
returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their 
perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of the cuntrie; others 
by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt the houses they 
lived in, and all their provissions [106 ?] so as they were necessitated 
therunto.*? This fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that 


1 Gorges gives the charges made against Weston’s crew: “‘That the mischiefe al- 
ready sustained by those disorderly Persons, are inhumane and intollerable; for first 
in their manners and behaviour they are worse than the very Savages, impudently and 
openly lying with their Women, teaching their Men to drinke drunke, to sweare and 
blaspheme the Name of GOD, and in their drunken humour to fall together by the 
eares, thereby giving them occasion to seek revenge; besides, they couzen and abuse 
the Savages in trading and trafficking, selling them Salt covered with Butter in stead 
of so much Butter, and the like couzenages and deceipts, both to bring the Planters 
and all our Nation into contempt and disgrace, thereby to give the easier passage to 
those People that dealt more righteously with them; that they sell unto the Savages, 
Musquets, Fowling-Pieces, Powder, Shot, Swords, Arrow-Heads, and other Armes, 
wherewith the Savages slew many of those Fisher-Men, and are growne so able, & so 
apt, as they become most dangerous to the Planters.” Briefe Narration, *28. Inthus 
writing he doubtless also had in mind the performances of Thomas Morton, and his 
companions. 

2 In ms. also 146. 

8 “This was on the fifth of November, 1624[1623].’’ Morton, Memoriall, *51. 
Among those who met with losses by this fire, and went back to England at this time, 
was Timothy Hatherley, who came in the Anne. His connection with the Plym- 
outh Plantation receives full notice in Bradford’s pages. Smith placed the loss at 
£500, but overstates in saying that seven houses were destroyed. Fires arising from 


334 Fitstory of 1625 


were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great 
fire in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into 
the thatch, and burnte downe -3-or-4-houses, and consumed all 
the goods and provissions in them. The house in which it begane 
was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to 
save, in which were their commonestore and all their provissions; 
the which if it had been lost, the plantation had been overthrowne. 
But through Gods mercie it was saved by the great dilligence of 
the people, and care of the Gov[erno]r and some aboute him. Some 
would have had the goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would 
much have been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 
-2- ships, which were all most all ashore. But a trusty company 
was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloath and other 
means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required they 
might have them out with all speed. For they suspected some 
malicious dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was 
only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when the 
tumulte was greatest, there was a voice heard (but from whom it 
was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all 
were not freinds that were near them. And shortly after, when the 
ve[he]mencie of the fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within 
a shed that was joynd to the end of the store-house, which was 
watled up with bowes, in the withered leaves wherof the fire was 
kindled, which some, runing to quench, found a longe fire brand 
of an ell longe, lying under the wale on the inside, which could not 


this cause were not infrequent, and on January 6, 1627[28] it was ordered that “‘hence- 
forward no dwelling house was to be couered with any kind of thatche, as straw, reed, 
etc., but with either bord, or pale, and the like; to wit: of all that were to be new built 
in the towne.” Plymouth Col. Rec., x1. 4. Unfortunately the Plymouth Records for 
the years before 1633 are wanting, and only a few crude memoranda for the earlier 
period have been preserved. At some early time the punishment of death was decreed 
for “willfull and purposed burning of ships [or] howses.”’ Plymouth Col. Rec., XI. 12. 
In the compilation of Plymouth laws of 1658, the year 1636 is against this section, but 
it does not necessarily mark the year of its first adoption. 


1623 Phimmoth Plantation 335 


possibly come their by casualtie, but must be laid ther by some 
hand, in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from 
this deanger, what ever was intended. 

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Govlerno]r, was 
come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest 
Mr. Weston and his ship,’ and sends a m[aste]r to bring her away 
thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to con- 
ducte him along. The Gov[erno]r and others hear were very sory 
to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the warrante, 
as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade 
him from this course, shewing him that he would but entangle 
and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe Mr. Wes- 
ton a better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great 
many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply 
ingaged to them for wages,” and was in a manner out of victails 
(and now winter); all which would light upon him, if he did arrest 
his barke. In the time mean Mr. Weston had notice to shift for 
him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, 
or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and 
so stirred not. But the Gov[erno|r would not be perswaded, but 
[107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with 
strict charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write 
that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he 
could not answer it to let him goe so; besides other things that were 
come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was 
suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that 
was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in 
the ship, ther was not vitailes found for above -14- days, at a bare? 


1 The explanation of the seizure of Weston’s vessel given by Morton, in the New 
English Canaan (Prince Society), 257, as a “‘Machivell plot,” is about as accurate as 
most of his statements. 

2 Against this line and in the margin Bradford, or Prince, has crudely drawn a S@" 

8 Bradford wrote “ pare.” 


BEG Ffistory of 1623 


allowance, and not much else of any great worth, and the men did 
so crie out of him for wages and diate,in the mean time, as made 
him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss,! and 
the expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they 
came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) and the 
Govierno|r restord him his vessell againe, and made him satis- 
faction, in bisket, meal, and shuch like provissions, for what he had 
made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or 
consumed. So Mr. Weston came hither againe, and afterward 
shaped his course for Virginie, and so for present I shall leave 
him.? He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in the time of the warrs, 
of the sicknes in that place.® 

The Govferno|r and some that depended upon him returned 
for England, haveing scarcely saluted the cuntrie in his Govern- 
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his quallitie 
and condition.* ‘The peopl{e] dispersed them selves, some went for 


1 A small hand is crudely drawn in the margin. 

2 Weston traded with Virginia and Maryland and owned land in both plantations. 
To the latter colony he removed in 1640 and served in the Assembly in 1642. Receiv- 
ing a patent for 1200 acres, for transporting himself and five able bodied men to Mary- 
land, it was erected into a manor under the name of Westbury Manor. It was on the 
east side of St. George’s Creek in St. George’s Hundred. He returned to England in 
1644-45, and before 1647 died at Bristol. Misfortune followed him to the end. N. £. 
Hist. Gen. Reg., u. 201-206; Maryland Archives, Provincial Court, 1637-1650, 377. 

8 An entry evidently made at a later date. Webster says, “The summer of 1645, 
being excessively hot, there prevailed a contagious dysentery, which was fatal in 
England. For the great mortality in England, through a series of years at this time, 
see the London bills.” Pestilential Diseases, 1. 187. 

4 Robert Gorges returned to England because of the failure to send the much needed 
supplies for his settlement. His friends, on whose promises he depended, hearing how 
the father had fared in Parliament “withdrew themselves,” and Sir Ferdinando and 
his friends were “wholly disabled to do any thing to purpose. The report of these pro- 
ceedings with us, comming to my Sons eares, he was advised to return home, till better 
occasion should offer it selfe unto him.” Briefe Narration, *33. 

It is much to be feared that this account of the mission and return of Robert Gorges 
is not entirely open. Knowing the venturesome disposition of the father, and the fact 
that the son had just returned from the Venetian war, the assertion of the Dutch 


1623 Phimmoth Plantation 337 


England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped 
with supplies from hence.’ ‘The Gov[erno]r brought over a minis- 






Ambassadors in London, June 4, 1624, is very credible. The Prince of Wales sent 

and that weshould so consider him, in what- 

came clear. “4th June. The aforesaid Sir See 

Ferdinando Gorges, came to us and made — 

known, that he and his being disposed to 

resolutions in England, was afraid that his son, having performed the exploit and 

son may be guarantied by your High Mightinesses, and commission granted him to 

commissions were issued by your High Mightinesses they were formally maintained. 
1 Though some of the Gorges settlement went to distant places to the south, some 

the Massachusetts Bay in May, 1631; William Jeffrey, a proprietor of Weymouth in 

ae forme cc Sernend 


Mr. Carr, first Lord of his bedchamber, recommending to them Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
as “fan honest and honorable gentleman, 

ever he had to transact with us.” A few 4 “ CH; 

days later the purpose of the message be- , ° 

annoy the Spaniard, one of his sons who is in New England, proposes some notable 
enterprises in the West Indies. And inasmuch as he, seeing the uncertainty of the 
coming home, may be complained of in consequence to the King; he prayed that, in 
case the King of Great Britain remained in friendship with the King of Spain, his 
annoy the King of Spain, in your name. We praised his good disposition, and said 
that the exploit, when achieved, could be best avowed. That otherwise, when Naval 
He said he made no difficulty as to that. And, afterwards, put his request in writing, 
which we have brought over to your High Mightinesses.”? New York Col. Doc., 1. 33. 
remained in Massachusetts, and settled not far from Wessagusset. Of those who 
remained may be identified John Burslem or Bursley, who was admitted a freeman of 
1642; William Blaxton, clerk, later living on Shawmut (now Boston); Samuel Maver- 
ick, and Thomas Walford who settled at Mishawum (now Charlestown). Adams, 


Three Episodes, 160; and in Weymouth Historical Society, III. Maverick at least as 
early as 1625 built a house at Winnesimmet, on the north side of Mystic River. “One 
house yet standing there which is the Antientest house in the Massachusetts Gover- 
ment, a house which in the yeare 1625 I fortified with a Pillizado and Flankers and 
gunnes both belowe and above in them which awed the Indians who at that time had 
a mind to Cutt off the English. They once faced it but receiveing a repulse never 


338 Plimmoth Plantation 1623 





ter with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after the Gov[er- 
no|r returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not 
what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches 
granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never 
shewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was 
in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away.! 
This was in effect the end of a-2- plantation in that place. 


attempted it more although (as nowthey confesse) they repented it when about 2 
yeares after they saw so many English come over.” 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 
1. 366. 

1 Of William Morrell little is known except what can be gathered from Bradford. 
If he bore a commission from an ecclesiastical court to exercise superintendence over 
churches that were or might be established in the Plantation, he recognized the un- 
wisdom of seeking to enforce it, and conducted himself with such discretion as to 
awaken no suspicion of the purpose of his coming. He fittingly represented the effort 
of Sir Ferdinando to introduce an episcopal establishment in New England. Remain- 
ing in the country for a year after the departure of his chief, he employed his ‘‘mel- 
ancholy leisures” in writing a poem in Latin hexameters, with a translation into Eng- 
lish heroic verse, and printed it in London on his return to England. The poem alone 
was reprinted in 1 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 125, and the entire pamphlet by the Club 
of Odd Volumes of Boston (1895). The ‘“‘Epistle Dedicatorie,” addressed to the Ad- 
venturers for New England, glances at the plantation, thus: “When in contempt of 
Envy, I may present your Councell with anOMNE BENE, at least, Certa spe boni, if 
the three noble Mistresses of Monarchies, Pietas, Pecunia, and Potentia, royally vn- 
dertake and resolutely continue constant favourers to their well ordered and sweetly 
scituated Colonies. Without these, at least the two latter (I suppose vnder favour) 
the Spanyard and Hollander had ad Graecas callendas raysed to such sweet tones their 
westerne and easterne flourishing Plantations. But idlorum postpono mea seria ludo. 
The keys of Kingdomes, judicious Statesmen are best able to open and explicate these 
closets and secrets of state. I may admire, but scarce without offence obserue such 
princely attempts and royall secrets. Yet giue me leaue to you worthy favourers of 
Colonies, as in armes and architecture to be your remembrancer, first to accompt, and 
then to accomplish: so power and abilitie shall crowne your proceedings with happie 
perfections.” And to the “Vnderstanding Reader” he said: “Error in Poesie is lesse 
blemish than in Historie. Experience cannot plead me ignorant, much lesse innocent, 
having seene and suffered. I should delude others vand spe, or falso gaudio. What 
can be expected from false Relations, but vnhappie proceedings, to the best intended, 
and most hopefull Colonies. So that want of provisions, and right information, begets 
in the distracted planter nothing but mutinies, fearefull execrations, and sometimes 


wee New-England. 
OR 
A BRIEFE 





NARRATION 
Remco shee Aw yi RE: 
Earth, Water, Fifh and 
Fowles of that Country. 

WITH 
ADESCRIP TION 
of the Natures, Orders, Habits, 

and Religion of the Natives ; 
IN 
~ Latine and Englith Verfe. 


Sat breve, fr fat bene. 





LONDON, 
Imprinted by JI. D, 
162 §. 


340 F1istory of 1623 


Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other 
places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David Thomson,! at Mon- 
higen,? and some other places by sundrie others. 


miserable interitures. But of all such perchance hereafter. These were at this time 
beyond my intent. I onely now and ever desire that my best incense may for ever 
waite vpon all truely zealous and religious planters and adventurers, who seriously 
endevour the dilating of Christs kingdome, in the propagating of the Gospell, and so 
advisedly vndertake so weightie and so worthie a worke, as that they and theirs may 
paralell these worthies of the world in all externall, internall, and eternall abundances. 
Farewell, with thisone Memento ; That the best intended conclusions, without an equiv- 
alent abilitie, produce nothing but losse, discontents, opprobries, and imperfections.” 

1 David Thomson, of Plymouth, though a Scotchman by birth and once described 
as “Gent.,” had served as useful messenger to the Council of New England, and, 
apparently, in a more confidential capacity, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Becoming 
interested in the plans of the Council, he obtained a grant of six thousand acres of 
land and one island in New England, to be located ‘“‘in some fit place or places there.” 
The grant was signed November 16, 1622, and on December 3 he asked for an order 
for transporting ten persons with provisions, for New England, the usual payment 
for such transportation to be made at the expiration of two years. Nothing appears 
to have come of this application, but it is known that for one fourth part of his 
grant Thomson contracted, December 14, 1622, with three merchants of Plymouth, 
Abraham Colmer, Nicholas Sherwill, and Leonard Pomeroy, for his own passage to 
New England and that of two men in the ship Jonathan and that of three men more 
in the Providence. The terms are given in the indenture printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Proceedings, x1v. 358, and constitute a most valuable document on the colonizing 
methods of that day. The original is in the collections of the Society. Thomson 
settled at Little Harbor, at the mouth and on the west side of Piscataqua River. 
The place was later known as Randezvous Point, and now as Odiorne’s Point. 

During the summer of 1623 Standish was sent to the eastward to procure much 
needed provision for the colony, and returning, was accompanied by: Thomson, who 
had then been in the country only a few weeks, but long enough to “‘like well” the 
place selected for his plantation. 

Mr. Deane, in his edition of Bradford’s History, 208, treats of certain inconsistent 
statements respecting Thomson, or Trevore, Island. The island was first called Tre- 
vore’s Island, after one of the seamen on the Mayflower. It is now known as “'The 
Farm School Island.” It will be noted that the Thomson indenture provides that the 
lands that shall be settled and all expenses shall be in common for the space of five 
years from the date of the covenant, at the expiration of which period the land was 
to be equally divided among the four parties to the covenant. The returns from this 
land were also subject to an equal division. 

2 In 1605 Champlain was at this island, and named it La Nef, “‘for at a distance 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 341 





It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken of 
before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed in the 
cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,! and I fear 
the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill 
success. However, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, 
though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly manned, 
and all her men were upon shares, and none was to have any wages 
but the m[aste]r. 2ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had 
sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, 
and mette with ill counsell from Mr. Weston and his crue, with 
others of the same stampe, neither m[aster] nor Gov[erno]r could 
scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and 
deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, 
and take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc.? They 


it had the appearance of a ship.” While lying near it he learned from the Indians of 
Waymouth’s ship, the Archangel, and of his killing five of the savages of that river 
“under cover of freindship.” In reality the Indians were kidnapped, and taken to 
England as were those by Hunt. Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 91. The 
Popham colonists landed on Monhegan in 1607, and refreshed therhselves with the 
abundance of berries found. Captain John Smith describes Monhegan as in 434° of 
north latitude, and “‘among the remarkablest Isles and Mountains for land markes.”’ 
The place was well known to fishing vessels, and some of Rocroft’s men remained 
there all the winter of 1618-19. Dermer found them there in the spring of 1619. 
When Levett was on that coast in 1623 he learned that Monhegan was already granted, 
but no name of the possessor is given by him. In 1622 Abraham Jennens, a merchant 
of Plymouth, purchased a share in the Council for New England, and under this 
purchase he held Monhegan, and established there a plantation. This “beginning” 
is intended by Bradford. In 1626 the island again changed owners (p. 447, infra). 

1 With her flages, and streamers, pendents, and wast cloaths, etc. — BRApDForD. 

2 Almost every voyage to the coast of North America contained in it some possi- 
bilities of piracy. Even the fishermen did not scruple to seize a weaker vessel of a for- 
eign ownership. See p. 314, supra. In this particular instance the New Plymouth 
Adventurers criticised Altham for not availing himself of an opportunity to take a 
French vessel that had been passed in the voyage. In his defence he wrote to Sherley: 

“‘ Andonce againelet me be pardoned if I seme to be overbold. Iunderstand by your 
Letter to Mr Bridge that you are somewhat discontented with mee for not takinge a 
French man which wee met withall, but to the contrary wonderfully comend and 


34.2 Fiistory of 1623 





would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they 
would obey no command of the maisters; so as it was apprehended 
they would either rune away with the vessell, or get away with the 
ships, and leave here; so as Mr. Peirce and others of their freinds 
perswaded the Gov[erno|r to chaing their condition, and give 
them wages; which was accordingly done.! And she was sente 


extoll Mr Bridge for his corage and forwardness in the same notwithstanding -my 
backwardness. To answere which I will doe in few words. It soe happned that about 
400 leages of the lands end of England we met with a small french man as I take it 
he was of Rochell, in the morninge we had sight one of another and he stoode right with 
us and wee with him, Cominge nere us hee spied us to be an Englishman soe he stoode 
away from us and by a sudden puff of winde brake his maine mast, for we beinge 
desirous to here news and alsoe to see if he had any skins abord or if he had bin a 
trading one the Coast of new England we stoode after him and hailed him what he 
was and whence for he told us he was of Rochell and that he had but 7000 of Corfish 
abord of him and that he was come from the banke of new found land a fishinge and 
also that his ship was leake soe he made the more hast home before he had made his 
vioage, but we mistrustinge him sente our boate abord him to see if he had skins, 
but in conclusion we saw he was very pore and had not bin a shore on noe place, and 
soe gave us some fish which at that time we stoode in greate nede of as alsoe of woode 
of which he had none because he had not bin on land noe where. All thes things 
being considered I hope you will not blame mee, for I would doe in your behalfe in 
that kinde rather more then less then my commission would beare me out in, but 
this ship was 500 leages from any part of new England when we met her and if I 
should have done it I had brought a greate troble both upon you and my selfe for I 
will assure you and all the Company that if you will but get a letter of mart and a 
safe protection from his Majestie of England for taking of french men on new found 
land banke you might esily with this pinace take and leave what ships you list . . . 
for wee had sight of 20 saile of French men at one time and I beleve never a one had 
any ordnance, but to end pray pardon mee if I have done amiss but what I did I have 
done in my opinion and in the opinion of all the companies at Plimoth for your pease 
and my owne safty, for the governor hath sene my comission and saith him selfe I 
could not have answered it, therefore pray blame mee not for my good will and 
care, for I should be very loth to lose a frend for nothinge and upon noe occasion espe- 
cially when frends are hard to get.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xutv. 186. 

1 Bradford wrote at length on this complication. ‘We are sorie that shee is maned 
with so rude a crew of sailors; we hope the maister [Bridge, who was at this time at 
New Plymouth] is an honest man; and we find the capten [Altham] to be a loving and 
courteous gentle-man, yet they could not both of them rule them, so as we were faine 
to alter their conditions and agree with them for wages as well as we could; and this 


1623 Plimmoth Plantation 343 


about the Cape to the Narigansets to trade, but they made but a 
poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but the Dutch 


we did not only by the capten, and maisters, together with Mr. Peirces advice, but 
we saw we were of necessitie constrained thereunto to prevente furder mischefe, 
which we saw would unavoydably ensew; for besides the endangering of the ship, 
they would obey no command, at least without continuall murmuring, aleging that 
they were cousened and deseaved and should saile and worke for nothing, the which 
they would be hanged rather than they would doe, as also that they would not fish, 
or doe any such thing; they said they were fited out for a taker, and were tould that 
they might take any ship what soever that was not to strong for them, as far as the 
West Endeans, and no other imployment would they follow; but we doubt not now 
to have them at a better pass, and hope to raise some benefite by her imploymente; 
shee is now to go to the southward; we have sent to the Indeans, and they promise us 
we shall have both corne and skines; at her returne we think to send her northward, 
both to fish and truck, if it please God to bless them.” Letter of September 8, 1623. 

Bridge, the master of the Little James was outspoken in his disgust at the behavior 
of the men. “No man shall mak me venter to sea againe with men upon the sam 
condetions for theay car not whitch end went forwardes and now the governer [Brad- 
ford] seing our troubell so great and fering what might insew haveth cum to cumpo- 
sision with them for wages or eles I might have bread a gre[at] inconveinentes whitch 
the captain and I allwais fered so that yet is now a letell mended and I hop will 
mend still we ar now bound to the Suthward a trading I pray god send us god suckses 
for corne and skenes and in the spreing god willing I think we shall to the norward 
upon trad and fishing we are now readey to set saill within this 2 daies for till Mr 
Perse was gone theay could not spare us noe men or else we had ben gone befor now 
but we shall be sone enow for corne and I hop to god for skenes we were 3 monthes 
and 2 daies outward and had mutch foule wether and foges consedring the time of 
year as ever I knew the Ane was thear 8 daies be for us we rod at anker upon the cost 
7 daies befoged and she being a great shep in time of fowle wether out bor us I think 
that was the reason yf we had not renewed our vetales at the Ile of Wight we had 
cum short of drink especially for we careyed but 4 hoges hedes of beare in with us and 
our other provetiones mutch wasted.” John Bridge to Sherley, September 9, 1623. 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xutv. 180. 

Altham, then fishing at Pemaquid, was summoned to Plymouth to aid in smoothing 
the difficulties encountered in controlling the unruly crew. He wrote to Sherley, 
May 28, 1624: 

“Soe sone as Mr. Perce his cominge into the land came to my eres I was forced 
much against my minde both by the importunity of Mr. Brige and insolences of all 
our company to make a vioage from Pemequide to Plimoth which had I not under- 
taken although with much hazard of my person all our company had and would have 
dispersed themselves and if ether my selfe or the master would detaine them they 


344 Fiistory of 1623 


used to furnish them with cloath and better commodities, they 
haveing only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much 


openly thretened a more spedy revenge ether to kill us or to blow our ship up but 
thes things are past and the party deade whoe spake it and IJ feare that god whoe 
knoweth all hearts prevented him by death from actinge thoes villanous projets 
which by his words in his life he professed to do. 

“The occasions of this was two, first in regard provisions went very hard with us 
and the next was a folish and nedeless feare they had of there wages. To prevent all 
this and farther mischiefe I went to Plimoth about the beginninge of Aprill where 
by the way I was forced with contrary winds and fowle wether to stay somewhat 
longer then I wished, but at my coming to Cape Ann IJ there found Mr. Winslow and 
master Perce for which I was very joyfull and soe h[avin]ge receved of them divers 
comendations and letters from your selfe and my other frends I went with all possible 
spede to Plimoth to know the governors resolution for thus it was, that provisions 
we had but very few before Crismas but were fane to heve some pease out of Plimoth 
store and soe because we were goinge to fish amonge our countremen we thought to 
get divers things by reson of Mr. Brige his acquaintance, but thes our hopes Were 
much frustrated for coming to the fishermen we could have noe provision without 
present pay which I was destitute of notwithstandinge I offred to become bonde for 
any thinge I tooke up, but they not regarding nether the Companies nor my word 
did rather solicite our men to come worke with them for there victals, and to leave the 
ship, then to shew any love or frendship to us in helpinge us, there fore rather then 
our company should goe away and our vioage be overthrowne we were constrained 
to use a present though unwilling meanes to get some provisions as bred and pease 
which before wee were destitute of soe havinge despached my business at Plimoth 
and receved my or[der] From the governor Mr. Bradford and his assistants, which 
was that looke what fish wee had caught in our pinnace should presently be brought 
to Cape Ann and to deliver it to Mr. Perce and afterwards to aide and helpe Mr. 
Perce in his vioage, in what we could both with our men and boats to all which as I 
am in duty bound soe I consented unto it and with all convenient spede wente away 
to our ship Mr. Winslow beinge with mee and by this time which was about the last 
of Aprill I thought Mr. Bridge had kild about 10,000 fish for more I thinke our salt 
would not have saved.” Jb. 182. 

One of the ship’s company was particularly named as troublesome — Thomas Daw- 
son, the surgeon. Bridge’s reference to the subject is obscure. He confines himself 
to saying, that “Mr. Sirgen is cum away upon sum distrust and misbehaveyour but 
let every man medell with his owne maters for I have enow of my owne.” Altham 
could not restrain himself, and wrote to Sherley: 

“T doe understand that Thomas Dawson the sirgion hath bin very large on his tongue 
concerninge my selfe or that I should be displaced by Mr Bradford, and many other 
contumelious speches, as alsoe he informed you about the frenchman, for all which I 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 345 


esteemed.! Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into 
ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, 
and was forced to cut her maine mast by the bord, to save herselfe 


pray sir if you see him certifie him that I will make him answere it in England, and 
although it cost 10o/7 I will make him see the goale for it, and there he shall lie if god 
bless me homeward, if it please god to deale otherwaies with mee I pray god give him 
more grace, but I hope you doenot beleve him, but I wold wish you rather suspect him, 
for he is the veriest villane that I ever knew as hath bin testified buy his cariage both 
to Plimoth Company, your owne selfe and Company and alsoe to mee. And truly I 
feare that I shall justly lay that to his charge which if it be prosecuted will goe nere to 
hang him.” Bradford was again called in to solve the difficulties. He reported that: 
“‘we found the chirugion in the pinas to be so proude and quarelsome a man, and to use 
his termes in that sorte, as the Capten and others durst not goe to sea with him; being 
over ready to raise factions and mutanie in the shipe; so as we were constrained to dis- 
mise him, and hire Mr. Rogers in his roome, Mr. Peirce being willing to releace him, 
to doe us a favore. He is to have -35-s per month, wherof he desirs his wife may have 
-16-5 a month, which we pray you may be accordingly performed.” Letter of Septem- 
ber 8, 1623. 

1 The planters already saw the growth of competition in the fur trade, which would 
affect their interests. Having described the necessity for parting with beaver skins 
to the amount of three or four hundred pounds (supra, p. 317) Bradford continued: 
“*And yet these are nothing to those we have lost for want of means to geather them 
when the time was, which I fear will scarce ever be againe, seeing the Duch on one 
side and the Frenchon theother side and the fishermen and other plantations betweene 
both have, and doe furnish the savages, not with toyes and trifles, but with good 
and substantial commodities, as kettles, hatchets, and clothes of all sorts; yea the 
french doe store them with biskay shalopes fited both with sails and ores, with which 
they can either row or saile as well as we; as also with peices powder and shot for 
fowling and other servises; (we are informed that ther are at this present a -100* men 
with -8- shalops coming from the eastward, to robe and spoyle their neighbours 
westwards); also I know upon my owne knowledg many of the Indeans to be as well 
furnished with good kettles, both strong and of a large size, as many farmers in Eng- 
land; yet notwithstand|[ing] we shall not nectlect to use the best means we can with 
the pinnas and means we now have, both for trading or any other imployment the best 
we can for both your and our advantage.” 

As yet there was no strong jealousy between the people of New Plymouth and the 
Dutch on Manhattan island, although the possibility of competition in trade was 
recognized and the danger of this competition foreshadowed. Having command of the 
Hudson River the Dutch tapped the rich fur country of the Iroquois, and a cargo of 
furs sent home in 1626 proves how profitable the region was, for it comprised 7246 
beaver, 853 otter, and small numbers of mink, wild cat and rat skins. New York 


346 | Fiistory of | 1623 


from driving on the flats that lye without, caled Browns Ilands, 
the force of the wind being so great as made her anchors give way 
and she drive right upon them; but her mast and takling being 
gone, they held her till the wind shifted. 


NOTE. 


*41 *The Falles of their grounds which came first ouer in the May-Floure, 
according as thier lotes were cast -1623-? 


Robart Cochmian gases I the number [of] 


Mr William Brewster...... 6 akersto[each] 
William Bradford,......... 3 one. 
Richard Gardener......... I 
these lye on the Frances: G@ookesi2areeyns ot 2 
South side of George Soules. 21.5 oak. I 
the brooke to MrvisaaksAlertomeger aac. 7 
the baywards. John Billington =a. 3 
Peter Browen: ct emus ve. I 
Samuell Fuller............ 2 
Joseph Rogers! 1. avaerac’. 2 


these containe -29- akers. 


These lye one John Howlandwten- caress -1 4 
the South side Steuen Hobkins........... 6 
ofthe brook'to' +) Edward 6) Sapien.) I 
the woodward Edward’ a trear so. Eee. I 
oppositetothe Gilbard Winslow.......... I 
former. Samuell Fuller Juneor...... 3 


these containe -16- akers besides Hobamaks 
ground which lyeth betwene Jo: Howlands and Hobkinses. 


Col. Doc., 1. 37. Perhaps it was this very success in dealing with the Indians and 
obtaining from them so profitable a trade that led to the interchange of letters 
between New Plymouth and Manhattan in 1627. 

1 The folio of the ms. volume. 2 From Plymouth Col. Rec., x11. 4. 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 347 





this -5- akers lyeth 


behind the forte William White.........., 5 
to the litle ponde. 
' Edward Winslow.......... 4 
Richard Warrenia. ass... o. [2] 
these lye one the John Goodman..... eae oe, i 
north side of ohn. Crackstonmee enn. - z 
the towne nexte.. John Alden............... = 
adjoyning to Marie Chilton .. vem. oo. . 
*> their gardens *Captin Myles Standish..... 2 
which came in Francis atone. 2... 4 
the Fortune. Pleneriemamsonr wae. i): I 
Humillitie Cooper......... I 
*The fales of their grounds which came in the Fortune ‘This ship came 
according as their Lots were cast 1623. Nov’ 1621. 
*6 
these lye to the sea, These lye beyond the f[irst] brooke 
eastward. to the wood we{[st] ward. 
William Hilton............ 1 William Wright and 
John Winslow...........-. 1 William Pitt sect : 
Witham Conner.........- Swed Robart. Hickess sr ce I 
WOUMER CGMS oe. ee eo ost: I Mnomtias, Mrenceacessucun sun I 
William Tench a Steen Dean Mave, MeN sit 
HoBmeannone . vf. 0°" 4 Moyses Simonson and 
Philipe' de la‘Noye 9» {°° °° © 2 
Edward Bompass............ I 
‘these folowing lye’ Clemente Brigges..\/.. 2.0.5... I 
beyonde the -2- brooke. James Stewardiine rah! sah I 
Walliam!Palmerocsnin-gspr. 2... 2 
Jonathan Brewster.......... I 
Hugh*Staties soe at I Benet: Morgantiaend. aise I 
William Beale and \ Thomas Flauell \ 
Thomas Cushman ye?) 90" and his:sonyrjis? ieior 5 
Austen Nicolas\3 >on I Thomas Mortongsciiia aoe. I 
Widow Foord S72. eee 4 William*+Bassitetve-woeescteoe 2 


15. akers. 1g. akers. 


348 Fiistory of 1623 





*The fales of their grounds which came ouer in the shipe called the Anne *10 
according as their were cast. 1623. 


Akers these to the sea eastward. ak[rs.] 

James? Rande, ere cee ee I Prancis Opragge.. .......an ee 

these following lye beyond the brooke to Strawberie-hill. 

Edmond ¢Ploog 7.0.2.7. I LeGwaLaupurcher”. .......)- cme 2 
Christopher Connant......; I MOBDALEMINGS........ s- 7 eee 5 
Frantis@ooke en went 4 goodwie Flauell’...,.....088 I 
Manasseh and John Fance.... 2 

these but against the swampe this goeth in with a corner by 

and reed-ponde. the ponde. 
George Morton and g Ailicesbradiord . ....5 see I 
Experience Michell | ©" °° Robart Hickes his 

Chistian’ Penn wrt. aae I wife and children \ yates 4 
Thomas Morton Junior..... I Brigett Pullers. <oslicciae ses I 
William Hiltons wife EllenNewton..:........c ae I 

and -2-children. ek? Pacience and Fear Brewster, \ 

with Robart Long 

William Heard 4.41/32 2. I 
Mrs. Standish stant. oii quer I 


‘These following lye on the other side of the towne towards the 
eele-riuer. 


Marie Buckett adioyning to Robart Rattlife beyonde the \ [3] 


Joseph Rogers. ........ ; swampie & stonie ground | 
aa and thesejayaied IO These butt against Hobes Hole. 
with him... See¢ia'?/ see 
Cudbart Cudbartsone...... 6 Nicolas Snow... .:...0..c4geq eee a 
Anthony Anable........... 4 Anthony Dixe. . ./ij:nsi gases : 
Thomas Tildenjia) 7 neewes 3 Mr Perces «2+ Sers... <1) .cihee * 
Richard: W arren:-414. ae 5 Ralfe Walen,,. «3 daiwa : 


[Edward]. Bangsstwa. «gens 4 


1623 Plhimmoth Plantation 349 


“11 *South side. North side. 
Steph: Tracy threeiacres.. .., 3 Pauw: polmamre acter... ....- I 
Tho. Clarke one acre....... I Frances wife to Wil Palmer 1. acre 


Robt Bartlet one acre...... I Josuah Prat and 
Phineas Prat 


Anno Dom: -.1624: 





HE time of new election of ther officers for this year being 

come, and the number of their people increased, and their 

troubles and occasions therwith, the Govierno]r desired 
them to chainge the persons, as well as renew the election; and 
also to adde more Assistans to the Govierno]r for help and coun- 
sell, and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was 
necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was 
fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, 
(as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear 
it; and that this was the end of Annuall Elections. The issue was, 
that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose: 5: giv- 
ing the Govlerno]r a duble voyce; and aft[er]wards they increased. 
them to -7- which course hath continued to this day.? 

They having with some truble and charge new-masted and 
rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well 
vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place 
near Damarins cove, and was there well harbored in a place wher 
ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out 
of England. But shortly after ther [z09] arose shuch a violent and 
extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak over shuch places in the 


1 The company in London appears to have made some inquiry into the manner 
of governing the plantation and to have given suggestion for a modification, in some 
manner not shown by the records. ‘‘Touching our governemente you are mistaken if 
you think we admite weomen and children to have to doe in the same, for they are 
excluded, as both reason and nature teacheth they should be; neither doe we admite 
any but such as are above the age of -21- years, and they also but only in some weighty 
maters, when we thinke good; yet we like well of your course, and advice propounded 
unto us, and will as soon as we can with convenience bring it into practice, though 
it should be well it were so ordered in our patent.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 
1623. 


1624 Plinmoth Plantation 351 


harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against great roks, 
which beat shuch a hole in her bulke,! as a horse and carte might 
have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she lay 
sunke. The m[aste]r was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, 
saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and 
what els was in her, was lost.?, And here I must leave her to lye 
till afterward. 


1 Bradford first wrote the word “ bilge.” 

2 Altham, continuing his account of his acts in New England after intending to 
meet Bridge and receive his cargo of fish (supra, p. 344), wrote to Sherley: “‘but by the 
bacwordness of our people and 
strange mishap thes hopes were 
quite altered for coming within 
one daies jorney of our ship this 
untimely news came to mee that 
our pinnace was cast away and 
Mr. Bridge and two of our men 
drowned being John Vow and 
Peter Morrett (all which news did not a little troble mee) knowinge what great cost 
and charge you have bin at for us, and also knowing that upon the good and pros- 
perity of the ship and vioage depended part of my. reputation and profit. but this 
unwelcome news did in conceite deprive of both. But cominge home to our ship I 
there found this news true thus farr, that Mr. Bridge our master was drowned and 
the two men, and the ship in a very strange manner spoiled for thus it fortuned that 
upon the roth of Aprill 1624 hapned a greate storme and some of our cables that we 
were mored withall gave way and slip of on the place they were made fast to ashore 
and soe the winde and sea being very high drave our ship a shore upon rockes where 
she beate. In the mean time being night the master and Company arose and every 
man shifted for them selves to save life, but the master going in to his cabin to fetch 
his whishell could not get in to any boate aboute the ship the sea brake soe over the 
ship and soe by that meanes before a boat could come the ship overset and drowned 
him and the other two and the rest that were got into our shallops that hung about the 
ship had much a doe to recover the shore your cosin for one for the ship oversettinge 
pich her maineyard in to one boate where were 6 or 7 of our men and soe sunke her 
for thoes that could then swim got to the shore with much hurt the rest that could 
not swim were drowned, and soe before the next morninge our ship was quite under 
water sunke and nothing to be sene save only the tops of her masts some times for the 
sea did rake her to and fro upon the rocks All which disasters did not a little troble 
mee for our ship was not only spoiled, our men drowned, but wee that were saved lost 





352 FEfistory of 1624 


Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, be- 
gane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong 
faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom sun- 
dry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew 
some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, and so filld 
them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte 
they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allsoe; and made 
great offers, so they might be freed from the generall. 'The Govler- 
no]r consulting with the ablest of the generall body what was best 
to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, 
upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect 
with the former before related.1. Only some more added, as that 
they should be bound here to remaine till the generall partnership 
was ended. And also that they should pay into the store, the on 
halfe of all shuch goods and comodities as they should any waise 
raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been 
layed out for them, with some shuch like things. This liberty 
granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that under- 
tooke this course when it came too; and they were as sone weary 
of it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston to- 
geather, that ther would never come more supply to the generall 
body; but the perticulers had shuch freinds as would carry all, and 
doe for them I know not what. 

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over,” and brought a prety 


the most part of what wee had in the ship, my selfe especially lost my bokes and some 
clothes and most of what I had, but my comfort is that God will restore mee some 
thinge one day againe for afflictions are but trialls of his love. [We lost three shallops 


and our ships boate and another shallop we borrowed which we .. . ]” The words 
in brackets were written lengthways in the margin, and the sentence was not com- 
pleted. 


1 See p. 326, supra. 

2 “Morton says, ‘in the month of March.’ According to this History, it appears 
that Winslow and Lyford came in the same ship which brought the first cattle; and 
this is called the Charity. In the Plymouth Records relative to the division of cattle, 
in 1627, it is stated that they were brought in the 4nn. If both ships had arrived at 


1624 Plimmoth Plantation 3533 





good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this 
plantation. He brought -3- heifers and a bull, the first begining 
of any catle of that kind in the land, with some cloathing and other 


this time, with passengers and supplies for the colony, it seems probable that Bradford 
would have mentioned it; and we are therefore led to infer that an error exists either 
in the Colony Records, or in this History, as to the name of this ship. It will be ob- 
served that she is called the ‘Charitie’ in Sherley’s letter on the following page.” 
Deane. The Charity reached New Plymouth “‘about five weekes after her departure 
from the English coast,” and after discharging her goods and passengers went 
immediately to Cape Ann. 

1 In spite of this unfavorable view of the fishing ventures, a few months earlier 
Bradford held a more. sanguine position. ‘‘It is for certain that great profite is here 
raised by fishing; the shipes have this year [1623] made great viages, and were a great 
many of them; and if we could fall once more into the right cource about it, and be 
able to manage it, it would make good all; a good fishing place will be a great advan- 
tage for it, wher the boats may goe quickly in and out to sea at all times of the tide, 
and well stoed with fish neer at hand, and convenient places to make it, and build 
stages in, and then it will not only serve for our own fishing, but after it be known once 
by experience to be a place well quallified for that purpose, benefite will be made of 
it by granting licence to others to fish there.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 
In these sanguine views he was supported by the favorable opinion of Altham, at this 
time at New Plymouth: “Out of all question the course that you havesetled now will 
bring in profit inough, for they make salt at Plimoth, and have good store of boates, 
all which is meanes to bring in profit, and I make noe question now but that new 
Plimoth will quickly returne your mony againe for the most part they are honest and 
carefull men, however they have had many crosses, yet now they will florish god 
blessinge them, which god grant. . . . but I doe not doubt of the profit that may be 
raised the next yere for now you have laiyed as good a ground plot as ever was and 
better then before, for with out this course of fishinge you cannot have your monies 
againe.” 

2 The suggestion for cattle came from New Plymouth. “It would be a principall 
stay and a comfortable help to the Colonie if they had some catle, in many respects, 
first it would much encourage them, and be in time a gretter ease both for tillage 
of ground, and cariag of burden; 2ly, it will make victuals both more plentifull, and 
comfortable; 3ly, it might be a good benefite after some encrease that they might be 
able to spare some to others that should have thoughts this way; espetialy goats are 
very useful for the first, and very fite for this place, for they will here thrive very well, 
are a hardly creature, and live at nocharge, ether wenter or sommer, their increas is 
great and milke very good, and need little looking toe; also they are much more easily 
transported and with less difficulty and hassard, then other kattle; yet tow of those 


354 Fiistory of 1624 





necessaries, as will further appear; but withall the reporte of 
a strong faction amongst the adventure[r]s against them,’ and 
espetially against the coming of the rest from Leyden, and with 
what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong 
and long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they 
were now falne too late for the fishing season, but the best men 
were taken up of the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was 
forct to take shuch a m[aste]r and company for that imployment 
as he could procure upon the present. Some letters from thence 
shall beter declare these things, being as followeth [110]. 


Most worTHY AND LOVING FREINDS, Your kind and loving leters 
I have received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased 
God to stirre up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for 
the seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and neces- 
saries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished 
with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which 
undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and the thwart- 
ing and opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments? of Gods 


which came last dyed by the way, but it was by some neclegence. For kine and other 
catle it will be best when any comes that it be in the spring, for if they should come 
against the winter, they would goe near to dye; the Colonie will never be in good 
estate till they have some.” Bradford’s letter of September 8, 1623. 

Speculating on the climate of New England, at morelength than can here be quoted, 
Hubbard (History, 19-21) notes as follows the effect of the long winters on the 
cattle: “By reason of this long continued and extreme sharpness of the cold through 
the whole country, the seven months of the summer’s increase are usually devoured 
by the five lean and barren ones of the winter following, as was shewed to Pharoah in 
his dream; so as if some stranger should chance to be there in the end of every winter, 
he might be ready to think, that all the cattle here were the issue of Pharoah’s 
lean kine, that had been transported hither; the cattle at that time of the year much 
resembling the wild deer in Greenland, when the bridegroom of the earth begins to 
smile upon them, after the long, cold, and dark night of winter begins to take his 
leave.” Hubbard wrote about fifty years after the settlement of New Plymouth. 

1 This clearly refers to Lyford and to Oldham, who were on their particular, and 
possessed some influence among the adventurers in England. See p. 392, infra. 

_ ® He means Mr. Robinson. — Braprorp. 


1624 Plhimmoth Plantation 355 


glory elswher, then at the generall good and furtherance of this noble 
and laudable action. Yet againe we have many other, and I hope the 
greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their 
ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in 
the propagation of his gospell,and hope of gaining those poore salvages 
to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One scabed 
sheep may marr a whole flock, so these male contented persons, and 
turbulentespirits, doe what in them lyeth towithdraw mens harts from 
you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines; and yet 
under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the planta- 
tion. Wheras thequite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of the 
honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make mani- 
fest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe 
with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be con- 
tinuall disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day 
the -8- of Janluary] we had a meeting aboute the artickles betweene 
you and us;! wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late leters 
prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And 
their reason which they would make known to us was, it trobled their 
conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon at the 
first. But that night they were so followed and crost of their perverse 
courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventures; 
and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more 
scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by 
going of in shuch a furie, then they could or can by continuing ad- 
venturers amongst us, would not suffer them.” But on the -12- of 


1 Tt will be noted that on January 1, or a week before this meeting, Cushman and 
Winslow had obtained a patent for Cape Ann from Edmund, Lord Sheffield. 

2 Sherley claimed to be “the receiver of the most part of the adventures and a 
second causer of much of the engagements, and one more threatened, being most 
envied and aimed at (if they could find any step to ground their malice on) than any 
other of the adventurers whosoever.” Sherley to Bradford, December 27, 1627. 
Bradford Letter Book. He was in 1623 treasurer of the New Plymouth Adventurers. 
Bridge addressed him “‘at his house in Croked Lane,’’ London, and Altham, as 
“‘dewellinge on London bridg (at the Golden horsshow).”” Crooked Lane, running 
between Fish Street (which led to London Bridge,) and St. Michaels Lane, lay partly 


356 Ffistory of 1624 





Jan[{uary], we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us 
had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and 
reasoning, pro andcon. But at night when we mete to read the gen- 
erall letter, we had the loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I 
knew! and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50/i. So I sent for 
a potle of wine, (I would you could ? doe the like,) which we dranke 
freindly together. Thus God can turne the harts of men when it 
pleaseth him, etc. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the 
Lord, hoping ever to rest. 
Yours to my power, 
James SHERLEY. 
Jan: 25. 1623-24. 


[xxx] Another leter. 


BELOVED Sir, etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, 
to setle these -3- things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if 
you can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be sup- 
plyed. I pray you bend youf[r] selfe what you can to setle these bussi- 
nesses. Let the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to 
Bilbow.? You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once 


in Candlewick and partly in Bridge Within Wards. The Swan in Crooked Lane 
“possessed of strangers, and selling of Rhenish wine,”’ was one of the most ancient 
houses in the Lane, and was known for its leaden porch. Stow, Survey of London 
(Kingsford)