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Cl. No. H- « ?l ~1>7 ' S 

Ac No. ‘4' 'b O ^4- (T- ' Date of releaic for loan 

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YEARS 1837 AND 1861 






Oopjright in Great Britain and Dependencies, 1007j hy 
H.M. Tub Kim, 

In the United Htalei by Messrs LonumanSj Gbebn & Co. 

All rights reserved. 



Due dc Bordeaux — Hanoverian Orders — Domestic 
happiness — Death of the Duke of Coburg — 
— Lord Melbourne on old age — Recall of Lord 
Ellenborough — Uncle and niece — Lord Ellen- 
borough’s honours — Prince dc Joinville’s h-oclmre — 
The Emperor Nicholas — A great review — At the 
Opera — The Eiiipci’or’s character — The Emperor 
and Belgium — Crisis in Parliament — The King of 
Saxony — Lord Ellenboi’ongh and India — England, 
France, and Russia — Franco and Tahiti — IQng 
Louis Philippe expected — ■ Arrangements for the 
visit — Queen Lo'uise’s solicitude — Arrival of King 
Louis Philippe — A successful visit — 'The King’s 
departure — Opening of the Royal Exchange — Gift 
to the Prince of Wales — Education in India . 



The Spanish marriages — Position of the Prince — Title 
of King Consort — Purchase of Osborne — Maynooth 
grant — Religious bigotry — Public executions — 
Birthday letter — Princess Charlotte — Vacant 
Deanery — Wine from Australia — ^King of Holland 
— Projected visit to Germany — Question of Lords 







Justices — Visit to the Chi^teau d’Eu — Spanish 
marriages — The Prince criticised — Governor-General- 
ship of Canada — Corn Laws — Cabinet dissensions — 
Interview with Sir Robert Peel — Lord John Russell 
suggested — Attitude of Lord Melbourne — The 
Queen’s embarrassment - — Attitude of Sir Robert 
Peel — Lord Stanley resigns — The Cominandeiship- 
in-Chief — Duke of Wellington — King Louis 
Philippe — Anxiety for the future — Insuperable 
difficulties — Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston — Lord 
John Russell fails — Chivalry of Sir Robert Peel — 
He resumes office — Cordial support — The Queen’s 
estimate of Sir Robert Peel — Loi’d Stanley — The 
Prince’s Memorandum — Comprehensive scheme — 
The unemployed — Lord Palmerston’s justification-— 
France and the Syrian War — Letter to King Louis 
Philippe — Ministry reinstated .... 


Sir Robert Peel’s speech — Extension of Indian Empire 
— Bravery of English troops — Death of Sir Robert 
Sale — Memorandum by the Prince — Celebration of 
victory — Letter from King Louis Philippe — Irish 
Crimes Bill — Attack on Sir Robert Peel — His 
resignation — Intrigues ■ — End of Oregon dispute — 
Sir Robert Peel’s tribute to Cohden — New Govern- 
ment — Cohden and the Whigs — Parting with the 
Ministers — Wliig jealousies — A weak Ministry — 
Anxieties — French Royal Family — Spanish marriages 
— Portugal — Prerogative of dissolution — Views of 
Lord Melbourne — The Prince and Sir Robert Peel 
— Proposed visit to Ireland — Government of Canada 
— Wellington statue — Lord Palmerston and Spain — 
Instructions to Mr Bulwer — Don Enrique — Sudden 
decision — Double engagement — The Queen’s 
indignation — Letter to the Queen of the French — 




• I'AGB 

View of English GoverninenL — LeLter bo King 
Leopold — Baron Sboekuiar’s opinion — Letter to 
Queen Louise — Lord Palmerston and blie French — 

Princess of Prussia — England and the three powers 
— Interruption of entente cordiale — Spanish marriages 
— ^Peninsular medal — Duke of Wellington’s view — 

England and Portugal — The Queen’s decision on 
Peninsular medal — Cracow ..... 84i-135 



England and Portugal — Peaceable policy advised — Spain 
and Portugal — Sir Hamilton Seymour — Septennial 
Act — Church prefeznneiils — Jenny Lind — Wellington 
statue — Prosperity in India — General election — 

Earldom of Slrafford — Mission to the Vatican — 

Portugal — Crisis in the city — Lord-Lieutenancy of 
Ireland — Mr Cobden — Foreign policy — Queen of 
Spain — Queen of Portugal — Hampden controversy 
— Lord PahnersLon’s despatches — Civil war in 
Switzerland — Letter from King of Prussia — The 
Queen’s reply — The Bishops and Dr Hampden . 136-165 



Deatii of Madame Adelaide — Grief of Queen Louise — 

The Queen’s sympathy — England and the Porte — 
Improvements at Claremont — Revolution in France 
— Flight of the Royal Family — Letter from King of 
Prussia — Anarchy in Paris — Queen Louise’s anxiety 
— Revolution foreseen — England’s hospitality — New 
French Government — British Consul’s plan — Escape 
of the King and Queen — Graphic narrative — Plan 
successful — Arrival in England — Reception at 
Claremont — ^Letter of gratitude — Flight of Guizot 
— Royal fugitives — Orleanist blunders — Letter to 
I ord Melhournp — The C r on the situation — State 


of Gcrnmny — Cliai-lisL denionstraLion — Prince 
Albert and the unemployed — Chartist llasco — 
Alarming slate of Ireland — Conduct of the Belgians 
— Events in France — Anxiety in Germany — Italy 
— Spain — The French Royal Family — Affairs in 
Lombardy — Sir Henry Bulwer — Lord Palmerston’s 
justification — Instructions to Sir H. Seymour — Lord 
Palmerston’s drafts — England and Italy — ■ Lord 
Minto’s mission — Duchessc do Nemours — Com- 
missions in the army — Northern Italy — Irish 
rebellion — Minor German states — An ambassador 
to France — The Queen’s displeasure' — Opening the 
Queen’s letters — Lord Palmerston and Italy — 
Austria decliues mediation — Austria and Italy — 
In the Flighlands — The Queen and Lord Palmerston 
— Affairs in the Punjab — Hostility of the Sikhs — 
Greece — State of Germany — Letter of the Prince 
of Leiningen — Sir Harry Smith at the Cape — 
Governorship of Gibraltar* — Mediation in Italy — 
Death of Lord Melbourne — ^I’he Orleans family — 
Letter from the Pope — The French President — 
Relations with Prance — England slighted 



Letter to the Pope — Letter from President of French 
Republic — Lord Palmerston and Naples — The army 
in India — State of the continent — France and the 
President — Gaelic and Welsh — Lord Gough super- 
seded — End of the Sikh War — Courage of Mrs G. 
Lawrence — Letter from King of Sai’dinia — Novara 
— The Queen fired at by Hamilton — Annexation of 
the Punjab — Drafts and despatches — Schleswig- 
Holstein Question — Proposed visit to Ireland — Irish 
title for the young Prince — Cork and Waterford — 
The Irish visit — Enthusiasm in Ireland — Brevet 
promotions — New coal exchange — Critical position 
of Germany — ^Death of Queen Adelaide , 








Grand Duchess Stephanie — The Draft lo Greece — Lord 
Palmerston’s explanation — Lord John Russell’s plan 
-—Suggested rearrangement — Status quo maintained 
—Baron Stockmar’s Memorandum — State of Erance 
— The Prince’s speech — Lord Palmerston and Spain 
— Lord Howden — The Koh-i-noor diamond — 
A change imminent — Lord John Russell’s report 
— Sunday delivery of letters — ■ Prince George 
of Cambridge — The Earldom of Tipperary — 
Mr Roebuck’s motion — Lord Stanley’s motion 
— HoLstoin and Germany — Lord Palmerston’s 
explanation — I'ko Protocol — Chi'istoning of Prince 
Arthur — Don Paciftco Debate — Sir Robert Peel’s 
accident — Letter from King of Denmai’k — Death 
of Sir Robert Peel — The Queen assaulted by Pate 
— Death r)f Duke of Cambridge — Prince of Prussia 
— The Foreign Office — Denmark and SchlosAvig — 
Sir Charles Napier’s resignation — Tnrd Palmerston 
— Lord Clarendon’s' opinion — Duke of Bedford’s 
opinion — Tmrd John Russell’s report — Press attacks 
on Lord Palmerston — ^Duties of Foreign Secretary 
— Death of King Louis Philippe — ^Visit to Scotland 
-j- Illness of Queen Louise — Attack on General 
Haynau — Note to Baron Koller — The Draft gone 
— Lord Palmerston rebuked — Holstein — A great 
grief — Mr Tennyson made Poet Laui’eate — Ritualists 
and Roman Catholics — Unrest in Europe — England 
and Germany — ■ Constitutionalism in Germany — 
Austria and Prussia — Religious strife — England 
and Rome — Lady Peel — The Papal aggression — 
Ecclesiastical Titles’ Bill ..... 






Life Peerages — Diplomatic arrangements — Peril of the 
Ministry — Negotiations with Sir J. &raham — 
Defeat of the Government — Ministerial crisis — ^The 
Premier’s statement — Lord Lansdowne consulted 
— Lord Stanley sent for — Complications — Fiscal 
policy — Sir James Graham — Duke of Wellington 
— Difficulties — Lord Aberdeen consulted — Lord 
Stanley to be sent for — His letter — Lord Stanley’s 
difficulties — Mr Disraeli — Question of dissolutioji 
— ^Explanations — Lord Stanley resigns — His reasons 
— The Papal Bill — Duke of Wellington — Appeal to 
Lord Lansdowne — Still without a Government — 
Lord Lansdownc’s views — Further difficulties — 
Coalition impossible — Income Tax — Free Trade — 
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill — Confusion of Parties — 
New National Gallery — The great exhibition 
— Imposing ceremony — The Prince’s triumph — 
Enthusiasm in the city — Danish succession — The 
Orleans Princes — Regret at leaving Scotland — 
Extension of the Franchise — Louis Kossuth — 
Lord Palmerston’s intentions — A dispute — Lord 
Palmerston defiant — He gives way — The Queen’s 
anxiety — Lord Palmerston’s conduct— The Queen’s 
comment — ^Death of King of Hanover — ^The Suffrage 
— ^The Coup d’Etat — Louis Bonaparte — Excitement 
in France — ^Lord Palmerston and Lord Normanby — 
State of Paris — Lord Palmerston’s approval — 
Birthday wishes — The crisis — Dismissal of Lord 
Palmerston — ■ Inconsistency of Lord Palmerston — 
The Prince’s Memorandum — Lord Clarendon — 
Discussion on new arrangements — Count Walewski 
informed — Lord Granville’s appointment — The 
Queen’s view of foreign affairs — Our policy reviewed 
— Difficulty of fixed principles — Prince Nicholas of 
Nassau — Te Eeirni at Paris 


838 - 4^0 




Denmark — Possible fusion of parties — Orleans family 
— Draft of thiJ speech — Women and politics — 
New Houses of Parliament — Lord Palmerston’s 
discomfiture — M. Thiers — The Prince and the Army 
— Pressure of business — ^Defeat on Militia Bill — 
Interview with Lord John Russell — Resignation of 
the Ministry — The Queen sends for Lord Derby — 
Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston — New appoint- 
ineirts — New Foreign Secretary — Interview with 
Lord Derby — Louis Napoleon — Audiences — 
Ladies of the Household — Lord Derby and the 
Church — Adherence to treaties — The Sovereign 
“ People ” — New Militia Bill — England and Austria 
— Letter from Mr Disraeli — “ Necessary ” measures 
— Question of dissolution — Lord Derby hopeful — 
Progress of democracy — England and Italy — 
Militia Bill carried — France and the Bourbons — 
Louis Napoleon’s position — Excitement at Stock- 
port — The Queen _ inherits a fortune — Death of 
Duke of Wellington — Military appointments — 
Nation in mourning — Funeral arrangements — 
Anecdote of Napoleon III. — England and the 
Emperor — National defences — Financial arrange- 
ments — Lord Dalhousie’s tribute — Funeral ceremony 
— Confusion of parties — Lord Palmerston’s position 
— Mr Disraeli and Mr Gladstone — Recognition of 
the Empire — Budget speech — ^Letter to the French 
Emperor — Secret protocol — Difficult situation — The 
Queen’s unwillingness to decide — Injunctions to 
Lord Derby — Defeat of the Government — Lord 
Derby’s resignation — Lord Aberdeen sent for — 
tiis interview with the Queen — Lord Aberdeen 
in office — Lord John Russell’s hesitation — Letter 
from Mr Disraeli — The Queen’s anxiety — Christmas 
presents — Lord Derby’s intentions — New Govern- 



ment • — Mr Gladstone at the Exchequer — The 
Emperor’s annoyance — Appointments — Protracted 
crisis — The Cabinet — Lord Derby takes leave — 
Letter from Lady Derby — Change of seals — Peace 
restored — A strong Cabinet 


The Emperor’s annoyance — Headmastership of Eton — 
Marriage of Emperor of the French — Mademoiselle 
Eugiinie de Montijo — Baron Beyens on the situation 
— Emperor of Russia and the Turkish Empire — 
Lord John Russell and leadership of House of 
Commons — Count Buol and refugees — Kossuth and 
Mazzini proclamations — Want of arms for the 
Militia — Russian fleet at Constantinople — French 
irritation — Russia’s demands — Russia and England 
— Liberation of the Madiai — Letter from Emperor 
of Russia — Birth of Prince Leopold — Mr Gladstone’s 
budget speech — Congratulations from the Prince 
— India Bill — Emperor of Austria — Church of 
England in the Colonies — Oriental Question — 
Death of Lady Dalhousie — Lord Palmerston and 
Lord Aberdeen — Russia, Austria, and Tiu'key — 
England’s policy — The Queen’s views on the Eastern 
despatches — Proposed terms of settlement — Lord 
John Russell’s retirement — Letter from the Emperor 
of Russia — Lord Stratford’s desire for war — Letter 
to the Emperor of Russia — France and the Eastern 
Question — Letter from the Emperor of Russia 
— Reform Bill — Lord Palmerston’s position — 
Lord Lansdowne’s influence — Resignation of Lord 
Palmerston — Lord Stratford’s despatch — Draft to 
Vienna — Return of Lord Palmerston to office . 





H.M. Queen Victoria, 1843. Frmn the picture hy P. 

* Winterhalter at Windsor Castle .... Frontispiece 

Baroness Lehzen. From a miniature at Windsor Castle To face p. 8 

II.M. Louis Philippe, King op the French, 1841 . ,, 20 

Field-Marshal The Duke op Wellington, K.G, By Sir 

T. Lawreuce, P.R.A., at Apsley House . . . „ GO 

Lore John Russell. From the portrait hy Sir Q. Jlayter in the 

possession of the Duke of Bedford . . . . „ 98 

H.M. Marie AmiIlie, Queen op the French, 1828. From the 

miniature hy Millet at Windsor Castle . . , ,,184 

‘'The Cousins.” H.M. Queen Victoria and the Duchess of 
Nemours, who was a Princess of Saxe-Coburg and first 
cousin to the Queen and the Prince Consort. From the 

picture by F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace . . „ 196 

H.S.H. The Prince of Leininobn, K.G. Frmn the sketch hy 

§ir David Wilkie, Bi.A., at Bueldnghmn Palace . . „ 238 

Baron Stookmar. From the portrait by John Partridge at 

Buckingham Palace . . . . . „ 272 

H.M. Queen Victoria and H.R.H. Prinoe Arthur, 1860. 

From the picture hy F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace „ 28G 

Sir Robert Peel. From a portrait hy Sir Thomas Lawrence, 

P.b'a 302 

Silver Statuette op H.M. Qcbbn Victoria, in the possession 

of the Duke of Wellington, at Apsley House . . „ 356 

ly F, Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace . . Tofacep.SQi 

Field-Marslial Tim Dnicii or WiiiJiiNoioNj K.G. Beliovud lo 

be by Count d’Orsay, From a miniature at Apsleg House 474 

IIahriM' Elizabeth Georgiana llmvAUD, Dcoiiess or Suther- 
land. From the portrait of F. Winterhalter Ct Trentham, 
c. 1850 " „ 618 

H.M. Leopold, King or the Belgians. From the portrait hg 

F. Winterhalter at Buekingham Palace . . . „ 642 


Ti-Ie new year (1844<) opened witli signs of improved trade, 
a feeling of confidence, partly due to the friendly entente ' 
France, In Ireland, soon after the collapse of the Clontarf meel 
O’Connell and some of his associates were indicted for sedit 
conspiracy, and convicted. The conviction was subseque 
quashed on technical groimds, but O’Conneirs political influ 
was at an end. In Parliament, owing chiefly to the exertion 
Lord Ashley (afterwards Earl of Sh^'tesbury), an important 
was passed restricting factory labour, and limiting its hours. 
Bank Charter Act, separating the issue and banking departmt 
as well as regulating the note issue of the Bank of England in 
portion to its securities, also became law. Meanwhile the dissens 
in the Conservative party were increasing, and the Ministry i 
defeated on a motion made by their own supporters to exi 
the preferential treatment of colonial produce. With great c 
culty the vote was rescinded and a crisis averted ; but the Yo 
England section of the Tory party were becoming more and n 
an embarrassment to the Premier. Towards the end of the ; 
the new Royal Exchange was opened amid much ceremony 
the Queen. 

The services rendered by Sir Chai’les Napier in India were 
subject of votes of thanks in both Houses, but shortly afterw. 
Lord Ellenborough, the Governor-General, was recalled by 
Directors of tbc East India Company ; their action was no dc 
due to his overhearing methods and love of display, but it 
disapproved by the Ministry, and Lord Ellenborough was accol 
an Earldom. 

During the year there was a recrudescence of the fric 
between this country and France, due partly to questions as 
the right of search of foreign ships, partly to a brochure is£ 
hy the Prince de Joinville, a son of Louis Philippe, partly to 
assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti and the seizui’i 
the English consul there hy the French authorities. Repara 
however was made, and the ill-feeling subsided sufliciently 
enable the King of the French to visit Queen Victoria, — the ] 
friendly visit ever paid by a French king to the Sovereign 
England. Louis Philippe was cordially received in this coun 
YOU. TT, A 1 

2 INTRODUCTORY NOTE - [ohap. xin 


Another historic royal visit also took place in 1844, that of 
the Emperor Nicholas, who no doubt was so much impressed with 
his friendly reception, both by the Court and by Aberdeen, the 
Foreign Secretary, tbat nine years later he thought he could calculate 
on the support of England under Aberdeen (then Premier) in a 
scheme for the partition of Turkey. Lord Malmesbury, who a 
few years later became Foreign Secretary, states in his memoirs, 
that during this visit, the Czar, Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of 
Wellington, and Lord Aberdeen “drew up and signed' a Memor- 
andum, the spirit and scope of which was to support Russia in 
her legitimate protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy 
Shrines, and to do so Avithout consulting France,” but the 
Memorandum was in reality only one made by Nicholas of his 
recollection of the interview, and communicated subsequently to 
Lord Aberdeen. 

No eveirts of special interest took place in other parts of 
Europe; the condition of aflPairs in the Peninsula improved, 
though the announcement of the unfortunate marriage of the 
Queen Mother with the Duke of Rianzares was not of hopeful 
augury for the young Queen Isabella'’s future; as a matter of 
fact, the marriage had taken place some time previously. 


Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, Qih January 1844. 

My dearest Uncle, — I had the pleasure of 
receiving your kind letter of the 4th, which is written 
from Ardenne, where I grieve to see you are again 
gone without my beloved Louise. 

Charlotte is the admiration of every one, and I wish 
much I could have seen the three dear children en 

Our fat Vic or Pussette learns a verse of Lamartine 
by heart, which ends with “ le tableau se d^roule k mes 
pieds”; to show how well she had understood this 
difficult line which* Mdlle. Charier had explained to 
her, I must tell you the following hon mot. When 
she was riding on her pony, and looldng at the cows 
and sheep, she turned to MdUe. Charier and said: 
“ Voila le tableau qui se ddroule k mes pieds.” Is 
not" this extraordinary for a little child of three years 
old 1 It is more like what a person of twenty would 
say. You have no notion 'what a knowing, and I am 
Sony to say sly, little rogue she is, and so obstinate. 
She and le petit Frire accompany us to dear old 
Claremont to-day; Alice remains here under Lady 
Lyttelton’s care. How sorry I am that you should 
have hurt your leg, and in such a provoking way; 
Albert says he remembers well your playing often with 
a pen-knife when you talked, and I remember it also, 
but it is really dangerous. 



[oiiAp. xm 

I am happy lhat the news from Paris are good ; the 
really good understanding between our two Govern- 
ments provokes the Cavlists and Anarchists. Bordeaux 
is not yet gone ; I saw in a letter that it was debated 
in his presence whether he was on any favourable occa- 
sion de se presenter en France! Do you think that 
possible ? Then again the papers say that ’ there are 
fortifications being made on the coast of l^oriiiandy 
for fear of an invasion ; is this so ? These are many 
questions, but I hope you will Idndly answer them, as 
they interest me. With Albert’s love. Believe me, 
ever, your devoted Niece, Vici’oiiiA R. 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen. 

CiABEMONT, loth January 1844. 

The Queen understands that there is a negotiation 
with Sweden and Denmark pending about the cessa- 
tion of their tribute to Morocco, likewise that Prince 
Metternich has sent a despatch condemning as unfair 
the understanding come to between us and France 
about the Spanish marriage;^ that there is a notion 
of exchanging Hong Kong for a more healthy colony. 

The Queen, taking a deep interest in all these 
matters, and feeling it her duty to do so, begs Lord 
Aberdeen to keep her always well informed of what 
is on the tapis in his Department. 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen. 

CtABEMoNT, 1 Stt January 1844. 

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen’s letter 
of the 10th, and returns him the papers which he 
sent her, with her best thanks. She does not remember 
to have seen them before. 

The Due de Bordeaux, only son of the Duo de Berri, had by the death 
of Charles X. and the renunciation of all claims to the Prench Throne on 
the part of the Due d’Angoulcme, become the representative of the elder 
branch of the Bourhons. He had intended his visit to England to have a 
nrivate character onlv. 


The Queen takes this opportunity to beg Lord 
Aberdeen to cause the despatches to be sent a little 
sooner from the Foreign Office, as drafts in particular 
have often come to the Queen a week or fortnight 
after they had actually been sent across the sea. 

With respect to the ITanoverian Orders, Lord 
Aberdeen has not quite understood what the Queen 
meant. It was* Sir C. Thornton and others to whom 
the Queen had refused permission to accept the favour, 
on a former occasion, by which the King of Hanover 
was much al&onted. The Queen would not like to 
have herself additionally fettered by any new regula- 
tion, but Lord Aberdeen will certainly concur with 
the Queen that it would not be expedient to give 
to the King of Hanover a power which the Queen 
herself does not possess, viz. that of granting orders 
as favours, or for personal services ; as the number 
of the different classes of the Guelphic Order bestowed 
on Enghshmen is innumerable, it would actually invest 
the limg with such a power, which, considering how 
much such things are sought after, might be extremely 

The Queen will not give a ffiral decision upon this 
case until she returns to Windsor, where she has papers 
explanatory of the 'reasons which caused her to dechne 
the King of ITanover’s application in 1838. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

* Claremont, 16i/i January 1844. 

Mt dearest Uncle, — Many thanks for your land 
letter of the 11th. Louise can give you the details of 
the httle upset I and Lady Douro had, and which I 
did not think worth while to mention.^ It was the 
strangest thing possible to happen, and the most 
unlikely, for we were going quite quietly, not at aU 
in a narrow lane, with very quiet ponies and my 
usual postilhon ; the fact was that the boy looked 

1 On tlie 6tli of January the Queen’s phaeton was overturned at Horton, 
near Datchat, while driving to the meet of Pi-ince Albert’s Harriers. 


the wrong way, and therefore did not perceive the 
ditch which he so cleverly got us into. 

We leave dear Claremont, as usual, with the 
greatest regret ; we are so peaceable here ; Windsor 
is beautiful and comfortable, but it is a palace, and 
God knows how willingly I would always live with 
my beloved Albert and our children in the quiet 
and retirement of private life, and not be thq con- 
stant object of observation, and of newspaper articles. 
The children (Pussette and Bertie) have been most 
remarkably well, and so have we, in spite of the very 
bad weather we had most days. I am truly and 
really grieved that good excellent Nemours is again 
not to get his dotation} Really we constitutional 
countries are too shabby. 

Now, dearest Uncle, I must bid you adieu, begging 
you to believe me, ever your devoted Niece, 


Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNiisoB CASTiiB, ZWh January 1844. 

My dearest Uncle, — I must begin by thanking 
you for your kind letter of the 26th, and by wishing 
you joy that the fete went off so well. I am glad 
Leo will appear at the next baU;" he is nearly nine 
years old, and it is good to accustom children of his 
rank early to these things. 

Guizot’s speech is exceedingly admired, -with the 
exception of his having said more than he was justified 
to do about the right of search.® Our speech has 
been very difficult to frame; we should hke to have 
mentioned our visits to France and Belgium, but it 
has been found impossible to do so ; France is 
mentioned, and it is the first time since 1834 1 

To-morrow we go up to Town “pour ce bore,” as 
the good King always said to me; whenever ''there 

* On the occasion of the marriage of the Due and Duchesse de Nemours 
(1840), the proposal made hj the Soult Government for a Parliamentary grant 
of 600,000 francs had been rejected. 

’ He insisted that French trade must be kept under the exclusive 
surveillance of the French fla,"-. 


were tiresome people to present he always said: “Je 
vous demande pardon de ce bore.” 

I have had a tiresome though not at all violent 
cold, which I wls alarmed might spoil the sonoroumess 
of my voice for the speech on Thursday, but it 
promises well now. 

I own I ali^ays look with horror to the beginning 
of a 'Parliamentary campaign. 

With Albert’s love. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNBSon Castm, 6i/i February 1844. 

My dearly beloved Uncle, — You must now be 
the father to us poor bereaved, heart-broken children.^ 
To describe to you all that we have suffered, all that 
we do suffer, would be difficult; God has heavily 
afflicted us ; we feel crushed, overwhelmed, bowed 
down by the loss of one who was so deservedly loved, 
I may say adored, by his children and family ; I loved 
him and looked on him as my own father ; his like we 
shall not see again; that youth, that amiability, and 
kindness hi his own house which was the centre and 
rendezvous for the whole family, will never be seen 
again, and my poor Angel’s fondest thought of 
beholding that dearly beloved Yaterhatos — ^where his 
thoughts continually were — again is for ever gone, 
and his poor heart bleeds to feel this is for ever gone. 
Oilr promised visit, our dearest Papa’s, and our fondest 
wish, all is put an end to. The violence of our grief 
may be over, but the desolate feehng which succeeds 
it is worse, and tears are a relief. I have never 
known real grief till now, and it has made a lasting 
impression on me. A father is such a near relation, 
you are a piece of him in fact, — and all (as my poor 
deeply ctfflicted Angel says) the earliest pleasures of 
your fife were given you by a dear father; that can 
never he replaced though time may soften the pang. 

' The Duke of Saxe-Coburp" Gotha died on 29th January. 



[oiiAi'. xni 

And indeed onS loves to clwg to one’s grief; I can 
understand Louise’s feeling in liter overwhelming 

Let me now join my humble entreaties to Albert’s, 
relative to the request about dearest Louise, which he 
has made. It is a sacrifice I ask, but if you knew the 
sacrifice I make in letting and urging Albert to go, I 
am sure, if you can you mil grant it. I hscve’ never 
been separated from him even for one nigliL, and the 
thought of such a separation is quite dreadful ; still, I 
feel I could bear it, — I have made my mind up to it, 
as the very thought of going has been a comfort to 
my poor Angel, and will be of such use at Coburg. 
Still, if I were to remain quite alone I do not think 
I could bear it quietly. Therefore pray do send me 
my dearly beloved Louise ; she would be sibch a comfort 
to me ; if you could come too — or afterwards (as you 
promised us a longer visit), that would be still more 
delightful. I may be indiscreet, but you must think 
of what the separation from my all and all, even only 
for & fortnight, will be to me! 

We feel some years older since these days of 
mourning. Mamma is calm, but poor Aunt Julia ^ is 
indeed much to be pitied. Ever, dearest Uncle, your 
devoted and unhappy Niece and Child, VicTOiUA E. 

Qibeen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, ISiA February 1844. 

My deahest Uncle, — I received your dear, kin d 
but sad letter of the 8th on Sunday, and thank you 
much for it. God knows, poor dear Uncle, you have 
suffered enough in your life, but you should think, 
dearest Uncle, of that blessed assurance of eternity 
where we shah, all meet again never to part : you 
should think (as we constantly do now) that Ahose 
whom we have lost are far happier than we are, and 
love us still, and in a far more perfect way than we 
can do in this world ! When the first moments and 

1 ITie Grand-Dudiess Constantine of Russia, sister of the Duchess of Kent 

n-P+T»o flaoDctaor^ Dnlrji nP Snvp-nolinrtr 


^r^oTTV 7yvf ni-cLtu-r^ at Ccl^Hg 



days of overwhelming grief are over these reflections 
are the greatest balm, the greatest consolation to the 
bleeding heart. 

I hope you will kindly let me have a few lines of 
hope by the Tuesday’s messenger. Ever your truly 
devoted Niece and Child, Victokia E,. 

P.S. — O’Conjiell’s being pronounced guilty is a great 

discount Melbourne to Queen Victoria. 

South Street, &rd April 1 844, 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, with many thanks for your Majesty’s note 
of the 28th ult. Lord Melbourne believes that your 
Ma-jesty is quite right in saying that Lord Melbourne 
has still some health left, if he will but take care of it. 
Lord Melbourne told Dr Holland, without mentioning 
your Majesty’s name, that this had been said to him 
by a friend, and Dr Holland immediately said that it 
was very just and true, and very well expressed, and 
quite what lie should have said himself. At the same 
time, the change from strength to wealaiess and the 
evident progress of decadence is a veiy hard and dis- 
agreeable trial. Ivord Melbourne has been reading 
Cicero on old age, a very pretty treatise, but he does 
not find much consolation after it ; the principal practical 
resources and alleviations which he recommends are 
agriculture and gardening, to both of which, but more 
particularly to the latter, Lord Melbourne has already 
had recourse. It is certainly, as youi’ Majesty says, 
wrong to be impatient and to repine at everything, but 
stiU it is difficult not to be so. Lady Uxbridge’s death “ 
is a shocking event, a dreadful loss to him and to aU. 
Lord Melbourne always liked her. Lord Melbourne is 
going.down to Brocket Hall to-morrow, and will try to 
get Uxbridge and the girls to come over and dine. 

Lord Melbourne has felt very much for the grief 

He had heen indicted with Charles Gavan Duffy and others for seditious 

® Henrietta Maria, daup-hter of Sir Charles Basrot, G.G.B. 


which your Majesty must feel at a separation, even 
short and temporary, from the Prince, and it is 
extremely amiable to feel comforted by the recollec- 
tion of the extreme pleasure which his visit wiU give 
to his and your Majesty’s relations. It is, of course, 
impossible that your Majesty should in travellmg 
divest yourself of your character and^ dignity. 

Lord Melbourne has just driven round the Regent’s 
Park, where there are many almond trees in bloom, 
and looking beautiful. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

Whitehall, 2^rd April 1844. 

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that he 
has every reason to believe that the Court of Directors 
win to-morro'w, by an unanimous vote, resolve on the 
actual recall of Lord EUenborough.^ 

Queen Victo7ia to Sir Robert Peel. 

BuoKiNsnAM Palace, 2Qrd April 1844. 

The Queen has heard with the greatest regret from 
Sir R. Peel that the Court of Directors, after aU, mean 
to recall Lord EUenborough. She cannot but consider 
this very unwise at this critical moment, and a very 
ungratehil return for the eminent services Lord Ellen- 
borough has rendered to the Company in India. They 
ought not to forget so soon in what state Lord 
EUenborough found alfairs in 1842. The Queen 
would not be sorry if these gentlemen knew that 
this is her opinion. 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, 3rd May 1844. 

My dearest Victoria, — Whenever you wish to 
make me truly happy, you will have the power of doing 

^ This anomalous privilege was exercised by the Dh'ectors in consequence 
chiefly of what they considered Lord EUenhorough’s overhearing demeanour 
in communication with them, his too aggressive policy, and his theatrical love 
of display. 




SO by repeating expressions as Idnd and affectionate as 
those contained in your dear little letter of the 30tli. I 
have ever had the care and affection of a real father for 
you, and it has perhaps even been freer from many 
drawbacks which occasionally will exist betwixt parents 
and children, be they ever so well and affectionately 
together. , With me, even from the moment in January 
1820, -yvhen I was called by a messenger to Sidmouth, 
my care for you has been unremitting, and never has 
there been a cloud between us. ... A thing which 
often strikes me, in a very satisfactory manner, is that 
we never had any bitter words, a thing which happens 
even with people who are very lovingly together ; and 
the little row which we had in 1838 you remember well, 
and do not now think that I was wrong.^ De pareilles 
relations sont rares ; may they ever continue ! 

I cannot leave this more serious topic without add- 
ing that though you were always warm-hearted and 
right-minded, it must strike yourself how matured every 
land and good feeling is in your generous heart. The 
hearty and not the head, is the safest guide in positions like 
yours, and this not only for this earthly and very short 
life, but for that which we must hope for hereafter. 
When a life draws nearer its close, how many earthly 
concerns are there that appear still in the same light 1 
and how clearly the mind is struck that nothing has 
been and is still of real value, than the nobler and 
better feelings of the heart ; the only good we can hope 
to keep as a precious store for the future. What do we 
keep of youth, beauty, richness, power, and even the 
greatest extent of earthly possessions 1 Nothing 1 . . . 
Your truly devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

Whiieb-all, 5th May 1844. 

Sir* Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and believing that he is acting in accordance 
with your Majesty’s own opinion, begs leave to submit 

' See Letters of Queen Victoria and the King of the Belgians, ante, vol. i. 
pp. 148-153. 


ft L 

to your Majesty Lhat it may be advisable that he 
should by the present mail inform Lord Ellenborough 
that it is your Majesty’s intention to confer on him, at a 
very early period, as a mark of your Majesty’s approval 
of Lord Ellenborough ’s conduct and services in India, 
the rank of an Earl and the Grand Cross of the Bath. 

Lord EUenborough may be at liberty (should your 
Majesty approve) to notify th i s publicly in India- — and 
thus make it known that the general line of policy 
recently pursued has had the full sanction of your 
Majesty, and will not be departed from. 

These were the honours conferred upon Lord 

If they were conferred on the instant, it might rather 
seem a rebuke to the East India Company than a 
deliberate approval of the conduct of Lord Ellen- 
borough, but these honours might shortly follow the 
conclusion of the affair respecting the selection of Lord 
EUenborough’s successor, and any discussion that may 
arise in Parliament. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Ci.AaiatoHT, 24JA May ISJt. 

Dea^eest Uncle, — Though not my day I must 
write you a hne to say how vexed we are at this most 
unfortunate and most imprudent brochure of Joinville’s ; ^ 
it has made a very had effect here, and will rouse aU 
the envy and hatred between the two Navies again, 
which it was our great effort to subdue — and this all 
for nothing! I can’t tell you how angry people are, and 
how poor Hadjy will get abused. Aiid this all after 
our having been on such intimate terms with him and 
having sailed with him ! If he comes here, what shall 
we do ? Receive with open arms one who has talked 

^ The hroclmre was entitled, Motes sur les forces navales de U, France. 
The Prince de Joinville wi’ote as follows to the Queen: malheureux 

dolat do ma hrochure, le tracas qne cela donne au Pore et & la Heine, me font 
regretter vivement de I’avoir faite. Comme je I’dcris i ton Roi, je ne reiivoie 
quo mdpria 4 loutes les interpretations qu’on y donne ; ce quo peuvent dire 
miniatre et journaux ne me touche en rien, mais il n’y a pas de sacrifices que 
je ne suis disposd ii faire pour I’intdrieur de la Pamille.” 


of I’avaging oui* coasts and burning our towns ? Indeed 
it is most lamentable ; you know how we like him, and 
that therefore it must be very annoying to us to see him 
get himself into such a scrape. We shall overlook it, but 
the people here won’t ! It mil blow over, but it will 
do immense harm. We who wish to become more and 
more closely united with the French family are, of course, 
much ■put out by this return. We shall forgive and 
forget, and feel it was not intended to be published — but 
the public here will oiot so easily, and will put the worst 
construction on it all. 

Pray, dearest Uncle, tell me what could possess 
JoinviUe to write it, and stiU more to have it printed ? 
Won’t it annoy the King and Kemours very much I 
E^ijin c'est mcdheureux, c'est indiscret au plus haut 
degre — and it provokes and vexes us sadly. Tell me all 
you knouo and think about it ; for you can do so with 
perfect safety by our courier. 

I have written dearest Louise an account of my old 
birthday, which will please you, I think. The weather 
is very fine. Ever your truly devoted Niece and Child, 

Victoria R. 

Qiieen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen. 

' 2,9th May 1844. 

If Lord Aberdeen should not have read the Prince 
de Joinville’s pamphlet, the Queen recommends him to 
do so, as one cannot judge fairly by the extracts in the 
newspapers. Though it does not lessen the extreme 
imprudence of the Prince’s pubhshing what must do 
harm to the various French Governments, it certainly 
is not intentionally written to offend England, and on 
the contrary franldy proves us to be immensely superior 
to the French Navy in every way. 

• Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, Aih June 1844. 

My beloved Uncle, — I gave Louise a long and 
detailed description of the Emperor,^ etc. The papers 

1 Tile Emperor Nicholas of Russia had just arrived on a visit to England. 

14 THE .EMPEROR NICHOTAS [orr.u.. xni 

are full of the details. A great event and a great 
compliment his visit certainly is, and the people here 
are extremely flattered at it. He is certainly a very 
strilcinff man ; still very handsome ; his profile is 
beautiful, and his manners uiost dignified and graceful ; 
extremely civil — quite alarmingly so, as he is so full 
of attentions and politesses. But tjie expression of 
the eyes is formidable, and unli k e anything -I ever 
saw before. He gives me and Albert the impression 
of a man who is not happy, and on whom the weight 
of his immense power and position weighs heavily 
and painfully; he seldom smiles, and when he does 
the expression is not a happy one. He is very easy 
to get on with. Really, it seems like a dream when 
I think that we brealrfast and walk out with this 
greatest of all earthly Potentates as quietly as if we 
walked, etc., with Charles or any one. We took 
him, with the dear good King of Saxony,^ who is a 
great contrast to the Czar (and with whom I am quite 
at my ease), to Adelaide Cottage after brealcfast. 
The grass here is just as if it had been burned with 
fire. How many different Princes have we not gone 
the same round with ! I The children are much 
admired by the Sovereigns — (how grand this sounds I) 
— and Alice allowed the Emperor" to take her in his 
arms, and Idssed him de son propre accord. We are 
always so thanliful that they are not shy. Both the 
Emperor and the King are qidte enchanted with 
Windsor. The Emperor said very poliment : “ C’est 
digne de vous, Madame.” I must say the Waterloo 
Room lit up with that entire service of gold looks 
splendid; and the Reception Room, beautiful to sit 
in afterwards. The Emperor praised my Angel very 
much, saying : “ C’est impossible de voir un plus 

joli gar^on ; il a I’air si noble et si bon ” ; which I 
must say is very true. The Emperor amused the 
King and me by saying he was so embarrasse when 
people were presented to him, and that he felt so 
'‘gauche” en frac, which certainly he is quite um- 

1 Antriisstus TT. 




accustomed to weai’. If we can do aijything to get 
him to do what is right by you, we shall be most 
happy, and Peel and Aberdeen are very anxious for 
it. I believe he leaves on Sunday again. To-morrow 
there is to be a great review, and on Thursday I shah 
probably go with them to the races ; they are gone there 
with Albert to-day, but I have remained at home. 

I think it is tihae to conclude my long letter. 

If the French are angry at this visit, let their 
dear ICing and their Princes come ; they will be sure 
of a truly affectionate reception on our part. The 
one which Emperor Nicholas has received is cordial 
and civil, mais ne vient pas du cceur. 

I humbly beg that any remarks which may not 
be favourable to our great visitor may not go beyond 
you and Louise, and not to Paris. Ever your 
devoted Mece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buoiunohjm Paiaob, Xlth June 1844. 

My deamsst Uncle, — I received your very kind 
and long letter of the 7th on Sunday, and thank you 
very much for it. I am delighted that my accounts 
interested you, and I shall try and give you some 
more to-day, which you -will see come from an 
unbiassed and impartial mind, and which I trust 
therefore will be relied upon. The excitement has 
ceased as suddenly as it had begun, and I am still 
confused about it. I will go back to where I 
last left you. The Rextue^ on the 5th was really 
very interesting, and our reception as well as that of 
the Emperor most enthusiastic. Louise teUs me you 
had a review the same day, and that it also was so 
hot. Qur children were there, and charmed. On the 
6th we went with the Emperor and King to the races,® 
and I never saw such a crowd ; again here the reception 

^ In honour of the Emperor a Review was held in Windsor Great Park, 
s A t * cscot- 



[atiAi>. XI ii 

was 7msL hriUifl.'nL Every evening a large dinner in 
bhe Waterloo llooin, and tlie two last evenings in 
uniforms, as the Emperor disliked so being en frac, 
and was quite embarrassed in it. On tlic 7tb we took 
him and the King liack here, and in the evening had 
a party of 260 about. On Saturday (8th) my Angel 
took the Emperor and King to a very elegant break- 
fast at Chiswick, which I for prudence sake did not go 
to, but was very sorry for it. In the evening we went 
to the Opera {not in State), but they recognised us, 
and we were most brilliantly received. I had to 
force the Emperor forward, as he never would come 
forward when I was there, and I was obliged to take 
birin by the hand and make him appear; it was 
impossible to be better bred or more respectful than 
he was towards me. Well, on Sunday afternoon at 
five, he left us (my Angel accompanied him to Wool- 
wich), and he was much alFected at going, and really 
and unaffectedly touched at his reception and stay, 
the simpheity and quietness of which told upon his 
love of domestic life, which is very great. I will now 
(having told all that has passed) give you my opinion 
and feelings on the subject, which I may say are 
Albert’s also. I was extremely against the visit, 
fearing the gine and bustle, and„ even at first, I did 
not feel at all to like it, but by living in the same 
house together quietly and unrestrainedly (and this 
Albert, and with great truth, says is the great 
advantage of these visits, that I not only see these 
great people but know them), I got to know the 
Emperor and he to know me. There is much about 
him which I cannot help liking, and I think his character 
is one which should be understood, and looked upon 
for once as it is. He is stern and severe — with fixed 
principles of duty which nothing on earth will make 
him change ; very clever I do not think him, and his 
mind is an uncivfiised one; his education has been 
neglected ; polities and military concerns are the ordy 
things he takes great interest in ; the arts and all softer 

^ Given tv the Duke of Devonsliire. 


occupations he is insensible to, hut he is sincere, I am 
certain, sincere even in his most despotic acts, from a 
sense that that is the only way to govern ; he is not, 
I am sure, aware of the dreadful cases of individual 
misery which he so often causes, for I can see by 
various instances that he is kept in utter ignorance 
of many things, which his people carry out in most 
corrupt ways, while he thinks that he is extremely 
just. He thinks of general measures, but does not 
look info detail. And I am sure much never reaches 
his ears, and (as you observed) how can it ? He asked 
for nothing whatever, has merely expressed his great 
anxiety to be upon the best terms with us, but not to 
the exclusion oj^ others, only let things remain as they 
are. . . . He is, I should say, too frank, for he talks so 
openly before people, which he should not do, and with 
difficulty restrains himself. His anxiety to he believed 
is very great, and I must say his personal promises I 
am inclined to believe ; then his feelings are very 
strong ; he feels Idndness deeply — and his love for his 
wife and children, and for all children, is very great. 
He has a strong feeling for domestic life, saying to 
me, when our children were in the room: “VoilS les 
doux moments de notre vie.” He was not only civil, 
but extremely Idnd to us both, and spoke in the highest 
praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, saying he 
wished any Prince in Germany had that ability and 
sense ; he showed Albert great confidence, and I think 
it will do great good, as if he praises him abroad it 
will have great weight. He is not happy, and that 
melancholy which is visible in the countenance made 
me sad at times ; the sternness of the eyes goes very 
much off when you know him, and changes according 
to his being put out (and he can be much embarrassed) 
or not, and also from his being heated, as he suffers 
with congestions to the head. My Angel thinks that 
he is a man inclined too much to give way to impulse 
and feeling, which makes him act wrongly often. His 
admiration for beauty is very great, and put me much 
in mind of you, when he drove out with us, looking 

voT TT n 


out for pretty people. But he remains very faithful to 
those he admired ttaenty-eight years ago ; for instance. 
Lady Peel, who has hardly any remains left. Respect- 
ing Belgium he did not speak to me, but to Albert and 
the Ministers. As for unkindly feeling towards you, he 
disclaims positively any, saying he loiew you well, and 
that you had served in the Russian Army, etc., but he 
says those unfortunate Poles are the only obstacle, and 
that he positively cannot enter into direct communica- 
tion with JBelgium as long as they ai'e employed. If you 
could only somehow or other get rid of them, I am sure 
the thing would be done at once. We all think he need 
not mind this, but I fear he has pledged himself. He 
admired Charlotte’s picture. Pour finir, I must say 
one more word or two about his personal appearance. 
He puts us much in mind of his and our cousins the 
Wiirtembergs, and has altogether much of the 
Wiirtemberg family about him. He is bald now, 
but in his Chevalier Garde Uniform he is magnificent 
still, and very striking. I cannot deny that we were in 
great anxiety when we took him out lest some Pole 
might make an attempt, and I always felt thankful 
when we got him safe home again. His poor daughter 
is very ill, I fear. 

The good King of Saxony^ remains another week 
with us, and we like him much. He is so unassuming. 
He is out sight-seeing all day, and enchanted with 
everything. I hope that you wiU persuade the King 
to come aU the same in September. Our motives and 
politics are not to be exclusive, but to be on good 
terras with all, and why should we not? We make 
no secret of it. 

Kow I must end this very long letter. Ever your 
devoted Niece, Victoma R, 

You will kindly not speak, of these details, but 
only in allgeinein say the visit went off very satis- 
factorily on both sides, and that it was highly pacific. 

^ See ante, p. 14. 




Queen Victoria to tlie King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham PauacDj \Bth June 1844. 

My dearest Uncle, — I had the happiness of 
receiving your dear and kind letter of the 13th on 
Sunday ; your parties at Ardenne must have been truly 
delightful ; perhaps some day we may enjoy them too ; 
that would be delightful 1 I can write to you with 
a light heart, thank goodness, to-day, for the Govern- 
ment obtained a majority, which xtp to the last moment 
last night we feared they would not have, and we 
have been in sad trouble for the last four or five 
days about it.^ It is the more marvellous, as, if the 
Government asked for a Vote of Confidence, they 
would have a Majority of 100 ; but this very strength 
makes the supporters of the Government act in a 
most unjustifiable manner by continually acting and 
voting against them, not listening to the debates, but 
coming down and voting against the Government. 
So that we were really in the greatest possible danger 
of having a resignation of the Government without 
knowing to whom to turn, and this from the reckless- 
ness of a handful of foolish half “ Puseyite ” half 
“Young England ”f people I I am sure you will 
agree with me that Peel’s resignation would not only 
be for us (for we cannot have a better and a safer 
Minister), but for the whole country, and for the 
peace of Europe — a great calamity. Our present 
people are all safe, and not led away by impulses 
and reckless passions. We must, however, take care 
and not get into another crisis; for I assure you we 
have been quite miserable and quite alarmed ever 
since Saturday. 

Since I last wrote to you, I spoke to Aberdeen 

* The .Ministry had heen defeated on Mr P. Miles’s motion in favour of 
giving an increased preference to colonial sugar, hut on the 17th this vote was 
rescinded hy a majority of twenty-two, Mr Disraeli taunting the Premier with 
expecting that “upon every division and at every crisis, his gang should 
appear, and the whip should sound.” 

^ The name given to the group comprising Disraeli, George Smythe, 
Lord John Manners, etc. See Coningsby, which was published about this 


20 THE KING OP SAXONY [chap, xm 

(whom I should he equally sorry to lose, as he is so 
very fair, and has served iis ’personally, so kindly 
and truly), and he told me that the Emperor has 
msitively pledged himself to send a Minister to 
Brussels the moment those Poles are no longer 
employed ; ^ that he is quite aware of the importance 
of the measure, and would be disposed to make the 
arrangement easy, and that he spoke very Idndly of 
you personally. Aberdeen says it is not necessary to 
disgrace them in any way, but only for the present 
de les eloigner. The Emperor has evidently some 
time ago made some strong declaration on the subject 
which he feels he cannot get over, and, as I said 
before, he will not give up what he has once pledged 
his word to. Then, 'no one on earth can move him. 
Au fond, it is a fine trait, but he carries it too far. 
He wrote me a very kind and affectionate letter from 
the Hague. The Emperor has given Bertie the Grand 
Cross of St Andrew, which the boy was quite proud of. 

Our kind and good King of Saxony leaves us 
to-morrow, after having seen more than anybody has 
done almost, and having enjoyed it of all things. He 
is quite at home with us and the children, whom he 
plays with much. Alice walks quite alone, and looks 
too funny, as she is so very fat'. Now, ever your 
devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria. 

South Stbebt, June 1844. 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and thanks your Majesty much for the letter 
of the 14th inst. Lord Melbourne was very glad to 
have the opportunity of seeing the Emperor of Russia 
at Chiswick, Lord Melbourne humbly believes that the 
opinion, which your Majesty has formed and expresses 
of the Emperor’s character is just, and he considers it 
extremely fortunate that a sovereign of such weight and 
influence in Europe, and with whom it is probaWe that 
Great Britain will have such near and intimate relations, 

1 ® ! fp n 10 




should also be a man upon whose honour and veracity 
strong reliance may be safely and securely placed. 

Lord Melbourne is very glad to believe that the late 
political movements, with which the public mind has 
been agitated, have subsided, and are entirely terminated 
by the last vote of the House of Commons, and by the 
determination evinced to support the administration.^ 

This finishes for the present a business which at 
one moment seemed likely to he troublesome, and out 
of which there did not appear to present itself any hope 
or practicable escape. 

Lord Melbourne will not make any observation upon 
what is Icnown and understood to have passed, further 
than to say that, as far as he is acquainted with the 
history of public affairs in this country, it is an entire 
novelty, quite new and unprecedented.'® Many a 
Minister has said to the Crown, “my advice must be 
taken, and my measures must be adopted,” but no 
Minister has ever yet held this language or advanced 
this pretension to either House of Parliament. How- 
ever, it seems to be successful at present, and success 
will justify much. Whether it will tend to permanent 
strength or a steady conduct of public affairs, remains 
to be seen. 

Lord Melbourne begs to be respectfully remembered 
to His Royal Highness. 

The Earl of Ellenborough to Queen Victoria. 

22n(i Jum 1844. 

Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to 
your Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that on 
the 15th of June he received the announcement of his 
having been removed from the office of Governor- 
General of India by the Court of Directors. By 
Lord Ellenborough’s advice, letters were immediately 
despatched by express to every important native Court to 
assure the native Princes that this change in the person 
at the head of the Government would effect no change 

^ See ante, p. 19. 

- Lord Melbourne refers to the House rescindiup' its own vote. 



in its policy, and Lord Elletiborough himself wrote in 
similar terms to the British Representatives at the several 
Courts. . . . Lord Ellenhorough has written a letter to 
the Earl of Ripon with reference to the reasons alleged 
by the Court of Directors for his removal from office, 
to which letter he most humbly solicits your Majesty’s 
favourable and attentive consideration. It treats of 
matters deeply affecting the good government of India. 

Amidst all the difficulties with which he has had to 
contend in India, aggravated as they have been by the 
constant hostility of the Court of Directors, Lord 
Ellenhorough has ever been sustained by the know- 
ledge that he was serving a most gracious Mistress, who 
would place the most favourable construction upon his 
conduct, and he now humbly tenders to your Majesty 
the expression of his gratitude, not only for those marks 
of Royal favour with which it has been intimated to him 
that it is your Majesty’s intention to reward his services, 
but yet more for that constant support which has 
animated all his exertions, and has mainly enabled him 
to place India in the hands of his suceessor in a state 
of universal peace, the i*esult of two years of victories, 
and in a condition of prosperity heretofore unlmown. 

The King of the Belgians to, Qiieen Victoria, 

Labken, With June IBi'l. 

My beloveb Victouia, — I have again to offer 
my warmest and best thanks for a very long and 
kind letter. I am truly and sincerely happy that a 
Ministerial crisis has been spared you; it is in all 
constitutional concerns an awful business ; but in such 
a colossal machinery as the British Empire, it shakes 
the whole globe. For your sake, for the good of 
England, and for the quiet of the whole earth, we 
must most devoutly pray that Sir Bobert may remain 
for many many years your trusty and faithful Minister. 
Parliaments and Chambers are extremely fond of 
governing, particularly as long as it does not bore 
themselves. We have had an instance of it recently. 
I was anxious to keep the Chamber longer, as there 


are still many important things whieh it ought to 
have finished; but they were hot, they got tired, 
voted twelve projets de hi in one day, and disappeared 
afterwards, leaving one the trouble of managing the 
affairs of the State as best one may. . . . 

As a general political event, the Emperor’s visit 
in England can only be useful ; it is probable that he 
would not have made the visit if another had not 
been talked of. His policy is naturally to separate 
as much as possible the two great W estern Powers ; 
he is too weak to resist single-handed their dictates 
in the Oriental question ; but if they act not in concert, 
it is evident that he is the master ; in aU this he acts 
wisely and in conformity with the great interests of 
his Empire. England has greater interests at stake at 
the mercy of Russia than at that of France. With 
France the questions are sometimes questions of 
jealousy, but, on the other hand, a tolerable under- 
standing keeps France quiet and secures the peace of 
Europe, much more in the sense of the European 
policy of England than of that of France. The only 
consolation the French can find in it is that they 
are aware that together with England they have a 
great position, but they always lament that they can 
get nothing by it. A bad understanding with France 
opens not only the door to a European war, but also 
to revolution; and that is perhaps the most serious 
and most awfully dangerous part of the business. 
England wants nothing from the Emperor than that 
he should leave the status quo of Europe and great 
part of Asia alone. At Paris they are not so much 
moved at the Emperor’s visit as perhaps they ought 
to be, but they have put the flattering notion into their 
heads that he had made fiasco, which is not true ; as, in 
fact, he has so far been rather successful, and has convinced 
people in England that he is a mild and good-natured 
man, himself and his Empire, without any ambition. 
Now, it is high time I should finish my immense scrawl, 
for which 1 claim your forgiveness, remaining ever your 
devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 


[oriAl>. XTIt 


Queen Vi6toria to the King of the JBeJgians, 

WiNDSOft CastijBj 27<A August 1844. 

My dearest Uncle, — Many thanks for your Idnd 
long letter, which I received yesterday, dated 23rd. 

I can report very well of ourselves. W e are all well. 
The dear day of yesterday ' we spent very quietly and 
happily and full of gratitude to Providence for so 
many blessings. I can only pray for the continuance 
of our present happiness. 

The impending political cloud, I hope and trust, 
looks less black and lowering. But I think it very 
unwise in Guizot not to have at once disavowed 
D’Aubigny for what you yourself call an “outrage,”® 
instead of letting it drag on for four •weeks and letting 
our people get excited. The Tangier’s Affair® is un- 
fortunate, and I hope that in future poor Joinville 
win not be exposed to such disagreeable aiffairs. What 
can be done will be, to get him justified in the eyes 
of the public here, but I fear that at first they will 
not be very charitable. Those letters in the Times 
are outrageous, and all that abuse very bad taste.‘ 
There is to be an investigation about the three officers, 
whose conduct is unworthy of Englishmen. Now, 
dearest Uncle, believe me always, your most affectionate 
Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Blaib Athol, lUh September 1844. 

My dearest Uncle, — I received your kind letter 
of the 6th the day we arrived here, and thank you 
very much for it. As I have written an account of 
our journey to Louise, I will not repeat it here. 

^ The Prince Alhert’a birthday. Prince Alfred was bom on 6tli August 
of this year. 

^ The assumption of French sorereignty over Tahiti. 

* Hostilities had commenced between France and Morocco, and Tangiers 
was bombarded. 

^ A series of letters had appeared in the Times, written by British naval 
officers who had witnessed the bombardment of Tangiers, and accused the 
French Admiral and Navy of being deficient in conrage. The Tines was much 
criticised for its publication of these letters. 


The good ending of our difficulties with France 
is an immense blessing, but it is really and truly 
necessary that you and those at Paris should know 
that the danger was immkient, and that poor Aberdeen 
stood almost alone in trying to keep matters peaceable. 
We must try and prevent these difficulties for the 
future. I .must, however, clear Jarnac'^ of aU blame, 
for Aberdeen does nothing but praise him. . . . 

In Greece affairs look very black, and God knows 
how it all will end. 

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria, 

Laeken, 5th. October 1844. 

My deaely beloved Victobia, — . . . I have not 
much to say about my father’s lodging habits and 
likings.^ My father is one of the beings most easy to 
please, satisfy, and to accommodate. His eventful 
life has used him to everything, and makes any land 
of arrangements acceptable to him: there is only 
one thing which he cannot easily do, it is to be ready 
'very early. He means notwithstanding to try to 
come to your breakfast, but you must insist upon his 
not doing it. It would disturb him in all his habits, 
and be bad for him, as he would certainly eat, a 
thing he is not used to do in the morning. He 
generally takes hardly what may be called a breakfast, 
and eats only twice in the day. It would be also 
much better for him if he only appeared to luncheon 
and dinner, and if you kindly dispensed him altogether 
of the breakfast. Y ou must not teU him that I wrote 
you this, but you must manage it with Montpensier, 
and kindly order for him a bowl of chicken broth. It 
is the only thing he takes generally in the morning, 
and between his meals. I have also no observation 

^ The French Ambassador in London. 

“ The difiiculty with Prance as to Tahiti having been satisfactorily 
disposed of, King Louis Philippe was enabled to visit England, the first 
French king to come on a visit to the Sovereign of England. The King 
was enthusiastically received in EnglanL visited Claremont (which he was 
destined to occupy in exile), was installed as a Knight of the Garter at 
Windsor with great magnificence, and visited Eton College and Woolwich 
Ar^i 'inl. 


to make, but" I heave told Montpensier to speak 
openly to Albert whenever he thought something 
ought to be done for my father, or might hurt and 
inconvenience him, and you may consult him when 
you are in the doubt. He is entrusted with all the 
recommendations of my mother, for my father is 
naturally so impntdent and so little accustomed to 
caution mid care, that he must in some measure be 
watched to prevent his catching cold or doing what 
may be injurious to him. About his rooms, a hard 
bed and a large table for his papers are the only 
things he requires. He generally sleeps on a horse- 
hair mattress with a plank of wood under it: but any 
kind of bed will do, if it is not too soft. His liking 
will be to be entirely at your commands and to do 
all you like. You know he can take a great deal of 
exercise, and everything wiU interest and delight him, 
to see, as to do : this is not a compliment, but a 
mere fact. His only wish is, that you should not go 
out of your way for him, and change your habits on 
his account. Lord Aberdeen will be, of course, at 
Windsor, and I suppose you will ask, as you told me, 
the Royal Family. My father hopes to see also Sir 
Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and your other Ministers. 
You will probably ask most of them during his stay. 
He wishes very much to see again those he already 
knows, and to make the acquaintance of those he 
does not know yet. In writing all this I think I 
dream, I cannot believe yet that in a few days my 
dear father will have, God willing, the unspeakable 
happiness to see you again and at Windsor, a thing 
he had so much wished for and which for a long time 
seemed so improbable. You have no notion of the 
satisfaction it gives him, and how delighted he will be 
to see you again, and to be once more in England. 
God grant he may have a good passage, and arrive 
to you safely and well. Unberufen, as you will soon, 
I trust, be able to see, he is, notwithstanding the 
usual talk of the papers, perfectly well. . . . Yours 
most devotedly, Louise. 


The Queen of the Jielgkms to Queen VieLori 


LakkeNj * lt]i October 1844, 

My deably beloved Victoria, — . . . I wrote to 
my mother, to quiet her, all you kindly tell me about 
my dear father. We are quite sure, I assure you, 
that you and Albert will talee care of him, and that 
he is with you in safe hand. And what makes my 
mother uneasy is the fear that, being at liberty and 
without control, he will make too imoch, as she says, 
le jeune homme, ride, go about, and do everything as 
if he was still twenty years old. If I must tell you 
all the truth, she is afraid also he will eat too much. 
I am sure he will tell it to you himself, as he was so 
much amused with this fear ; but to do her pleasure, 
being well assured by me that you would allow it, 
and that it was even customary, he has given up, of 
himself, aU thought of attending your early brealaast : 
but I perceive I write as if he was not already under 
your roof. I wid also only say, that though he has 
sent over his horses in case they should be wanted, 
my mother begs you to prevent, f possible, his riding 
at all. I wrote to her ah-eady that I supposed there 
would be no occasion for riding, and that your 
promenades would be either on foot or in carriage. 
I entrusted Montpensier with all my messages for 
you, my beloved Victoria, and your dear ehildren. 
He hopes you will permit him, during his stay at 
Windsor, to make two excursions — one to London, 
and one to Woolwich — he is very curious to see, as 
an artillery officer. I mention it as he would be, 
perhaps, too shy or too discreet to mention it himself. 
He might very well do those two trips by the rail- 
road and be back for dimier-time, and I am sure 
you will have no objection to them. . . . Yours most 
devotedly, Louise. 

I am very glad that Lord Charles Wellesley is 
one of those who will attend my father, Montpensier 
and him will have surely capital fun together, and he 

28 OF THE ICING [mui.. 

was, you know, a great favourite with every one at 
Eu. If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting 
during my father’s stay, you must kindly put my 
father in mind to thank him for the fa?no7is cheese, 
which arrived safely, and was found very good. . . . 

Queen Vicloria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDson Castle, 8i7i Oetohei ' 1844. 

Deaeest Uncle, — You wiU, I am sure, forgive 
my writing but a few lines as I am all alone in the 
agitation of the dear King’s arrival, and I will leave 
my letter open to announce it to you. My dearest 
master is gone to Portsmouth to receive him. The 
excitement and curiosity to see the dear King, and 
the desire to give him a most hearty reception, is 
‘uery great indeed. 

Many thanks for your kind letters of the 28th and 
4th. I can’t think who could have said that Peel, etc., 
would not have been here; for he, Aberdeen, and the 
old Duke are to be here the whole time, and all the 
other Ministers will come during his stay. 

I am very glad Joinville is arrived, and avoided his 
entries triomphales. I hope he jviU take great care 
of himself. 

You win have heard feom dear Louise of our 
voyage, etc. I cannot reconcile myself to be here 
again, and pine for my dear Highlands, the hills, the 
pure air, the quiet, the retirement, the liberty — all — 
more than is right. The children are well. I am sorry 
to hear that you are not quite so yet. 

8.80 . — The King and Montpensier arrived quite 
safely at two, and are both looldng extremely well. 
We have just lunched with them. It seems like a 
dream to me, and a very pleasant one. 

Albert sends his affectionate love. Ever your 
devoted Niece, Victoeia R. 

Bertie has immediately taken a passion for 




Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria. 

Brocket HaHj fliA October 1844. 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and thanks your Majesty much for the letter 
of the 7th inst., which he has just received, and with 
very great satisfaction, as he had begun to think your 
Majesty’s silence rather long. But he perfectly imder- 
stands the reasons which prevented your Majesty from 
writing during your stay in the Highlands. Lord 
Melbourne is very glad to find that your Majesty 
enjoyed that country so much, and is so enthusiastically 
fond of it. Lord Melbourne believes that he was at 
the places which your Majesty mentions. In the year 
1802 he stayed some months in Perthshire with the 
late Lord Kirmaird, and enjoyed it much. It annoys 
him sometimes to think how altered he is in strength 
since that time. Lord Melbourne has never yet 
thanked your Majesty for the pretty etchings of poor 
Islay and Eos, which your Majesty sent to Lord 
Melbourne when he was last at Windsor. Lord 
Melbourne has ordered them both to be framed, and 
will hang them up in his room here. They will afford 
Lord Melbourne most agreeable and pleasing souvenirs 
of the happiest period of his life, for he cannot say 
otherwise than that he continually misses and regrets 
the time when he had daily confidential communica- 
tion with your Majesty. Lord Glenlyon ^ has one merit 
in Lord Melbourne’s eyes, which is that he was a 
steady and firm supporter to the last of Lord 
Melbourne’s Government. Lord Melbourne hopes 
and trusts that he feels no animosity against those 
who opposed him. But he does and always shall 
entertain a kindly and grateful recollection of those 
who supported him. 

Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His 
Royal Highness. 

' See vol. i. p. 637. 



[oiui'. xm 

The Queen of the Belgium to Queen Victoria. 

Ijaekkn, 12W( Oclohcr 1044, 

My dearly beloved Victoria, — ... I thank 
you very much for attending to all my recommenda- 
tions about my_ father: I only fear that they will 
lead you to believe that we consider him as a gi~eat 
child and treat him like one: but he is so precious 
and dear to us all that I am sure you will understand 
and excuse our being oxter anxious . . . Yours most 
devotedly, Louise. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Osbohne House, Vlth October 1844, 

My dearest Uncle, — I had intended to have 
written to you on Monday, hut you wiU since have 
heard of the great confusion of that day which pre- 
vented me from doing so. The dear King’s visit 
went off to perfection, and I much and deeply regret 
its being passed. He was delighted, and was most 
enthusiastically and affectionately received wherever he 
showed himself. Our proceedings I wi'ote to good, dear 
Louise (whom you should not leave so long alone), who 
will no doubt have given you the details. What an 
extraordinary man the King is! What a wonderful 
memory, and how lively, how sagacious! He spoke 
very openly to us all, and is determined that our affairs 
should go on well. He wishes Tahiti au fond de la 
mer. He spoke also very openly about poor Hadjy’s 
brochure, which seems to have distressed him more 
than anything. The King praised my dearest Albert 
most highly, and fuUy appreciates his great quahties 
and talents — and what gratifies me so much, treats 
him completely as his equal, calling him “ Mon Frere,” 
and saying to me that my husband was the same as 
me, which it is — and “Le Prince Albert, e’est pour 
moi le Roi.” The King is very sad to go, but he is 
determined, he says, to see me every year. Another very 
great thing is, that the officers of the two Navies 




staying at Portsmouth were on the best- terms together 
and paying one another every sort of compliment. As 
Admiral La Susse (a very gentlemanlike man) and his 
squadron were sadly disappointed on Monday,^ we 
thought it would please them if we went on board 
the Corner, which we did, on Tuesday morning, and 
breakfasted there, and I drank the King’s health. I 
am certain that the visit and everything connected 
with it can hut do the greatest good. 

We stay here tiU Monday. It is a very comfort- 
able little house, and the grounds and place are 
delightful, so private — and the view so fine. 

I must now conclude, begging you to believe me, 
ever your devoted Niece, Victouia R. 

I forgot to say how much we liked good 
Montpensier, who got on extremely weU. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the French 

OsBonNE House, le 17 Octohre 1844. 

Sire, et mon tr£:s Cher Fr^re, — Votre Majesty 
m’a dcrit deux bien bonnes lettres de Douvres pour 
lesquelles je vous remercie de tout mon coeur. Les 
expressions de bonte et d’amitie que vous me vouez ainsi 
qu’k mon cher Albej-t nous touchent sensiblement ; je 
n’ai pas besoin de vous dire encore, combien nous vous 
sommes attaches et combien nous ddsirons voir se 
raffermir de plus en plus cette entente cordiale entre 
nos deux pays qui existe si heureusement entre nous 
personneUement. C’etait avec un vif regret que nous 
nous sommes s^pares de votre Majeste, et de Mont- 
pensier, et ce sera une grande f§te que de voir 
renouveler une visite dont le souvenir nous est si cher. 

Albert se met a vos pieds. Sire, bien sensible ainsi 
que moi-meme de I’amitil et la confiance que vous lui 
avez tdmoignes. 

J’ose prier votre Majeste d’offrir mes plus tendres 

’ It had heen intended that the King should return to France, as he 
had come, by way of Portsmouth, crossing in the frigate Gomer, hut, in 
consequence of the wet and stormy weather, he returned hy Dover and 


hommages k la Reine et k Madame votre Smur et de 
me rappeler au souvenir de Montpensier. Je suis pour 
la vie, Sire et mon cher Fr6re, de votre Majesty la 
bien affectionnde Soeur et fidMe Amie, Victoria R. 

Qiieen Victoria to the King of the Belgiam. 

WiNDSoii Castle, 29iA October 1044. 

My dearest Uncle, — I bad the happiness of re- 
ceiving your kind letter of the 26th while I was dressing 
to go to the City for the opening of the Royal 
Exchange.’ Nothing ever went off better, and the 
procession there, as well as all the proceedings at the 
Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal in the 
extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the 
myriads of people assembled — more than at the Corona- 
tion even, and all in such good humour, and so loyal ; 
the articles in the papers, too, are most kind and grati- 
fying ; they say no Sovereign was more loved than I am 
(I am bold enough to say), and that, from our happy 
domestic home — which gives such a good example. 
The Times you have, and I venture to add a Chronicle, 
as I think it very pretty ; you should read the accounts. 
I seldom remember being so gratified and pleased with 
any public show, and my beloved Albert was so 
enthusiastically received by the * people. He is so 
beloved by aU the really influential people, and by all 
right-thinmng ones. We came back here yesterday 
evening. The accounts from Paris are excellent too. 
How long are the good JoinviUes to remain in the 
south, and where ? By-the-by, dearest Uncle, have you 
read the continuation of Consuelo,^ called the “Comtesse 
de Rudolstadt ” ? It is dreadfully interesting. 

The Knights of the Garter did not wear the whole 
costume, but only the mantle. Being on this topic, 
shad. teU you that I intend giving the Garter to Ernest, 
but pray do not mention it to E. or any one. 

With Albert’s affectionate love. Ever your devoted 
Niece and Child, Victoria R. 

^ On the preceding day. 

2 TTia -noTTiil Kw rioni'a-no in 184.^ 



The King of the French to Queen Victoria. 

Saint CmuDj le 16 Novembre 1844. 

Madame ma eien ch^iue Sceuk, — Mes souvenirs 
de Windsor sont de ceux dont aucun ne s’efface. Je 
n’oublie done pas une petite question qui m’a ^t^ si 
joliment addressee, Where is my gun ? et a present j’en 
ai trouvd un'qui serait indigne de la destinde que je prie 
votre Majesty de me permettre de lui donner, si le regret 
que la disparition du premier fusil avait caus^, ne m’avait 
pas appris que le second devait toe d’un genre a supporter 
tous les accidents que I’enfance aime a infliger k ses 
joujoux. C’est done tout simplement un trks modeste 
fusil de munition adopts k sa taille que j’addresse a 
votre Majesty pour son auguste et charmant enfant le 
Prince de Galles, comme ma r^ponse a sa question. 

J’ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me 
permettre de m’acquitter. Quelque vif que soit mon 
d^sir de revoir Windsor, ce serait un trop long retard que 
d’attendre cet heureux moment, pour ofFrir k la Princesse 
Royale cette petite boite k ouvrage, de Paris, qu’elle m’a 
fait esp^rer lui serait agr^able, et tout ce que je desire 
c’est que vos enfants se ressouviennent un jour d’avoir vu 
celui qui k ^td le fidkle ami de leur grand-pkre, comme 
il Test et le sera toujours de leurs bien aimds parents. 

Que votre Majest^ me permette encore d’offrir ici 
au Prince Albert I’expression de la vive et sincere 
amitie que je lui porte et que je lui garderai toujours, 
et d’accepter celle de I’inalttoble attachement avec 
lequel je suis pour la vie, Madame ma bien chkre 
Soeur, de votre Majestd, le bon Frkre bien affectionn^ 
et fidkle Ami, Louis Philippe R. 

Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria. 

23»’c( November 1844. 

Sir Henry Hardinge ^ -with his most humble duty to 
your Majesty, humbly submits for your Majesty’s con- 
sideration the following observations on the state of 
affairs in this large portion of your Majesty’s dominions. 

^ Governor-General of ludia^ in succession to Lord Ellentorou^li, 


homrnages k la Heine et ii Madame votrc Soeur et de 
me rappeler au souvenir de Montpensicr. Je suis pour 
la vie, Sire et mon cher Fr^re, de votre Majesty la 
bien affectionn^e Soeur et fidMe Amie, Victoiiia R. 

Queen Victoo'ia to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDSOB Castle, 29</i Oetober 18*14. 

My deaeest Uncle, — I had the happiness of re- 
ceiving your kind letter of the 26 th while I was dressing 
to go to the City for the opening of the Royd 
Exchange.^ Nothing ever went oflp better, and the 
procession there, as well as all the proceedings at the 
Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal in the 
extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the 
myriads of people assembled — more than at the Corona- 
tion even, and aU in such good humour, and so loyal ; 
the articles in the papers, too, are most Icind and grati- 
fying ; they say no Sovereign ‘was more loved than I am 
(I am bold enough to say), and that, from our happy 
domestic home — which gives such a good example. 
The Times you have, and I venture to add a Chronicle, 
as I think it very pretty ; you should read the accounts. 
I seldom remember being so gratified and pleased with 
any public show, and my beloved Albert was so 
enthusiastically received by the ’ people. He is so 
beloved by aU the really influential people, and by all 
right-thinking ones. We came back here yesterday 
evening. The accounts from Paris are excellent too. 
How long are the good Joinvilles to remain in the 
south, and where ? By-the-by, dearest Uncle, have you 
read the continuation of Consuelo,^ called the “Comtesse 
de Rudolstadt”? It is dreadfhilly interesting. 

The Knights of the Garter did not wear the whole 
costume, but only the mantle. Being on this topic, 
shall teU you that I intend giving the Garter to Ernest, 
but pray do not mention it to E. or any one. 

With Albert’s affectionate love. Ever your devoted 
Niece and Child, Victoria R. 

^ On tlie preceding' day. 

^ The novel by Georges Sand (1804-1876), published in 1842. 


The King of the French to Queen Victoria. 

Saint Ci,oudj /e 16 Nommhre 1844. 

Madame ma eien cheee Soeue, — Mes souvenirs 
de Windsor sont de ceux dont aucun ne s’efface. Je 
n’oublie done pas une petite question qui m’a si 
joliment addressee, Where is my gun ? et k present j’en 
ai trouvd un qui serait indigne de la destinde que je prie 
votre Majesty de me permettre de lui donner, si le regret 
que la disparition du premier fusil avait causd, ne m’ avail 
pas appris que le second devait gtre d’un genre a supporter 
tous les accidents que I’enfance aime k infliger k ses 
joujoux. C’est done tout simplement un tres modeste 
fusil de munition adopts a sa taille que j’addresse 
votre Majesty pour son auguste et charmant enfant le 
Prince de Galles, comme ma rdponse a sa question. 

J’ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me 
permettre de m’acquitter. Quelque vif que soil mon 
d^sir de revoir Windsor, ce serait un trop long retard que 
d’attendre cet heureux moment, pour offrir k la Princesse 
Royale cette petite boite k ouvrage, de Paris, qu’elle m’a 
fait esp^rer lui serait agr^able, et tout ce que je ddsire 
c’est que vos enfants se ressouviennent un jour d’avoir vu 
celui qui ii 4td le fidde ami de leur grand-pfere, comme 
il Test et le sera toujours de leurs bien aim^s parents. 

Que votre Majest^ me permette encore d’offi-ir ici 
au Prince Albert I’expression de la vive et sincere 
amitid que je lui porte et que je lui garderai toujours, 
et d’accepter ceUe de I’inalt^rable attachement avec 
lequel je suis pour la vie, Madame ma bien chfere 
Soeur, de votre Majestd, le bon Frfere bien alFectionnd 
et fiddle Ami, Louis Philippe R. 

Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria. 

239'd November 1844. 

Sir Henry Hardinge ^ with his most humble duty to 
your Majesty, humbly submits for your Majesty’s con- 
sideration the following observations on the state of 
alFairs in this large portion of your Majesty’s dominions. 

^ Governoi'-General of India^ in succession to Lord Ellenliorougli, 



The returii of peace has also increased the desire of 
the nati’^'-e population to receive the advantages of 
English education. Idie literature of the West is the 
most favourite study amongst the Hindoos in their 
schools and colleges. They will discuss with accuracy 
the most important events in British History. Boys of 
fifteen years of age, black in colour, will recite the most 
favourite passages from Shakespeare, ably quoting the 
notes of the English and German commentators. 
They excel in mathematics, and in legal subtleties 
their acuteness is most extraordinary. 

In order to reward native talent and render it 
practically useful to the State, Sir Henry Hardinge, 
after due deliberation, has issued a resolution, by which 
the most meritorious students will be appointed to fill 
the public offices which fall vacant throughout Bengal. 

This encouragement has been received by the 
Hindoo population with the greatest gratitude. The 
studies in the Mohammedan schools and colleges have 
hitherto been confined to Arabic, the Koran, and 
abstruse studies relating to their religion, having always 
shown a marked avei-sion to English literature. Since 
the publication of the Resolution they have at once 
determined to change their system in order to participate 
in the benefits held out to native .merit of every sect. 

It is impossible thi-oughout your Ma,jesty’s immense 
Empire to employ the number of highly paid Euro- 
pean civil servants which the public service requires. 
This deficiency is the great evil of British Administra- 
tion. By dispersing annually a proportion of well- 
educated natives throughout the provinces, under 
British .superintendence, well founded hopes are enter- 
tained that prejudices may gradually disappear, the 
public service be improved, and attachment to British 
institutions increased. . . . 

Sir Henry Hardinge, in closing these observations, 
most humbly ventures to assure your Majesty that he 
anticipates no occurrence as probable, by which the 
tranquillity of this portion of your Majesty’s dominions 
is likely to be disturbed, H. Haedinge, 


The new year (1845) opened auspiciously, trade improving, 
owing to the great impetus given to it by the many lines of 
railway then in course of pi’omotion. Over two hundred schemes 
wore .prepared at the commencement of the session to seek 
legislative sanction, and speculation outran all reasonable limits. 
The Income Tax (which in the ordinary course would have expired) 
was renewed, and the Anti-Corn Law Leaguers were more persistent 
than ever in their assaults on Protection, while the attacks on the 
Ministry from a section of their own party were redoubled. The 
most remarkable measure of the year was the Government Bill 
for increasing the grant to the Roman Catholic College of 
Maynooth, which was strongly opposed from the Conservative and 
the Protestant points of view ; Mr Gladstone, though he approved 
of the measure, retired from the Ministry, as he had a few years 
before written in the opposite sense. Towards the close of the 
year the condition of Ireland, owuig to the failure of the potato 
crop, became very alarming, and the Ministry greatly embarrassed. 
Lord John Russell wrote from Edinburgh to the electors of the 
City of London, announcing his conversion to the Total and 
Immediate Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the Times announced 
that such a Bill would be brought in by the Ministry. Peel, 
unwilling to accept the task, resigned office in December, and a 
Whig Ministry was attempted. Owing to dissensions, the attempt 
had to be abandoned, and Peel returned to office, without Lord 
Stanley, but with Mr Gladstone, who however did not seek 
re-election for the seat vacated by his acceptance of office. 

A dispute of great importance arose during the year with the 
United States, relating to the boundary line between English and 
American territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Twenty-five 
years earlier the same question had arisen, and had been settled on 
the footing of joint occupancy. The increased importance of the 
Pacific slope made the matter more vital, involving as it did the 
ownership of Vancouver Island and the mouth of the Columbia 
River ; President Polk unequivocally claimed the whole, and said 
he would not shrink from upholding America’s interests; the 
British Government was equally firm, and the matter was not 
adjusted till 1846. 

In India, which during nearly the whole year enjoyed peace, 



the Sikhs in Dflcembei’ assumed the aggressive, and crossed the 
Sutlej, invading British India. They were signally defeated by 
Sir Hugh Gough at Moodkee and Ferozesliah, In Scinde Sir 
Charles Napier prosecuted operations against the mountain desert 

In New Zealand some disastrous collisions took place between 
the natives and the settlers; the former on two occasions either 
defeating or repulsing the British arms. 

In France the most important events were the Bill for fortifying 
Paris, the campaign waged against Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, 
and a horrible act of cruelty perpetrated there. In Spain Don 
Carlos abdicated his claims to the throne in favour of his son ; 
the Queen’s engagement to Count Trapani was rumoured, In 
other parts of Europe little that was eventful occurred. 



Queen Victoria to tlie King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, IWh January 1845. 

My DEAREST Uncle, — What you say about 
Aquila^ and Montpensier interests me. What mad- 
ness is it then to force Trapani on Spain I Pray 
explain to me the cause of the King’s obstinacy about 
that Spanish marriage, for no country has a right to 
dictate in that way to another. If Tatane^ was to 
think of the Infanta, England would be extremely 
indignant, and would (and with right) consider it 
tantamount to a marriage with the Queen herself. 
Ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Labkln, 18tt January 1846. 

My dearest Victoria, — . . . The Spanish 
marriage question is really very curious ; in fact, aU 
the other Bourbon branches are hostile to the Orleans 
family, but the idea that makes the Kmg so constant 
in his views about it, is that he imagines it would 
create in France a bad impression if now any other 
than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of Spain. 
That feeling they have themselves created, as in France 
they did not at all care about it; having, however, 
declared quasi officially in the French Chambers that 

^ Louis Charles, Comte d’Aquila, a son of Francis I., King of the Two 
Sicilies, and hrother of the Comte de Trapani and of Queen Christina ; he 
and his brother were therefore uncles of Queen Isabella. 

“ The Due de Montpensier. 





they will not liave, any hni a Bourbon, if circumstances 
should after all decide it oQierwise, it would now he 
a defeat, but certainly one of their own making. , . . 
Your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Qiteen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castm, 28nt Janiumj 184.6, 

. . . The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily 
very strong, and wherever we show ourselves we are 
most heartily and warmly received, and the civilities 
and respect shown to us by those we visit is most 
satisfactory, I mention merely a trifling instance to 
show how respectful they are — the Duke of 
Buckingham, who is immensely proud, bringing the 
cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert 
himself. And everywhere my dearest Angel receives 
the respect and honours I receive. 

Many thanks for retm-ning the list;^ it was not 
Albert but Tatcme who made the black crosses. Are 
not Les 3 Mousquetaires,” by Dumas, and “ Arthur,” 
by Eugene Sue, readable for me ? 

Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly 
devoted Niece, Victouia R,. 

Queen Victoria to Sir Bobert Peel. 

lUviMON, 10«/i Fehruary 1846. 

Though the Queen Imows that Sir Robert Peel 
has already turned his attention to the urgent necessity 
of doing something to Buckingham Palace, the Queen 
thinks it right to recommend this subject herself to 
his .serious consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted 
with the state of the Palace and the total want of 
accommodation for our little family, which is fast 
growing up. Any building must necessarily take 
some years before it can be safely inhabited. If it 
were to be begun this autumn, it could hardly be 
occupied before the spring of 1848, when the Prince 
of Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess 


Royal nearly eiglit years old, and they cannot possibly 
be kept in the nursery any longer. A provision for 
this purpose ought, therefore, to be made this year. 
Independent of this, most parts of the Palace are in 
a sad state, and will ere long require a further outlay 
to render them decent for the occupation of the Royal 
Family or any visitors the Queen may have to receive. 
A room, capable of containing a larger number of 
those persons whom the Queen has to invite in the 
course of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any 
of the present apartments can at once hold, is much 
wanted. Equally so, improved offices and servants’ 
rooms, the want of which puts the departments of 
the household to great expense yearly. It will be 
for Sir Robert to consider whether it would not be 
best to remedy all these deficiencies at once, and to 
make use of this opportunity to render the exterior 
of the Palace such as no longer to be a disgrace to 
the country, which it certainly now is. The Queen 
thinks the country would be better pleased to have 
the question of the Sovereign’s residence in London 
so finally disposed of, than to have it so repeatedly 
brought before it.^ 

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel. 

Pavii.ion, 18ift February 1846. 

The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel’s letter, 
and is glad that the progress in the House of Commons 
was so satisfactory. 

The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick’s 
most impertinent manner of putting the question 
with respect to the title of King Consort, and much 
satisfied -with Sir Robert’s answer.^ The title of King 
is open assuredly to many difficulties, and would 
perhaps be no real advantage to the Prince, but the 

^ Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax was about to be 
proposed, it would he better to postpone tlie application to Parliament till 
the public feeling- as to the tax had been ascertained. 

paragraph had appeared in the Morning OhronicJe, giving credence 
to a rumour that this ti-tle Tvas about to be conferred on the Prince, but, 
in answer to Mr Peter Borthwick, Sir Robert Peel positively contradicted it. 

40 TITLE OF KING CONSORT [c,„ai>. .viv 

Queen is positive that something must at once be done 
to place the Prince’s position on a constitutionally 
recognised footing, and to give him a title adequate 
to that position.^ How and when, are difficult 
questions, . . , 

Qiieen Victoria to Sir Rohert, Peel. 

WiNiisoii CastlBj 24i/i Marnh 1046, 

The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel’s box 
containing his recommendation relative to the filling 
up of the vacant Bishopric of Ely. The Queen quite 
approves of the present Dean of Westminster “ as the 
new Bishop. As Sir Robert has asked the Queen 
whether she would like to see Archdeacon Wilberforce 
succeed to the Deanery of Westminster in case the 
Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say that 
such an arrangement would be very satisfactory to us, 
and the Queen believes would highly please the Arch- 
deacon, This would again vacate, the Queen believes, 
a stall at Winchester, which she would like to see 
filled by a person decidedly adverse to Puseyism. 

1 Sir Rohert Peel to the Fiinoe Albert. 

WniTEDALLj 18</t February 1846. 

Sm, — I received yesterday tlie accoinpiinying note from Mr IJortliwiek, 
and in conformity with the notice therein given^ he put the question to mo in 
the House of Commons last evening respecting the paragraph which appeared 
in the Morning Ghronicle respecting the intention of proposing to Parliament 
that your Royal Highness should assume the title of King Consort. 

I very much regret that the Morning Ghronicle inserted that paragi'aph. 

The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a vague intima- 
tion that there was soma authority for it, have caused a certain degree of 
credit to be attached to it. It has been copied into all the country news- 
papers, and has given rise to a good deal of conjecture and speculation, 
which it is far from desirable to excite witiiout necessity. 

It appears to me that the editor of the Morning Ghronicle acted most 
miwarrantahly in inserting such a par^raph with a pretence of some sort of 
authority for it. 

It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the observations 
which I took the liberty of making to your Royal Highness on Sunday 

I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the paragraph will put a 
stop to further surmise and discussion on the subject. 

To Mr Borthwick’s note I add one of several letters addressed to me, 
which shows the proneness to speculate upon constitutional novelties. 

I have the honour to he. Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal Highness’s 
most faithful and obedient Servant. Robebt Pebi,. 

^ Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of Peterborough. 




The Queen approves of the Bishop* of Lichfield^ 
being transferred to the See of Ely in case Doctor 
Turton should decline it. 

It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand 
sponsor to Sir Robert Peel’s little grandson, and perhaps 
Sir Robert would communicate this to Lady Villiers. 

Qioeen Victoria to tlie King of the Belgians. 

WiNnsoB Castle, 26</i March 1846. 

... I copied what you wrote me about Peel ® in a 
letter I wrote him, which I am sure will please him 
much, and a Minister in these days does require a little 
encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties they 
have to contend with are dreadful. Peel works so 
hard and has so much to do, that sometimes he says 
he does not know how he is to get through it aUl 

You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we 
have succeeded in purchasing Osborne in the Isle of 
Wight,® and if we can manage it, we shall probably 
run down there before we return to Town, for three 
nights. It sounds so snug and nice to have a place of 
one's own, quiet and retired, and free from all Woods 
and Forests, and other charming Departments who 
really are the plague* of one’s life. 

Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly 
devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne. 

Buckinoham Palace, Zvd April 1846. 

The Queen had intended to have written to Lord 
Melbourne from Osborne to thank him for his last 
note of the 19th, but we were so occupied, and so 
delighted with our new and really delightful hoine, 
that she hardly had time for anything ; besides which 
the weather was so beautiful, that we were out 

^ Jotn Lonsdale (1788-18G7) was Bishop of Lichfield ftom 1843 till his 

“ See Peel’s reply. Life of the Prince Consort, chap. xiii. 

^ The purchase was sup'o-ested by Sir Robert Peel. 

42 THE MAYNOOTH GRANT [ohai.. xiv 

almost all day. The Queen reCers Tord Melbourne 
to Mr Anson for particulars of the new property, 
which is very extensive, as she is not at all competent 
to explain about acres, etc. But she thinks it is 
impossible to imagine a prettier spot — valleys and 
woods which would be beautiful anywhere ; but all 
this near the sea (the woods grow into the sea) is 
quite perfection; we have a charming beach quite to 
ourselves. The sea was so blue and calm that the 
Prince said it was like Naples. And then we can 
walk about anywhere by ourselves without being 
followed and mobbed, which Lord Melbourne will 
easily understand is delightful. And last, not least, 
we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand, 
that we shall be able to watch what is going on, which 
will please the Navy, and he hereafter very useful for 
our boys. 

The childi'en are all well. The Queen has just had 
a lithograph made after a little drawing which she did 
herself of the three eldest, and which she will send 
Lord Melbourne with some Eau de Cologne. 

Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; 
she is looking very well, and he seems much pleased 
at being in office, and being employed. 

The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this 
fine weather, and here concludes with the Prince’s 
kind remembrance. 

Qtbcen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham Balaob, 16ift AprU 1846. 

My BELOVED Uncle, — Here we are in a great 
state of agitation about one of the greatest measures 
ever proposed ; ^ I am sure poor Peel ought to be 
blessed by all Catholics for the manly and noble way 
in which he stands forth to protect and do good to 

^ The Bill to inci'ease the grant to the Roman. Catholic College of 
Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth of opposition from half his 
party ; another measure was passed to establish colleges for purely secular 
teaching (" godless colleges ” they were nicknamed) in Cork, Belfast, and 
Galway, and affiliate them to a new Irish university. 


poor Ireland. But the bigotry, the wiclced and blind 
passions it brings forth is quite dreadful, and I blush 
for Protestantism ! ' A Presbyterian clergyman said 
vevy truly, “ J3igot7-y is more common than shame. . . 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham Pai.aoBj HSrd April 1846. 

My deabest Uncle, — Our Maynooth Bill is 
through the second reading. I think, if you read Sir 
Robert’s admirable speeches, you will see how good his 
plan is. The Catholics are quite delighted at it— full 
of gratitude, and behave extremely well ; but the 
Protestants behave shockingly, and display a narrow- 
mindedness and want of sense on the subject of religion 
which is quite a disgrace to the nation. The case 
of Austria, Fi’ance, etc., cannot be compared to this, 
as this is a Protestant country, while the others are 
Catholic; and I think it would never do to support 
a Roman Catholic Church with money belonging to 
the Protestant Church. The Protestant Establishment 
in Ireland must remain untouched, but let the Roman 
Catholic Clergy be well and handsomely educated. 

The Due de Broglie ® dined with us last night ; his 
travausc are going on satisfactorily ; he asked when 
you were coming, and said you were “ beaucoup 
Anglais et un peu Frangais,” which is true, I think. 

With Albert’s affectionate respects, believe me 
always, your devoted Mece, Victoria R. 

Mr Goulburn^ to Queen Victoria. 

Downing Street, SOth April 1845. 

Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to 
your Majesty that several representations have been 

1 Aa Macaulay bad aaid during tbe previous nigbt’s debate ; ‘''The Orange- 
man raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets up its bray, Mr Macneile shudders 
to see more costly cheer than ever provided for the priests of Baal at the table 
of the Queen, and the Protestant operatives of Dublin call for impeachments 
in exceedingly had English.” 

^ Achille Charles, Due de Broglie, ex-Ministor of Eoreign Affairs. 

* Chancellor of the Exchequer, 


made to the^ Treasury as to the convenience which 
the public would derive from the circulation of silver 
threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are lawfully eiuTent 
under your Maiesty’s Proclamation of the 5th July 
1888. But as such pieces have been hitherto reserved 
as your Majesty’s Maundy money, and as such 
especially belong to your Majesty’s service, Mr 
Goulburn considers that a coinage of them for general 
use could not take place without a particular significa- 
tion of your Majesty’s pleasure. 

Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your 
Majesty’s gracious consideration the signification of your 
Majesty’s pleasure as to the issue of such a coinage. 

Sir James Graham to Qioeen Victoria. 

Wiiiteiijujj, 13i/i May 3840, 

Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay 
before your Majesty the enclosed Memorial. 

The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of 
the last condemned sermon and on the morning of 
the execution have been fully investigated ; ^ and the 
report establishes the necessity of legislative inter- 
ference to prevent the recun’ence* of scenes so disgrace- 
ful and demoralising. The policy of depriving capital 
executions of their present publicity is well worthy of 
careful revision ; and Sir James Graham, iir obedience 
to your Majesty’s desire, will bring the subject under 
the notice of his colleagues. He is disposed to think 
that the sentence might be carried into execution in 
the presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff 
with good effect; and that the great body of idle 
spectators might be excluded, without diminishing the 
salutary terror and awful warning which this extreme 
punishment is intended to produce on the public mind. 
In dealing, however, with a matter in which the com- 
munity has so deep an interest, it is prudent not to 

> The attraotion these executions had for the general public was at this 
time a jfreat scandal. 




violate public opinion, and caution is ne,cessary before 
a change of the long-established usage is proposed.^ 

Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken 
by the newspapers in seeking to indulge the general 
curiosity with respect to aU details of the conduct, 
habits, and demeanour of these wretched criminals in 
their last moments ; but he fears that the license of 
the Press cannot be checked by any act of authority ; 
if the public be excluded from witnessing the execu- 
tions, they will probably become still more anxious 
to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place ; 
and Sir James Graham is so thoroughly convinced 
that the punishment of death in certain cases must 
be maintained, that he would consider any course 
inexpedient which was likely to lead the public to 
desire the remission of capital executions in all cases 
without exception. ... J. R. G. Geai-iam. 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, 21st May 1846. 

My dearest and most beloved Victoria, — 
Receive my sincerest and most heartfelt good wishes 
on the happy reappearance of your birthday. I need 
not dwell on my sentiments of devotion to you •, they 
began with your life, and will only end with mine. The 
only claim I make is to be remembered with some little 
affection. Thank heaven, I have little to wish you, than 
that your present happiness may not be disturbed, and 
that those who are dear to you may be preserved for 
your happiness. 

My gift is Charlotte’s portrait. The face is extremely 
like, and the likest that exists ; the hair is a little too 
fair, it had become also darker. I take this opportunity 
to repeat that Charlotte was a noble-minded and highly 
gifted creature. She was nervous, as aU the famil y have 
been ; she could be violent, but then she was full of 
repentance for it, and her disposition highly generous 
and susceptible of great devotion. 

^ Public ('veciitiniK! WPTe abol' beil in iRfis. 


I am the, more bound to say this, as I understood 
that you had some notion that she liad been very 
imperious, and not mistress of her temper. Before her 
marriage some people by dint of flattery had tried to 
give her masculine tastes ; and in short had pushed her 
to become one day a sort of Queen Elizabeth. These 
sentiments were already a little modified before her 
marriage. But she was particularly determined to be 
a good and obedient wife ; some of her friends were 
anxious she should not-, amongst these Madame de 
Flahaut must be mentioned en p?-emiere ligne. 

This became even a subject which severed the 
intimacy between them. Madame de Flahaut, much 
older than Charlotte, and of a sour and determined 
character, had gained an influence which partook on 
Charlotte’s part a little of fear. She was afraid of her, 
but when once supported took courage. 

People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 
at Carlton House with the clearness and firmness with 
which she pronounced “anr? obey,” etc., as there had 
been a general belief that it would be for the husband 
to give these promises. The Regent put me particu- 
larly on my guard, and said, “ If you don’t resist she will 
govern you with a high hand.” Your own experience 
has convinced you that real affection changes many 
sentiments that may have been implanted into the mind 
of a young girl. With Charlotte it was the more 
meritorious, as from a very early period of her life she 
was considered as the heiress of the Crown ; the Whigs 
flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by 
my intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made 
great efforts to please her. 

Her understanding was extremely good ; she knew 
everybody, and I even afterwards found her judgment 
generally extremely correct. She had read a great deal 
and knew well what she had read. Generous she was 
almost too much, and her devotion was quite affecting, 
from a character so much pushed to be selfish and 

I win here end my souveni r of poor dear 


Charlotte, but I thought that the subject could not 
but be interesting to you. Her constancy in wishing 
to marry me, which she maintained under difficulties of 
every description, has been the foundation of all that 
touched the family afterwards. You know, I believe, 
that your poor father was the chief promoter, though 
also the Yorks were ; but our correspondence from ISlfi 
till 1816 was entirely carried on through his kind inter- 
vention ; it would otherwise have been impossible, as she 
was really treated as a sort of prisoner. Grant always 
to that good and generous Charlotte, who sleeps already 
with her beautiful little boy so long, where all will go 
to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she 
deserves it. 

Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it 
really is, a token of the great affection I have for you. 
Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle, 

Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel. 

WiNDsou Castmsj 12i/i June 1846. 

The Queen understands that the Deanery of 
Worcester has become vacant by some new arrange- 
ment. Believing that Sir Robert’s brother, Mr John 
Peel, has a fair claim to such preferment, but being 
afraid that Sir Robert would perhaps hesitate to 
recommend him on account of his near relationship 
to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this 
Deanery through Sir Robert to his brother. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

Windsor Castle, 12i/i June 1846. 

Sh: Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, hastens to acknowledge your Majesty’s most 
kind and considerate communication, and to express 
his grateful acknowledgments for it. 

48 WINE FROM AUSTRALIA [chap, xiv 

He must, in justice to his brother, assure your 
Majesty that he never has expressed, and probably 
never would express, a wish to Sir Roberb Peel on 
the subject of preferment in the Church. 

Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the 
name of one so nearly connected with him under the 
notice of your Ma,jesty, but as his brother was highly 
distinguished in his academical career at Oxford, and 
is greatly respected for the discharge of every pro- 
fessional duty, Sir Robert Peel could not feel himself 
justified in offering an impediment to the fulfilment 
of your Majesty’s gracious intentions in his favour, 
if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in 
the Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should 
be preferred.^ 

Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria. 

Dotvninb Stbbet, 10i7i July 1845. 

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to 
your Majesty a despatch just received from the 
Governor of South Austraha, enclosing the letter of 
a settler in the province, Mr Walter Duffield, who is 
anxious to be allowed the honour of offering for your 
Majesty’s acceptance a case of the first wine which 
has been made in the colony. 

Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the 
quality of the vintage ; but as the ivine has been sent 
over with a loyal and dutiful feeling, and the importer, 
as well as the colonists in general, might feel hurt by 
a refusal of his humble offering, he ventures to hope 
that he may be permitted to signify, through the 
Governor, your Majesty’s gracious acceptance of the 
first sample of a manufacture which, if successful, may 
add greatly to the resources of this young but now 
thriving colony. 

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty’s 
most dutiful Servant and Subject, Stanley. 

’ Dean Peel lived till 1876. 




Queen Victoria to the King of the JSelgians. 

OsnonNBj 29i7j July 1846. 

My dearest Uncle, — Accept my best thanks for 
your very kind little note of the 26th. As Albert 
writes to you about the King of Holland’s visit ^ I 
will say but little, except that it really went off 
wonderfully well in our little house. We took him 
a sail in the Victoria and Albert on Saturday, which 
he admired amazingly, and after luncheon he went 
away, Albert taking him over to Gosport. He intends, 
I believe, to come here one morning for luncheon to 
take leave. He is grown old, and has lost all his front 
teeth, but he is as talkative and lively as he used to 
be, and seems very happy to be in England again. 
He was very anxious that we should pay him a visit 
this year, but was quite satisfied when we told him 
that this year it was impossible, but that we hoped 
some other time to do so. He was much struck at 
seeing me now independent and unembarrassed, and 
talking; as when he was here in 1836^ I was extremely 
crushed and kept under and hardly dared say a word, 
so that he was quite astonished. He thought me 
grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle, your 
devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne. 

Osborne, 31st July 1846. 

The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for 
his last land letter of the 11th, by which she was truly 
rejoiced to see he was better. We are comfortably 
and peacefully established here since the 19th, and 
derive the greatest benefit, pleasure, and satisfaction 
from our little possession here. The dear Prince is 
constantly occupied in directing the many necessary 
improvements which are to be made, and in watching 
our new house, which is a constant interest and 

1 This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit to Goodwood races and 
a review of the Household troops in Hyde Pai-k. His Majesty was also 
appointed a Field-Marshal. 

“ Ante, vol. i. p. 60. He was then Prince of Orange, and succeeded his 
father, who abdicated in his favour in 1840. 


amusement. ‘We are most anxiously waiting for the 
conclusion o£ the Session that we may set olF on our 
much-wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen 
is extremely sorry to leave England without seeing 
Lord Melbourne, and without having seen him all this 
season; but something or other always prevented us 
from seeing Lord Melbourne each time we hoped to 
do so. We only return the night before the Proro- 
gation and embark that same day. W e have the 
children here. We went to the Under cliff — Ventnor, 
Bonchurch, etc. — on ISlonday, and were much delighted 
with all we saw. We had a visit from the King of 
Holland last week, who is grown old, but otherwise 
just the same as he used to be. 

The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned 
satisfaction at the success of the Irish measures, after 
so much factious opposition. Lord Grey’s death ^ will 
have shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor 
Lord Dunmore’s death is a very shocking event. The 
Prince wishes to be most kindly remembered to Lord 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Pictoria. 

WmrmiAMj Gth August 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel presents his' humble duty to your 
Majesty, and begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that 
in the course of a long speech made by Lord John 
Russell last night, reviewing the policy of the Govern- 
ment and the proceedings of the Session, Lord John 
expressed himself strongly on the subject of your 
Majesty’s absence from the country, without provision 
made for the exercise of the Royal authority by the 
appointment of Lords Justices. 

Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a 
motion will be made upon the subject in the course of 
the next Session — particularly in the event of any 
occurrence during your Majesty’s absence, which might 
cause public inconvenience from the want of immediate 
access to the Royal authority, or compel any assump- 

1 Cliarles, second Earl Grev, liad been Prime Minister, 1 880-188-^ 


tion of power on the part of your Majesty’s servants 
of a questionable character. 

The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather 
startled at the intention of departing from the pre- 
cedent of George IV. ’s reign, on seeing the legal 
opinions of their predecessors ; they did not differ from 
the legal doctrines laid down by them, but were not 
very weU satisfied on the point of discretion and policy. 

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to 
your Majesty what has passed on this subject, and to 
apprize your Majesty of the possibility of a question 
being hereafter raised in Parliament upon it. 

Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short 
absence, and a distance not precluding easy and rapid 
communication with yom- Majesty, the appointment 
of Lords Justices may be dispensed with; but he is 
humbly of opinion that were the distance greater or 
the period of absence longer than that contemplated 
by your Majesty, the reasons for the nomination of 
Lords Justices would preponderate. 

Should the subject be again mentioned in Parlia- 
ment and a direct question be put upon it, Sir Robert 
Peel will, of course, assume the entire responsibility 
for the non-appointmeqit of Lords Justices ; vindicating 
the departure from the precedent of George IV. on 
the ground of the shorter period of absence and the 
more easy means of communication,' . . . 

The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel. 

Chateau d’Eu, 8Wi September 1845. 

My ueah Peel, — We left Antwerp very early 
yesterday morning, and anchored for a few hours off 
Flushing.^ We passing down the Channel during the 

^ The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of State (Lord Aberdeen), 
so that an act of State could be performed as well abroad as at home ; see Life 
of the Prince Consort, vol. i. p. 373. 

® Parliament was prorogued on the 9tb of August, and the Queen and 
Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp in the Royal yacht. Sir Theodore 
Martin gives a very full description of the visit to Coburg. The Queen was 
especially delighted with the Rosenau and Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning 
of the 8th of September the yacht, which had left the Scheldt on the previous 
evening, arrived at Treport, and a second visit was paid to the lung and 
Oueen of the French at Uie ChMeau d’Eu. 


iiiglit, and as the weathei’ was perfectly bright and 
fine, found ourselves off Tr^port before nine o’clock 
this morning. The King came off to the yacht, and 
took the Queen in his barge to land. I need not 
say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal 

Although I shall have opportunities, both tliis 
evening and to-morrow morning, of spealdng again 
with the IQng and Guizot, I have already discussed 
several subjects with each of them ; and as the Queen 
particularly desires to send a messenger this evening, 
I will give you some notion of what has passed 
between us. 

I think the marriage of the Queen of Spain is the 
subject on which the greatest interest is felt at this 
moment. It was the first introduced, both by the 
King and Guizot, and treated by both in the same 
manner. They said, that having promised to support 
the King of Naples, they were bound not to abandon 
the Count de Trapani, so long as there was a chance 
of his being successful in his suit. I said in answer 
to their desire, that we would assist this arrangement, 
that we had no objection to Count Trapani, and that 
we would take no part against him ; but unless it 
should be the decided wish of the Spanish Government 
and people, we could give no support to the marriage, 
as we were honestly of opinion that it was not desired 
in Spain, and that we saw nothing in the proposal to 
call for our support under these circumstances. Both 
the King and Guizot said they had no objection to 
the Duke of Seville ‘ (Don Enrique), and that if it 
should he found that Count Trapani was impossible, 
they would willingly support him. 

With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in 
the most positive and explicit manner, that until the 
Queen was married and had children, they should con- 
sider the Infanta precisely as her sister, and that any 
marriage with a French Prince would he entirely out 
of the question. The King said he did not wish that 

* Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first cousin to Queen 
Isabella, both through liis father and his mother. 




his son should have the prospect of being on the throne 
of Spain ; but that if the Queen had children, by whom 
the succession would be secured, he did not engage to 
preclude himself from the possibility of profiting by 
the great inheritance which the Infanta would feing 
his son. All this, however, was uncertain, and would 
require time at all events to accomplish ; for I 
distinctly understood, that it was not only a marriage 
and a child, but childrmy that were necessary to secure 
the succession. 

I thought this was as much as we could desire at 
present, and that the policy of a marriage with a 
French Prince might safely be left to be considered 
whenever the contingency contemplated should arrive. 
Many things may happen, both in France and Spain 
in the course of a few years to affect this question in 
a manner not now apparent. Abeedeen. 

Sir 'Robert Peel to Qiceen Victoria. 

OsbohnEj 15th September 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel with his humble duty^ to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that 
there remains the sum of £700 to be applied in the 
current year to the grant of Civil List Pensions. 

Sir Robert Peel -humbly recommends to your 
Majesty that another sum of £200 should be offered 
to Mr Tennyson, a poet of whose powers of imagina- 
tion and expression many competent judges think most 

He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert 
Peel by Mr HaUam. His pecuniary circumstances are 
far from being prosperous. 

There is a vacancy in the Deaneiy of Lincoln, but 
the preferment is less eligible from there being no 
residence, and the necessity for building one at the 
immediate expense of the new Dean. 

Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your 
Ma.jesty that an offer of this preferment should be made 
to Mr Ward, the Rector of St James’s. 

Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of 


the name of Maurice,^ of whom the Archbishop says : 

“ Of unbeneficed London clergy there is no one, I 
believe, who is so much distinguished by his learning 
and literary talent as the Rev. Frederick Maurice, 
Chaplain oi‘ St Guy’s Hospital. His private character 
is equally estimable.” 

Should Mr Ward decline® the Deaneryit might, should 
your Majesty approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. 
The Archbishop says that the appointment of Mr Maurice 
would be very gratifying to the King of Prussia. 

The King of the JBelgians to Queen Victoria. 

St Cloud, 10th Octobei- 1846. 

My dearest Victoria, — . . . All you say about 
our dear Albert, whom I love like my own child, is 
perfectly true. The attacks, however unjust, have but 
one advantage, that of showing the points the enemy 
thinks weakest and best calculated to hurt. This, being 
the case, Anson, without boring A. with daily accounts 
which in the end become very irksome, should pay 
attention to these very points, and contribute to avoid 
what may be turned to account by the enemy. To 
hope to escape censure and calumny is next to im- 
possible, but whatever is considered by the enemy as 
a fit subject for attack is better modified or avoided. 
The dealings with artists, for "instance, require great 
prudence ; tliey are acquainted with all classes of society, 
and for that very reason dangerous ; they are hardly 
ever satisfied, and when you have too much to do with 
them, you are sure to have des ennuis. . . . Your 
devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley. 

Windsor Castle, 2nd November 1846. 

The Queen has read with great concern Lord 
Stanley’s letter of the 1st November. From private 
information she had been led to expect that Lord 
Metcalfe would not be able to continue at his irksome 

1 Frederick Denison Maurice (1806-1872), the friend of Kingsley, after- 
wards Chaplain of St Peter’s, Vere Street. 

^ Mr Ward accepted the Deanery. 



post.^ He will be an immense loss, and the selection of 
a successor will be most difficult. The Queen hopes 
that there will not be too great a delay in making the 
new appointment, as experience has shown that nothing 
was more detrimental to the good government of 
Canada than the last interregnum after Sir Charles 
Bagot’s death ; it would certainly likewise be desirable 
that Lord Metcalfe should be able personally to make 
over his Government to his successor, whom he could 
verbally better put in possession of the peculiarities of 
his position than any instructions could do. It strikes 
the Queen to be of the greatest importance, that the 
judicious system pursued by Lord Metcalfe (and 
which, after a long continuation of toil and adversities, 
only now just begins to show its effect) should be 
followed up by his successor. 

The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for 
the appointment as Lord Elgin, who seems to have 
given great satisfaction in J^amaica, where he has 
already succeeded Lord Metcalfe, whose original 
appointment there had lihetme taken place under cir- 
cumstances of great difficulty, which his prudence and 
firmness finally overcame.® 

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel. 

OsBOBNE, November 1845. 

The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert 
Peel apprehends further differences of opinion in the 
Cabinet, at a moment of impending calamity; it is 
more than ever necessary that the Government should 
be strong and united. 

The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal 
of the restrictions upon the importation of food cannot 
be successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert’s 
own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none 
of his colleagues wiU prevent him from doing what 
it is right to do. 

^ He retired from the Governor-Generalship of Canada through ill-health. 

^ Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private letter from Lord Elgin, 
expressing a wish to return home ; Earl Cathoart was provisionally appointed 
Gov T . 




Sil' Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

WiutehaUj, ith Deceniher 18i6. 

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that 
a leading paragraph in the Times of to-day, asserting 
that your Majesty’s servants had unanimously agreed 
to an immediate and total repeal of the Corn Laws, 
is quite without foundation^ 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victor la? 

Whitehall, 6th Deeembey 1845. 

{Friday evening.) 

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow 
evening, leaving London by the half-past twelve train. 

Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty’s 
kind proposal to remain at Osborne until Monday 

I'le will come to Osborne with a heart full of 
gratitude and devotion to your Majesty, but with 
a strong conviction (all the grounds for which he will, 
with your Majesty’s permission, explain to your 
Majesty) that in the present state of affairs, he can 
render more service to your Majesty and to the 
country in a private than in a public station. 

Memorandim by the Prince Albert. 

OsBOBNE, Deaemher 1046. 

On receiving the preceding letter ® ... we were, of 
course, in great consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert 
Peel arrived here and explained the condition of affairs. 

On 1st November he had called his Cabinet, and 

' See Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve, vol. i. p. 176, for Lord Duiferin’s 
refutation of the story that Sidney Herbert confided the secret to Mrs Norton, 
and that she sold it to the TiTnes. The story has obtained a wide currency 
through Mr Meredith's Diana of the Crossways. Lord Stanmore, in his Life 
of Sidney Herbert, substantially attributes the communication to Lord Aberdeen, 
but does not give the details. 

’ Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet discussions on the Corn Law 
TOestion. The Queen wi-ote that the news caused her much uneasiness, and 
that she felt certain that her Minister would not leave her at a moment of 
such difficulty, and when a crisis was impending. 

® From Sir Robert Peel, 6th December, ante. 


placed before its members the reports, of the Irish 
Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr Playfair and Dr 
Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which 
was to the effect that the half of the potatoes were 
ruined by the rot, and that no one could guarantee 
the remainder. Belgium, Holland, Sweden, and 
Denmark, in which states the potato disease had like- 
wise deprived the poorer class of its usual food, have 
immediately taken energetic means, and have opened 
the harbours, bought corn, and provided for the case of 
a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the same thing 
for England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation 
for the abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues 
refused, and of the whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, 
Sir James Graham, and Mr Sidney Herbert voted with 
him. Sir Robert hoped that in time the opinions of 
the others would change, and therefore postponed a 
final decision. In the meanwhile the agitation of 
the Anti-Corn Law League began; in every town 
addresses were voted, meetings were held, the Times 
— ■ barometer of public feeling — became suddenly 
violently Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet 
roused attention, a general panic seized on the mass of 
the public. Sir Robert called anew his Cabinet. In the 
midst of their delibei’ations Lord John Russell issues 
from Edinburgh an address to the City of London.^ 

The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are 

Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that 
nothing but unanimity could save the cause, and 
pressed for a decision. 

The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared 
they could not take a part in a measure abolishing the 
Corn Laws, and would therefore have to resign. The 
other members, including the Duke of Wellington, 
showed themselves ready to support Sir Robert, yet, 
as the latter says, “apparently not willmgly and 
against their feelings.” Thereupon Sir Robert resolved 
to lay down his office as Minister. 

^ Deolarinp- for total and immediate Repeal. 


When he fvrrived here he was visibly much moved, 
and said to me, that it was one of the most painful 
moments of his life to separate himself from us, “ but 
it is necessary, and if I have erred it was from loyalty 
and too great an anxiety not to leave Her Majesty in 
a moment of such great difficulty. I ought to have 
gone when I was first left by my colleagues in a 
minority in niy own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, 
to try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost 
time. As soon as I saw Lord John’s letter I felt that 
the ground was slipping away from under me, and 
that whatever I might now propose would appear as 
dictated by the Opposition, as taking Lord John’s 
measure. On the 1st of November the whole country 
was prepared for the thing ; there had been no agitation, 
everybody looking to the Government, as soon as they 
saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided 
for itself, and Lord John has the merit, owing to his 
most dexterous move and our want of unanimity.” 

On my observing that Sir Kobert has a majority of 
one hundred in the House of Commons, and asking 
whether it was not possible for him to continue the 
Government, he said : — 

“ The Duke of Buccleueh will carry half Scotland 
with him, and Lord Stanley, leading the Protectionists 
in the House of Lords, would lead to great and 
immediate defections even in Her Majesty’s house- 
hold. The Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord Hardwicke, 
Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers, Lord Beverley, etc., would 
resign, and we should not be able to find successors ; 
in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, 
the Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round 
upon me and be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who 
would say ‘ This is our measure and we will not allow 
you to carry it.’ It is better that I should go now, 
when nobody has committed himself in the heat of 
party contest, when no factions have been formed, no 
imprudent declarations been made ; it is better for 
Her Majesty and for the country that it should be so.” 

After we had examined what possibihties were open 


foi’ the Crown, the conclusion was come to that Lord 
John was the only man who could be charged with 
forming' a Cabinet. Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy 
as his base, would bring about an insurrection [or riots], 
and the ground on which one would have to fight 
would be this : to want to force the masses of the 
people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their 
bread a high price, in favour of the landlords. 

It is a matter of the utmost importance not to 
place the House of Lords into direct antagonism with 
the Commons and with the masses of the people. 
Sir Robert says very correctly: — 

“I am afraid of other interests getting damaged 
in the struggle about the Corn Laws ; ah-eady the 
system of promotion in the Army, the Game Laws, 
the Church, are getting attacked with the aid of 
the league.” 

After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] 
decided in favour of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert : 
“ But how is it possible for him to govern with so 
exceedingly small a minority ? ” Sir Robert said : “ He 
will have difficulties and perhaps did not consider what 
he was doing when he wrote that letter ; but I will 
support him. I feel it my duty to your Majesty not 
to leave you without a Government. Even if Lord 
John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that 
letter (which I think goes too far), I will support him in 
Parliament and use all ray influence with the House of 
Lords to prevent their impeding his progress. I wiU 
do more, if he likes it. I wdll say that the increase of 
the estimates which wiU become necessary are my work, 
and I alone am responsible for it.” 

Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in 
which he is to make this promise in writing. 

He was greatly moved, and said it was not 
“the loss of power (for I hate power) nor of office,” 
which was nothing but a plague for him, but “the 
breaking up of those relations in which he stood to 
the Queen and me, and the loss of our society,” 
which was for him a loss, for which there was no 


equivalent; Awe might, however, rely on his being 
always ready to serve us, in what manner and in 
what place it might be. Lord Aberdeen is said to 
feel the same, and very deeply so ; and on our side the 
loss of two so estimable men, who possess our whole 
and perfect confidence in public as well as in private 
affairs, and have always proved themselves true friends, 
leaves a gi'eat gap. Albert. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne. 

Osborne, *lth Lecemier 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in 
consequence of differences prevailing in the Cabinet, 
he is very reluctantly compelled to solicit from the 
Queen the acceptance of his resignation, which she 
has as reluctantly accepted. 

Prom the Queen’s unabated confidence in Lord 
Melbourne, her first impulse was to request his 
immediate attendance here that she might have the 
benefit of his assistance and advice, but on reflection 
the Queen does not think herself justified, in the present 
state of Lord Melbourne’s health, to ask him to make 
the sacrifice which the return to his former position 
of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon him. 

It is this consideration, and this alone, that has 
induced the Queen to address to Lord John Russell 
the letter of which she sends a copy. The Queen 
hopes, however, that Lord Melbourne will not withhold 
from her new Government his advice, which would 
be so valuable to her. 

It is of the utmost importcmce that the whole of 
this communication should be kept a most profoiond 
secret until the Queen has seen Lord John Russell. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Sth December 1846. 

Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the 
letters to Lord John and to Lord Melbourne We 


considered it necessary to write to the datter, in con- 
sideration of the confidential position which he 
formerly enjoyed. 

Sir Robert Peel has not resigned, thinldng it a 
matter of great strength for the Sovereign to keep his 
ministry until a new one can be got. Albert. 

Viscount Melbourne, to Queen Victoina. 

BaooitET HalLj 9i/i December 1046. 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty ; he has just received your Majesty’s letter 
of the 7 th inst., which, of course, has astonished him 
by the magnitude of the event which it announces, 
although something of this sort has been long pending 
and to be expected. Lord Melbourne returns your 
Majesty many thanks for this communication, and more 
for your Majesty’s great kindness and consideration 
for him personally at the present moment. He is 
better, but so long a journey would stiU not have 
been convenient to him, and he has such a horror of 
the sea, that a voyage from Southampton to Cowes or 
from Portsmouth to Ryde seems to him in prospect 
as formidable as a voyage across the Atlantic. 

Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty’s 
injunction of secrecy. 

With respect to the kind wishes about office which 
your Majesty is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne 
will of course give to your Majesty’s new Government, 
if formed under Lord John RusseU, aU the support in 
his power, but as to taking office, he fears that he would 
find some difficulty. He would be very unwilling to 
come in pledged to a total and immediate reform of 
the Corn Law, and he also strongly feels the difficulty 
which has in fact compelled Sir Robert Peel to retire, 
viz. the difficulty of carrying on the Government 
upon the principle of upholding and maintaining the 
present law with respect to corn. 

Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for 
your great and considerate kindness. 


C , , 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

WiiiTnriALrij IO //1 Tip.cemhcr 38-15. 

Sii- Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and influenced by no other motive than the 
desire to contribute if possible to the relief of your 
Majesty from embarrassment, and the protection of the 
public interests from injury, is induced to make this 
confldential communication to your Majesty, explana- 
tory of his position and intentions with regard to the 
great question which is now agitating the public mind. 

Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this com- 
munication Imown to the Minister who, as successor 
to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by your Majesty’s 

On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel 
advised his colleagues, on account of the alarming 
accounts from Irdand and many districts of Great 
Britain as to the failure of the potato crop from 
disease, and for the purpose of guarding against con- 
tingencies which in his opinion were not improbable, 
humbly to recommend to your Majesty that the duties 
on the import of foreign grain should be suspended 
for a limited period, either by Order in Council, or 
by Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case 
being summoned without delay. 

Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully 
justified by the tenor of the reports to which he has 
referred, would compel, during the interval of suspen- 
sion, the reconsideration of the Corn Laws. 

If the opinions of his colleagues had been in con- 
currence with his own, he was fuUy prepared to take 
the responsibility of suspension, and of the necessary 
consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review of 
the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign 
grain and other articles of food, with a view to their 
gradual diminution and ultimate removal. He was 
disposed to recommend that any new laws to be 
enacted should contain within themselves the principle 
of gradual and ultimate removal. 




Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private 
capacity measures whicft may be in general conformity 
with those which he advised as a Minister. 

It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to 
make any reference to the details of such measures. 

Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him 
that it is your intention to propose to Lord John 
Russell to undertake the formation of a Government. 

The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was 
prepared to recommend the reconsideration of the 
laws alFeeting the import of the main articles of food, 
was in general accordance with that referred to in the 
concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell’s letter 
to the electors of the City of London.^ 

Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal 
of restrictions on the admission of such articles, with 
relief to the land from such charges as are unduly 
onerous, and with such other provisions as in the terms 
of Lord John Russell’s letter “caution and even 
scrupulous forbearance may suggest.” 

Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on 
that general principle, and will exercise any influence 
he may possess to promote their success. 

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, 
that should your Majesty’s servants, after consideration 
of the heavy demands made upon the Army of this 
country for colonial service, of our relations with the 
United States, and of the bearing which steam 
navigation may have upon maritime warfare, and the 
defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an 
addition to the Army, and increased naval and military 
estimates. Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, 
wiU. do all that he can to prevent it from being con- 
sidered as indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards 
France, and wiU assume for the increase in question any 
degree of responsibility present or retrospective which 
can fairly attach to him. Robeut Peel. 

^ That paragraph urged that, with a revision of taxation to make the 
arrangement more equitable, and the safeguards suggested by caution and 
scrupulous forbearance, restrictions on the admission of the main articles of 
food and clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed. 



[chap, XIV 

Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria. 

Sr James’s SouabEj Xlth Deecmher 18J5. 

. . . Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be 
permitted to avail himself of this opportunity to express 
to your Majesty the deep regret and pain with which 
he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the advice 
intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the 
subject of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your 
Majesty that he would have shrunk from maldng no 
personal sacrifice, short of that of principle, for the 
purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty 
and to the country inseparable from any change of 
Administration ; but being unconvinced of the necessity 
of a change of policy involving an abandonment of 
opinions formerly maintahicd, and expectations held 
out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests 
of your Majesty’s service could not be promoted by the 
loss of personal character which the sacrifice of his own 
convictions would necessarily have involved; and that 
he might far more usefully serve your Majesty and the 
country out of office, than as the official advocate of a 
policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord 
Stanley begs to assure your Maje'sty that it will be his 
earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie in his 
power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as 
the consequence of the contemplated change of policy ; 
and he ventures to indulge the hope that this long 
trespass upon your Majesty’s much occupied time may 
find a sufficient apology in the deep anxiety which he 
feels that his regret at being compelled not only to 
retire from your Majesty’s service, but also to take 
a step which he is aware may have had some influence 
on the course finally adopted by Sir Robert Peel, may 
not be stni farther increased by the apprehension of 
having, in the performance of a most painful duty, 
incurred your Majesty’s displeasure. AU which is 
humbly submitted by your Majesty’s most dutiful 
Servant and Subject, ' Stanley. 

18 . 15 ] 



Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley. 

OsBOBNEj 12i/i December 1846. 

The Queen, of course, much regrets that Lord 
Stanley could not agree in the opinions of Sir Hobert 
Peel upon a subject of such importance to the country. 
However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the 
Queen gives full credit to the disinterested motives 
which guided Lord Stanley’s conduct. 

Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington. 

Osborne^ 12ili Decemhei* 1046. 

The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington 
that, in consequence of Sir Robert Peel’s having declared 
to her his inabihty to carry on any longer the Govern- 
ment, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is 
not able at present to state whether he can form an 
Administration, and is gone to Town in order to consult 
his friends. Whatever the result of his enquiries 
may be, the Queen has a strong desire to see the 
Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. 
The Queen appeals to the Duke’s so often proved 
loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking him 
to give her this assur/ince. The Duke wiU thereby 
render the greatest service to the country and to her 
own person. 

The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria. 

StrathpieujsayEj nth December 1846. 

(11 at night.) 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents 
his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just now 
received your Majesty’s commands from Osborne of 
this day’s date. 

He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties 
of the Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty’s Land 
Forces places him in constant confidential relations 
with aU your Majesty’s Ministers, and particularly with 
the one fi llin g the office of First Lord of the Treasury. 

VOT.. TT. • n 



Under these circumstances he submits to your 
Majesty the counsel, that your Majesty would be 
graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or gentleman 
who should be your Majesty’s first Minister, before any 
other step should be taken upon the subject. He might 
think that he had reason to complain if he should find 
that it was arranged that tlie Duke of Wellington 
should continue to fill the office of Commander-in- 
Chiefi and such impression might have an influence 
upon his future relations with that office. 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that 
Lord John RusseU and all your Majesty’s former 
Ministers were aware, that during the whole period of 
the time during which Lord HiU was the General 
Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty’s Forces, the pro- 
fessional opinion and services of Field-Marshal the Duke 
of Wellington were at all times at the command and 
disposition of your Majesty’s servants, and were given 
whenever required. 

He happened to be at that time in political opposi- 
tion to the Government in the House of Parliament, 
of which he was a member; but that circumstance 
made no difference. 

It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form 
a political connection with Lofd John Russell, or to 
have any relation -with the political course of the 
Government over which he should preside. 

Such arrangement would not conciliate public 
confidence, be considered creditable to either party, or 
be useful to the service of your Majesty. 

Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of 
the Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such 
should exist ; on the other hand, the performance of 
these duties would require that the person filling the 
office should avoid to belong to, or to act in concert 
with, a political party opposed to the Government. 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has con- 
sidered it his duty to submit these considerations, in 
order that your Majesty may be perfectly aware of the 
position in which he is about to place himself, in case 

<.‘7. j( SJ he (Puke 1 >I'' Ptclhiujt 07 i (A 

qSu ^Jhf mt3 } nt e 4 


Ip sit ij 




Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to 
command Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to 
continue to hold the office of Commander-in-Chief of 
your Majesty’s Land Forces. 

He at once submits to yom- Majesty the assurance 
that he wdl cheerfully devote his service to your 
Majesty’s command upon receiving the official intima- 
tion thereof, and that he will as usual make every 
effort in his power to promote your Majesty’s service. 

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty 
by your Majesty’s most dutiful Subject and devoted 
Servant, Wellington. 

The King of the French to Queen Victoria. 

Si CrouDj U 16 Secenibre 1846. 

Madame ma tues Cheue Sceur, — J’ai a remercier 
votre Majesty de I’exceUente lettre que ma bonne 
Cl^m m’a remise de sa part. EUe m’a droit au 
cceur, et je ne saurais exprimer k quel point j’ai 
touchd de vos bons voeux pour ma famiUe, et de tout 
ce que vous me t^moignez sur I’accroissement qu’d a 
plCi la Providence de lui donner dans mes onze petits 

Je me disposais d, dire h votre Ma^jest^ que, 
quoiqu’avec un bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaite- 
ment les motifs qui vous portaient a remettre k une 
autre ann^e, cette visite si vivement d^siree, et que 
j’espdrais toujours trouvex une compensation k cette 
privation, en allant de nouveau Lui offirir en Angle- 
terre, I’hommage de tons les sentiments que je Lui 
porte, et qui m’attachent si profond^ment k EUe, ainsi 
qu’au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j’ai re^u la nouvelle 
de la demission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen 
et de tons leurs CoU^gues. Je me flattais que ces 
Ministres qui s’^taient toujours si bien entendus avec 
les miens pour etablir entre nos deux Gouvernements, 
cette heureuse entente cordiale qui est la base du repos 
du monde et de la prosp^riffi de nos pays, continueraient 
encore longtemps k I’entretenir, et a la consolider de plus 



en plus. Cet espoir est dd^ii 1 P II faut s’y rdsigner ; 
mais je suis empress^ d’assurer votre Majesty, qvie 
quelque soit son nouveau Minist^re, cclui qui m’en- 
toure aujourd’hui, et que je desire, et que j’esp^re 
consei'ver longtemps, n’omettra aucun effort pour 
cultiver et maintenir cet lieureux accord qu’il est si 
dvidemment dans notre int^rCff commun de conserver 

Dans de telles cireonstanees, il me devient double- 
ment pr^cieux d’etre uni a votre Majesty et au Prince 
Albert par tant de liens, et qu’il se soit form^ entre 
nous cet attaeliement mutuel, cette affection et cette 
confiance, qui sont au dessus et ind^pendants de toute 
consideration politique; mais qui pourront toujours 
plus ou moins exereer une influence salutaire sur 
I’action et la marche de nos deux Gouvernements. 
Aussi, je le dis h. votre Majesty et son Epoux avec 
un entier abandon, j’ai besoin de compter sur cette 
assistance occasionnelle, et j’y compte enti6rement en 
vous demandant d’avoir la m6ine confiance de mon 
c&t^, et en vous rdp(Stant que cette confiance ne sera 
pas plus ddijiue dans Tavenir, qu’elle ne I’a 6i6 dans Ic 

Votre Majestd me permcttra d’offrir ici au Prince 
Albert I’expression de ma vive et sincere amitid. Je 
la prie aussi do recevoir celle de I’inviolable attache- 
ment avec lequel je suis, Madame ma trds chdre 
Soeur, de votre Majestd, le bon Frdre et bien fiddle 
Ami, Louis Philippe R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiMDsoB. Casim)^ low* Deoetnher 1846. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell’s 
letter of this day’s date,^ and considering that it is 
of great importance that no time should be lost, has 
immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel. 

^ The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office was of course dreaded by 
the lung- and Guizot. 

^ It is printed in the Annual Eegister, 1846j p. IT. Lord John considered 
the temporary suspension or repeal of duties, with the prospect of their re- 
imposition, open to m'ave objections. 



The Queen fully understands the motives which 
guide Lord John in using every elFort to ensure the 
success of the great measure which is impending 
before he undertakes to form a Government. 

The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter 
that he has taken a copy of Sir R. Peel’s letter of 
the 15th to her. As she does not feel to have been 
authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case 
Sir Robert should have an objection to it, Lord John 
will not retain the copy. 

Queen Victoria to Sir Rohe7‘t PeeL 

Windsor Castle, XZth December 1846. 

Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and 
informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, 
and after a full consideration of his position, he will 
undertake to form a Government. 

As at mesent arranged, the Council is to be on 
Monday ; the Queen much wishing to have a parting 
interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful it will 
be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when 
he thinks it best to come down here.^ 

Memorandim hy the Prince Albert. 

Windsor Castle, 20iA December 1846. 

(12 o'clock.) 

We just saw Lord John RusseU, who came in 
order to explain why he had to give up the task of 
forming a Government. He had written to all his 
former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst 
others to Lord Grey, who answered, “that he could 
only belong to a Government which pledged itself to 
the principle of absolute free trade and abolition of all 
protection ; that he had his own views upon the sugar 
question (as to which he advocated the admission of 
slave labour) and upon the Irish question (as to which 
his principle was to establish entire religious equality) ; 

' Lord Jolin Bussell, however, found insuperable difficulties in forming 
the Cabinet ; and, to quote Disraeli, “handed back with courtesy the poisoned 
r.Ti lip • to Sir ” 


that he hoped that in the formation of a new Govern- 
ment no personal considerations should stand in the 
way of a full attention to public Duty.” 

Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but 
as the immediate question before them was the Corn 
Laws, he thought it wiser not to complicate this by 
other declarations which would produce a good deal 
of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland 
might be discussed in Cabinet when circumstances 
required it ; that he agreed entirely in the last sentence. 

After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. 
Lord John considered now with his colleagues the 
peculiar measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought 
he could arrange a financial scheme which would 
satisfy Lord Lansdowne’s demands for relief to the 
landed interest. They all felt it their duty to answer 
the Queen’s call upon them, though they very much 
disliked taking office under such peculiar difficulties. 
Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different 
offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that 
the Queen had some apprehension that his return to 
the Foreign Office mignt cause great alarm in other 
countries, and particularly in France, and that this 
feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city ; 
whether under these circumstances he would prefer 
some other office — ^for instance, the Colonies? Lord 
Palmerston declared that he was not at aU anxious 
for office, and should much regret that his accession 
should in any way embarrass Lord John ; that he was 
quite prepared to support liim out of office, but that 
his taking another department than his former one 
would be a pubhc recognition of the most unjust accusa- 
tions that had been brought against him ; that he had 
evinced throughout a long official life his disposition for 
peace, and only in one instance broke with France ; ^ that 
that matter was gone by, and that nobody had stronger 
conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that 
Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that 
he could not form a Government without him, and 

* In reference to affairs in Syria in ISIOr 


showed himseK quite satisfied with Lord' Palraerston’s 

Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried 
out ; “ T his was an infringement of their compact ” ; that 
no personal consideration should interfere with the 
discharge of public duty, and that he must decline 
entering the Government, as he considered Lord 
Palmerston’s return to the Foreign Office as fraught 
with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John could 
not, under these circumstances, form a Government. 
He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written 
with the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, 
in which Lord Grey enters more fully into his motives, 
and finishes by saying that thex’efore he was not answer- 
able for the failure to form an Administration.^ 

Lord Jolm gave the Queen a written statement® 
of the causes which induced him to relinquish the 
Government, and of the position he means to assume 
in Parliament. {He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel 
should re-enter and successfully carry his measures.) 

The arrangements Lord John had contemplated 
have been — 

Lord Palmeeston, . , Foreign Secretary, 

Lord Geey, . , . . Colonial Secretary. 

Sir Geoege Geey, . . Home Secretary. 

(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parlia- 
ment, and willing to go as Governor- General to Canada.) 

Mr Baking, . . , Chancellor of the Eachequer. 

Lord Clakendon, . . President of the Board of Trade. 

(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to 
his brother, Mr ViUiers, but finally, by his advice, to 
Mr Cobden ! 1 (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be 
in the Cabinet ! 1 ! ) This Lord John thought quite out 
of the question.) 

Lord Lansdotoe, . President of the Council. 

1 Lord Grey’s attitude was condemned by Macaulay in a letter to a 
Mr Macfarlan, wbo unwisely communicated it to tbe Press, 

^ Printed in Annual Register, 1846, p. 20. 



Me’morand/im hy the Prince Albert. 

WiNDSon Castiej Wtli Deomler 1846. 

(4 o'clock p.M.) 

We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by 
Sir James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had 
written) of what had passed. He was much affected, 
and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John 
to form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John’s not 
having shown more confidence in the integrity of his 
(Sir Robert Peel’s) motives. He would have supported 
Lord John in any measure which he should have 
thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed 
his example. He blamed the want of deference shown 
to the Queen, by not answering her caU with more 
readiness ; he said it was quite new and unconstitutional 
for a man to take a week before he undertook to form 
a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with 
other people, to whom the Sovereign had not yet com- 
mitted the task ; and he had been certain it would end 
so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834 
had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste 
and had gone straight to the King, had told him that 
he had seen nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately 
kissed the King’s hand as his Minister. 

He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, aU 
other considerations he had thrown aside, he would 
undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should 
have to go down alone to the House of Commons. 
He had written to his colleagues that he would serve 
the Queen if she called upon him to do so, that he 
expected them to meet him at nine o’clock that evening, 
and that he would teU them what he meant to do. 
Those who would not go with him, he would dismiss at 
once. He did not wish to avail himself of any undue 
advantage, and therefore would not advise an Order in 
Council, but go at once to Parhament, laying his measure 
before it : “ Reject it, if you please ; there it is 1 ” 

He called the crisis an alarming one, which 
determination alone could overcome. 

We showed him Lord John Russell’s statement. 



with which he declared himself very much satisfied. 
He advised the Queen to write a letter to Lord John, 
announcing to him Sir Hobert’s consent to go on 
with the Government, and wrote a draft of it, which 
follows here. 

He had heard strange instances of disagreement 
amongst the men whom Lord John had assembled in 

Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said 
with much warmth : “ There is no sacrifice that I will 
not make for your Majesty, except that of my honour.” 

Qtteen F'ictoria to Lord J olm Russell. 

W iNDSoii Castle, 2Qth Beoemher 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed 
great regret that Lord John Russell had felt it 
necessary to decline the formation of a Government. 

He said he should have acted towards Lord John 
Russell with the most scrupulous good faith, and that 
he should have done everything in his power to give 
Lord John support. 

He thinks many would have been induced to follow 
his example. 

Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in with- 
drawing his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his 
duty at once to resume his office, though he is deeply 
sensible of the difficulties with which he has to contend. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Pict 07 'ia. 

Whitehall, 21st Becember 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and proceeds to give your Majesty an account 
of what has passed since he left your Majesty at four 
o’clock yesterday. 

The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel’s house in 
Downing Street at half-past nine. 

Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not 
summoned them for the purpose of dehberating on 
what was to be done, but for the purpose of announcing 
to them that^ he was your Majesty’s Minister, and 

74 CORDIAL SUPPORT [ohap. xiv 


whether supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet 
Parliament as your Majesty’s Minister, and to propose 
such measures as the public exigencies required. 

Failure or success must depend upon their decision, 
but nothing could shake Sir Hobert Peel’s determina- 
tion to meet Parliament and to advise the Speech J&om 
the Throne. 

There was a dead silence, at length interrupted hy 
Lord Stanley’s declaring that he must persevere in 
resigning, that he thought the Corn Law ought to 
be adhered to, and might have been maintained. 

The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn 
Law was a subordinate consideration. He was delighted 
when he received Sir Robert Peel’s letter that day, 
announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up 
to place his services at your Majesty’s disposal. 

The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably — was 
much agitated — thought new circumstances had arisen 
— would not then decide on resigning. 

Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the 
enclosed note from the Duke.^ 

He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, 
stating that the present question is not one of Corn Law, 
but whether your Majesty’s former servants or Lord 
Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your Majesty’s 
Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man 
to suggest now another alternative to your Majesty. 

Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day. 

All the other members of the Government cordially 
approved of Sir Robert Peel’s determination not to 
abandon your Majesty’s service. 

There was no question about details, but if there 
is any, it shall not alter Sir Robert Peel’s course. 

The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Rohei't Peel. 

Montaqd House, 20<A December 1846, 

My DEAB Sir Robert, — That which has occurred 
this evening, and that which you have communicated 
to us, the very critical state in which the country now 

^ S^B Til Trt 



is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty 
under the present circumstances, has made a most 
strong impression upon my mmd. At the risk, there- 
fore, of imputation of vacillation or of any other motive 
by others, may I ask of you to give me a few hours’ 
time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon 
the course which I may feel it to be my duty to 
pursue ? Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most 
sincerely, Buccleuch. 

Sir Robert Peol to Queen Victoria. 

Whitehauj, 22nri December 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and has the utmost satisfaction in informing 
your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept 
the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty 
be pleased to confide them to him.^ 

Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, 
and that immediate decision in fiUing up so eminent 
a post wfll have a good effect. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, 23rd December 18i6. 

My deaeest Uncle, — Many thanks for your two 
kind letters of the 17th and 19th, which gave me 
much pleasure. I have little to add to Albert’s letter 
of yesterday, except my extreme admiration of our 
worthy Peel, who shows himseK a man of unbounded 
loyalty, courage, patriotism, and high-mindedness, and 
his conduct towards me has been chivalrous almost, 
I might say. I never have seen him so excited or 
so determined, and such a good cause must succeed. 
We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord 
John’s own notions were very good and moderate, he 
let himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by 
his violent fi-iends, and all the moderate ones were 
crushed. . . . Victokia R. 

' Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the seat at Newark which he 
had held through the influence of the Protectionist Duke of Newcastle, He 
did not seek re-election, and though a Secretary of State, remained without 

a coat P"t 1* miiTrl- 



[aiiAP. XIV 

Si?~ Robert Peel to the Prince Albert. 

Whitbhali, 23j’d December 1846. 

Sir, — I think Her Majesty and your Royal 
Highness will have been pleased with the progress 
I have made in execution of the great trust again 
committed to me by Her Majesty. 

It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord 
Stanley’s support out of office, to induce him to 
discourage hostile combinations. 

I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when 
Her Majesty sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive 
him with her usual kindness, to say that I had done 
full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the 
motives by which he had been actuated, and to the 
openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret 
greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he 
might be stiU enabled not to oppose and even to 
promote the accomplishment of what cannot now be 
safely resisted. I have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc., 

Robert Peel. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

WiNBBoa pABTM, 26i/» December 1845. 

We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament 
was prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet 
for the despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an 
audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the 
Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had 
told Sir Robert that he dreaded this interview very 
much. The Queen thanked him for his services, and 
begged he would do his best out of office to smooth 
down the difficulties her Government would have to 
contend with. At the Council Lord DaUiousie took 
his seat, and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial 
Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and 
thanked him for the devotion he had shown her 
during these trying circumstances; the same to the 
Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent spirits. On 
my saying, “You have such an influence over the 


House of Lords, that you will be able to keep them 
straight,” he answered : “ I’ll do anything ; I am 
now beginning to write to them and to convince them 
singly of what their duty is.” 

We saw afterwards Su’ Robert Peel, who stayed 
more than three hours. He is in the highest spirits 
at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the Duke of 
Buccleuch ; he proposed that the Duke should be 
made President, and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in 
his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very well, 
had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him 
he should do with him just as he liked — Cleave him 
out of the Cabinet, shift him to another place, or 
leave him at the Admiralty, as would suit him best.) 

Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord 
Haddington had behaved so well, but got no more 
out of him, but “ that he would almost have 
done the same.” Sir Robert proposes to see Lord 
EUenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty, 
received the Queen’s sanction likewise to Lord St 
Germans (the Postmaster - General) being put into 
the Cabinet. I said : “ With your Government that 
has no inconvenience, and even if you had a hundred 
members in the Cabinet, as you don’t tell them but 
what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own 
course.” He said in reply, that he should be very 
sorry if he had to have told his Cabinet that he 
meant to send for Lord EUenborough. We could 
not help contrasting this conduct with the subjection 
Lord John has shown to his people. It is to his 
own talent and firmness that Sir Robert wiU owe his 
success, which cannot fail. He said he had been 
determined not to go to a general election with the 
fetters the last election had imposed upon him, and 
he had meant at the end of the next Session to caU 
the whole Conservative Party together, and to declare 
this to them, that he would not meet another Parlia- 
ment pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, 
which could be maintained no longer, and that he 
would make a public declaration to this effect before 


another general election came on. This had been 
defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, 
and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn 
Laws before a national calamity would force it on. 
The league had made immense progress, and had 
enormous means at their disposal. If he had resigned 
in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists 
would have been prepared to form a Government, 
and a Revolution mi^t have been the consequence 
of it. Now they felt that it was too late. 

Sir Robert has an immense scheme in view j he thinks 
he shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the 
dangerous ground upon which it has got — that of a war 
between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor 
against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which 
can only end in the ruin of the latter ; he will not bring 
forward a measure upon the Corn Laws, but a much 
more comprehensive one. He will deal with the whole 
commercial system of the country. He will adopt the 
principle of the League, that of removing all 'protection 
and abolishing all monopoly, but not in favour of one 
class and as a triumph over another, but to the benefit 
of the nation, farmers as weU as manufacturers. He 
would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries 
of life and corn amongst them, r The experiments he 
had made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with 
caution had borne out the correctness of the principle : 
the wool duty was taken off, and wool sold higher than 
ever before ; foreign cattle were let in, and the cattle of 
England stood better in the market than ever. He 
would not ask for compensation to the land, but 
wherever he could give it, and at the same time 
promote the social development, there he would do it, 
but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest 
benefits to the country would be the establishment of a 
rural police on the same principle as the metropolitan 
police. By taking this on the Consolidated Fund, the 
landowners would be immensely relieved in all those 
counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest 
charges on the land was the present administration of 




law and the carrying on of prosecutions^ Sir Robert 
could fancy this to be very much improved by the 
appointment of a public prosecutor by the State, which 
would give the State a power to prevent vexatious, 
illegal, and immoral prosecutions, and reduce the 
expenses in an extraordinary degi’ee. Part of the 
maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, 
might be undertaken by the State. A great calamity 
must be foreseen, when the innumerable rad-roads now 
in progress shall have been terminated, which will be 
the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous 
labouring population suddenly out of employment. 
There might be a law passed which would provide 
employment for them, and improve the agriculture 
and production of the country, by enabling the State 
to advance money to the great proprietors for the 
improvements of their estates, which they could not 
obtain otherwise without charging their estates beyond 
what they abeady have to bear. 

Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all 
these details. Albeet. 

Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne} 

Bowoob, 2Qth December 1 846. 

My deae Melbourne, — I return you with many 
thanks George Anson’s letter, which was enclosed in 
yours of the 23rd, which I received just as we were 
setting olF for this place. Pray, when next you write 
to George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the 
kind consideration on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, 
which suggested George Anson’s communication. But 
I can assure you that although John Russell, in his 
Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have over- 
stated the terms in which he had mentioned to me 
what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to 
the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me 
upon that subject he never said anything more than is 
contained in George Anson’s letter to you ; and I am 
sure you will think that under all the circumstances of 
the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus 

^ Sjjbmitted to the Queeu by Lord Melbourne. 


much, and making me aware of the impression which 
seemed to exist upon the Queen’s mind as to the way- 
in which other persons might -view my return to the 
Poreign Office. 

With regard to Her Majesty’s own sentiments, I 
have always been convinced that Her Majesty Icnows 
me too well to believe for an instant that I do not 
attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not 
merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the 
most friendly relations with those leading Powers and 
States of the world with which serious differences would 
be attended with the most inconvenience. As to Peace, 
I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey’s Government 
and of yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years ^ 
of great and extraordinary difficulty ; and, if now and 
then it unavoidably happened during that period of 
time, that in pursuing the course of policy which 
seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the 
views of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them 
for the moment less friendly, I think I could prove 
that in every case the object which we were pursuing 
was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while 
to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There 
never was indeed, during those ten years, any real 
danger of war except on three occasions ; and on each 
of those occasions the course pursued by the British 
Government prevented war. The first occasion was 
just after the accession of the King of the French, 
when Austria, Russia, and Prussia were disposed and 
preparing to attack France, and when the attitude 
assumed by the British Government prevented a 
rupture. The second was when England and France 
united by a Convention to wrest the Citadel of 
Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to 
the King of the Belgians.^ If England had not then 
joined with France, Antwerp would have remained 
■with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it would have 
led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when 
Mehemet Ah’s army occupied Syria, and when he was 

’ 1830-1834, and 1836-1841. 

^ The English and French came in 1832 to the assistance of the Belrians, 
who some time before had entered Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel. 




constantly threatening to declare himself independent 
and to march on Constantinople ; while Russia, on the 
one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy 
Constantinople, and on the other hand, France an- 
noimced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force 
the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July 1840, proposed 
and brought about by the British Government, and the 
operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to 
that danger ; and, notwithstanding what has often been 
said to the contrary, the real danger of war arising out 
of the affairs of Syria was put an end to, and not 
created by the Treaty of 1840. 

I am well aware, however, that some persons both 
at home and abroad have imbibed the notion that I 
am more indifferent than I ought to be as to running 
the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded 
upon an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, 
and being sincere, would soon yield to the evidence 
of contradictory facts. At home that impression has 
been industriously propagated to a limited extent, 
partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, 
and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks. 
These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged 
to accuse me of something. They could not charge 
me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our 
undertakings, whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, 
Syria, China, or elsewhere ; they could not charge 
me with having involved the country in war, because, 
in fact, we had maintained peace ; and the only thing 
that was left for them to say was that my policy had 
a tendency to produce war, and I suppose they would 
argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule 
that it did not do so. 

But notwithstanding what may have been said on 
this matter, the transaction which has by some been 
the most criticised in this respect, namely, the Treaty 
of 1840, and the operations connected with it, were 
entirely approved by the leaders of the then 
Opposition, who, so far from feeling any disposition 
to favour me, had always made a determined run at 


Letter to king of the french [chap, xiv 

the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The 
Duke of Wellington, at the opening of the Session 
of 1841, said in the House of Lords that he entirely 
approved our policy in that transaction, and could not 
find that any fault had been committed by us in 
working it out; and I happen to know that Sir 
Hoheit Peel expressed to the representative of one of 
the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire 
approval of our com-se, while Lord Aberdeen said to 
one of them, that the course I had taken in that affair 
made him forgive me many things of former years, 
which he had thought he never should have forgiven. 

I am quite ashamed of the length to which this 
letter has grown, and shall only add, with reference 
to our relations with France, that I had some very 
friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief 
antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not 
enter into any conspfracy against Guizot and Peel, as 
the newspapers pretended, we parted on very good 
terms, and he promised to introduce me to aU his 
friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that 
of course Guizot would do me the same good office 
with his supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours 
affectionately, Palmeeston. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the French. 

Cn. DE W., le 80 Decembre 1845. 

Sire et mon tees chee Freee, — Votre Majestd 
me pardonnera si je viens seulement maintenant vous 
remercier de tout mon coeur de votre lettre si bonne 
et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j’dtais 
occup^e pendant ces derni^res 3 semaines. La Crise 
est pass^e et j’ai tout lieu de croire que le Gouverne- 
ment de Sir R,. Peel va s’affermir de plus en plus, 
ce que je ne puis que desirer pour le bien-etre du 
pays. Je dois cependant dire ^ votre Majesty que 
si le Ministbre eut changd, j’ai la certitude que le 
nouveau se serait empresse de maintenir, comme nous 
le ddsirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale si 
heureusement ^tablie entre nos deux Gouvernements. 


Permettez moi, Sire, de vous ofFrir au’nom d’ Albert 
et au mien nos felicitations les plus sinceres a I’occasion 
de la nouvelle Annee, dans laqueUe vous nous donnez 
le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec 
beaucoup d’interet le Speech de V.M., dans laquelle 
vous parlez si aimablement du “ friendly call ” a Eu 
et des co-operations des 2 pays dans differentes parties 
du monde, et particulierement pour TAbolition de la 
Traite des noirs. 

Ayez la grace, Sire, de deposer nos hommages et 
nos felicitations aux pieds de la Heine et de votre 
Soeur. Agreez encore une fois, les expressions d’amitie 
et d’attachement sincere avec lesquelles je suis, Sire 
et mon bien cher Frere, de votre Majeste, la bien 
bonne Soeur et fidele Amie, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to tlie King of the Belgians. 

WiNDson. Castle, 30i7i December 1846. 

My deahest Uncle, — Many thanks for your kind 
letter of the 27th, by which I see how glad you are at our 
good Peel being again — and I sincerdy and confidently 
hope for many years — my Minister. I have heard many 
instances of the confidence the country and all parties 
have in Peel ; for inst'ance, he was immensely cheered 
at Birmingham — a most Radical place ; and Joseph 
Hume expressed great distress when Peel resigned, and 
the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The 
Members of the Government- have behaved extremely 
well and with much disinterestedness. The Govern- 
ment has secured the services of Mr Gladstone and 
Lord EUenborough,^ who will be of great use. Lord E. 
is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker. 

We had a very happy Christmas. This weather 
is extremely unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted 
Niece, Victoria R. 

Lord EUenborougli was one of the few Conservative statesmen of the day 
who, after remaining faithful to Sir Robert Peel till tiie middle of 1846, 
subseciuently threw in his fortunes ivith Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli. He 
was President of the Board of Control with those Ministers in 1858 for the 

fnm+h timo 


The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling 
political events, and Lord John Russell’s failure to form a Govern- 
ment, and Sir Robert PeeTs resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone 
substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial 
measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he 
now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck and 
Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly con- 
stitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter 
taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but 
on the night that it finally passed the Lords, he was defeated on 
an Irish Coercion BiU by a factious combination in the Commons 
between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John 
Russell on this occasion was able to form an administration, though 
he failed in his attempt to include in it some important members 
of the outgoing Government. 

Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had 
come into power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support 
the Corn Laws, was shattered ; after Peel’s defeat it became clear 
that no common action could take place between his supporters 
in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, 
who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the 
remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the 
Russell Government, his chief care being to maintain them in 
office as against the Protectionists. 

In India the British army was successful in its operations 
against the Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, 
and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, 
and terms of peace were agreed on between Sir Henry Hardinge 
(who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore, peace 
being signed on 8th March, 

On the continent of Europe the most inmortant events took 
place in the Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen 
of Spain and her sister, which had so long been considered an 
international question, came at last to a crisis ; the policy of 
Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the Spanish people, 
except in so far as might he necessary to check the undue ambition 
of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, 
nor Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince 




Leopold of Saxc-Coburg. It was common ground that no son of 
Louis Philippe should marry the Queen, but both that monarch 
and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at the Chateau d’Eu 
that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen was 
married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the 
Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign 
Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his 
Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn 
undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were 
simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don 
Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Due de Montpensier, 
Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable 
qualities, and feeble in physique. By this unscrupulous proceeding 
Queen Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked. 

At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in main- 
taining her position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat 
high-handed manner her Minister the Due de PalmeUa, and had 
to bear the brmit of an insurrection for several months: at the 
close of the year her arras were victorious at the lines of Torres 
Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end. 

In February a Polish insmTection broke out in Silesia, and 
the Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was 
suppressed by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been 
constituted the “Protecting Powers” of Cracow by the Treaty 
of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon as a 
pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which 
was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only 
became possible in conseg^uence of the entente between England 
and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having 
been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their 
formal but separate protests were disregarded. 

There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great 
Britain and the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which 
had assumed so ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen’s last 
official act was to annomice in the Lords that a Convention, 
proposed by himself for adjusting the question, had been accepted 
by the American President. 


Qiteen Victoria to Sir Robert Reel. 

Bdokinqham PalaoEj 22i‘i January 1S46. 

The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on 
his beautiful and indeed unanstoerable speech of last 
night, which we have been reading with the greatest 
attention.^ The concluding part we also greatly admire. 
Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the 
impression which it has made must have been a good 
one. Lord John’s explanation is a fair one ; ® the Queen 
has 7iot a doubt that he will support Sir Robert Peel. 

He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not 
give a very satisfactory explanation of the causes of 
his failure, but perhaps he could not do so without 
exposing Lord Palmerston. 

What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the 
House of Commons, and of the debate in the House 
of Lords? The debates not being adjourned is a 
good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors 
yesterday, and we were never better received. 

* The Queen had opened Parliament in person ; the Prime Minister took 
tlie unusual course of speaking immediately after the seconder of the Address, 
and in his peroration, after laying stress on the responsibilities he was 
incurring, proceeded: “I do not desire to he Minister of England; but 
whila I am Minister of England I will hold office hy no servile tenure ; I 
will hold office unshackled by any other obligation than that of consulting 
the public interests and providing for the public safety.” 

2 He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made the difficulties attend- 
ing the formation of a Whig Ministry insuperable. 




Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria} 

Camp, Lotuanbe, 24 miles from Lahore, 

18th February 1846. 

The territory which it is proposed should be ceded 
in perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between 
the Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier 
forward, within 30 nules of Amritsar, so as to have 50 
miles of British territory in fr'ont of Loodiana, which, 
relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared 
desirable to the Governor - General to improve our 
fr'ontier on its weakest side, to curb the Sildis by an 
easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas River 
instead of the Sutlej — to round off our hiU posses- 
sions near Simla — to weaken the Sikh State which has 
proved itself to be too strong — and to show to all 
Asia that although the British Government has not 
deemed it expedient to annex this immense country 
of the Punjab, maldng the Indus the British boundary, 
it has punished the treachery and violence of the Sikh 
nation, and exhibited its powers in a manner which 
cannot be misunderstood. For the same political and 
military reason, the Governor - General hopes to be 
able before the negotiations are closed to make arrange- 
ments by which Cashmere may be added to the 
possessions of Ghol'ab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot 
Hill States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs 
of the Plains. The Sikhs declare their inability to 
pay the indemnity of one million and a half, and wall 
probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this 
case, if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for 
the expenses of the war, the district of Cashmere wiU 
be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah become 
one of the Princes of Hindostan. 

There are difficulties in the way of this arrange- 
ment, but considering the military power which the 
Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing into the field 
80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it appears 

^ The SLklia were defeated at Sobraoa on 10th February by the British 
troops under Sir Hugh Gough, reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from 
his victory at Aliwal. See p. 84. 


to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the 
means of this warlike people to repeat a similar 
aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous 
mSitary Republic on our weakest frontier. If the 
British Army had been defeated, the Silchs, through 
the Protected States, which would have risen in their 
favour in case of a reverse, would have captured Delhi, 
and a people having 50,000 regular troops and 300 
pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp 
within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that 
cannot be tolerated for the future. . . . 

The energy and intrepidity displayed by your 
Majesty’s Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his 
readiness to carry on the service in cordial co-operation 
with the Governor- General, and the marked bravery 
and invincibility of your Majesty’s English troops, have 
overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions 
taken have been such that no disaster or failure, how- 
ever trifling, has attended the arduous effects of your 
Majesty’s Arms. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

OsBOBNB, 3?'ii March 1846. 

My deadest Uncle, — I hasten to thank you for 
a most dear and kind letter of the 28th, which I 
received this morning. You Icnow how I love and 
esteem my dearest Louise ; she is the dearest friend, 
after my beloved Albert, I have. 

I wish you could be here, and hope you will come 
here for a few days during your stay, to see the 
innumerable alterations and improvements which have 
taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, 
out aU day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good 
for him. It is a relief to be away from all the bittei-- 
ness which people create for themselves in London. 
Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar position, 
and it is the force of circumstances and the great 
energy he alone possesses which will carry him through 
the Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested 
part, for did he not feel (as every one who is fully 


acquainted with the real state of the fiountry must 
feel) that the line he pursues is the only right and 
sound one for the welfare of this country, he never 
would have exposed himself to all the annoyance and 
pain of being attacked by his hiends. He was, 
however, determined to have done this before the 
next general election, but the alarming state of 
distress in Ireland forced him to do it now. I must, 
however, leave him to explain to you fully himself 
the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular 
state of affairs. Plis majority was not a certain one 
last year, for on Maynooth upwards of a hundred of 
his followers voted against him. 

The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am 
glad you do justice to the bravery of our good people. 

Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge. 

Osborne, Aih March 1846. 

The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity 
of expressing to Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration 
of his conduct on the last most trying occasion, and 
of the courage and gallantry of the officers and men 
who had so severe a contest to endure.^ Their conduct 
has been in every way worthy of the British name, 
and both the Prince and Queen are deeply impressed 
with it. The severe loss we have sustained in so 
many brave officers and men is very painful, and must 
alloy the satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant 
successes of our Arms. Most deeply do we lament 
the death of Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'CaskiU,® 
and Major Broadfoot,® and most deeply do we sym- 
pathise with that high-minded woman. Lady Sale, 
who has had the misfortune to lose her husband 
less than three years after she was released from 
captivity and restored to him. 

^ At Moodkee on IStli December, and Ferozeshab on 21st and 22ud 

Wbo bad commanded a brigade under Pollock in tbe second Afghan 

® Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on tbe north-western 



We are ttuly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge’s 
health has not suffered, and that he and his brave 
son have been so mercifully preserved. The Queen 
will look forward with great anxiety to the next 
news from India. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Buckinghaji PaiacEj April 184G. 

I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a 
memorandum, which I had drawn up respecting our 
conversation of the 30th. 

It fiUed six sheets, and contained, as minutely as 1 
could render it, the whole of the arguments we had 
gone through. Sir Robert read it through and over 
again, and, after a long pause, said : “ I was not aware 
when I spoke to your Royal Highness that my words 
would be taken down, and don’t acknowledge that this 
is a fair representation of my opinion.” He was visibly 
uneasy, and added, if he knew that what he said should 
be committed to paper, he would speak differently, and 
give his opinion with all the circumspection and reserve 
which a Minister ought to employ when he gave re- 
sponsible advice ; but he had in this instance spoken 
cjuite um-eservedly, like an advocate defending a point 
in debate, and then he had takfen another and tried to 
carry this as far as it would go, in order to give me an 
opportimity of judging of the different bearings of the 
question. He did so often in the Cabinet, when they 
discussed important questions, and was often asked: 
"Well, then, you are quite against this measure?” 
"Not at all, but I want that the counter argument 
should be gone into to the fullest extent, in order that 
the Cabinet should not take a one-sided view.” 

He viewed the exi.stence of such a paper with much 
uneasiness, as it might appear as if he had left this 
before going out of office in order to prepossess the 
Queen against the measures, which her future Minister 
might propose to her, and so lay secretly the foundation 
of his fall. The existence of such a paper might cause 
great embarrassment to the Queen ; if she followed the 




advice of a Minister who proposed measures hostile to 
the Irish Church, it might be said, she knew what she 
undertook, for Sir R. Peel had warned her and left on 
record the serious objections that attached to the 

I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance 
to possess his views on the question, but that I thought 
I would not have been justified in keeping a record of 
our conversation without showing it to him, and asking 
him whether I had rightly understood him ; but if he 
felt a moment’s uneasiness about this memorandum, 
I would at once destroy it, as I was anxious that 
nothing should prevent his speaking without the 
slightest reserve to me in future as he had done hereto- 
fore. I felt that these open discussions were of the 
greatest use to me in my endeavour to investigate the 
dilferent political questions of the day and to form a 
conclusive opinion upon them. As Sir Robert did not 
say a word to dissuade me, I took it as an affirmative, 
and threw the memorandum into the fire, which, I could 
see, relieved Sir Robert. Albeet. 

Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria. 

13 Cahi-ton House Tebracb, IsJ April 1846. 

Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and prays that he may be honoured with 
your Majesty’s permission to direct that the Park and 
Tower Guns may be fired forthwith in celebration of 
the victory which was achieved by your Majesty’s forces 
over the Sikh army in Sobraon on the 10th of February.* 

Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge. 

Buckingham Pauacb, 6<ft April 1846. 

The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge 
in order to express her extreme satisfaction at the 
brilliant and happy termination of our severe contest 

1 In Septemliar 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as a precedent for firing the 
Park Guns after the victory of Tel-el-Kebir. See Life of Hight Eon, Hugh 
0. E. Childers, hj Colonel Childers, C.B., R..E., vol. ii, p. 127. 


with the Sildis, which he communicated to her in his 
long and interesting letter of the 18th and 19th February. 
The Queen much admires the sldll and valour witli 
which their difficult operations have been conducted, 
and knows how much she owes to Sir Henry Hardinge’s 
exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an 
acknowledgment of this in the communication she 
has ordered to be made to him relative to his elevation 
to the Peerage. 

The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen’s feelings 
on this glorious occasion, wishes to be named to Sir 
Henry Hardinge. 

The King of the French to Qiteen Victoria. 

Pabis, 6 Mai 1843. 

Madaivie ma tees chbre Sceue, — Quand le 1” de 
Mai, an moment oh j’aUais commencer les nombreuses 
et longues receptions de mon jour de ffite, on m’a remis 
la lettre si gi'acieuse que votre Majesty d, eu I’aimable 
attention de m’^crire de manike h ce que je la re 9 oive ce 
jour Ik, j’en ai ^t^ p^n^tr^, et j’ai pens6 tout de suite 
aux paroles du Menuet d’lphig^nie comme exprimant 
le remerciment qu’k mon grand regret, je ne pouvais 
que sentir, et non exprimer par ^crit dans un pareil 
moment. J’ai done fait chercher tout de suite la parti- 
tion de ce menuet, et ceUes du Chceur du m§rae Op^ra 
de Gliiek “ Chantons, ceUbrom notre Reine ! ” mais on 
n’a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et j’ai du me contenter 
de les avoir arranges pour le piano dans un livre (pas 
mSme reli^) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir 
toute la musique de cet Opdra. Je I’ai mis dans une 
grande enveloppe addressee k votre Majestd et j’ai fait 
prier Lord Cowley de I’expddier par le premier Courier 
qui pourrait s’en charger, comme Ddp^che, afin d’dviter 
ces postages dont Lord Liverpool m’a rdvffi^ I’^tonnant 

Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments 
dont m’a p^ndtr^ cette nouvelle marque d’amiti^ de 
votre part? Vous comiaissez ceUe que je vous porte, 
et combien elle est vive et sincere. J’espkre bien que 




Tann^e ne s’^coulera pas sans que j’aie presenter mes 
hommages k votre Majesti^. . . . 

Tout ce que j’entends, tout ce que je recueille, me 
donne de plus en plus I’espdrance que la crise Parle- 
mentaire dans laquelle le Ministfere de votre Majesty 
se trouve engagd, se terminera, comme EUe salt que 
je le desire vivement, c’est-k-dire que Sir Robert Peel, 
Lord Aberdeen, &c., will hold fast, et qu’ils seront 
encore ses Ministres quand j’aurai le bonheur de Lui 
faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir que ce voeu est k 
peu pr^s gdn^ral en France, et qu’il se manifeste de 
plus en plus. . . . 

Que votre Majesty me permette d’ofFrir ici au 
Prince Albert I’expression de ma plus tendre amiti^, 
et qu’elle veuille bien me croire pour la vie, Madame 
ma tres chere Soeur, de votre Majesty, le bon Frk’e 
et bien fidMe Ami, Louis Philippe, R. 

J’ai vol(^ ces feudles de papier k ma bonne Reine 
pour echapper aux reproches trop bien fond^s que 
Lord Aberdeen a faits a la derni^re fourniture dont je 
me suis servi. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

House op CommonSj Xttk June 1046. 

(Friday nighty 

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that no 
progress has been made to-night with the Irish Bill.^ 

On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel 
took that opportunity of defending himself from the 
accusations ^ brought forward by Lord George Bentinck 
and Mr Disraeli against Sir Robert Peel for transactions 
that took place twenty years since. The debate on this 
preliminary question lasted until nearly half-past eleven. 

Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, 
according to Sir Robert Peel’s impressions, recoiled 
upon its authors. 

’ In consequence of a serious increase of crime in Ireland, a Coercion 
DiU had been introduced. 

^ This refers to the Catholic Emancipation discussions of 1827, when 
Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel of having: hounded Canning: to death, 


He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord 
John Hussell and Lord Morpeth behaved very well. 

The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to 
all but a few Protectionists. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

Whitehall, 22nd June 184G. 

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and assures your Majesty that he is penetrated 
with a deep sense of your Majesty’s great kindness and 
your Majesty’s generous sympathy with himself and 
Lady Peel. 

Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack 
made upon him was the result of a foul conspiracy 
concocted by Mr Disraeli and Lord George Bentinck, 
in the hope and belief that from the lapse of time or 
want of leisure in Sir Robert Peel to collect materials 
for his defence, or the destruction of documents and 
papers, the means of complete refutation might be 
wanting. . . . 

He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to 
demonstrate the falseness of the accusation, and the 
malignant motives of the accusers. 

He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the 
Prince for the hmd interest you have manifested during 
the progress of this arduous struggle which now he 
trusts is approaching to a successful termination. 

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria. 

DowifiNe StkeeTj 26i/i June 1846. 

{Two o’clock.) 

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that the 
members of the Government met in Cabinet to-day 
at one. 

Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting. 

He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of 
yesterday (the rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a 
majority as 73) he felt it to be his duty as head of 


the Government humbly to tender his resignation of 
office to your Majesty. He added that, feeling no 
assurance that the result of a Dissolution would be 
to give a majority agreeing with the Government in 
general principles of policy, and sufficient in amount 
to enable the Government to conduct the business of 
the country with credit to themselves and satisfaction 
to your Majesty and the public at large, he could not 
advise your Ma,jesty to dissolve the Parliament, 

Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Govern- 
ment generally ought to resign, but his mind was made 
up as to his own course. 

There was not a dissenting voice that it was the 
duty of the Government to tender their resignation to 
your Majesty, and for the reasons stated by Sir Robert 
Peel, not to advise dissolution. If Sir Robert Peel does 
not receive your Majesty’s commands to wait upon your 
Majesty in the course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will 
be at Osborne about half-past three to-moiTOW. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert 

OsBOBNB HouaB, 28Wi June 1846. 

Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and 
tendered his resignation. He is evidently much 
relieved in quitting a 'post, the labours and anxieties 
of which seem almost too much for anybody to bear, 
and which in these last six months were particularly 
onerous. In fact, he said that he would not have 
been able to stand it much longer. Nothing, however, 
would have induced him to give way before he had 
passed the Corn Bill and the Tariff.^ The majority 
upon the Irish Bill was much larger than any one had 
expected ; Sir Robert was glad of this, however, as it 
convinced his colleagues of the necessity of resigning. 
He told them at the Cabinet that, as for himself 
personally, he had made up his mind to resign, and 
on being asked what he advised his Cabinet to do, 
he recommended them to do the same, which received 

By a remarkable coincideace the Corn BUI passed through the Lords 
on the same night that the Ministry wore defeated in the Commons. 

96 INTRIGUES [chap, xv 

general concurrence. The last weeks had not been 
without some intrigue. There was a party headed by 
Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham, who wished 
Sir Robert and Sir James Graham to retire, and for 
the rest of the Cabinet to reunite with the Protection 
section of the Conservatives, and to carry on the 
Government. Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham 
had in December last settled to head the Protectionists, 
but this combination had been broken up by Lord 
EUenborough’s acceptance of the post of First Lord of 
the Admiralty ; Lord Brougham then declared for free 
trade, perhaps in order to follow Lord Ellenborough 
into office. The Duke of Wellington had been for 
dissolution till he saw the complete disorganisation of 
his party in the House of Lords. The Whigs, having 
been beat twice the evening before by large majorities 
on the Roman Cathohc Bill, had made every exertion 
on the Coercion Bill, and the majority was stiU in- 
creased by Sir Robert’s advising the Free Traders and 
Radicals, who had intended to stay away in order not 
to endanger Sir Robert’s Government, not to do so 
as they would not be able to save him. Seventy Pro- 
tectionists voted with the majority. 

Before leaving Town Sh R. Peel addressed a letter 
to Lord John Russell, informing him that he was 
going to the Isle of Wight m order to tender his and 
his colleagues’ resignation to the Queen, tlrat he did 
not the least know what Her Majesty’s intentions were, 
but that in case she should send for Lord John, he 
(Sir Robert) was ready to see Lord John (should he 
wish it), and give him any explanation as to the state 
of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he 
comd desu'e. Sh Robert thought thereby, without in 
the least committing the Queen, to indicate to Lord 
John that he had nothing to fear on his part, and that, 
on the contrary, he could reckon upon his assistance 
in starting the Queen’s new Government. He hoped 
likewise that this would tend to dispel a clamour for 
dissolution which the Whigs have raised, alarmed by 
their defeats upon the Catholic BiU. AiBEET. 



Sir Robert Peel to Qioeen Victoria. 

House op ComjionSj 29^7; J une 1840. 

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your 
Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that 
he has just concluded his speech notifying to the 
House the resignation of the Government. 

He thinks it was very well received.^ Lord 
Palmerston spoke after Sir Robert Peel, but not very 
effectively. No other person spoke. Sir Robert Peel 
is to see Lord John Russell at ten to-moiTOW morning. 

Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty 
on the intelligence received this day from America. 
The defeat of the Government on the day on which 
they cai’ried the Corn Bill, and the receipt of the 
intelligence from America^ on the day on which they 
resign, are singular coincidences. 

The Bishop of Oooford^ to Mr Anson. 

61 Eaton Pi.aoe, Z9lh June 1848. 


My dear Anson, — Your kind letter reached me 
half an hour ago whilst Sh- T. Acland was sitting with 
me ; and I must say a few words in reply by the early 
post. I went down to hear Peel in the House of 
Commons, and very fine it was. The House crowded, 
Peers and Ambassadors filling every seat and over- 
flowing into the House. Soon after six all private 
business was over ; Peel not come in, all waiting, no 
one rose for anything ; for ten minutes tliis lasted : then 
Peel came in, walked up the House : colder, dryer, 
more introverted than ever, yet to a close gaze show- 
ing the fullest worldng of a smothered volcano of 
emotions. He was out of breath with walking and 

* He expressed hia hope to he remembered with goodwill “ in the abodes 
of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn thoir daily bread by the sweat 
of their brows, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with 
abundant and untaxed food, tho sweeter because no longer leavened with a 
sense of injustice.” 

^ The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to the Oregon boundary 
had been accepted by the United States Government. 

^ Dr S. Wilberforce. 

yoT ri, • G- 



sat down cto the Treasury Bench (placing a small 
despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the 
table) as he would be fully himself before he rose. 
By-and-by he rose, amidst a breathless silence, and 
made the speech you wiU have read long ere this. It 
was very fine : very effective : really almost solemn ; to 
faU at such a moment. He spoke as if it was his last 
political scene : as if he felt that between alienated 
friends and unwon foes he could have no party again ; 
and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and 
advise others. There was but one point in the Speech 
which I thought doubtful : the apostrophe to “ Richard 
Cobden.” ^ 1 think it was wrong, though there is very 
much to be said for it. The opening of the American 
peace was noble ; but for the future, what have we 
to look to ? Already there are whispers of Palmerston 
and War ; the Whig budget and deficiency. The first 
great question all men ask is: does Lord John come 
in, leaning on Radical or Conservative aid ? Is Hawes 
to be in the Cabinet? the first Dissenter? the first 
tradesman ? the Irish Church ? I wish you were near 
enough to talk to, though even then you would know 
too much that must not be known for a comfortable 
talk. But I shall hope soon to see you ; and am 
always, my dear Anson, very .sincerely and affection- 
ately yours, S. Ox on. 

Mcinoranduin by the Prince Albert 

OsBOBNB House, 30t/i June 1846. 

Lord John RusselL arrived here this afternoon ; he 
has seen Sir Robert Peel this morning, and is prepared 
to undertake the formation of a Government which 
he thinks will stand ; at least, for the present session 
he anticipates no difficulty, as Sir R. Peel has professed 

^ “ Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will he, associated with the 
success of those measures, is the name of a man who, acting, I believe, from 
pure and disinterested motives, has advocated their cause with untiring 
energy, and by appeals to reason, enforced hy an eloquence the more to he 
admired because it was unaffected and unadorned — the name which ought to 
he and which will be associated with the success of these measures is the name 
of Eicbard Cobden,’’ 


-Uord ^J<>h n (:^^i(A^vLly 

S^nmi the ^Anhxiif by 

ri the piXK^e^^uon the, (J^nLt cL 


himself ready not to obstruct its progress, and as the 
Protectionists have held a meeting on Saturday at 
which Lord Stanley has declared that he would let 
this Government go on smoothly unless the word 
“Irish Church” was pronounced. About men and 
offices, Lord John has consulted with Lord Lansdowne, 
Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cottenham, who were of 
opinion that the Liberal members of Sir Robert’s 
Cabinet ought to be induced to retain office under 
Lord John, viz. Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr 
Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the interview of 
this morning had stated to Lord John that he would not 
consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters away 
from him (it not being his intention to form a party), 
and that he would not dissuade them from accepting 
the offer, but that he feai'ed that they would not 
accept. We concurred in this opinion, but Lord John 
was authorised by Victoria to make the offer. Mr 
F. Raring, the Chancellor of the Exchequer under the 
late Whig Government, has intimated to Lord Jolm that 
he would prefer if no offer of office was made to him ; 
Lord John would therefore recommend Mr Charles 
Wood for this office. Lord Grey was still a difficulty ; 
in or out of office he seemed to be made a difficulty. 
It would be desirable* to have him in the Cabinet if 
he could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. 
His speech in the House of Lords ^ at the beginning 
of the session had done much harm, had been very 
extreme, and Lord John was decidedly against him 
in that. Lord Grey knew that everybody blamed it, 
but said everybody would be of those (his) opinions 
ten years hence, and therefore he might just as well 
hold them now. Mr Wood having great influence 
with him might keep him quiet, and so would the 
Colonial seals, as he would get work enough. About 

^ On the 23r(l of March, in the course of a long speech on the state of 
Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the poverty of the Roman Catholic Church 
in that country with the affluence of the Establishment, diverted, as he said, 
by the superior power of England from its original objects ; adding that the 
Protestant Church was regarded by the gi'eat mass of the Irish people as an 
active cause of oppression and misery. 

100 COBDEN AND THE WHIGS [chap, xv 

Lord Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no more 
make any difficulty. 

Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he 
had forgotten to mention one subject to the Queen: 
it was that Sir Robert Peel by his speech and his 
special mention of Mr Cobden as the person who had 
carried the great measure, had made it very difficult 
for Lord .John not to offer office to Mr Cobden. The 
Whigs were already accused of being exclusive, and 
reaping the harvest of other people’s work. The only 
thing he could offer would be a Cabinet office. Now 
this would affront a great many people whom he 
(Lord J.) had to conciliate, and create even possibly 
dissension in his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going 
on the Continent for a year. Lord John was advised 
by Lord Clarendon to write to Mr C., and tell him 
that he had heard he was going abroad, that he would 
not make any offer to him therefore, but that he con- 
sidered him as entitled once to be recommended for 
office to the Queen. This he would do, with the 
Queen’s permission. . . . 

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel. 

OsBonNE, July 184S. 

The Queen returns these letters, with her best 
thanks. The settlement of the Oregon question has 
given us the greatest satisfaction. It does seem strange 
that at the moment of triumph the Government should 
have to resign. The Queen read Sir Robert Peel’s 
speech with great admiration. The Queen seizes this 
opportunity (though she wfil see Sir Robert again) 
of expressing her deep concern at losing his services, 
which she regrets as much for the Country as for herself 
and the Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel 
may be, we shall ever look on him as a kind and true 
friend, and ever have the greatest esteem and regard 
for him as a Minister and as a private individual. 

The Queen will not say anytliing about what passed 
at Lord John Russell’s interview, as the Prince has 
already written to Sir Robert. She does not think, 



1846 ] 

however, that he mentioned the wish Lord John 
expressed that Lord Liverpool should retain his office, 
which however (much as we should personally like it) 
we think he would not do. 

What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and 
what do his own followers say to the state of affairs ? 

Meviorandiovi by the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham Palace, Qtli July 1846 . 

Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a 
Privy Council, and the Seals of Office transferred to 
them. We had a long conversation with Sir Robert 
Peel, who took leave. I mentioned to him that his 
word of “Richard Cobden” had created an immense 
sensation, but he was not inclined to enter upon the 
subject. When we begged him to do nothing which 
could widen the breach between him and his party, 
he said, “ I don’t think that we can ever get together 
again.” He repeated that he was anxious not to under- 
take a Government again, that his health would not 
stand it, that it was better likewise for the Queen’s 
service that other, younger men should be brought 
forward. Sir Robert, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir .James 
Graham parted with great emotion, and had tears in 
their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her 
confidence and support. Lord Aberdeen means to 
have an interview with Lord Palmerston, and says 
that when he (Lord A.) came into office. Lord 
Palmerston and the Chronicle assailed him most bitterly 
as an imbecile Minister, a traitor to his country, etc., 
etc. He means now to show Lord P. the contrast 
by declaring his readiness to assist him in every way 
he can by his adince, that he would at all times speak 
to him as if he was his colleague, if he wished it. 

The new Court is nearly completed, and we have 
succeeded in obtaining a very respectable and proper 
one, notwithstanding the run which the Party made 
upon it which had been formerly used to settle these 
matters to their liking only. The Government is not 
a united one, however, by any means. Mr Wood and 

102 WHIG JEALOUSIES [cap. xv 

Lord Clarendon take the greatest credit in having 
induced Lord Grey to join the Government,^ and are 
responsible to Lord John to keep him quiet, which 
they think they will be able to do, as he had been 
convinced of the folly of his former line of conduct. 
Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead only 
nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the 
House of Lords. There is the Grey Party, consisting 
of Lord Grey, Lord Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and 
Mr Wood ; they are against Lord Lansdowne, Lord 
Minto, Lord Auckland, and Sir J ohn Hobhouse, 
stigmatising them as old women. Lord John leans 
entirely to the last-named gentlemen. There is no 
cordiality between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, 
who, if he had to make a choice, would even forget 
what passed in December last, and join the Grey Party 
in preference to Lord John personally. The curious 
part of all this is that they cannot keep a secret, and 
speak of all their differences. They got the Times 
over by giving it exclusive information, and the leading 
articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet, but 
the wicked paper added immediately a furious attack 
upon Sir John Hobhouse, which alarmed them so much 
that they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether he 
would be hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board 
of Control. (This, however, is a mere personal matter 
of Mr Walter, who stood against Sir John at Notting- 
ham in 1841 and was unseated.) Sir John Easthope, 
the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle, complains 
bitterly of the subserviency to the Times and treason 
to him. He says he knows that the information was 
sent from Lord John’s house, and threatens revenge. 
“If you will be ruled by the Times,” he said to one 
of the Cabinet, “the Times has shown you already by 
a specimen that you will be ruled by a rod of iron.” 

A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in 
order to satisfy Lord Anglesey with the dignity of 
Field-Marshal. Albeet. 

^ In spite of the opposition of the latter to Palmerston’s re-appointment to 
the Foreign Office. See ante, p. 71. ^ 



The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and 
M.P.’s, are to give a dinner to Lord Stanley at 
Greenwich, at which he is to announce his opinions 
upon the line they are to take. Lord George Bentinck 
is there to lay down the lead which the Party insisted 
upon. Who is to follow him as their leader in the 
Commons nobody knows. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

JBuckinojiam Palace, ^th July 1846. 

My nEARBST Uncle, — I have to thank you for your 
kind letter of the 3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was 
a very hard day for me. I had to part with Sir R. 
Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable losses 
to us and the Country ; they were both so much over- 
come that it quite overset me, and we have in them 
two devoted friends. We felt so safe with them. 
Never, during the five years that they were with me, 
did they ever recommend a person or a thing which 
was not for my or the Country’s best, and never for 
the Party’s advantage only; and the contrast now is 
very striking ; there is much less respect and much 
less high and pure feeling. Then the discretion of 
Peel, I believe, is unexampled. 

Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state 
of affairs, which is unexampled, and I think the present 
Government very weak and extremely disunited. 
What may appear to you as a mistake in November 
was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen very truly explained 
it yesterday. “We had ill luck,” he said; “if it had 
not been for this famine in Ireland, which rendered 
immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have 
prepared them gradually for the change.” Then, 
besides, the Corn Law Agitation was such that if Peel 
had not wisely made this change (for which the whole 
Country blesses him), a convulsion would shortly have 
taken place, and we should have been forced to yield 
what has been granted as a boon. No doubt the 
breaking up of the Party (which will come together 
again, whether under Peel or some one else) is a very 



fcnAi>. AV 

distressing tKing. The only thing to be regretted, and 
I do not laiow exactly •why he did it (though we can 
guess), was his praise of Cobden, which has shocked 
people a good deal. 

But I can’t tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen ; 
you can’t think what a delightful companion he was ; 
the breaking up of all this intercourse during our 
journeys, etc., is deplorable. 

We have contrived to get a very respectable Court. 

Albert’s use to me, and 1 may say to the Country, 
by his firmness and sagacity, is beyond all belief in 
these moments of trial. 

We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal 
overset by all these tribulations. 

Ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

I was much touched to see Graham so very much 
overcome at talcing leave of us. 

Qiceen Victoria to Viscount liardinge. 

BuoiaNGnAii PaijAod, Uh July 1840. 

The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting 
communications. Lord Hardinge will have learnt all 
that has taken place in the Country ; one of the most 
brilliant Governments this Country ever had has fallen 
at the moment of victory 1 The Queen has now, 
besides mourning over tliis event, the anxiety of 
having to see the Government carried on as efficiently 
as possible, for the welfare of the Country. The 
Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment 
of this object m Lord Hardinge’s consenting to 
continue at the head of the Government of India, 
where great experiments have been made which 
require unity of purpose and system to be carried 
out successfully. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Eimell. 

OsBonNE, 10<A July 184G. 

. . . The Queen approves of the pensions proposed 
by Lord J. Russell, though she cannot conceal from him 
that she thinks the one to Father Mathew « doubtful 

1046] the french royal family 105 

proceeding. It is quite true that he has done much good 
by preaching temperance, but by the aid of superstition, 
which can hardly be patronised by the Crown. ^ 

The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her 
at all times to speak out her mind, and has, therefore, 
done so without reserve. 

Qtieen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBonNUj 14tt July 1846. 

My dearest Unci,e, — We are very happily 
established here since Thursday, and have beautiful 
weather for this truly enjoyable place ; we drive, walk, 
and sit out — and the nights are so fine. I long for you 
to be here. It has quite restored my spirits, which were 
much shaken by the sad leave-takings in London — of 
Sir R. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, etc. 
Lord L. could not well have stayed. Lord Aberdeen 
was very much overset. 

The present Government is weak, and I think Lord 
J. does not possess the talent of keeping his people 
together. Most people think, however, that they will 
get through this Session ; the only question of difficulty 
is the siogar question. 

I think that the King of the French’s visit is more 
than ever desirable — now ; for if he were to be shy of 
coming, it would prove to the world that this new 
Government was hostile, and the entente cordiale no 
longer sure. Pray impress this on the King — and I 
/iope and heg he wiU let the dear Nemours pay us a 
little visit in November. It would have the best effect, 
and be so pleasant, as we are so dull in the ■winter aU by 
ourselves. I hope that in future, when the King and the 
Family are at Eu, some of them will frequently come 
over to see us here. It would be so nice and so near. 

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. 1 hope I shall not have 
to write to you again, but have the happiness of saying 
de vive voioc, that I am ever, your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

The pension was, however, p-ranted. 




Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

PoBBioN Opi'icEj IGth Juljj 1846. 

. . . With regal’d to the mari’iage of the Queen of 
Spain, Viscount Palmerston has received a good deal of 
general information from persons who have conversed 
with him on the subject, but he has learnt nothing 
thereupon which was not already known to your 
Majesty. The state of that matter seems, in a few 
words, to he that the Count of Trapani is now quite 
out of the question, that the Count of Montemolin, 
though wished for by Austria, and in some degree 
supported by the Court of the Tuileries, would be 
an impossible choice, and that the alternative now lies 
between Don Enrique and the Prince Leopold of 
Coburg, the two Queens being equally set against the 
Duke of Cadiz, Don Enrique’s elder brother. In 
favour of Prince Leopold seem to be the two Queens, 
and a party (of what extent and influence does not 
appear) in Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, 
ostensibly at least, the Court of the Tuileries and the 
Liberal Party in Spain ; and probably to a certain 
degree the Government of Austria. 

In favour of Don Em-ique are a very large portion 
of the Spanish nation, who would prefer a Spanish 
prince for their Sovereign’s husband ; and the pre- 
ference, expressed only as an opinion and without any 
acts in furtherance of it, by your Majesty’s late Ad- 
ministration. Against Don Enrique are the aversion 
of the Queen Mother, founded on her family differences 
with her late sister, and the apprehensions of the 
present Ministers in Spain, who would think their 
power endangered by the political connection between 
Don Enrique and the more Liberal Party. The senti- 
ments of the King of the French in regard to Don 
Enrique seem not very decided ; hut it appears likely 
that the King of the French would prefer Count 
' Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to Don Enrique ; 
but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the Prince 
Leopold of Coburg, because the former would faU 





within the category of Bourbon princes, descended 
from Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the King 
of the French as the limited circle within which the 
Queen of Spain should find a husband. 

Qiieen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

16/A July 1846. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s interest- 
ing letter, and is very much satisfied with his parting 
conversation with Ibrahim Pasha, which she conceives 
will not be lost upon him. The view Lord Palmerston 
takes about the present position of the Spanish marriage 
question appears to the Queen quite correct. She finds 
only one omission, which is Queen Isabella’s personal 
objection to Don Enrique, and the danger which 
attaches to marriage with a Prmce taken up by a 
Pohtical Party in Spain, which makes him the poHtical 
enemy of the opposite Party.^ 

The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal 
about Portugal, which is really in an alarming state.® 
She sends herewith the last letter which she received 
from the King of Portugal. The Queen is sorry to 
have lost the opportunity of seeing Marshal Saldanha. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Osborne House, 16/A July 1846. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s 
communication of yesterday, and sincerely hopes that 
Lord John’s sugar measure® may be such that the Com- 
mittee of the Cabinet, as well as the whole Cabinet and 

1 On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his celebrated despatch to 
Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed a copy of it to Jarnac, the French 
Ambassador in London. The mention of Prince Leopold in it, as a possible 
candidate for the Queen of Spain’s hand, gave the French King and Minister 
the opportunity they wanted, and brought matters to a crisis. See Zife of the 
Prince Consort, vol. i. chap. xvii. ; DaUing’s Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. iii. 
chaps, vii. and viii. 

^ Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on the Bank of Lisbon. Tlie 
Ministry (in which Saldanha was War Minister) had some difficulty in raising 
a loan. 

“ In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the Ministry introduced and 
passed a BiU reducing the duties on foreign slave-grown su^r, with the 
ultimate intention of equalisinp' them with those on Colonial produce. 


Parliament, ‘may concur in it, which would save the 
country another struggle this year. The Queen trusts, 
moreover, that late experience and good sense may 
induce the West Indians to be moderate and accom- 
modating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the 
possibility of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right 
to put Lord John in possession of her views upon this 
subject generally. She considers the power of dis- 
solving Parliament a most valuable and powerful 
instrument in the hands of the Crown, but which 
ought not to be used except in extreme cases and 
with a certainty of success. To use this instrument 
and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown 
and hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels 
that she made a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 
1841 ; the result has been a majority returned against 
her of nearly one hundred votes ; but suppose the result 
to have been nearly an equality of votes between the 
two contending parties, the Queen would have thrown 
away her last remedy, and it would have been impos- 
sible for her to get any Government which could have 
carried on pubhc business with a chance of success. 

The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir 
Robert Peel did not ask for a Dissolution, and she 
entirely concurs in the opinion expressed by him in his 
last speech in the House of Commons, when he said : 

“I feel strongly this, that no Administration is 
justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative, 
unless there be a fair, reasonable presumption, even 
a strong moi-al conviction, that after a Dissolution 
they win be enabled to administer the affau’s of this 
country through the support of a party sufficiently 
powerful to carry their measures. I do not think a 
Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I think 
the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the 
hands of the Crown, and that there is a tendency to 
blunt that instrument if it be resorted to without 

“ The only ground for Dissolution would have 
been a strong presumption that after a Dissolution 



we should have had a party powerful enough in this 
House to give effect practically to the measures which 
we might propose. I do not mean a support founded 
on a concurrence on one g7'eat question of domestic 
policy, however important that may be, not of those 
who differ from us on almost all questions of pubhc 
policy, agreeing with us in one; but that we should 
have the support of a powerful party united by a 
general concurrence of political opinions.” 

The Queen is confident that these views will be 
in accordance with Lord John Russell’s own sentiments 
and opinions upon this subject. 

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victo7’ia. 

Sotmi Street, 21si July 104G. 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty’s 
letter of yesterday, and is much delighted at again 
hearing from your Majesty. 

What your Majesty says of the state of public 
affairs and of parties in Parliament is true. But in 
November last Sir Robert Peel had a party which 
might have enabled him to have long carried on the 
Government if he had not most unaccoimtably chosen 
himself to scatter it to’ the winds. 

Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation 
that your Majesty would not have been displeased or 
unwiUing to see him again amongst your confidential 
servants, but your Majesty acted most kindly and 
most judiciously in not calhng upon him in November 
last, and John Russell has done the same in forbearing 
to make to Lord Melboui-ne any offer at present. 
When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall during 
the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir 
Robert Peel’s Government must be very speedily 
dissolved; and upon considering the state of his own 
health and feelings, he came to the determination, 
which he communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with 
him, that he could take no active part in the then 
speedily approaching crisis. He felt himself quite 


unequal to the work, and also to that of either of 
the Secretaries of State, or even of the more subordinate 
and less heavy and responsible offices. He is very 
subject to have accesses of wealoiess, which render him 
incapable for exertion, and deprive his life of much of 
its enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten 
its termination, but how soon they may do so it is 
impossible to foretell or foresee. 

Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to 
wait upon your Majesty on Saturday next, but he 
fears the weight of the full dress uniform. He begs 
to be remembered to His Royal Highness. 

Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert. 

Drayton Manor, Fazeley, August 1843. 

Sib, — I shall be very happy to avail rnyseK of 
your Royal Highness’s kind permission occasionally 
to write to your Royal Highness. However much 
I am enjoying the contrast between repose and 
official life, I may say — I hope without presumption, 
I am sure with perfect sincerity — ^that the total 
interruption of every sort of communication with your 
Royal Highness would be a very severe penalty. 

It was only yesterday that I was separating from 
the rest of my correspondence* aU the letters which I 
had received from the Queen and your Royal Highness 
during the long period of five years, in order that I 
might ensure their exemption from the fate to which 
in these days all letters seem to be destined, and I 
could not review them without a mixed feehng of 
gratitude for the considerate indulgence and kindness 
of which they contained such decisive proofs, and of 
regret that such a source of constantly recurring 
interest and pleasure was diied up. 

I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness’s 
gracious wishes, and occasionally write to yoii, without 
saying a word of which the most jealous or sensitive 
successor in the confidence of the Queen could 
complain. . . . Your faithful and humble Servant, 

Robvkt Ppwt 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

BucKrNGHAjr PalacBj 3rd August 1846. 

The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who 
presses very much for her going to Ireland ; she 
thinks it right to put Lord John Russell in possession 
of her views on this subject. 

It is a journey which must one day or other be 
undertaken, and which the Queen would be glad to 
have accomplished, because it must be disagreeable 
to her that people should speculate whether she dare 
visit one part of her dominions. Much will depend 
on the proper moment, for, after those speculations, 
it ought to succeed if undertaken. 

The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it 
should be a National thing, and the good which it 
is to do must be a permanent and not a transitory 
advantage to a particular Government, having the 
appearance of a party move. 

As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen’s 
former ones, but a State act, it will have to be done 
with a certain degree of state, and ought to be -done 
handsomely. It cannot be expected that the main 
expense of it should fall upon the Civil List, nor 
would this be able to bear it. 

The Prince Albert to Earl Grey. 

Buckingham Palace, 3rd August 1846, 

My DEAR Lord Grey, — ^The Queen wishes me to 
return you the enclosed letter. The subject of the 
Government of Canada is one which the Queen has 
much at heart. Canada has been for a long time, and 
may probably still be for the future, a source of great 
weakness to this Empire, and a number of experiments 
have been tried. It was in a very bad state before 
the Union, continually embarrassing the Home Govern- 
ment, and the Union has by no means acted as a 
remedy, but it may be said almost to have increased 
the difficulties. The only thing that has hitherto proved 
beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial 
administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance 


and consistent application of the system which he has 
laid down and acted upon, will depend, in the Queen’s 
estimation, the future weKare of that province, and the 
maintenance of proper relations with the mother country. 
The Queen therefore is most anxious that in the 
appointment of a new Governor- General (for which 
post she thinks Lord Elgin ve^ well qualified), regard 
should be had to securing an uninterrupted development 
of Lord Metcalfe’s views. The Queen thought it the 
more her duty to make you acquainted with her 
sentiments upon this subject, because she thinks that 
additional danger arises from the impressions which the 
different agents of the different political parties in 
Canada try to produce upon the Home Government 
and the imperial Parliament, and from their desire to 
mix up Canadian party politics with general English 
party politics.^ Ever yours, etc. Albert. 

Lord John Bussell to Qzceen VictoHa. 

CnESHAM PtAOBj ith August 1840. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and is greatly obliged to your Majesty 
for your Majesty’s communication respecting a Royal 
visit to Ireland. He concurs in your Majesty’s 
observations on that subject. He is of opinion that 
if the visit partook in any way of a party character, 
its effects would be mischievous, and not beneficial. 

He is also doubtful of the propriety of either 
incurring very large expense on the part of the public, 
or of encouraging Irish proprietors to lay out money 
in show and ceremony at a time when the accounts 
of the potato crop exhibit the misery and distress of 
the people in an aggi’avated shape. 

Queen Victozia to Lord John Bussell. 

7th August [184G]. 

With regard to the Statue’® on the arch on Con- 
stitution Hill, the Queen is of opinion that if she is 

^ In the event, Lord El^n was ^pointed. 

2 The equespian statue of the Duke of Wellington at Hyde Park Corner 
was ranch criticised at the time of its erection : it uQ-w^vt 'Idertj'hnt 

1843] the WELLINGTON STATUE 113 


considered individually she is bound by her word, and 
must allow the Statue to go up, however bad the 
appearance of it wdl be. If the constitutional fiction 
is apphed to the case, the Queen acts by the a’dvice 
of her responsible advisers. One Government advised 
her to give her assent, another advises the withdrawal 
of that assent. This latter po.sition has been taken in 
Lord Morpeth’s former letter to the Committee, and 
in the debate in the House of Commons, it must there- 
fore now be adhered to, and whatever is decided must 
be the act of the Government. It would accordingly 
be better to keep the word “ Government ” at the 
conclu.sion of Lord Mox-peth’s proposed letter, and that 
the Prince should not go to Town to give an opinion 
upon the appearance of the figure, when up. 

The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston, 

[m August 184G.] 

My BEAU Loud Palmerston, — The Queen is much 
obliged for Lord Howard de Walden’s private letter 
to you, and begs you will never hesitate to send her 
such private communications, however unreserved 
they may be in their language, as our chief wish 
and aim is, by hearing .all parties, to arrive at a just, 
dispassionate, and correct opuiion upon the various 
pohtical questions. This, however, entails a strict 
scrutiny of what is brought before us. . . . 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Utissell. 

Osborne, l7th August 1846. 

The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer fi'om 
Lord Palmerston. The perusal of it has raised some 
apprehensions in the Queen’s mind, which she stated to 
Lord Palmerston she woxdd cornmimicate to Lord 
John Bussell. 

The draft lays down a general policy, which the 
Queen is afraid may ultimately turn out very dangerous. 
It is this ; 

England undertakes to interfere in the internal 

VOT,. IT. • w 



affairs of Spain, and to promote the development of 
the present constitutional Government of Spain in a 
more democratic direction, and this for the avowed 
purpose of counteracting the influence of Prance, 
England becomes therefore responsible for a particular 
direction given to the internal Government of Spain, 
which to control she has no sufficient means. All 
England can do, and will have to do, is : to keep up a 
particular party in Spain to support her views. 

France, knowing that this is directed against her, 
must take up the opposite party and follow the opposite 
policy in Spanish affairs. 

This must bring England and France to quarrels, 
of which we can hardly foresee the consequences, and it 
dooms Spain to eternal convulsions and reactions. 

This has been the state of things before ; theory and 
experience therefore warn against the renewal of a 
sirnilar policy. 

The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique 
would appear as the desirable candidate for the Queen 
of Spain’s hand, and Lord Palmerston accordingly for 
the first time deviates from the line hitherto followed 
by us, and urges Don Enrique, which m the eyes of 
the world must stamp him as '‘an English Candidate" 
Lord Palmerston, from his -wish to see him succeed, 
does, in the Queen’s opinion, not sufficiently acknow- 
ledge the obstacles which stand in the way of this 
combination, and wdiich aU those who are on the spot 
and in the confidence of the Court represent as almost 

The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all 
this most maturely, and to let her know the result. 

Lord John Russell to Q%ieen Victoria. 

Chesham PiaoEj 19 ^^ August 1846 . 

Lord J ohn RusseU presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and has the honour to state that he has 
maturely considered, together with Lord Palmerston, 
Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Clarendon, your Majesty’s 




observations on the draft sent by Lord Palmerston for 
your Majesty’s approbation. 

Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty’s 
wish that England and France should not appear at 
Madrid as countenancing conflicting parties. Lord 
John Russell did not attach this meaning to Lord 
Palmerston’s proposed despatch, but he has now re- 
written the draft in such a manner as he trusts will 
obtain your Majesty’s appi’oval. 

Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to 
this difficult and delicate subject. 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

FonmGN OrnrE, 19(/t August 1846. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has endeavoured to modify and 
rearrange his proposed instruction to Mr Bulwer in 
deference to your Majesty’s wishes and feehngs as 
expressed to Lord Jolin Russell; and with this view 
also Viscount Palmerston has divided the instruction 
into two separate despatches — the one treating of the 
proposed marriage of the Queen, the other of the 
po.ssible marriage of the Infanta, But with regard to 
these new drafts, as well as with regard to the former 
one, Viscount Palmerston would beg to submit that they 
are not notes to be presented to any Foreign Govern- 
ment, nor despatches to be in any way made public ; 
but that they are confidential instructions given to one 
of your Majesty’s Ministers abroad, upon matters upon 
which your Majesty’s Government have been urgently 
pressed, to enable that Minister to give advice ; and 
Viscount Palmerston would beg also to submit that 
in a case of this kind it would not be enough to 
communicate drily the opinion of the British Govern- 
ment, without stating and explaining some of the 
reasons upon which those opinions are founded. 

It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer’s communication, 
and especially from the postscript to his despatch of 
the 4th of this month, that Queen Christina, the Duke 
of Rianzares, and Sen or Isturitz, are earnestly and 

116 DON ENRIQUE [chap. XV 

intently bent upon marrying the Queen Isabella to 
Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and it is very difficult 
to find conclusive grounds for saying that such a match 
would not perhaps, on the whole, be the best for 
Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all 
things considered, your Majesty’s Government incline 
to the opinion that a Spanish Prince would be a prefer- 
able choice, and they are prepared to give that opinion 
to the Spanish Court. 

There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it 
would be creditable to the British Government to 
recommend as husband to the Queen, and to that 
Prince Queen Christina is known to feel objections, 
principally founded upon apprehensions bearing upon 
her ovra personal interests. Viscount Palmerston has 
endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer with such 
arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared 
likely to meet Queen Christina’s fears, and he has 
occasion to believe, from a conversation which he had 
a few days ago with Count Jarnac, that the French 
Government, impelled by the apprehension that your 
Majesty’s Government intend to support Prince 
Leopold of Coburg, would be wilhng, in order to draw 
the British Government off from such a course, to give 
at least an ostensible though perhaps not a very earnest 
support to Don Hemy. But your Majesty will no 
doubt at once perceive that although the British 
Government may come to an understanding with 
that of France as to which of the candidates shall be 
the one in whose favour an opinion is to be expressed, 
it would be impossible for the British Government to 
associate itself with that of France in any joint step 
to be taken upon this matter, and that each Govern- 
ment must act separately through its own agent at 
Madrid. For the two Governments have not only 
different objects in view in these matters, England 
wishing Spain to be independent, and France desiring to 
establish a predominant influence in Spain ; but more- 
over, in regard to this marriage question. Great Britain 
has disclaimed any right to interfere except by opinion 




and advice, while France has assumed an authority of 
dictation, and it is essential that your Majesty’s Govern- 
ment should so shape the mode of co-operating with 
France as not to appear to sanction pretensions which 
are founded in no right and are inconsistent with 

Viscount Palmei’ston is by no means confident that 
the joint advice of the British and French Governments 
in favour of Don Enrique will be successful, and 
especially because he fears that M. Bresson has 
taken so active a part in favour of other arrangements, 
that he will not be very eager in support of Don 
Enrique, and will perhaps think that if this an-ange- 
ment can be rendered impossible the chances may 
become greater in favour of some other aiTangement 
which he and his Government may prefer. But such 
future embarrassments must be dealt with when they 
arise, and Viscount Palmerston submits that for the 
moment, unless the British Government had been 
prepared to close with the offers of the Duke of 
Rianzares, and to follow at once the course recom- 
mended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in the 
accompanying drafts are the safest and the best. 

Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in sub- 
mitting the accompanying private letter from Mr 
Bulwer announcing the' withdrawal of the Spanish 
troops from the frontier of Portugal. 

3Ir Sultver to Viscount Palmerston. 

Madbii), 29i/i August 1846. 

My Loud, — I have troubled your Lordship of late 
with many communications. . . . 

I have now to announce to your Lordship that the 
Queen declared last night at twelve o’clock that she had 
made up her mind in favour of His Royal Highness 
Don Francisco de Asis. . . . Your Lordship is aware 
under what circumstances Don Francisco was summoned 
here, the CoiM having been, when I wrote on the 4th, 
most anxious to conclude a marriage with Prince 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only induced to abandon 


this idea fi:om the repeated intimations it received that 
it could not be carried out. . . . 

The same night a Council was held of the Queen 
Mother’s Mends, who determined to bring matters 
forthwith to a conclusion. Queen Christina, I under- 
stand, spoke to her daughter, and told her she must 
choose one of trvo things, either marrying now, or 
deferring the marriage for three or four years. That 
the Prince of Saxe- Coburg was evidently impossible ; 
that Count Trapani would be dangerous ; that Don 
Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered 
the alhance with him out of the question, and that 
Her Majesty must either make up her mind to marry 
her cousin Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for 
some time the idea of marrying. 

The Queen, I am told, took some little time to 
consider, and then decided in favour of her cousin. 
The Ministers were called in, and the drama was 
concluded. ... H. L. Bulwer. 

P-<S . — I learn that directly the Queen had signified 
her intention of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson 
formally asked the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of 
Montpensier, stating that he had powers to enter upon 
and conclude that affair, and the terms of the marriage 
were then definitively settled between M. Isturitz and 
him. H. L. B. 

Qiceen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

On Board the Victoria and Albert, 
Fautouth Harboub, 7th September 1846. 

My dearest Uncde,— Though I have not heard 
from you for ages, you will perhaps be glad to hear 
from us, and to hear that our trip has been most 
raccessful. We left Osborne on the 2nd, at eight 
in the morning, and reached .lersey at seven that 
evening. We landed at St Heliers the next morning, 
and met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic recep- 
tion from the good people. The island is beautiful, 
and like an orchard. 

ilie settlement of the Queen of Spain’s marriage, 


coii/pled with Montpcnsm-’s, is infamous, *and we must 
remonstrate. Guizot has had the barefacedness to say 
to Lord Normanby that though originally they said that 
Montpensier should only marry the Infanta when the 
Queen was married and had children, that Leopold’s 
being named one of the candidates had changed all, 
and that they must settle it now! This is too bad, 
for we were so honest as almost to prevent Leo’s 
marriage (which might have been, and which Lord 
Palmerston, as matters now stand, regrets much did 
not take place), and the return is this unfair coupling 
of the two marriages, which have nothing, and ought 
to have nothing, to do with one another. The King 
should know that we are extremely indignant, and 
that this conduct is not the way to keep up the 
entente which he wishes. It is done, moreover, in 
such a dishonest way. I must do Palmerston the 
credit to say that he takes it very quietly, and will 
act very temperately about it. 

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, 
and the people here are delighted to see “the Duke 
of Cornwall.” 

The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria. 

Neullly, 8 Septembre 1846 . 

Madame, — Confiante dans cette pr^cieuse amitid 
dont votre Majestd nous a donne tant de preuves et 
dans I’aimable interdt que vous avez toujours tdmoignd 
a tons nos Enfants, je m’empresse de vous annoncer 
la conclusion du mariage de notre fils Montpensier 
avec rinfante Louise Fernanda. Get dvdnement de 
famille nous comble de joie, parceque nous esperons qu’il 
assurera le bonheur de notre fils cheri, et que nous 
retrouverons dans I’lnfante une fille de plus, aussi bonne 
et aussi aimable que ses Ainees, et qui ajoutera k notre 
bonheur intdrieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que 
vous, Madame, savez si bien apprdcier. Je vous demande 
d’avance votre amitid pour notre nouvel Enfant, sure 


qu’elle parta'gera tous les sentiments de d^vouement et 
d’ affection de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince 
Albert, et pour toute votre ch^re Famille. Madame, 
de votre Majeste, la toute ddvoude Soeur et Amie, 

Marie Amelie. 

Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French. 

Osborne, 10 Septembre 1846. 

Madame, — Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre 
Majesty du 8 de ce mois, et je m’empresse de vous en 
remercier. Vous vous souviendrez peut-^tre de ce qui 
s’est passd a Eu entre le Roi et moi, vous connaissez, 
Madame, I’iniportanee que j’ai toujours attach^e au 
maintien de Notre Entente Cordiaie et le z61e avec 
lequel j’y ai travaill^, vous avez appris sans doute que 
nous nous sommes refuses d’arranger le mariage entre 
la Reine d’Espagne et notre Cousin Leopold (que les 
deux Reines avaient vivement desird) dans le seul but 
de ne pas nous eloigner d’une marche qui serait plus 
agr^able a votre Roi, quoique nous ne pouvions 
consid^rer cette marche comme la meilleure. Vous 
pourrez done aisdment comprendre que I’annonce 
soudaine de ce double mariage ne pouvait nous causer 
que de la sui'prise et un bien vif regret. 

Je vous demande bien pardon de vous paiier de 
politique dans ce moment, mais j’aime pouvoir me 
dire que j’ai toujours dtd sinch'e envers vous. 

En vous priant de presenter mes hommages au 
Roi, je suis, Madame, de votre Majesty, la toute 
devou^e Soeur et Amie, Victoria R. 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Carlton Tbrhaoe, \%th September 1846. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and returns with many acknowledg- 
ments the accompanying letters which your Majesty 
has been pleased to send him, and which he has 
thought your Majesty would wish him also to com- 
municate to Lord John Russell 


The letter of the Queen of the French seems to 
Viscount Palmerston to look like a contrivance to 
draw your Majesty on to express, in regard to the 
Montpensier marriage in its character as -a domestic 
arrangement, some sentiments or wishes which might 
be at variance with the opinions which your Ma.jesty 
might entertain regarding that marriage in its political 
character and bearing. But your Ma-jesty’s most 
judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any 
such existed, and has stated in a firm, hut at the same 
time in the friendliest manner, the grounds of com- 
plaint against the conduct of the French Government 
in this affair. 

Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a 
very long conversation with the Count de Jarnac upon 
these matters. 

Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the 
marriage of the Queen of Spain, that was a matter 
as to which the British Government have no political 
objection to make. They deeply regret that a young 
Queen should have been compelled by moral force, 
and to serve the personal and political interests of 
other persons, to accept for husband a person whom 
she can neither like nor respect, and with whom her 
future life will certainly be unliappy at home, even 
if it should not be characterised by circumstances 
which would tend to lower her in the estimation of 
her people. But these are matters which concern 
the Queen and people of Spain more than the 
Government and people of England. But that the 
projected marriage of the Duke of Montpensier is a 
very different matter, and must have a political bear- 
ing that must exercise a most unfortunate effect upon 
the relations between England and France. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

Osborne, September 3 846 . 

My deauest Uncle, — I have to thank you for a 
most kind letter of the 31st from Basle, by which I 


was sorry to see that your journey had been delayed, 
and that you were still not well. 

We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish 
marriage, which, though it does not threaten war (for 
the English care very Little about the Spanish marriages) 
threatens complications. Albert has told you all that 
passed between the dear Queen and me, and the very 
absurd ground on which the French make their stand. 
The details of the story are very bad — and I grieve 
to say that the good King, etc., have behaved very 

We have protested, and mean to protest very 
strongly, against Montpensier’s marriage with the 
Infanta, as long as she is presumptive heiress to the 
Throne of Spain. The King departs from his principle, 
for he insisted on a Bourbon, because he declared he 
would not marry one of his sons to the Queen ; and 
now he effects the Queen’s marriage with the worst 
Bourbon she could have, and marries his son to the 
Infanta, ' who in all probability will become Queen 1 
It is very bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] 
mismanaged it — as Stockmar says — by forcing Don 
Enrique, in spite of all Bulwer could say. If our 
dear Aberdeen was stUl at his post, the whole thing 
would not have happened; for he would not have 
forced Enriquito (which enraged Christine), and 
secondly, Guizot would not have escamotd Aberdeen 
with the wish of triumphing over him as he has done 
over Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and 
fairly towards France, I must say, in this affair. But 
say what one will, it is he again who indirectly gets us 
into a squabble with France 1 And it is such a personal 
sort of a quarrel, which pains and grieves me so ; and I 
pity the poor good Piat,^ whom we are very fond of. One 
thing, however, I feel, that in opposing this marriage, 
we are not really affecting his happiness, for he has 
never seen the Infanta — and she is a child of fourteen, 
and not pretty. The little Queen I pity so much, for 

* A name by which the Due de Montpensier was sometimes called in the 
family circle. 


the poor child dislikes her cousin, and she is said to 
have consented against her will. We shall see if she 
really does marry him. Altogether, it is most annoying, 
and must ruffle our happy intercourse ivith the French 
family for a time at least. 

I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to 
poor dear Louise too. You may rely upon nothing 
being done rashly or intemperately on our part. Lord 
Palmerston is quite ready to be guided by us. In 
haste, ever your devoted Niece, Victoeia R. 

We go into our new house to-day. 

Baron Stcckmar to Queen Victoria. 

18(7i September 1816. 

Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your 
Majesty’s Idnd note of the 17th instant. The very day 
the Baron heard of the Spanish news, he wrote to a 
man at Paris, whom the King sees as often as he 
presents himself at the palace. In this letter the Baron 
stated fairly and moderately but withoiot palliation in 
what light M. Bresson’s conduct must necessarily appear 
in London, and what very naturally and most probably 
must be the political comeyuences of such conduct. 

The Baron’s statement was read to the King, word 
for word, the very evening it reached Pains. 

His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and 
said after some pause: “Notwithstanding all this, 
the marriage wiU take place. I don’t consider 
Montpensier’s marriage an affair between nations, 
and the English people, in particular, care very httle 
about it ; it is much more a private affair between 
myself and the English Secretary, Lord Palmerston, 
and as such it will not bring on important political 

Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians. 

OsBOBNB, 18 Septembre 1840. 

Ma bien cheee Louise, — Je te remercie pour ton 
retour de franchise ; je ne desire pas que cette 


controverse entre de plus dans notre correspondance 
priv^e, comme elle est le sujet et le sera je erains 
encore d’a vantage de discussion politique. Je veux 
seulement dire qu’il est impossible de donner a cette 
affaire le cachet d’une simple affaire de famille ; 
I’attitude prise h Paris sur cette affaire de mariage 
d^s le commencement etait une fort etrange ; il fallait 
toute la discretion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu’elle 
n’amenS,t un eclat plutdt; mais ce denouement, si 
contraire k la parole du B.oi, qu’il m’a donn^e lors de 
cette derni^re visite a Eu spontanement, en ajoutant k la 
complication, pour la premise fois, celle du projet de 
mariage de Montpensier, aura mauvaise mine devant 
toute I’Europe. 

Rien de plus penible n’am-ait pd arriver que toute 
cette dispute qui prend un caractere si personnel. . . . 

Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBOBNB, 21H September 1840. 

My dearest Uncle, — I have to thank you very 
much for your very kind letter of the 5th from' Zurich. 
It is very unfortunate that you should be so far off 
at this moment. Since I wrote to you we have 
decided to remonstrate both at Madrid (this went a 
week ago), and at Paris, but this last not in a formal 
note but in a despatch to Lord Rormanby, against 
this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the pai-t of 
France, We have seen these despatches, which are 
very firm, but written in a very proper and kind 
tone, exposing at the same time the fallacy of what 
has been done •, for the Edng himself declared that 
as he would tiever let one of las sons marry the Queen, 
he insisted on her manying a descendant of Philip V, 
This has been done, and at the same moment he says 
his son is to marry the Infanta, who may become Q;ueen 
to-morrow ! And to all this he says, “ C’est seulement 
une affaire de famiUe ” ! The King is very fond of 
England, and still more of peace, and he never can 
sacrifice this (for though it would not be immediate 


war, it would cause coolness with us and* with other 
Powers, and would probably lead to war in a short 
time), for a breach of faith and for one of his sons' 
marriages. No quarrel or misunderstanding in the 
world could be more disagreeable and to me more 
cruelly painful, for it is so personal, and has come 
into the midst of all our communications and corre- 
spondence, and is too annoying. It is so sad, too, 
for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say that her 
father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, 
another ten days will show us some daylight. I will 
not mention anything about Leopold’s^ answer, as 
Albert will, I doubt not, write to you all about it. 
It is very satisfactory, however. 

We are since this day week in our charming new 
house, which is delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas I 
to Windsor, where we expect the Queen Dowager 
and the Princess of Prussia, who will remain a week 
with us. Ever your devoted Niece, Victobia R. 

I received this afternoon your kind letter from 
Gais of the 12th. One word more I must just add. 
No doubt if Lord Aberdeen had been at his post what 
has happened would not have taken place, and suspicion 
of Lord Palmerston has been the cause of the unjustifi- 
able conduct of the French Government. But just 
as they did suspect him, they should have been more 
cautious to do anything which could bring on a quarrel, 
which is surely not what the King can wish. 

Queen Ftctoriu to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, September 1846. 

My deakest Uncle, — I received last week your very 
kind and satisfactory letter of the 16th. Your opinion 
on this truly unfortunate and, on the part of the French, 
disgraceful alfair is a great support to us. Stockmar 
has, I know, communicated to you what has passed, 
and he will send you copies of the King’s letter and my 
answer. Our conduct has been throughout honest, and 

^ Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coturg. 


the King’s and Guizot’s the contrary. Ho'w the King 
can wantonly throw away the friendship of one who 
has stood by hiin with such sincere affection, for a 
doubtful object of personal and family aggrandizement, 
is to me and to the whole country hiexplicable. Have 
confidence in him I fear I never can again, and Peel, 
who is here on a visit, says a war may arise any 
moment, once that the good understanding is disturbed ; 
think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th 
year, and leaves this inheritance to his successor ; and 
to whom ? — -to a Gra^idchild, and a Minor ! And for 
Nemours and Paris, cmr Mendship is of the greatest 
importance, and yet he prefers the troubles of govern- 
ing Spain, which will be a source of constant worry 
and anxiety, to the happy understanding so happily 
existing between our two countries ! I cannot compre- 
hend him. Guizot behaves shamefully, and so totally 
without good faith. Our protests have been presented. 
I feel more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel. 

I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at 
aU at present. 

The Queen Dowager and the Princess of Prussia^ 
have left us this morning after a week’s stay, and I 
have been dehghted with the Princess. I find her so 
clever, so amiable, so well informed, and so good ; she 
seems to have some enemies, fox there axe whispers of 
her being fcdse ; but from all that I have seen of her — 
from her discretion, her friendship through thick and 
thin, and to her own detriment, for Helene, and for 
the Queen Dowager who has known her from her birth, 
I cannot and will not believe it. Her position is a very 
difficult one ; she is too enlightened and liberal for the 
Prussian Couit not to have enemies ; hut I believe that 
she is a fr-iend to us and our family, and I do believe 
that I have a friend in her, who may be most useful 
to us. I must conclude, envying your being in Tyrol. 
Ever your devoted Niece, Victokia R. 

1 Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand Duke Charles of Saxe- 
Welmar, subsequently Empress of Germany, mother of Prince Frederick 
William, afterwards the Emperor Frederick, who in 1868 married the 
Princess Royal. 



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

WiNDSon CastijEj lii Ootoher 1846. 

The Queen wishes to express her approval of the 
step taken by Lord Palmerston in urging the Three 
Northern Powers to join in the protest against the 
Montpensier marriage on the ground of the Treaty 
of Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip V. She 
thinks, however, that it is necessary to do more, and 
wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note to the 
Cabinets of the three Povrers, explanatory of the whole 
of the proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, 
showing the attitude taken by us from the first, and 
disclosing the facts which led to this unfortunate 
termination. The three Powers ought to be enabled 
to see the whole of the transaction if we wish them 
to sympathise with us. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

1st Ociobe>‘ 1846. 

Lord John RusseU saw Count Jarnac to-day, and 
told him that your Ma-jesty’s displeasure had not been 
removed. He had in his hand.s a memorandum, which 
is apparently word for word the letter of the King of 
the French to the Queen of the Belgians.^ 

Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted 
that the Duke of Montpensier was not to many the 
Infanta tdl the Queen of Spain had children, and that 
voluntary engagement had been departed from. We 
might expect the same departure from the professions 
now made not to interfere in the affairs of Spain. 

Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and 
repeated that the promise with regard to the Infanta 
was only conditional. 

Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of 

’ See Louis Philippe’s long letter of the 14th of September, printed in the 
lA/e of the Prince Consort, vol. i. Appendix B. Queen Victoria’s complete 
and unanswerable reply will he found there also. 


the remonstrances of England, and the attention of 
Europe to the question, France will he cautious in her 
interference with, the internal government of Spain, 
and may probably not be able to direct her external 

M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto, 
defending his own conduct. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDsou Castle, Gth October 1846. 

My DEAiiEST Uncle, — I thank you very much 
for your last kind letter from Gais of the 23rd, This 
mifortunate Spanish affair has gone on, heedlessly — 
and our entente wantonly thrown away ! I mourn 
over it, and feel deeply the ingratitude shown ; for — 
without boasting — I must say they never had a truer 
friend than we ; and one who ahvays stood by them. 
When Hadjy wrote that foolish brochure, who stood 
by him through thick and thin but we? and our 
friendship for the children will ever continue, but how 
can we ever feel at our ease -with L. P. again ? Guizot’s 
conduct is beyond all belief shameful, and so shabbily 
dishonest. Mole and Thiers both say he cannot stand. 
It is the King’s birthday to-day, but I thought it 
better not to write to him, for to GSiy fine words at this 
moment would be mockery. For my beloved Louise 
my hear-t bleeds ; it is so sad. . . . 

I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, 
ever your devoted Nieee, V cctoeia R. 

Queen Victoria lo the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, 17</f November 1846. 

My dearest Uncle,- -I yesterday received your 
long and interesting letter of the 14th. I would 
much rather not say anything more about this truly 
unfortunate and painful Spanish business ; but in justice 
to myself I must make a few observations. You say 
that the King thinks me resentful; this is extraordinary, 




for I have no such feeling ; my feelings were and are 
deeply wounded at the unhandsome and secret manner 
(so totally, in letter and in meaning, contrary to an 
entente cordiale) in which this affair was settled, and 
in which the two marriages were incorporated. 

What can I do ? 

The King and French Government never expressed 
regret at the sudden and unhandsome mamrer, to say 
the least, in which they behaved to their best ally and 
friend, and we really cannot admit that they have to 
forgive us for duping us ! Why have they not tried 
to make some sort of apology? What do I do, but 
remain silent for the present 1 

It is a sad affair, but resentment I have none what- 
ever, and this accusation is a new version of the affair. 

With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively 
the unfounded accusations against us ; we cannot 
interfere in internal dissensions beyond ensuring the 
personal safety of the King, Queen, and Royal 
Family. The Constitution may be, and I believe is, 
an unfortunate thing in those Southern countries ; but 
once it is established, the Queen must abide by it; 
but, unfortunately, the coup de main in sending away 
Palmella’s Government (which would inevitably have 
crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional 
and unsafe, and I fear they are in a much worse 
position vis-d-vis of the country than they ever were.^ 

We are aU going to-morrow to Osborne for four 
weeks. Ever your truly devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Downino StbeeTj 19/1j November 184G. 

. . . Lord John RusseU breakfasted with Dr 
Hawtrey yesterday, and had much conversation with 
him. He finds Dr Hawtrey strongly impressed with 

' The Duke de Palmella’s Ministry was abruptly dismissed by the Queen 
of Portugal on the lOlh of October, in consequence of their inability to raise 
money on loan. Civil war broke out. Das Antas, Louie, Fornos, and Sa da 
Bandeira being the chief rebel leaders. The British Fleet was ordered to the 
Tagus to support the Queen against her subjects, with the ulterior object of 
restoring Constitutional Government. 



130 A PENINSULAR MEDAL [chap, xv 


the evils of Montem, and he declared himself as 
decidedly against its continuance. He thinks your 
Majesty would please the Etonians equally by going 
to the boats once a year, which he said the late King 
was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the 
Exchequer,^ who was at Eton, wishes to see Montem 
abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer seeing it 
regulated. Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks 
it would not be advisable for your Majesty to interpose 
your authority against the decided opinion of Dr 
Hawtrey, the Provost, and the assistants.^ 

Queen Victoria to tlie Duke of Wellington. 

OsBOBNE, 25Wi November 1046. 

The Queen has learned from various quarters that 
there still exists a great anxiety amongst the officers 
and men who served under the Duke of Wellington’s 
orders in the Peninsula to receive and wear a medal 
as a testimony that they assisted the Duke in his 
great undertaking. The Queen not only thinks this 
wish very reasonable, considering that for recent 
exploits of infinitely inferior importance such distinc- 
tions have been granted by her, but she would feel 
personally a great satisfaction in being enabled publicly 
to mark in this way her sense of the great services the 
Duke of Wellington has rendered to his country and 
to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token 
in remembrance of the Duke. 

The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria. 

Strathfieldsaye, I^^ovemher 1846. 

Field-Marshal the Duke of W ellington pz’esents his 
humble duty to your Majesty. 

He has just now received your Majesty’s most gracious 
commands from Osborne, dated the 26 th instant. 

He does not doubt that many of the brave officers 
and soldiers who served in the armies in the Peninsula 

* Mr (who a few weeks hater became Sir) Charles Wood. 

® Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief part of which took place 
at Salt Hill [ad montem), near Slough, was abolished ic 1847, 

■il-IE DUKE’S View 



under the command of the Duke are anxious to receive 
and wear a medal, struck by command of the Sovereign, 
to commemorate the services performed in that seat of 
the late war. 

Many of them have, upon more than one occasion, 
expressed such desire, in their letters addressed to the 
Duke, in ■ their petitions to Parliament, and, as the 
Duke has reason to believe, in petitions presented to 
your Majesty. 

Although the Duke has never omitted to avail 
himself of every occasion which offered to express 
his deep sense of the meritorious services of the officers 
and soldiers of the Army which served in the Peninsula, 
he did not consider it his duty to suggest to the 
Sovereign, under whose auspices, or the Minister under 
whose direction the services in question were per- 
formed, any particular mode in which those services 
of the Army should be recognised by the State. 

Neither has he considered it his duty to submit 
such suggestion since the period at which the services 
were performed, bearing in mind the various important 
considerations which must have an influence upon 
the decision on such a question, which it was and is 
the duty of your Majesty’s confidential servants alone 
to take into consideration, and to decide. 

Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture 
to submit to your Majesty his sense of a comparison 
of the services of the Army which served in the 
Peninsula, with those of other armies in other parts 
of the world, whose recent services your Majesty has 
been most graciously pleased to recognise by ordering 
that medals should be struck, to commemorate each 
of such services, one of which to be dehvered to each 
officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was 
graciously pleased to permit him to wear. 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly 
solicits your Majesty, in grateful submission to your 
hlajesty, upon the subject of the last paragraph of your 
Majesty’s most gracious letter, that, considering the 
favour with which his services were received and 



rewarded by the gracious Sovereign, under whose 
auspices they were performed ; the professional rank 
and the dignity in the State to which he was raised, 
and the favour with w^hieh his services were then and 
have been ever since received, that your Majiesty would 
be graciously pleased to consider upon this occasion 
only the well-founded claims upon your Majesty’s 
attention of the officers and soldiers who served in the 
Army in the Peninsula ; and to consider him, as he con- 
siders himself, amply rewarded for any service which 
he might have been instrumental in rendering; and 
desirous only of opportunities of manifesting his 
gratitude for the favour and honour with which he 
has been treated by his Sovereign. 

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty 
by your Majesty’s most dutiful and devoted Subject 
and Servant, Wellington. 

Queen Victoria to Viscoimt Palvierston. 

OsBOKNE, November 1846. 

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston’s 
draft to Mr Southern,^ and must observe that she 
does not quite approve the tone of it, as it will be 
likely only to irritate without producing any elFect. 
If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a 
spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston’s 
despatch must give the impression that we entirely 
espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to 
say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord 
Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the opposition 
to be one and the same thing. What we must insist 
upon is a return to Constitutional Government. And 
what we may advise is a compromise with the opposi- 
tion. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be 
left to the Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th 
to-day, the Queen is afraid the despatch went already 
yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that Lord 
Palmerston wiU not put it out of her power to state 
her opinion in good time. 

1 Secretary of Legation at Lisbon,, and Charge d’Aifaires in the absence of 
T ord How“T'< 1 jlp W'tlflmi r 




Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington. 

ARUfTDEL CastlEj December 1846. 

The Queen has not yet aclaiowledged the Duke of 
Wellington’s last letter. 

She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in 
not wishing to propose himself a step having reference 
to his own achievements, hut the Queen will not on 
that account forego the satisfaction of granting this 
medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those 
brilliant achievements. 

The Queen has been assured by Lord John RusseU 
that her confidential servants -vvill be ready to assume 
the responsibihty of advising such a measure. 

The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria. 

AnuNBEt. Castle, 2nd December 1846. 


Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his 
humble duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your 
Majesty’s commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, 
till seven o’clock in the afternoon ; and being under the 
necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening, 
he has not had it in his power till this time to express 
his acknowledgment of the receipt of them. 

He submits to your Majesty that he has always 
been aware that it would be impolitic to confer upon 
the officers and soldiers who served in the Peninsula 
the wished -for distinction without the concurrence 
of your Majesty’s confidential servants. 

They alone can give the orders to carry into execu- 
tion the measure, and can adopt means to remedy any 
inconvenience which may result from it; and it is 
satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of your 
Majesty’s note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to 
adopt it, notwithstanding that the Duke has no 
personal wish or feeling in the adoption of the measm’e, 
excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many gallant 
officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served. 

The few words which he addressed your Majesty 
in his last letter of the. 27th of IVovember in I'eLtion 


to himself, referred to the expressions in that of your 
Majesty of the 26th iSTovember, to the Duke ; from 
which it appeared to be your Majesty’s intention “to 
empower many a brave soldier to wear this token, in 
remembrance of the Duke.” 

Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve 
your Majesty, and would promote the objects of your 
Majesty’s Government, to the utmost of his power, 
he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he 
believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty’s servants. 

His whole life being devoted to your Majesty’s 
service, he is most anxious to deserve and receive 
your Majesty’s approbation. 

But he wishes that it should be conveyed only 
when it may be convenient to your Majesty’s Govern- 
ment. Your Majesty and your Majesty’s servants 
must be the best judges upon this point, as well as 
whether the medal in question shall be struck and 
granted at all or not. 

If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which 
gi’anted, or whether the Duke’s name is recalled to 
recollection or not, the Duke will be equally satisfied, 
and grateful for your Majesty’s gracious favour, and 
desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion 
to your Majesty’s service. 

All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty’s 
most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant, 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Itussell. 

OsBOBNE, 14M December 1846. 

The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John 
Russell’s letter of the 11th. She has carefully read 
the Duke of Wellington’s letter to Lord John, which 
evinces all the Duke’s honoux-able feelings. He should 
certainly be relieved from the appearance of having 
refused honours to others, but agreed to the gi'anting 
of them the moment it was intended to couple the 
measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On 
the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be 
taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. 

1846] CEACOW 135 

His name should, therefore, certainly be connected 
with it. The introduction of the names of other 
commanders, even of that of Sir John Moore, the 
Queen does not think advisable. She does not quite 
understand from Lord John’s letter whether he 
proposes to adopt the Duke’s recommendation to 
re-issue aU the medals formerly granted, or to adhere 
to the original idea of striking a new one. In the 
latter case, which appears the most natural, the word 
“Peninsula” would cover all the campaigns, and in 
these the Duke of Wellington had by far so much 
the greatest share that his name being introduced on 
all the medals cannot be considered as anomalous. 

Queen Victoria to Viscmmt Palmerston. 

OsBOBNi:, \Uh December 1846. 

The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.^ 
The view Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of 
Cracow appears to the Queen a very sound one, and 
she would much wish to see the plan of a conference 
realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring 
any very relevant reasons. Prince Metternich’s plan 
of a declaration “that the case is to be considered 
an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to 
other powers ” is too 'absurd. The Prince very justly 
compared it to the case of a person giving another a 
box on the ear and declaring at the same time that 
he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in 
no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. 
The Queen hopes the Cabinet will weU consider the 
question, and contrive to tind means to prevent the 
evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against 
Cracow by spealdng out in time, before Ilussia or 
France may have decided on acts of further infraction 
of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that 
Ilussia was at the bottom of the measure relative to 
Cracow, and it is therefore but reasonable to expect 
that she has an ulterior object in view. 

' Tlie first ill fruits of the disruption of the entente between England 
and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and 
Austria to destroy Polish mde])ondenee. See ante, p. 85. 


DtmiNG the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 
1841 with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, 
the position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but 
they were still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. 
A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and children to ten 
hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary 
by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the 
Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank 
Charter Act, and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parlia- 
ment for an indemnity. The knowledge of the Bank’s authority 
to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was of itself sufficient 
to allay the panic. The Church of England was convulsed by the 
promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made 
Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford ; 
his orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen 
bishops to the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application 
was made to the Queen’s Bench (the Court being divided in 
opinion) to compel the Primate to hear objections to Dr 
Ilampden’s consecration. Tlie new House of Lords was used for 
the first time this year. 

Perhaps the most important event in France weis the cold- 
blooded murder of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count 
Sebastiani, formerly French Ambassador in England) by her 
husband, an incident which, like the Spanish intrigue of 1846, 
contributed subsequently to the downfall of the Orleanist dynasty. 

Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to 
the existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons ; 
the proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the 
“Sonderbund” were the questions of the day. The latter was 
an offensive and defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil 
war raged round the question of its legality. 

In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a 
more liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send bis father- 
in-law, Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to 
the new Pope Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. 
But more violent measures were in progress, and it was soon 
clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising against Austria, 
and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy. 

Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking 
place, and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the 
evil results anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a 
state of civil war, the British attempting to mediate, but the 
revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and ultimately 
armed intervention became necessary. 



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

'Windsor Castle, Tth .Tanuury 1847. 

The turn 'which the Portuguese affairs are now 
likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen 
is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures 
of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor 
the overthrow of a Constitutional Government ; hut the 
Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have 
broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove 
from the country those who would infaUibly ere long 
plunge the country afresli into those horrors from which 
it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy 
into the Charter would at this moment be quite mis- 
placed, hut this opportunity should be taken by the 
Queen of Portugal to establish a state of legality and 
security, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the 
accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not 
been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, 
Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable 
judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, 
by honestly and fairly distributing the patronage in 
the Army — apart from the party — which will now be 
possible as the King has the command himself, and 
by adopting such measures of internal improvement 
as will promote the material welfare of the people. 

These are the principles which the Queen would 
, 137 


wish to see her representative urge upon the Portuguese 
Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they 
are in perfect conformity with Lord John E-ussell’s own 
views. The Queen eaimot help repeating that the 
tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those 
of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Tuilehies, lB(h January 1847. 

My dearest Victoria, — I am truly happy to learn 
what you say about your feelings on those troublesome 
politics ; I can assure you that many people who are, in 
fact, quite indifferent to politics, rencharissent in expres- 
sions of dislike and contempt seulement, because they 
beheve that you have those opinions. Many wise 
people repeat sa3n,ngs which they assume to come from 
your own mouth, such, for instance, “that Louis 
Philippe could never be trusted, being, after aU, an old 
fox,” etc. 

The King’s Speech was as unobjectionable as 
possible. I trust that there will be no bitterness hi 
yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of 
Great Britain to keep France *quiet and continuing a 
peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as 
the old Duke once said with great truth, has been 
already under water several times, what could he spoiled 
has been spoiled, what remains is pretty solid. To 
attack France in France would lead to the most 
dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a 
great war again you will be .sure to have everywhere 
revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in 
England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. 
When one looks to the changes brought about in 
England in consequence of the Revolution of July, 
one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing 
but the dynasty, in England the very spirit of the old 
Monarchy has been abolished, and what will be, in the 
course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. 




A bad Constitution acts strongly on the people. 
Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest 
Victoria, your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Btissell. 

Buciungiiam PaIjace, mil February 1847. 

Lord John Russell’s memorandum contains two 
different questions. The one is this: how far the 
interests of England require an interference in the 
affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that 
country and the preservation of its Throne, and how 
far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere. 

As to this question, it appears from Lord John’s 
memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference 
to foreign invasion only are inapplicable to the present 
case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the 
appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an under- 
standing with Spain ought to be come to for its 
execution, but Lord John does not make any spechic 

The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, 
the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring 
about the present state^of affairs. This the Queen con- 
ceives can only be decided by a most minute, impartial, 
and anxious scrutiny. She indignantly rejects the 
notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern. . . . 
Lord John’s statement contains, however, nothing but 
the echo of his reports. 

Lord John wiU upon reflection admit that to say 
“that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and 
cruelty in the Portuguese Government voitliout a 
parallel in any part of Europe,” there, where not one 
execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression. 

That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from 
a Civil W ar are to be deplored, there can be no doubt 
of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance 
and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the 
Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to 
an early termination. 


The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow 
at three o’clock, when she hopes that he will be 
able to submit a definitive step. 

Queen Victoria to Lm'd John Russell. 

im March 1847. 

The Queen wishes again to caU Lord John Russell’s 
serious attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, 
and to the pohcy which has been pursued with regard 
to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain we 
have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what 
has been the consequence ? They desert us. 

We have no longer the shghtest influence in that 
country ; France has it all her own way, and we shall 
see the Cortes confirm the succession of the Infanta 
and her children without being able to prevent it. Of 
the Progi'essistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord 
Clarendon, and others always placed their hopes, Mr 
Bulwer says no’tio: "The fact is, that though they are 
the party least servile to France, they are the most 
impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of 
society, who have not the same feelings of honourable 
and gentleman-like conduct which sometimes guide a 
portion, though a very small one' of their opponents.” 

In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, too late ; 
but let us not throw away this lesson, and, if it is 
stni possible, not also lose Portugal. Our influence 
there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour^ confirms 
what every one but Mr Southern has stated for the 
last two months, viz. that we are believed to be 
favourable to the rebels ; consequently, that no advice 
of ours will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further 
says : " I should have been glad to have gained a 
little time, and not at the outset of my mission to 
be obliged to call the Government to account upon 
various scores. Your orders, however, leave me no 
option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series 
of reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as 

1 jEuvoy Extraordinary at Lisbon. " 




to our unfriendly feelings.” This is the course the 
Queen thinks so very unfortunate ; trifles about two 
horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard’s 
by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, 
etc., are made topics of serious complaint. Most 
peremptory notes are written, threatening the Govern- 
ment with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be 
unwise to threaten the insurgents. 

Then the Court is told to believe ov>r feelings of 
attachment for them ! 

Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered 
very difficult in consequence. We have now the 
results before us. Let us, therefore, before Portugal, 
our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans 
to France or Spain in preference, as she must, if we 
give her such doubtful support, try to pursue a more 
conciliatory course ; these peremptory and dictatory 
notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst 
and most unfortunate effect. 

These very Septembristas have been always the 
greatest enemies of England, and would be the first 
to turn against us should they succeed. 

There shoidd more latitude be given to the resident 
Minister not to press things at moments when they 
produce embarrassment to a Government already 
tottering, but to give him the option of waiting for 
a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is 
to be done, which a person on the spot can be a 
better judge of than we can in England. 

Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of 
the imminent danger of England losing all legitimate 
influence in Portugal, which ought now, more than 
ever, to be of the greatest importance to us. 

The Queen has in all this spoken solely of English 
influence, but this influence becomes of stfll greater 
importance to her when the Sovereigns of that country 
are her near and dear relations.^ 

* This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in London 
between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, 
and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the 
Revolutionary Junta being decided upon. 



[chap. XVI 


Lord John Russell to Qioeen Victoria. 

CiiKSHAit Pi^ACE, 19i/i March 1047. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. Lord John Russell thinks it right to 

state to your Majesty that the prevailing opinion in 

the Cabinet is that -when the necessary business in the 
House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution 
of Parliament should take place. 

This course would he conformable to the usage 
from the passing of the Septennial Act till 1830 . 
From 1830 to the present year no House of Commons 
has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolu- 
tions of Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832 , of Sir Robert 

Peel in 1834 , the death of William the Fourth in 

1837 , Lord Melbourne’s Dissolution in 1841 , have aU 
interrupted the natural life of Parhaments. But aU 
Governments since the accession of the House of 
Hanover have been of opinion (with one or two 
exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament 
to continue seven years, as circumstances may arise 
making a Dissolution very detrimental to the pubhc 

These being general considerations, Lord John 
Russell would reserve any decision on the subject 
till the moment shall arrive when a Dissolution may 
appear to your Majesty’s advisers to be the course 
most likely to secure moderate and fair elections. 

Queen Victoria to Lo7'd John Russell. 

March 1847. 

The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment 
of Lord Clarendon’s brother to the vacant stall at St 
Paul’s. The Queen would, however, draw Lord John’s 
attention generally to the mode of fillmg up those 
Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary 
it is for a Minister to be able to recommend to such 
places persons of political connections, but she thinks 
that where it can be done, it would be of gi-eat use 




both to the Church and the country to’ give these 
places of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for 
their scientific attainments, who have neither the means 
nor the time to prosecute their researches, whilst their 
labours might be of the greatest importance to the 
country. Such person of this kind, for instance, the 
Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published 
the real epistles of St Ignatius, which he translated 
from the Syriac, and is about to produce a Gospel of 
St Matthew which is considered the undoubted original 
in the Coptic dialect, and other most important docu- 
ments lately acquired for the British Museum. 

Qiieen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

BocKiNonAM Pai.acEj Vjth April ] 847. 

The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, 
through Lord John RusseU and personally, to see that 
the drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatched 
pr'evious to then being submitted to the Queen. Not- 
withstanding, this is stOl done, as for instance to-day with 
regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, 
once more repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston 
should prevent the recuiTence of this practice. 

Lord John RtCssell to Qiieen Victoria. 

Chesham Palace, 18tt May 1847. 

Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announc- 
ing to your Majesty the death of the Earl of 
Bessborough.^ The firmness and kindness of his 
temper, together with his intimate knowledge of 
Ireland and his sound judgment, make this event a 
public misfortune. 

It appears to Lord John RusseU very desirable that 
his successor should be named without loss of time, 
and as the Cabinet agreed yesterday that the Earl of 
Clarendon was the fittest person for the office. Lord 
John RusseU would suggest that a CouncU should be 
held on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may 

’ John IVilliam, formerly Lord Duncanaon, 4th Earl, horn 1781 ; Lord 
T Vii+pn'*Tit of Irplanfl 

144< JENNY LIND [chap, xw 

appoint, for a Council for the purpose of the declaration 
of your Majesty’s pleasure. 

It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although 
it is advisable finally to abolish the office of Lord- 
Lieutenant, it is not advisable to propose any measure, 
or make any amiouncement for the present. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the ^Belgians. 

BuciaNGiiARi Palace^ 12th June 1847. 

My deahest Uncle, — We are here in terrible hot 
water, though I think we shall get out of it.^ But only 
think that the Radicals and Protectionists join to 
attack Government for our interference in Portugal ! 
A change of Government on such a subject would be 
full of mischief for the future, independent of the 
great momentary inconvenience; but it would cripple 
aU ffiture Governments in their future conduct respect- 
ing Foreign Affahs, would create distrust abroad in 
our promises, and is totally contrary to England’s 
ancient policy of upholding Portugal. 

In short, it would be ‘very bad. The old Duke will 
do every thing to set matters right. 

To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and 
will hear and see Jenny Lind^^ (who is perfection) in 
Norma, which is considered one of her best parts. 
Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure 
angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of 
J. Lind, she seems quite passee. Poor thing 1 she is 
quite furious about it, and was excessively impertinent 
to J. Lind. 

To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and 
on Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your 
truly devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

' The Government were severely attackerl by a coalition of Radicals and 
Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord 
Stanley’s in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington and 
defeated, while one of Mr Hume’s in the House of Commons was talked out. 
Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry. 

“ She made her debut in Loudon on the 4th of May in Roberto il Diavolo. 
The Queen had heard her sing previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after 
singing for two years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage, 
and made extended concert tours in Europe and America. 




The Ikoke of Wellhigton to Qtieen Victoria. 

LondoNj \2th July 1847. 

{JPiw in the afternoon.) 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents 
his humble duty to your Majesty. Pie submits to 
your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and shame 
that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment 
by anything so insignificant as a statue of himself. 

When he first heard of the intention to remove the 
statue from the pedestal on which it had been placed, 
he was apprehensive that the measure might be 
misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as 
well as abroad. 

That feeling was increased when the probable 
existence of such misconstruction was adverted to in 
one of the printed papers circulated by the Com- 
mittee for the erection of the statue ; and stdl farther 
when the removal became the subject of repeated 
discussions in Parhament. His daily experience of 
your Majesty’s gracious reception of his endeavours to 
serve your Majesty ; and the events of every day, and 
the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty’s 
consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke 
stated in his letter to Lord John Russell, that there 
was no foundation for the misconstruction of the 
intended act — which undoubtedly existed. The appre- 
hension of such misconstruction had from the first 
moment created an anxious wish in the mind of the 
Duke that the removal should be so regulated and 
should be attended by such circumstances as would 
tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but 
inconvenient impression which had been created. 

The Duke apprehended that he might find it 
impossible to perform the duties with which he had 
been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John Russell 
wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contempla- 
tion ; and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has 



been most graciously pleased to countermand the 
order for the removal of the statue. 

AH of which is most humbly submitted to your 
Majesty by your Majesty’s most dutiful Subject and 
most devoted Servant, Wellington^ 

Qiieen Victoria to Lord Palmerston. 

Buckingham Palace, VLth July 1847. 

The Queen has been informed by Lord John 
Russell that the Duke of WeUington is apprehensive 
that the removal of his statue from the Arch to another 
pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure 
on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her 
esteem and friendship for the Duke was so weU loiown 
to the public in general as not to render such a con- 
struction possible, and although she had thought that 
another pedestal would have been more suitable for 
this statue, and that the Arch might have been more 
becomingly ornamented in honour of the Duke than 
by the statue now upon it, she has given immediate 
direction that the Statue should remain in its present 

^ The Duke of Wellingtoa wrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846 : — I 
should desire never to move from my principles of indifference and non- 
interference on the subject of a statue of myself to commemorate my own 

And again, on the 14tli of J one 1847, the Duke wrote to Croker : — “It has 
always teen my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing about 
myself and my own actions. 

“Moie than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little 
of myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the 
army. . . . 

“ I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have done ; 
with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon modern con- 
temporaries measures which they don’t like, and when 1 tell them I have 
some experience, and have had some success in these affairs, and feel they 
would experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk of 

These are the reasons for which they think that I don’t care what they 
do with the statue. 

“But they must ho idiots to it possible that a man who is working 
day and night, without any object in view excepting the public benefit, will 
not he sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Govern- 
ment whom ho is serving, nie ridicule will be felt, if nothing else 
is I ” . . . 



1847 ] 

situation, and only regrets that this monument should 
be so unworthy of the great personage to whose honour 
it has been erected. 

Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria. 

27th July 1847 . 

Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your 
Majesty, humbly acknowledges the letter in which 
your Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve 
of his conduct in the Government of your Majjesty’s 
Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe 
the end of this year. 

It will always be a source of happiness to Lord 
Hardinge to have contributed his efforts towards 
maintaining the stability of your Majesty’s Indian 
possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in 
the performance of these duties, that the approbation 
of his Sovereign is the most grateful distinction to 
which honourable ambition can aspire. 

The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine 
expectations that peace has been securely established 
beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout 
India, and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 
50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which 
reductions have caused no discontent, being for the 
most part voluntary on the part of the men and 
accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the service 

As regards internal dangers, there is no native 
power remaining able to face a British army in the 
field. The people are very generally engaged in trade 
and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British 
Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the 
protection of the Government has superseded the 
necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were concen- 
trated in a few large cities — and Indian manufactures 
have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England ; 
but wealth and comfort have, under British rule, 
been more extensively diffused through the agricultural 
districts, and afi classes, including the warlike tribes, 



are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer 
pursuits of peace. 

In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a 
very confident expectation that the Government of 
India, by judicious attention to the native army in 
time of peace — which may have its peculiar dangers — 
will maintain due subordination in its ranks ; and 
by abstaining from aU interference in the religious 
prejudices of the people, will secure their loyal attach- 
ment to your Majesty, and their willing obedience to 
the Governor acting in your Majesty’s behalf. 

Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself 
^tbur Majesty’s most humhle and dutiful Subject and 
Servant, Haedinge. 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria, 

Pbmbkoke Lodge, 5 th August 1847. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he 
considers the elections which have taken place since 
he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory. 

The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been 
upwards of thirty, and when the elections are 
concluded -will probably be upwards of forty. 

The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr 
Macaulay' is the most disgraceful act in the whole 
election. It has only a parallel in the rejection of 
Mr Burke by the city of Bristol. 

The result of the whole elections ‘will be, even if 
Sir George Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that 
neither Lord John Russell or any other Minister will 
have the command of a regular party majority. 

But it is probable that Government will be 
sufficiently strong to resist both a reaction against 
free trade, and any democratic movement against the 
Church or the aristocracy. 

' In consequence of hia vote on Maynooth. The poem he wrote on the 
present occasion will be remembered. 




Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Pembroke LodoBj 21 s < August 1847. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Lord 
FitzwiUiam writes that he shah, feel hurt if the 
Earldom of Strafford should be given to Lord Strafford. 

To save his feelings on this subject (Lord 
Fitzwilliam having the first Wentworth Earl of 
Strafford’s property). Lord John Russell would humbly 
propose that Lord Strafford should be created Earl 
of Middlesex. 

But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset 
might also object. Lord John Russell will adhere to his 
original proposal if your Majesty should deem it best. 

In fact, many titles have been given in succession 
to different families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, 
are famihar instances. 

Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respect- 
ing the Irish elections, on which the Prince wished 
to have his remarks. The subject is a dark and a 
dreary one. . . . 

Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be 
hoped that your Majesty may be enabled to keep the 
present Parliament for five or six years. For nothing 
tends so much to favour such reformations, to impede 
sober improvements, and to make members stand in 
servile awe of their constituents, as frequent General 

Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers 
the successful progress of your Majesty’s journey. It 
has occurred to Lord John Russell that as the harvest 
is very promising, and the election heats will have 
subsided, it may be desirable that your Majesty should 
go for three days to Ireland on your Majesty’s 
return. The want of notice might in some respects 
be favourable, and would be an excuse to many Irish 
peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin in 




Queen Victoria to Earl FitzwilUam. 

3rd September 184:7. 

The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam’s letter 
of the 31 st.^ As she sees Lord Strafford’s elevation 
to an Earldom affeady announced in the Gazette of 
the same day, it will be impossible for the Queen to 
have the question of Lord Fitzwilliam’s adverse claim 
reconsidered. She thinks it right, however, to say, that, 
loiowing that the Wentworth property came to Lord 
Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds College had 
proved that Lord Strafford was the representative of 
the Earl of Strafford of the Second Creation, whilst 
Lord Fitzwilliam was not properly considered the 
representative of the first, that the Queen approved 
the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for 
the present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find 
that this step should have been annoying to Lord 
Fitzwilliam, for whom she has ever entertained a 
sincere regard. She has sent his letter on to Lord 
John EusseU. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

AiipvEBiiai!, 3rd, September 1847. 

The Queen has received Lord John Eussell’s two 
letters of the 31st and 1st inst., and is glad to find 
that the views expressed in the Prince’s Memorandum 
coincide with those entertained by Lord John and 
Lord Palmerston, and also by Lord Minto, as she 

1 On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng had been distlng'uisiied 
in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, receiving the JEarldom of Strafford, Lord 
Pitzwilliam had written; “Your Majesty has, undouhtedly, the power of 
conferring ttiis, or any other titular dignity, according to your good pleasure, 
hut I venture to hope that, if it ho your Majesty’s pleasure to revive the 
Earldom of Strafford, it will not be bestowed upon any other person than 
the individual who has now the honour of addressing your Majesty. 

“ Tlie name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of course, familiar 
to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude that your Majesty is not unaware 
of my being his descendant, his heir, and his successor. I own his lands, 
I dwell in his house, I possess his papers, and, if neither my father nor 
myself have ever applied to the Crown for a renewal of his titles, it has not 
been because either of us was indifferent to those honours, or to the favour 
of the Sovereign, hut because we were well aware of the omharrassment which 
such applications frequently occasion to the Crown and'its advisers.” 


infers. As it seems difficult to find a person of in- 
ferior rank and position than Lord Minto, and of 
equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaldng 
the mission on the understanding that the object of 
it will he communicated beforehand to the Courts of 
Vienna and Paris, and that both these Governments 
wfil be made fully acquainted with the po.sition 
England thinks herself bound to take •with regard to 
the Italian controversy/ After this shall have been 
done, the sending of Sir William Parker with his fleet 
to the West Coast of Italy strikes the Queen as a 
very proper measure to give countenance to the 
Sovereigns engaged in Liberal Peform, and exposed 
alike to the inroads of their absolutist neighbour, and 
to the outbreaks of popular movements directed by 
a republican party, and perhaps fostered by the 
Austrian Government. 

Qiieen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Abdvemkie, Ith September 1047. 

My dearest Uncle, — I thank you much for your 
kind letter of the 28 th. Mamma -writes me szich a good 
report of you both, which gives us the greatest pleasure. 
I hope you like yourig Ernest? This horrid Praslin 
tragedy^ is a subject one cannot get out of one’s head. 
The Government can in no way be accused of these 
murders, but there is no doubt that the standard of 
mentality is very low indeed, in France, and that the 
higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This must 
shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my 
opinion, nothing has gone on well since the unfh'tunate 
false move of the Spanish marriages, and I think 

’ Lord John Rnssell proposed that Lord Minto should ho sent on a special 
mission to the Vatican. See Introductory Note for the Year, ante, p. 136. 

^ The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse de Praslin, daughter of 
the diplomatist, Sehaatiaiii, hy her husband, who committed suicide. This 
event, as well as the affair of the Spanish marriages, largely contributed to the 
Orleanist catastrophe of 18-18, for it was suspected that the Court and the 
police had not merely connived at, hut had actually furnished the means 
for, the Duke’s suicide, in order to prevent certain exposures which would 
}i«v-n rfleiflt»fl from hi^- l-rrl 



[chap. XVI 

you will admit que cela na pas porU honlieur au 
Roi. I am very anxious to explain that I was out of 
spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I wrote to you last, 
for I love this place dearly, and the quiet, simple, and 
wild life we lead here, particularly, in spite of the 
ahominable weather we have had ; and I am not the 
enemy of La Chasse, as I expressed myself — on the 
contrary, I am very keen about it, and am only 
annoyed at being unable to see it all. Really, when 
one thinks of the very dull life, and particularly the 
life of constant self-denial, which my poor, dear Albert 
leads, he deserves every amusement in the world, and 
even about his amusements he is so accommodating 
that I am deeply touched by it. He is very fond of 
shooting, but it is all with the greatest moderation. 
Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of 
his bii’thday ? 

The state of pohtics in Europe is very critical, 
and one feels very anxious for the future. 

With my dearest Albert’s love, and mine, to my 
beloved Louise. Believe me, ever your devoted Niece, 


Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Windsor Castle, Qth October 1847. 

The Queen has just received these drafts, which she 
has read attentively, and thinks very proper ; she only 
perceives 07ie omission which should be rectified, viz. 
the one in which Lord Palmerston directs Sh- H. 
Seymour and the Admiral to remain perfectly neutral 
in case of a conflict, and that is that our Fleet should 
naturally give protection to the persons of the IQng 
and Queen and Royal Family in case of danger, for 
we cannot allow them to be murdered, even if we 
should not be able to prevent then losing their Crown 
(which God forbid). 

The Queen must again observe that the drafts have 
since some weeks past been sent to her after they were 
gone, so that she can make no remark upon them. 
The Queen wishes to have copies of these drafts. 




Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Cheshaji PiiAOEj \Ath October 1847. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. He has seen the Governor (Mr Morris) 
and Deputy- Governor (Mr Prescott) of the Bank, Mr 
Jones Loyd^ and Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has 
seen many others connected with the City, and they 
have both made statements to the Cabinet. 

The general I’esult is: That an unsound state of 
trade has prevailed for some time. 

More failures may be expected.® 

The funds may faU still lowei’. 

Any interference by Government in the way of 
issuing more notes might postpone but would aggravate 
the distress. 

The railway calls add much to the present difficulty. 

No forcible interference with railways would be 
justifiable, but a voluntary postponement of the execu- 
tion of their Acts might be proposed to Parliament. 

It win be seen by this short summary that the 
persons who by official position, practical experience, 
and much reflection are most capable of giving an 
opinion think that little or nothing can be done by 
Parliament or by Government. 

It is one of those revulsions in trade which take 
place periodically, increased in extent by the expansion 
of commerce, but controUed in its operation by the 
sound principles of currency which have lately prevailed. 

The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without 
the least reason. The accommodation afforded by the 
Bank has been large, liberal, and continuous. The 
circulation of notes approaches nineteen millions. 

Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a 
person of ability and experience to place at the head 
of the Poor Law Commission, Lord John Russell has 
come to the conclusion that the best course he can take 
is to propose to Mr Cobden to accept the Presidency 

’ Afterwards Lord Overstone. 

® There had been piauy failures in London, Liverpool, and elsewhere. 

154 THE LORD-LIEUTENANCY [ouai.. xvi 


with a seat in the Cabinet, and to propose to the Duke 
of Bedford at the same time a seat in the Cabinet 
without office. 

Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden 
will occur to your Majesty. His ability, his popularity 
with the working classes, and his loiowledge of sound 
principles of political economy are undoubted. Sir 
Bobert Peel’s tribute to him has raised him both on 
the Continent and in this country, so that his presence 
in the Cabinet would give satisfaction to many. 

On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry 
would be glad to see the Duke of Bedford take part in 
the dehberations of the Government. 

With your Majesty’s permission Lord John Bussell 
will propose these arrangements to the Cabinet to- 

He has sent for Mr Lee ^ to offer him the Bishopric 
of Manchester. It is with great regret he states that 
Mr Stephen ^ is obliged from iU health to retire from the 
Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey to be made 
a Piivy Councillor, having received an assurance from 
Lord Stanley that Sk Robert Peel would propose it 
to your Majesty on his retirement. Lord John Russell 
submits the proposal to your Majesty as an honour due to 
Mr Stephen’s long, able, and calumniated^* public services. 

Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter 
of Lord Clarendon’s in reference to a Memorandum of 
His Royal Highness Prince Albert. 

Lord John RusseU thinks that in the present state 
of affairs, the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must 
not be thought of, and that with the exception noticed 
by Lord Clarendon, the suggestions made by the Prince 
would be the best measures for adoption, when that 
event takes place. 

It is possible the Pruice may not have a copy of the 

1 James Prince Lee, formerly Headmaster of King Edward’s School, 
Birmingham, Bishop of hlnuchester, 18i7'lC(;9. 

^ James Stephen, Under-Secretary for tlic Colonies, 1836-184:7, afterwards 
Professor of Modern History at Cambridge. 

^ He had made enemies by supportiug the abolition of slavery. 




Qibeen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDSOii Castle, lHh October 1847. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter, 
bringing several very important subjects before her. 
She regrets that the state of the Money Market should 
stiU he so uncomfortable, but is sure that the Govern- 
ment cannot by any interference do much to mend 
matters, though it might easily render them still more 
eomphcated, and make itself responsible for a crisis, which 
it has in no way either brought on or been able to avert.^ 

As to hlr Cobden’s appointment to the Poor Law 
Board, the Queen thinks that he will be well qualified 
for the place in many respects, and that it wiU be 
advantageous to the Government and the Country that 
his talents should be secured to the service of the State, 
but the elevation to the Cabinet dhectly from Covent 
Garden ^ strikes her as a very sudden step, calculated to 
cause much dissatisfaction in many quarters, and setting 
a dangerous example to agitators in general (for his 
main reputation Mr Cobden gamed as a successful 
agitator). The Queen therefore thinks it best that 
Mr Cobden should first enter the service of the Crown, 
serve as a public functionary in Parliament, and be 
promoted subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will 
then become a very natural one. 

The Duke of Bedford’s entrance into the Cabinet 
the Queen would see with great pleasure. 

The Queen returns the Prince’s Memorandum to 
Lord John, whilst she has retained Lord Clarendon’s 
letter upon it, which the Prince is anxious to keep if 
Lord John wiU allow him. The Queen must agree 
with. Lord John and Lord Clarendon that the present 
moment is not a favourable one for the experiment of 
abohshing the Lord-Lieutenancy. 

^ Matters, however, became worse, ami Lord John Russell and Sir Charles 
Wood wrote recommending' that the Bank should enlarge their discounts and 
advances, for which they would propose a hill of indemnity. By degrees 
the panic subsided. 

° Free Trade meQtincs had taken place in Covent Garden Theatre. 



Mr Stephen’s elevation to the Privy Council will be 
a very proper reward for his long and faithful services. 
Would he not be a proper person for one of the new 
Civil degrees of the Bath ? * 

Queeoi Victoria to Lord John Riossell. 

WiNDSon CastlBj 18i7i October 1847. 

The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John 
Russell’s attention to the enclosed paragraph taken from 
the Revue des Deux Mondes, which gives an account 
of the late events in Spain. How little honourable 
our line of pohcy appears according to this version, 
which the Queen is afraid is so very plausible that it 
wih be received as the truth by the whole French 
public and a great part of the European public at 
large 1 It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen 
must admit that our pohcy, and especially Mr Bulwer’s 
conduct at Madrid, lays itself open to similar construc- 
tion. After the gi'oss duphcity and immorality which 
characterised the conduct of France with respect to 
the Spanish marriages, though she had aU the profit 
and we aU the loss, still we had a very strong position 
on the side of integrity, morahty, and honour. The 
Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and 
counter intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily 
more of that advantageous position without any 
compensation on the other side. The Queen entreats 
Lord John RusseU not to underrate the importance of 
keeping our foreign policy beyond reproach. Pubhc 
opinion is recognised as a ruling power in our domestic 
affairs ; it is not of less importance in the society of 
Europe with reference to the conduct of an individual 
state. To possess the cor^dence of Europe is of the 
utmost importance to this country. That is the reason 
why the Queen is uneasy about our dealings in Greece, 
and anxious that we should not be misunderstood with 
respect to Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive that 
the French complain of unfair dealing on our part 

1 He w''*' rr-’flf* ‘ K.C,T} 

1847] the queen of SPAIN 157 


with reference to the negotiations in the Kiver Plate.' 
Have they any right to do so ? Have Lord Howden’s 
private instructions been at variance in any way with 
the public instructions which had been agreed upon 
with the French Government? The Queen would 
consider any advantage gained at the expense of an 
ally as a loss. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

WiwnsoR Castj.Bj 24i/t Octobev 1847, 

The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer’s 
accounts of the late extraordinary events in Spain, 
but must confess that she has in vain looked for an 
explanation of the real motives and causes of the 
crisis. Has Lord Palmerston received any private 
letters throwing more light upon the matter? There 
seems to prevail the greatest mystery about the affair. 
Is the Queen reconciled with her husband ? Has she 
sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred 
for Don Francisco and the Queen-Mother been false ? 
AU these questions are unanswered. 

Viscoimt Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

• Foreign Office, 30/A October 1847. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has many apologies to make for not 
having attended your Majesty’s Council to-day, and the 
more so as his absence arose Aom an inadvertence 
which he is almost ashamed to mention. But having 
got on horseback to ride to the station, with his 
thoughts occupied with some matters which he was 
t hinkin g of, he rode mechanically and in a fit of 
absence to the Nine Elms Station,® and did not recollect 
his mistake tiU he had got there ; and although he 
made the best of his way afterwards to the Paddington 

* Sir Jolin Hobart Caradoo, second Lord Hovvden, British Minister at 
Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count Walewski, the French Minister there, 
engaged in a special mission to the River Plate and Uruguay ; Buenos Ayres 
was blockaded by the British Fleet. 

^ The former teripinus of the London and South-Western Railway. 

158 THE QUEEN OE PORTUGAL [cmp. xvi 

Station, he could not get there in time for any train 
that would have taken him early enough to Windsor. 

Viscount Palmerston received this morning your 
Majesty’s remarks upon his proposed drafts to Sir 
Hamilton Seymour, and has modified some of the 
expressions in those drafts ; hut those drafts are only 
private and confidential answers in his own name to 
private and confidential communications from Sir 
Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his own 
personal opinions, and not those of the Government. 

Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circum- 
stances lately mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, 
coupled with the course pursued at Lisbon almost ever 
since the successful interference of the AUied Powers, 
have brought Viscount Palmerston to the painful con- 
victions expressed in the above-mentioned drafts, and 
he feels desirous, for his own sake, to place those con- 
victions at least upon record in this Office. He will be 
most happy to find that he is mistaken, and will most 
truly and heartily rejoice if events should prove that 
the confidence which your Majesty reposes in the 
sincerity and good faith of the Queen of Portugal is 
well founded ; but in a matter of this importance 
Viscount Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to 
your Majesty not to conceal his opinions, even though 
they .should, as in the present case, unfortunately 
differ from those which your Majesty entertains. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

WiNDSOB Castle, October 184:7. 

The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston’s letter 
of yesterday. She can have no objections to Lord 
Palmerston’s putting on record his opinion that the 
Queen of Portugal is leaning to the Chartist Party, 
and exposing herself, her Throne and country, to great 
danger by so doing ; but she would umch deprecate the 
putting on record the gi'ave accusation “ that the Queen 
of Portugal is in a secret and perfect understanding 
with the Cabrals,”^ which is really not warranted by the 

The Miiiiatiy in which Castro Cabral had been Premier, and his brother, 
Jose, Minister of Justice, had resided in May 1846. ' 





facts of the case, and is likely to mislead both our 
Government and the Minister at Lisbon. Since the 
Queen wrote yesterday the Prince received a letter 
from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord 
Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and 
views of the Court : we must not forget either that Sir 
Hamilton Seymour acloiowledges that a change of 
Ministry at this moment would provoke a fresh 
Kevolution at Lisbon. Although this would come from 
the Cabralists, the Queen of Portugal very naturally 
may not feel inclined to run that risk to avoid a 
danger the existence of which she does not see or 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Chesham Place, 10th Novemhcr 1847, 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and after reflecting on the various reasons in 
favour of, and objections against, different Bishops for 
promotion to the Archbishopric of York, he humbly 
submits to your Majesty the name of Dr Musgrave, 
Bishop of Hereford, to be appointed Archbishop of York. 
The Bishop of Hereford is a man of sound information, 
good judgment, and business habits. It is of such 
consequence to have ail Archbishop of York, who wiU, 
like the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and crotchets, 
and live peaceably with aU men. 

Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit 
the name of Dr Hampden to be the new Bishop, and 
that of the Bishop of Oxford^ as Queen’s Almoner. 

T/te JBishop of Oosford to Mr Anson. 

18lh November 1847. 

My dear Anson, — I enclose you a letter from Lord 
John Russell, offering me the Lord Almonership. I 
have ventured to write direct to Her Majesty, to 
express to her my grateful feelings at this notice of 
me. But I have been so afraid of offending by any- 
thing like freedom of expression that I much fear I 

^ TniiA] ^Vilhftrfnrro 


have instead said coldly and foi*mally what, if I had 
said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest 
and most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may 
venture to say is not an ungrateful heart. Ungrateful 
it would be most certainly if it did not feel to its 
deepest core the uniform and great kindness I have 
received now for so many years from Her Majesty 
and from the Prince. I wish I could better show 
them my feelings. . . . 

You have read no doubt the Times article on Dr 
Hampden. I am afraid it is too true. I cannot 
conceive 'wliat was Dr Hampden’s recommendation. 
He was not a persecuted man, for he had got a station 
far higher than he ever dreamed of already ; he is not 
an able, or an active man, or one popular with any 
party, and unless Lord John B,ussell wished for an 
opportunity of shocking the young confidence of the 
Church in him, I cannot conceive why he should have 
made it. I deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of 
your health, if it be only a single line (to Cuddesdon), 
and believe me to be, ever your truly affectionate, 

S. OxoN. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston, 

Vjth November 1847 . 

The Queen has been struck by the concluding 
passage of the accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. 
It gives an official declaration of the views of England 
with respect to a point of the greatest gravity and 
importance, and upon which the Queen apprehends 
that the mind of the Cabinet is not yet made up. The 
Queen herself has come to no determination upon it, 
and it may involve the question of peace or war. 
Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain 
contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and 
in such an indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord 
Palmerston to speak to Lord John Russell upon the 
subject, and to show him the draft and these remarks 
of the Queen upon it. 




Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Foreign Office, VI th November 1847. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and in comphance with your Majesty’s 
wishes he has omitted the whole of the latter part of 
the proposed despatch to Mr Bulwer. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 


The Queen has seen with surprise in the Gazette the 
appointment of Mr Corigan,^ about which she must com- 
plain to Lord John Russell. Not only had her pleasure 
not been taken upon it, but she had actually mentioned 
to Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true 
propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always 
have found the Queen desirous to meet his views with 
regard to aU appointments and ready to listen to any 
reasons which he might adduce in favour of his recom- 
mendations, but she must insist upon appointments in 
her Household not being made without her previous 
sanction, and least of all such as that of a Physician 
to her person. 

The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria. 


Z5th November 1847. 

... I hear with dehght and thankfulness that it 
has pleased your Majesty to agree to a Conference for 
regulating the dreadful Swiss quarrels.^ I took the 
liberty to propose my beloved and truly amiable town 
of Neuch^tel as the place for the Conference, not 
only because its position in neutral territoiy and in 
Switzerland herself qualifies it above every other place 
for that purpose, but particularly because this meeting 
of the representatives of the great Powers there would 
protect it and the courageous and faithful country 

' Dominic John Corigan, M.D., Physioian-in-Ordinary to Her Majesty in 

^ See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 136. 

VOT IT. t T. 



of Neuchatel from indignities, spoliation, and all the 
horrors -which oppress at this moment the unfortunate 
and far from courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your 
Majesty has not a full appreciation of the people and the 
partisans who fill Switzerland with murders and the 
miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your 
Majesty’s happy reahns have centuries ago passed 
through the “phase” of such horrors, and with you 
the state of parties has been (as one says here) grown 
in bottles,^ under the glorious Constitution given by 
God and History, but not “made”; but there, in 
Switzerland, a party is becoming victorious I ! ! which, 
not-withstanding the exercise of Christian charity, can 
only be called “ Gottlos und Rechtlos ” (-without God 
and -without right). For Germany, the sa-ving of 
Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is simply 
a vital giiestion. If they are victorious there, in 
Germany Ukewise torrents of blood -wiU flow ; I will 
answer for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and 
Aristocrats is no empty soimd with them, and Cml 
War in song, writing, word, and deed, is their watch- 
word. “Toute charitd bien entendue commence par 
soi-m^me.” So they begin with their o-wn country, 
true to tins “ Christian ” (1) motto. If they are allowed 
to proceed, surely they voorCU stop there. Thousands 
of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which 
their comrades and allies in Germany -wiJQ. not be 
backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German 
frontier. In Germany the people are just as little 
fond of them as they were in Switzerland, but the 
experience of S-witzerland teaches us that that alone 
cannot stem their victorious march, if circumstances 
are favourable to them. The German people rely upon 
their Governments, and do nothing, but Governments 
are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the precursor 
of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes the 
Cholera), and -will have to take the consequences of 
their own negligence. Notwithstanding people and 
princes, that godless band -will march through Germany, 

* As old wine improves by being kept in bottles, 




because, though small, it is strong through being 
united and determined. AH this I have pondered in 
my head and heart (led, so to say, by the hand of 
History), and that has prompted me now to propose 
that the German Confederation (which en parenthese 
includes a population of more than forty millions) should 
appear as one of the great Powers of Europe at the 
settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be admitted 
as such by the other great Powers. Would your 
Majesty do justice, and give protection to this 
idea? ... F. W, 

Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia. 

OsBOKNE, 5th December 1847- 

Since your letter was written events have followed 
each other so rapidly that at this moment the war in 
Switzerland may be considered as terminated ; by the 
capitulations of the Cantons formerly constituting the 
Sonderbund, two parties, between which a mediation 
of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased 
to exist, and consequently mediation and the Conference 
resulting from it are in fact no longer necessary or 
possible. I had proposed London as the place of 
conference, but should with pleasure have waived this 
proposition to adopt ’the place which you have 
expressed a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. 
NeuchS,tel, and 1 should have felt truly happy if by so 
doing I could have met your wishes, and given further 
protection to the principahty against possible aggres- 
sions on the part of the Federal Government of 
Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only complica- 
tion which might arise is that between Neuch^tel and 
the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event, 
instructed Su- Stratford Canning to exert himself to 
his utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of 
aggression on your territory, and he has been furnished 
with an able and elaborate state paper for his guidance, 
which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the 
legal merits of the case. Should events prove that 
Sir S. Canning did not arrive in time, or had not the 




power of averting a hostile step against Neuch^tel, you 
may rely upon my readiness at all times to put my 
good offices at your disposal. Should a conference 
upon Swiss affaii-s still become necessary, I conceive 
that the only plea upon which the great IPowers could 
meet in conference would be their having guaranteed 
the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and 
by implication the Federal Compact amongst the 
Cantons. This has not been the case with regard to 
the German Confederation, and I do not readily see 
in consequence how the Confederation could be 
admitted into this Conference, however much I confess 
I would like to see Germany take her place amongst 
the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and 
population fairly entitle her. I may say that my 
Government are equally impressed with me with the 
importance of German unity and strength and of this 
strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe ; 
I am sure that the English public generally share this 
feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty 
that much would depend upon the manner in which 
this power was represented. Much as the English would 
like to see this power represented by the enlightened 
councils of your Majesty, they would be animated 
with very different feelings in- seeing it in the hands 
of Prince Metternich . . . Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Rnssell. 

OsBOBNB, 19th December 1847. 

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of 
several letters from Lord John RusseU. She was 
pleased to see that the Debates have been brought 
to such a satisfactory conclusion, aU the propositions 
of the Government having passed with such good 
majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John 
that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in 
his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating 
the future Government, and selecting Lord George 
Bentinck, Mr Disraeli (!), and Mr Herries as the persons 
destined to hold Msth qfjices in the next ^Government. 

1847] the bishops and dr HAMPDEN 165 


The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr 
Hampden, and the Bishop of Exeter^ is gone so far, 
in the Queen’s opinion, that he might be prosecuted 
for it, in calling the Act settling" the supremacy on the 
Crown a foul act and the Magna Charta of Tyranny. 

The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is 
quite recovered. We are going to Windsor the day 
after to-morrow. 

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victo?'ia. 

Brocket Hale, 30th December 1847. 

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty. He has received with great pleasure your 
Majesty’s letter of this morning, and reciprocates with 
the most cordial heartmess your Majesty’s good wishes 
of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal 
Highness. Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, 
perhaps rather better than he has been, but low and 
depressed in spuits for a cause which has long pressed 
upon his mind, but which he has never before com- 
municated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for 
a long time found himself much straitened in his 
pecuniary circumstances, and these embarrassments 
are growing now every day more and more urgent, 
so that he dreads before long that he shall be obliged 
to add another to the list of failures and bankl^lptcies 
of which there have lately been so many. This is the 
true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided 
the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by 
his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord 
Melbourne ^ows that the expense of accepting the 
blue ribbon amounts to £1000, and there has been of 
late years no period at which it would not have been 
seriously inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down 
such a sum.® 

' Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869. 

® The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson, advanced Lord 
Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have been repaid 
at his death. Apparently Lord Melboui’ne's declining health caused him 
to magnify his difficulties. The report whicli Mr Anson made shows that 
he was in no sense seriously embarrassed. 


At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout 
England at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic 
being caused by the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter 
from the Duke of Wellington to Sir John Burgojme, to the effect 
that in his judgment the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and 
that there were no means of opposing a hostile force. The Govern- 
ment turned its attention to reconstructing the Militia, and raising 
the Income Tair for the pui-pose. But the outlook was completely 
changed by the French Revolution ; Louis Philippe, who had just 
lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adelaide, impulsively 
abdicated, on a rising taking place, and escaped with his family 
to this country. England and Belgium were unaffected by the 
outburst of revolution which convulsed Europe : the Emperor of 
Austria was forced to abdicate, and Mettemich, like Guizot, became 
a fugitive ; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and throughout 
Germany the movement in favour of representative institutions 
made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was 
constituted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the 
German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though prematiue, 
was serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against 
Austria ; the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian 
Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their 
assistance, A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these 
successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against 
Ferdinand 11. of Naples was suppressed. In France the revolu- 
tionary movement held steadily on its course, a National Assembly 
was elected, and national workshops established ; Louis Bonaparte, 
who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed to return, and 
was elected President of the Republic by an immense majority 
of the popular vote. 

The friends of Revolution had no success in England ; a very 
serious riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened 
by Feargus O’Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, 
which was to carry a huge petition in favour of the People’s 
Charter to the House of Commons, proved a ridiculous ^jmsco. 
Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was i^own 
as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful, 
and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different 




from the sturdy Repeal movement of O’Connell, ^mith O’Brien, 
brother of Lord Inchiquln, was the ringleader, and was hacked by 
Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others, as well as by the Nation and 
United Iiishmcm newspapers. Like Chartism, the movement 
ignominiously collapsed, and its leaders were convicted of treason. 
An Act was at the same time passed reducing some offences (tiU 
then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the law 
as to offences against the person of the Sovereign. 

The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led 
to operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie— who had recently 
become Viceroy — after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, 
the Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; 
a British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 23nd November, 
and a decisive result was not arrived at tiU 1849. 

In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the 
Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty 
over the country between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a 
collision with the Boers, and ultimately to the founding of the 
Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated the Boers on the 
29th of August at Boom Platz, 


The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

LaekeNj \st January 184:8. 

My DEAUEST ViCTOBiA, — This is a most melancholy 
beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Ad^laide,^ so 
kind to us, has departed this life yesterday morning. 
Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be 
more alfectionate and more motherly than she was for 
Louise. She was always very kind and friendly to me, 
and I must confess I feel the blow much. I am very 
much alarmed about the poor King ; he must feel the 
loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to hiTu 
deeply ; it is the tiling most likely to limf and shake 
his health. You wiU forgive if I cut short here, as 
I am much disturbed by this .melancholy event. I 
think you would act kindly in writing to the King. 
We are too nearly cormected not to do it, and it 
wiU soothe him, who has been enough persecuted since 
last year. I trust you begin better than we do this 
most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, 
and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly 
and devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John RusselV 

WiNDsoB Castle, 3rd January 13i3. 

The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter fi-om 
her Uncle, the King of the Belgians, which wiU show 

1 Sister of King Louis Philippe. 

® This letter is headed " Keproduction— Substance of a letter to Lord 
John Russell, written from recollection.” 



how dreadful a blow Mme. Adelaide’s death will be 
to the King of the French and Royal Family. The 
Queen’s first thought was to widte to the King, which 
she would not have done without first mentioning it 
to Lord John ; but upon reflection she thought it 
quickest and liest to widte at once to her cousin 
Clementine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to 
convey in her name to the King her sincere sympathy 
at this melancholy event. The King of the Belgians’ 
letter has, however, brought back to the Queen her 
first thought of writing to the King, and she wishes to 
know what Lord John thinks of it. The Queen thinks 
it as undignified as unfeehng to cany on political cool- 
ness at moments like these, when her own feelings of 
sympathy are so strong and so sincere. The Queen 
would certainly under other circumstances have 
instantly written to the King. On the other hand, 
her first letter to her cousin (the King’s daughter) may 
be sufficient, as it conveys a direct message ; and there 
may be people who will construe this into a political 
act, but the Queen thinks that this risk should rather 
be run than that she should appear unfeehng and for- 
getful of former kindness and intimacy. 

The Queen would be glad to have Lord John’s 
opinion on this subject as soon as possible. 

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, Zrd January 1848. 

My dearly beloved Victoria, — I thank you most 
sincerely for your kind last letter, and all your good 
wishes for the New Year. Alas ! the year ended and 
began in a most painful and heartrending way for us. 
The loss of my good, excellent, beloved Aunt is an 
immense misfortune for us all, and the most dreadful 
blow for my poor Father. We are aU broken-hearted 
by this, at last unexpected event. Some years we were 
uneasy about my poor Aunt’s health, and of late I 
had been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her 
increasing weakness ; but I was very far from believing 



that her end was so near. I was only anxious for the 
winter. At least her end was peaceful. She went 
to sleep and did not wake more. She died without 
a struggle ; the horror of death, and the still greater 
pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taldng of 
her beloved brother, was spared to her. I thank God 
for this proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep 
up my Father under such a heavy fiction. To him 
the loss is irretrievahle. My Aunt lived biot for him ; 
one may almost say that her affection alone had kept 
her aHve these last years, and a devotion like hers — 
that devotion of aU instants — so complete, so full of 
self-denial — cannot, will never, be replaced. A heart 
like hers, so true, so noble, so warm, so loving, so 
devoted, is rarely seen. To us also, independently of 
my Father, the loss is a dreadful one. My Aunt 
was a second mother for us ; we loved her and looked 
up to her in this way, and certainly few mothers do 
for theii' children what she did for us, or loved them 
better. We are overwhelmed with grief by the sudden 
disappearance of a being so dear and so necessary to 
us all, and we go to-morrow to Paris, to mourn with 
the remainder of the family, and offer my poor Father 
the only consolation he can feel at this cruel moment, 
that of being surroimded by ^all those he loves. I 
have still so much to do previous to our melancholy 
journey that I cannot say more to-day. I am sure 
you will excuse me. I shall, God wrUing, write in 
a more proper way the next time. In the meanwhile 
I thank God that you are unberufen aU well, and, 
in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my beloved Victoria, 
from the bottom of my heart, yours most devotedly, 


Lord John Russell to Qiieen Victoria. 

WoBUBN Abbey, ith January 1848. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks 
your Majesty will do well to follow your own kind 


impulse to write a letter to the King of the French. 
There will he some persons, and M. Guizot perhaps 
among the number, who wiU construe this into a 
political act ; but it is better to be subject to such mis- 
constructions than to leave undone any act of sympathy 
to the King of the French in his sore affliction. 

Should the King attempt to found upon your 
Majesty’s letter any political intercourse. Lord John 
Russell has no doubt that your Majesty wiU explain to 
him that your present proceeding is entirely founded upon 
private regard, and past recoUections of intimacy, and is 
not intended as an opening for political correspondence. 

Qiieen Victoria to the King of the French. 

Ch. be WiNDSOK, 6 Janvier 1848. 

Sire et mon bon Frere, — Je ne voulais pas suivre 
I’impulse de mon coeur, dans les premiers instants de la 
vive douleur de votre Majestd, en vous ^crivant — mais 
maintenant ou la violence de cette rude secousse peut- 
6tre sera un peu adoucie, je viens moi-m§me exprimer 
k votre Majeste la part sincere que nous prenons, 
le Prince et moi, k la crueUe perte que vous venez 
d’^prouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide in-eparable. 

Ayez la bonte, Sire, d’off’rir nos expressions de 
condoleance k la Reine, et faisant des vceux pour le 
bonheur de V.M., je me dis. Sire et mon bon Frere, 
de F.M., la bonne Soeur, V. R. 

A.S.M. le Roi des Fran 9 ais. 

The King of the French to Qiteen Victoria. 

PabiSj 8 Janvier 1848. 

Madame ma bonne Sceuu, — Dans la profonde 
douleur oh m’a plough le coup cruel qui vient de 
me frapper, une des plus douces consolations que je 

i msse recevoir, est la lettre que votre Majestd a eu 
a bontd de m’adresser, tant en son nom qu’en celui 
du Prince son Epoux. L’expression de la part que 
vous prenez tous deux a mon malheur, et de I’intdr^t 



[chap. XVII 

que vous continuez a me porter, m’a vivement emu, 
et quelque douloureuse qu’en soit Voccasion, qu’il 
me soit permis, Madame, de vous en remercier, et 
de dire a votre Majeste que mon coeur et mes sentimens 
pour elle, sont et seront toujours les m^mes que ceux 
que j’dtais si heureux de Lui manifester a Windsor 
et au Chateau d’Eu. 

Je prie votre Majeste de vouloir bien etre, aupres 
du Prince son Epoux, I’interprHe de toute ma sensibility. 
La Reine est bien touchde de ce que votre Majestd 
m’a chargd de Lui tdmoigner et je la prie de croire 
que je suis toujours, Madame, ma bonne Sceur, de votre 
Majeste, le bon Frere, Louis Philippe R. 

Queen Victoiia to Viscount Palmerston. 

Claremont, Wth January 1848, 

The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed 
to Lord Cowley, in "which he is desired to advise 
the Sultan to give Abd-el-Kader a command in his 
Army — a step which the Queen cannot approve, not 
because it is not good advice to the Porte, but 
because it is uncalled for on our part, and might 
be considered by France as a hostile step towards 
her. What would we say if the French were to 
advise M. Ali to give Akbar Khan the command of 
his Army ? ^ 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Claremont, lltli January 1848. 

My dearest Uncle, — I always write with pleasure 
to you from this so very dear old place, where we 
are safely and happily housed with our 'whole little 
family since yesterday. The weather is very cold, 
and it is the tford night of a black frost which is likely 
to continue for some days. Many thanks for your 
kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new 

1 Sec anfej vol. i. p. 320. 



arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your 
visit will, I fear, have been a very melancholy one. 
Poor Mme. Adelaide’s death was so extremely sudden, 
it must be a dreadful blow to the poor King. I have 
written to him. Louise will have told you that poor 
Aunt Sophia^ is decidedly sinking. 

I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal 
to coming to us now (which would be a sad disappoint- 
ment), you would come to see us. Why not come 
while she is at Paris? It would be such a pleasure 
to us. You will of course have no balls, and you 
might come even sooner than you originally intended. 
Pray do see if j'ou could manage this, I am sure 
you could. If Louise could come, of course that would 
be still better. 

Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, 
viz. if you would give us the picture that is here 
of Grand Uncle Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we 
might hang it up in London, where we have made 
a &e collection of his contemporaries, and we would 
replace it by a faithful copy, which could be hung 
up in the frame here. Will you grant this? 

We are very desirous of getting the Woods and 
Forests to build a small glass dome to the greenhouse 
here where the palm-trees are, and (if you approved) 
there could be no difficulty in getting this done ; the 
palm-trees are beautiful, and will be quite stunted and 
spoilt if not allowed to grow. We shall stay here 
tiU Monday next. With Albert’s love, ever your 
truly devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, \2 th January 1848. 

My dearest Victoria, — A messenger of my own 
going to England, I take advantage of it to write 
you a few words. Your kind letter to the poor King 
was an act for which I thank you from the bottom 
of my soul, because it made him so happy. 1 was 

^ Fiftli daughter of George III., horn 1777. She died in May 1848. 



still in his rooms — where the family has been break- 
fasting and dining till now — when yom- letter arrived ; 
he was so delighted with it that he Mssed it most 
tenderly. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but 
with rather a severe cold. He had certainly at the 
end of December the Grippe, which perhaps was the 
immediate cause of poor Aunt’s death, as from over- 
anxiety for her beloved brother, she got up in the 
night to find out how he was. His cold had been 
better when he went to Dreux, then he met the 
procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church ; 
this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves 
are also a good deal shaken, and this renders him very 
irritable. He is much occupied about some of the 
arrangements connected with poor Aunt’s fortune ; she 
left her landed property to Nemours, JoinviUe, and 
Montpensier, charged with the various sums she left 
to nearly aU the branches of her family. The King 
is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of 
this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to 
employ the revenues, fi’om the whole of the succession 
legacies as well as landed property, to free the landed 
property of the mortgage of the various legacies. This 
will require a good many years, and I told him that 
it would force him to live till" it would be arranged, 
which will easily require ten years. In France a good 
feeling has been shown on this occasion. I heard from 
trustworthy quarters that even people who were known 
to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed 
themselves most anxious for his preservation. When- 
ever that sad event wUl take place, the reaction in 
Europe will be great, as all the bad passions which 
are kept down by him will then of course try to get 
the over hand. The Queen is much affected by aU 
this, and thinks much of her own end. The children, 
including good HdEne, have aU behaved with the 
utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal 
particularly good Nemours’ devotion and attention. 
My beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle, 

T.nopoTu R 




The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria, 

LaekeNj 12i/i February 1848. 

My dearest Victoria, — . . . From Paris the news 
are alarming ; ^ the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning 
towards radicahsm, or in fact merely their own pro- 
motion ; principles are out of the question. This state 
of affairs reacts in a very lamentable way upon the 
well-being of the great European community. Great 
complaints are made that the working classes are 
deprived of work and at the same time political 
agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of 
stopping transactions of every description. The human 
race is a sad creation, and I trust the other planets 
are better organised and that we may get there here- 
after. . . . Your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Lo7'cI John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Downing Street, 23rd February 1848. 

Lord John RusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and wiU have the honour of waiting 
upon your Majesty at three o’clock to-morrow. 

Lord Normanby’s letters from Paris give little 

^ The Rcpuhlicau movement had been making rapid headway in Paris, and 
the leader of the Opposition, Mi Odilon Barrot, proposed Guizot’s impeach- 
ment on the 22nd of February. Louis PhUippe, when it was unfortunately 
too late, consented to a change of Ministry, but the formation of a new 
Government proved impossible. The Revolution could have been q^uelled, 
had it not been for the King’s reluctance to shed blood in defence of the 
Throne to which he had been elected ; even to the agitators themselves the 
completeness of the Revolution was a surprise. 

“ A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to Lord Palmerston 
(published in Ashley’s Life of Palmerston, vol. i. chap, hi.) gives an account of 
the situation on the eve of the 22nd of February. On the 26th of February he 
wrote : — 

" The National Guards, mixed ivith the people, were in full march upon 
the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when Emile 
Girardin, the editor of the Presse newspaper, who was in advance as 
an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of Abdication, 
and placed it before the King as the only means of safety. The King at first 
refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Due de Montpensier 
urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his country from confusion. 
The King at last signed it, and threw it impatiently at the Due de Montpensier, 
who, I believe, has been in favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The 
Royal Family then retired through the garden, ihe King saying to every one 
as he passed, ‘ J’abdique, j’abdique.’ ” 


There has been some fighting in the streets, and 
some apprehension for the night. But it does not 
appear probable that any serious danger will be incurred, 
with the troops in such force in Paris. 

Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between 
the Government of the King, and the Bepubhcans. 
But in that case such men as M. Odilon BaiTot will 
shrink from the contest. 

TJie King of the JBelgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, 26tt February 1848. 

My deaeest Victoria, — I am very unwell in conse- 
quence of the atsful events at Paris. How will this 
end? Poor Louise is in a state of despair which is 
pitiful to behold. What -wlLI soon become of us God 
alone knows ; great efforts wiU be made to revolutionise 
this country; as there are poor and wicked people in 
aU countries it may succeed. 

Against France we, of course, have a right to claim 
protection from England and the other Powers. I can 
write no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted 
Uncle, Leopold R. 

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

BiiTjssELSj February 1848. 

My dearly beloved Victoria, — I understand by 
an account arrived this morning, and which seems to 
be correct, that my unfortunate parents arrived in 
England before yesterday evening: but I don’t know 
where they are. (I don’t know anything of them 
since the 23rd, evening ! ! !) But you wiU surely know, 
and kindly forward the letter to my poor mother. I 
have just received your kind letter from the 25th, but 
I am unable to say more to-day. You wUl easily 
conceive my agony and anguish. What an unbelievable 
clap of thunder ! I know stUl nothing of what Nemours 
and Montpensier are become. I rely on your interest 
and sympathy, and remain as ever, yours most 
devotedly, ^ Louise. 

I hear this moment with an extreme relief t\i&t my 


parents were to arrive yesterday at London, and thank 
God from the bottom of my heart for their safety ! 
In my agony I did not wish for anythmg else. 

The King of Prussia to Queen Vietotia. 

[ Translation. ] 

27^A February 1848. 

Most guacious Queen and Sister, — Even at this 
midnight hour of the day, on the evening of which the 
awful news from Paris has arrived, I venture to address 
these lines to your Majesty. God has permitted events 
which decisively threaten the peace of Europe. 

It is an attempt to “spread the principles of the 
Revolution by evei'y means throughout the whole of 
Europe.” This progi’amme binds together both these 
individuals and their paiTies. The consequences for 
the peace of the world are clear and certain. If the 
revolutionary party carries out its programme, “The 
sovereignty of the people,” my minor crown will be 
broken, no less certainly than the mighty crowns of 
your Majesty, and a feaifiil scourge will be laid upon 
the nations ; a century [will follow] of rebeUion, of law- 
lessness, and of godlessness. The late ICing did not 
dare to write “by the Grace of God.” We, however, 
call ourselves King “ by the Grace of God,” because it 
is true, WeU, then, most gracious Queen, let us now 
show to men, to the peoples threatened with disruption 
and nameless misery, both that we understand our sacred 
office and how we understand it. God has placed in 
your Majesty’s hands, in the hands of the two Emperors, 
in those of the German Federation, and in mine, a 
power, which, if it now acts in union and harmony, 
with reliance on Heaven, is able, humanly speaking, to 
enforce, with certainty, the maintenance of the peace 
of the world. This power is not that of arms, for these, 
more than ever, must only afford the ultima ratio. 

The power I mean is “ the power of united speech.” 
In the year 1830 the use of tliis immeasurable power 
was criminally neglected. But now I think the 

VOT.. TT. 


danger is much more pressing than it was then. This 
power is divided among us in equal portions. I possess 
the smallest portion of it, and your Majesty has by far 
the greatest share. That share is so great that your 
Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone carry 
out the task. But the certainty of victory hes, subject to 
the Divine blessing, solely in our utterance being united. 
This must be our message to France; “that all of us 
are cordial well-wishers to France; we do not grudge 
her all possible welfare and glory ; we mean never to 
encroach on it, and we will stand by the new Govern- 
ment as by the old, foi de gentik-hommes. But the 
first breach of the peace, be it vdth reference to Italy, 
Belgium, or Germany would be, undoubtedly and at 
the same time, a breach with ‘ all of us,’ and we should, 
with all the power that God has given us, let France 
feel by sea and by land, as in the years T3, 14, and 15, 
what our union may mean.” 

Noui I bless Providence for having placed Lord 
Palmerston at the head of your Foreign Office, and 
keeping him there at this very moment. During the 
last quarter of the past year I could not always cordially 
agree with him. His genuine British disposition will 
honom this open confession. All the more fi’ankly may 
I now express the hopes which rise in me, from the 
very fact of his holding that office at the present 
moment ; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic 
Minister of foreign affairs, a man that would more 
indefatigably pursue great aims, your Majesty could 
probably never have. If at this grave hour he sets 
liimself to proclaim that our forces are united ; if he 
himself utters his message as befits St George, he wiU 
earn the blessing of miffions, and the blessing of God 
and of the world will rest on your Majesty’s sacred 
head. That I am your Majesty’s and Old England’s 
most faithful and most devoted brother and companion, 
you are aware, and I mean to prove it. On both 
knees I adjure you, use, for the welfare of Europe, 
“ Engellands England.” 

With these words I fall at your Majesty’s feet, most 




gracious Queen, and remain your Majesty’s most 
faitlifully devoted, most attached Servant and good 
Brother, Fredeuic William. 

P.S. — The Prince I embrace. He surely feels 
■with me, and justly appraises my endeavours. 

Post seriptum, iBlh, in the evening. 

I venture to open my letter again, for this day has 
brought us news fi-om France, which one can only caU 
horrible. According to what we hear, there is no longer 
left a King in France. A regency, a government, and 
the most complete anarchy has ensued, under the name 
of the Republic — a condition of things in which, at first, 
there will be no possibihty of communicating with the 
people, infuriated ■with crime. In case a Government 
should evolve itself out of this chaos, I conscientiously 
hold that the “united word” of the great Powers, 
such as I have indicated in the preceding pages, should 
be made kno^wn, without any modification, to the new 
holders of power. Your Majesty’s gracious friendship 
■wUl certainly not take amiss this addition to my letter, 
though it be not conformable to strict etiquette. 

The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of 
Orleans, of the whole honourable and amiable family, 
cuts me to the heart, for up to this time we do not 
know what has become of any of them. We owe 
Louis Philippe eighteen happy years of peace. No 
noble heart must forget that. And yet — ^who would 
not recognise the avenging hand of the King of 
kings in all this? 

I kiss your Majesty’s hands. 

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Bhussels, W,th February 1848. 

My deaely beloved Victoeia, — What a mis- 
fortune/ What an awful, overwhelming, unexpected 
and inexplicable catastrophe. Is it possible that we 
should -witness such events, and that this should be the 
end of nearly eighteen years of courageous and suc- 
cessful efforts to maintain order, peace, and make 
France happy, what she was? I have heard, I read 

180 QUEEN LOUISE’S ANXIETY [chap, xvn 


hourly, whai has happened: 1 cannot believe it yet; 
but if my beloved parents and the remainder of the 
fi^mily are at least safe I won’t mind the rest. In 
the hours of agony we have gone through I asked 
God only to spare the lives, and I ask still nothing else : 
hut we don’t know them yet all saved, and till I 
have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my unhappy 
brothers far away, of all those for whom I would 
lay my life at any moment, and whose danger I 
could not even share or alleviate, I cannot exist. 

I was sure, my beloved Victoria, of all you would 
feel for us and ‘with us when you would hear of these 
awful events. I received yesterday your two kind, 
warm, sympathising letters of the 25th and 26th, and 
thank you with all my heart for them, and for yours 
and Albert’s share and sympathy. 

Our anguish has been undescribable. We have 
been thirty-six hours ‘without any ne’ws, not knowing 
even if my parents and the family were still alive 
or not, and what had been their fate. Death is not 
worse than what we endured during these horrible 
hours. We don’t know yet what to think, what to 
believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we are 
stunned and crushed by the awful blow. What has 
happened is unaccountable, incomprehensible ; it appears 
to us like a fearful dream. iUas ! I fear my dear 
beloved father was led away by his extreme courage; 
by that same courage which had made his success 
and a part of his strength; for it is strange to say 
that even those that deplored most his resolution 
never to yield on certain things gave him credit for 
it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and 
resistance, or rather immobility, lost him, as that of 
war lost Napoleon. Had he shunned less war on all 
occasions, and granted in time some trifling reforms, 
he would have satisfied public opinion, and would 
probably he still where he was only eight days a^o, 
strong, beloved, and respected! Guizot’s accession 
has been as fatal as his faU, and is perhaps the first 
cause of our ruin, though my father cannot be blamed 


for having kept him in office, as he had the majority 
in the Chamber, and an overwhelming one. Constitu- 
tionally, he could not have been turned out, and it 
was impossible to foresee that when all was quiet, the 
country prosperous and happy, the laws and liberty 
respected, the Government strong, a Revolution — and 
sudi a Revolution — ^would be brought on by a few 
imprudent words, and the resistance (lamentable as it 
was) to a manifestation which, in fact, the Government 
had a right to prevent. It was the Almighty's will; 
we must submit. He had decreed our loss the day 
he removed my beloved brother^ from this world. Had 
he lived stiU, all this would have turned otherwise. 
It has been also an immense misfortune that Joinville 
and Aumale were both away. They were both 
popular (which poor dear never-to-be-si.ifficiently-respected 
Nemours was not), energetic, courageous, and capable 
of tm-ning chance in our favour. Oh! how I long 
to know what is become of them! I cannot live tiU 
then, and the thought of my unfortunate parents 
annihilates me 1 Poor dear Joinville had foreseen 
and foretold almost all that has happened, and it 
was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made 
him so unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several 
times six weeks ago. Alas I nobody would believe him, 
and who could believe that in a day, almost without 
struggle, all would he over, and the past, the present, 
the fhture carried away on an unaccountable storm ! 
Godls will he done! He was at least merciful to my 
dear Aunt, and I hope He will preserve all those dear 
to me! 

Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and 
the best feeling and spirit prevailing. There is till 
now nothing to fear ; but if a republic really established 
itself in France, it is impossible to teU what may 
happen. For this reason your Uncle thinks it right 
that we should remove to some place of safety what we 
have of precious. If you permit I will avail myself of 
the various messengers that are going now to send under 

^ Tlie Due d^Orle'ans, who was killed on ISth July 1842. 


your care several boxes, which you will kindly send 
to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle 
already sent. They contain your Uncle’s letters and 
those of my parents — the treasure I most value in 
the world. 

29th . — My deahly beloved Victohia, — This was 
written yesterday, in a moment of comparative quiet, 
when I thought my parents at least safe and in 
security in England. Albert’s letter to your Uncle 
of the 27th, which arrived yesterday evening, says 
they were not arrived yet, and I am again in the 
most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening 
details of their flight [my father flying ! ! !) by Madame 
de Murat, Victoire’s lady, who has gone to England, 
which quite distracted me. Thank God that Nemours 
and Cllm at least are safe! I am quite unable to 
say more, and I hope the Duchess and Alexandrine 
will excuse me if I don’t write to them. Truly, I 
can’t. I thank you only once more, my beloved 
Victoria, for all your kindness and interest for my 
unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you 
feel for us won’t hurt you. God bless you ever, with 
all those dear to you. Believe me always, my beloved 
Victoria, yours most devotedly, Louise. 

I send you no letter for my mother in the present 

Lord John Russell to Queen J^ictona. 

Chesham Puaob, 29i/i February 1848. 

Lord John KusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to transmit a short 
note from Lord Normanhy, which is very satisfactory. 

Lord John Russell declared last night that yom 
Majesty would not interfere in the internal affairs of 
France. But in repeating this declaration, in answer 
to Mr Cohden, he added that the sacred duties of 
hospitality would be, as in all times, performed towards 
persons of all opinions. Both declarations were gener- 
ally cheered. In extending this hospitality to members 
of the Royal Family of France, it is oqjy to be observed 


that no encouragement should be given by your Majesty 
to any notion that your Majesty would assist them to 
recover the Crown. In this light it is desirable that 
no Prince of the House of Orleans should inhabit one 
of your Majesty’s palaces in or near London. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

[Undated. y 

The Queen has perused the enclosed despatches and 
the proposed Minutes of a draft to Lord Normanby 
with Lord John RusseE’s remarks. She approves 
generaEy of the Minutes, but would like that amongst 
the laudable intentions of the new French Government, 
that of keeping inviolate the European Treaties should 
be brought in in some way. In the paper No. 2, the 
expression “ most cordial friendship ” strikes the Queen 
as rather too strong. We have just had sad experience 
of cordial understandings. “ Friendly relations ” might 
do better, or the whole sentence might run thus : “ that 
not peace only but cordial friendship with France had 
been at all times [instead of “is one of the,” etc.] one 
of the first wishes of the British Government, and that 
this will remain,” etc., etc., etc. 

Queen Victoria to^ the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingii.vm Palace, March 1848. 

My DEAEEST Uncle, — Every hour seems to bring 
fresh news and events. Victoire and her childi’en and 
Montpensier are at Jersey, and are expected to arrive 
to-morrow. About the I^g and Queen, we stEl know 
nothing, but we have some clue, and think he may be 
somewhere on the coast, or even in England. We 
do everything we can for the poor dear Family, who 
are indeed most dreadfuEy to be pitied ; but you wiE 
naturaEy understand that we cannot malce cause 
commune with them, and cannot take a hostEe position 
opposite to the new state of things in France ; we leave 
them alone, but if a Government which has the ap- 
probation of the country be formed, we shaE feel it 

1 Apparently written at tlie end of February. 


necessary to recognise it, in order to pin them down to 
maintain peace and the existing Treaties, which is of 
great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to do 
this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go 
before one’s feelings. God knows what one feels towards 
the French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain 
the fine and independent position you are now in, which 
is so gratifying to us, and I am sure you will feel that 
much as we aU must sympathise with our poor French 
relations, you should not for that quarrel with the exist- 
ing state of things, which however is very uncertain. 
There were fresh reports of great confusion at Paris, 
which is sure to happen. All our poor relations have 
gone through is worthy only of a dreadful romance, 
and poor Clem behaves beautifully, courageously, and 
calmly, and is full of resignation ; but she can get no 
sleep, poor thing — and hears the horrid cries and sees 
those fiend-like faces before her ! The children are very 
happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the 
Duchesse de Montpensier to-day. 

Now, with every wish for all going on well, believe 
me ever, your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Mr Featherstonhaugh^ to Viscount Palmerston. 

Havre, ZrA March 1848. 

My dear Lord Palmebsto^t,-— It was a hair-trigger 
affair altogether, but thanks be to God everything has 
gone off admirably. I was obliged to abandon the plan 
of ti’usting the King in a fishing-boat from Trouville. 
The weather was very stormy; had he attempted to 
find the steamer, he might have faded, for the sea was 
in a furious state and the wind ahead. There was 
also the danger of the fishing-boat being lost, a con- 
tingency the veiy idea of which made me miserable. 

I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after 
much and careful reflection determined to execute one 
more within my control, and the boldness of which, 
though trying to the nerves, was its very essence for 
success. It was to bring the King and Queen into 

^ British Consul at Havre. This letter was suhmitted to the Queen by 


necessary to recognise it, in order to pin them down to 
maintain peace and the existing Treaties, which is of 
great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to do 
this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go 
before one’s feehngs. God knows what one feels towards 
the French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain 
the fine and independent position you are now in, which 
is so gratifying to us, and I am sure you wiU feel that 
much as we all must sympathise with our poor French 
relations, you should not for that quarrel with the exist- 
ing state of things, which however is very uncertain. 
There were fresh reports of great confusion at Paris, 
which is sure to happen. AH our poor relations have 
gone through is worthy only of a dreadful romance, 
and poor C14m behaves beautifully, courageously, and 
calmly, and is full of resignation ; but she can get no 
sleep, poor thing — and hears the horrid cries and sees 
t\iose fiend-lihe faces before her I The children are very 
happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the 
Duchesse de Montpensier to-day. 

Now, with every wish for all going on well, believe 
me ever, your devoted Niece, Victobia R. 

Mr Featherstonliaugh i to Viscount Palmerston. 

HavuEj Srd March 1848. 

My deah. Lord Palmebstoi^, — It was a hah'-trigger 
affair altogether, but thanks be to God everything has 
gone off admhably. I was obliged to abandon the plan 
of trusting the liing in a fishing-boat horn Trouville. 
The weather was very stormy; had he attempted to 
find the steamer, he might have failed, for the sea was 
in a furious state and the wind ahead. There was 
also the danger of the fishing-boat being lost, a con- 
tingency the very idea of which made me miserable. 

I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after 
much and careful reflection determined to execute one 
more within my control, and the boldness of which, 
though trying to the nerves, was its very essence for 
success. It was to bring tlie King and Queen into 

1 British Consul at Havre. This letter was suhmitted to the Queen by 
T nril P«'lTn«i*'='tnn 



Havre itseK before anybody could suspect such a 
dangerous intention, and have everything ready for 
their embarkation to a minute. To carry out the plan, 
I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents, and I 
found them as it turned out. It was known to me 
that the lower classes suspected it was M. Guizot 
concealed at Trouville, and as some sinister occurrence 
might reasonably be expected there, I sent a faithful 
person into Calvados. It was high time. The mob 
had assembled at the place where the King was, who 
had to shp out at the back door and walk two leagues 
on foot. At length he reached a small cottage be- 
longing to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen 
was. This was half-past six o’clock a.m. yesterday. 
My agent saw the ICing and Queen, who, after some 
conversation, sent him back with this message, that 
they “would wait where they were until they again 
heard from me, and would cany out my final arrange- 
ments with exactitude, as far as it depended upon them.” 
I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at half-past 
seven p.m., when it would be dark, to have his water 
hot, ready to get up steam ; to have only a rope moored 
to the quay with an anchor astern ; to expect me with a 
party a little before eight p.m., and as soon as I had got 
on board with my party and told him to push off, he 
was to let me go on shore, cut his rope and cable, get 
into the middle of the Bashi, up with his steam and jib 
and push for England. Not a word was to be spoken 
on board. 

To get the King here from Honfleur the following 
method was adopted : M. Bresson, a loyal and intelli- 
gent officer in the French Navy and well known to 
the King, and Mr Jones, my Vice-Consul and principal 
Clerk, went in the steam ferry-boat a quarter before 
five p.M. to Honfleur. From the landing-place it is 
three-quarters of a mile to the place where the King 
and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to 
leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o’clock. 
I had given M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs 
Smith, and with this passport the King was to walk 



[chap, xvn 

to the landing-place, where he was to be met by my 
Vice-Consul and be governed by him. 

If the gens d’armes disputed his passport Mr .Tones 
was to vouch for its regularity, and say that he was sent 
by me to conduct Mr Smith to Havre, who was my 
Uncle. M. Bresson was to follow with the Queen, 
and the rest of the suite were to come to the feny- 
boat one after another, but none of the party were to 
know each other. The ferry-boat was to arrive in 
Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the rest. 
A white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited 
as a signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of 
the gens d'armes being infinitely more to be provided 
against and apprehended here, I first confidentially 
commimicated to the greatest gossips in the town 
that 1 had seen a written statement from an official 
person that the King had reached England in a 
fishmg-hoat horn the neighbourhood of Trdport, and 
then got some persons whom I could rely upon, sons 
of my tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, 
to he near the steamer that was to receive the King, 
to give me their assistance if it should be necessary, on 
account of the turbulence of the crowd, to embark 
some friends of mine who were going to England. 
And if an extraordinary number of gens d’armes were 
stationed at the steamer, and they hesitated about 
letting my Uncle go on hoard, then about one hundred 
yards ofiF I had two persons who were to pretend a 
quari'el and a fight, to which I knew the gens d’armes 
would all go as well as the crowd. In the meantime 
I hoped that as Captain Paul made no noise with his 
steam that the crowd would not assemble, and that we 
might find no gens d’a7"ni€s. The anxiously expected 
moment at length arrived. The ferry-boat steamer 
came to the quay ; it was almost dark, hut I saw the 
white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great number 
of passengers, which favomed the debarkation. When 
half of them were out, the trembling Queen came up 
the ladder. I took her hand, told her it was me, and 
JVT. Bresson waP^ed with hertow"rdt' our steamer. <\t 


last came the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, 
a sort of casquette on his head, and a coarse overcoat, 
and immense goggles over his eyes. Not being able 
to see well, he stumbled, when I advanced, took his 
hand and said, “Ah, my dear Uncle, I am delighted 
to see you.” Upon which he answered, “My dear 
George, I am glad you are here.” The English about 
me now opened the crowd for their Consul, and I 
moved olf to a quiet and shaded part of the quay. 
But my dear Uncle talked so loud and so much that 
I had the greatest difficulty to make him keep silence. 
At length we reached the steamer ; it was like a clock- 
work movement. The crowd was again opened for me. 
I conducted the King to a state-room below, gave him 
some information, and having personally ascertained 
that the Queen was in her cabin, and being very much 
touched with her tears and her grateful acknowledge- 
ments, I respectfully took my leave, gave the Captain 
the word to cut loose, and scrambled ashore. In 
twenty minutes the steamer was outside, steaming 
away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and 
had that last satisfaction of seeing her beyond all 
possibility of recall, and then drove home. Much has 
been said this morning about the mysterious departure 
of Captain Paul, and I* have been obliged to confess that 
the gentleman I was seen conducting on board was 
a brother of the Eling of Naples, who was immensely 
frightened without cause, and that I had engaged the 
steamer for him and his family. Many think, however, 
that it was the King, but then again that could not 
be if he crossed over from Tr^port in a fishing-boat. 
We have got everybody completely mystified, and there 
are only four persons in the secret, who will all remain 
in the same story. 

I have scribbled, amidst the most hurried engage- 
ments, this little narrative, believing that it would 
interest your Lordship. It has the interest of romance 
and the support of truth. I have the honour to be, etc. 

G. W. Feathehstonhaugh. 

Information has just reached me that one hour after 

188 ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND [chap, xvn 

the King and Queen left their hiding-place last night, 
and just when I was embarking them, an officer and 
three gens d'armes came to the place to arrest him. 
They were sent by the new Republican Prdfet, It 
appears that the man who gave him refuge had con- 
fessed who he was as soon as the King had left 
Trouville, and had betrayed the King’s hiding-place at 
Honfleur. What an escape 1 Your Lordship will see 
a paragraph in the enclosed newspaper not altogether 
false. We in the secret know nothing about Louis 
Philippe; we know something about the Count of 
Syracuse and something about Mr William Smith. 
If it leaks out, it must come from England. Here no 
one has any proof. In the meantime almost everybody 
here is delighted to think that he may have escaped, 

Viscoimt Pahiet'Ston to Queen Victoria. 

Cablton Gardens, dri March 104Q. 

(3 P.5I.) 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and begs to state that General Dumas 
has just been with him to announce that the King and 
Queen of the French landed this morning at Newhaven, 
having been brought over in the Steam Packet Express, 
in winch they embarked at Havre yesterday evening 
about eight o’clock. 

General Dumas says that till the morning of their 
amval at Dreux the King and the Queen imagined 
that the Comte de Paris had succeeded to the Throne, 
and that the Duchess of Orleans had been declared 
Regent ; that when they heard that a Republic and a 
Provisional Government had been declared they thought 
it unsafe to remain at Dreux ; and that they then 
separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur, 
where they were to meet at a small house belonging to 
a friend of General Dumas. At that house they 
remained for some days, until Mr Featherstonhaugh 
opened a communication with them. The King then 
removed to Trouvflle in order to embark from thence 
in a manner which Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, 


and he remained there two or three days for that 
purpose ; hut the weather was too stormy, and pre- 
vented his departure. In the meanwhile the people 
of Trouville found out who he was, and their demonstra- 
tions of attachment became inconvenient. He therefore 
returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were altered. 
Yesterday evening at seven o’clock the King, the Queen, 
and General Dumas came to the feriy-boat which plies 
between Honfleur and Havre, and were met by the 
Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of the 
Consul. On landing at Havre the King walked straight 
down to the Express Packet, which was lying ready ; 
the Queen went separately, and after making a slight 
round through the sti’eets of Havre embarked also ; 
the Packet then immediately started, and went into 
Newhaven in preference to any other port, because no 
Packets start from thence for the French coast. 
General Dumas says that the whole party were 
unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, 
and he was going to the King’s banker to provide 
funds to enalne him to come to town, and said that 
the King begged him to apologise for liis not haidng 
at once written to your Majesty to thank your Majesty 
for the great interest which your Majesty has taken 
in his safety, and for. the assistance which he has 
received for his escape, but that he would do so this 

General Dumas said that the King’s present inten- 
tion is to remain in England in the strictest incognito, 
and that he and the Queen will assume the title of 
Count and Countess of Neuflly. 

Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas 
that your Majesty has made arrangements for the King’s 
reception at Claremont, and that your Majesty intended 
to send down an officer of your Majesty’s Household to 
communicate with the King. 

General Dumas said that the King would most 
gratefully avail himself of the arrangement as to 
Claremont, but that under all circumstances, and as 
the King wished to remain in entire privacy, he 

190 LEITER OF GRATITUDE [chap, xvii 

thought it would be better that no person frona your 
Majesty’s Household should go down to the King at 
Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would rather 
find his own way from the railway station at London 
Bridge to Claremont than attract attention by being 
met at the station by any of your Majesty’s cai-riages. 

The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and 
would come up to-morrow morning. General Dumas 
said that the King and the Queen had gone through 
much personal fatigue and mental anxiety, but are both 
well in health. The General was going to Count Jarnac 
before he returned to Newhaven. 

Tke King of the French to Queen Victoria. 

NbwhavbNj Sussex, Sime Mars 1848. 

Madame, — Apr^s avoir rendu graces a Dieu, mon 
premier devofr est d’offrir a votre Majesty I’hommage 
de ma reconnaissance pour la g^ndreuse assistance 
qu’elle nous a donnde, a moi et h. tons les miens et 
que la Providence vient de couvrir d’un sueeds complet, 
puisque j’apprends qu’ds sont tons a prdsent sur la terre 
hospitalidre de I’Angleterre. 

Ce n’est plus, Madame, que le Comte de Neuilly qui, 
se rappelant vos ancieimes bontds, vient chercher sous 
ses auspices, un asyle et une retraite paisible et aussi 
dloignee de tout rapport politique que ceUe dont il y a 
joui dans d’autres temps, et dont il a toujours prdcieuse- 
ment conservd le souvenir. 

On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le 
train qui eraportera ma lettre que j’ai h peine le temps 
de prier votre Majestd d’etre mon interprdte auprds du 
Prince votre auguste Epoux. 

Ma femme accablde de fatigue par la vie que nous 
venons de mener depuis dix jours ! dcrfra un peu plus 
tard h votre Majestd. Tout ce qu’elle a pu faire, est 
de tracer quelques mots pour notre bien aimde Louise 
que je recommande a vofre bontd. On me presse 
encore, Madame, je ne puis que me souscrire avec 
mon vieil attachement pour vous, de votre Majestd, 
tres afiectionne, Louis Phidipp'f', 




The Osteen of the French to Queen Victoria. 

Newhaven, Zime Mars 1848. 

Madame, — A peine arriv^e dans cette contree 
hospitali^re aprfes 9 jours d’une cruelle agonie, mon 
premier sentiment, apr6s avoir b^ni la Divine Provi- 
dence, c’est de remercier, du fond de mon cceur, votre 
Majesty, pour les faeilit^s qu’elle a bien voulu nous 
donner pour venir dans ce pays terminer nos vieux 
jours dans la tranquilKtd et I’oubli. Une vive in- 
quietude me tourmente, c’est d’apprendre le sort de 
mes enfants cheris desquels nous avons du nous separer, 
j’ai la confiance qu’ils auront trouv^ aussi un appui dans 
le coeur gen^reux de votre Majeste, et qu’ils auront ete 
egalement sauv^s comme leur admirable Pfere, mon 
premier tresor. Que Dieu vous benisse, Madame, ainsi 
que le Prince Albert et vos enfants, et vous preserve de 
inallieurs pareils aux nbtres, c’est le voeu le plus sincere 
de ceUe qui se dit, Madame, de votre Majestd, la toute 
devouee, Marie Ameue, 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

House oe Cojumons, Zrd March 1848, 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty; he has read with deep interest the 
affecting letter of the fallen King. 

After the vicissitudes of a long hfe, it may be no 
irremediable calamity if a Prince of great powers of 
mind and warm domestic affections is permitted by 
Providence to end his days in peace and tranquillity. 

Of course aU enmity to his projects as a King 
ceases with his deposition. 

M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half- 
past six. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the French. 

Paeais de BuoKiffGHAif, Seme Mars 1848. 

SiEE ET MON CHER Frere, — C’dtait une consolation 
bien vive pour moi de recevoir la bonne lettre de votre 



Majeste qui m’a bien touchee. Nous avons tons 6t6 
dans de vives inquietudes pour vous, pour la Reine et 
toute la famille, et nous remercions la Providence pour 
que vous soyez arrives en surete sur le sol d’Angleterre, 
et nous sommes bien heureux de savoir que vous etes 
ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous ont recemment 
menaces. Votre Majeste croira combien ces derniers 
al&eux evenements si inattendus nous ont peniblement 
agites. II nous tarde de savoir que vos santes n’ont pas 
ete altei-ees par ces derniers jours d’inquietude et de 
fatigue. Albert me charge d’offiir ses homraages a votre 
Majeste et je vous prie de dbposer les n&tres aux pieds 
de la Heine a qui je compte rdpondi-e demain. Je me 
dis, Sire et mon bon Frbre, de votre Majestd, la bien 
affectionnee Sceur, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French. 

Palais dd Buckingham, i&me Mars 1848. 

Macame, — Votre Majeste aura excusd que je ne 
vous ai pas de suite remercid de votre bonne et aimable 
lettre de bier. C’est des fonds de mon cceur que 
je me rdjouis de vous savoii- en sftretd k Claremont 
avec le Roi, Mes pensdes dtaient auprcs de votre 
Majeste pendant tous ces af&eux jours, et je frdmis en 
pensant a tout ce que vous avez souffert de corps et 

Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes ; j’aurais dtd si 
heureuse de I’accompagner pour vous voir mais je n’ose 
plus quitter Londres. 

Avec I’expression de I’alfection et de rdstime, je 
me dis toujours, Madame, de votre Majestd, la bien 
afFectionnde Soeur, Victoria R. 

Viscount Palmerston to Qzieen Victoria. 

Cahlton Gauddns, Wh March 1848. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and cannot see that there could be any 
objection to the King and Queen of the French coming 
to town to visit your Majesty, and indeed, on the 




contrary, it would seem under all the circumstances 
of the case natural that they should be anxious to see 
your Majesty, and that your Majesty should be desirous 
of receiving them. 

Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty 
would read with interest Mr Featherstonhaugh’s 
account of the manner in which he managed the 
escape of the King and Queen of the French. It is 
like one of Walter Scott's best tales, and the arrange’ 
ments and the execution of them do great credit to 
Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly gratified to 
learn, as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him, 
that your Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr 
Featherstonhaugh has also probably rendered a good 
service to the Provisional Government, who would 
have been much embarrassed if their Commissioner 
had arrested the King and Queen. 

Qiteen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckinoham Palace, Ith March 1848, 

My DEABEST Uncle, — Albert has written to you so 
constantly that I have little to add ; he just tells me 
this is not quite true. However, there is nothing veiy 
new except that we have seen the King and Queen ; 
Albert went down to Claremont to see them on 
Saturday, and yesterday they came here with Mont- 
pensier. They both look very abattus, and the poor 
Queen cried much in thinking of what she had gone 
through — and what dangers the King had incurred ; in 
short, humbled poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I 
saw on Sunday ; she has also gone through much, and 
is so dear and good and gentle. She looked wonderfully 
well considering. They are still very much in want of 
means, and live on a very reduced scale. 

Qjaeen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Bvokinoham Palace, lUA March 1848. 

My deabest Uncle, — I profit by the departuiu of 
Andrews to write to you a few lines, and to wish 

VOT TT. ' N 


you joy o£ the continued satisfactory behaviour of my 
friends, the good Belgians; fervently do I hope and 
really trust all -wiU go on well; but what an extra- 
ordinary state of things everywhere 1 “ Je ne sais plus 
oio je mis” and I fancy really that we have gone back 
into the old century. But I also feel one must not 
be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of 
good cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the 

Our httle riots are mere nothing, and the feeling 
here is good. . . . What is your opinion as to the late 
events at Paris? Do you not think the King ought 
to have retired to Vincennes or somewhere else a 
day or two before, and put himself at the head of 
the army? Ought not Montpensier at least to have 
gone to Vincennes ? I know Clem even thinks this — 
as also that one ought to have foreseen, and ought to 
have managed things better. Certainly at the very 
last, if they had not gone, they would all have been 
massacred ; and I think they were quite right, and in 
short could not avoid going as quickly as tliey could ; 
but there is an impression they Jied too quickly. Still 
the recollection of Louis XVI. . . . i^ enough to justify 
aU, and everybody will admit that ; but the Princes, they 
think, ought to have remained^ What do you think of 
all this ? I think the blundeia were all on the last three 
or four days — and on the last day, but were no longer 
to be avoided at last ; there seemed a fatality, and all 
was lost. Poor Nemours did his best tiU he could 
no longer get to the troops. People here also abuse 
him for letting Victoire go alone — but he remained to 
do his duty ; a little more empressement on her arrival 
here I would have wished. Albert told you all about 
the Montpensiers’ journey. It would do the King 
irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain ; the 
feeling of anger would all return. Poor people 1 they 
are all in a sad state of want at present. 

I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to 
have your opinion. Ever your devoted Niece, 





Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne. 

Bockinohaji PaiiACEj ISift March 1818. 

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering 
Lord Melbourne hers and the Prince’s best wishes for 
many happy returns of it in health and strength. 

Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the 
last three weeks have brought back the times of the 
last century, and we are in the midst of troubles abroad. 
The Pevolution in France is a sad and alarming thing, 

. . . The poor King and his Government made many 
mistakes within the last two years, and were obstinate 
and totally blind at the last till flight was inevitable. 
But for sixteen years he did a great deal to maintain 
peace, and made France prosperous, which should 
not be forgotten. . . . Lord Melbourne’s kind heart 
will grieve to think of the real want the poor King 
and Queen are in, their dinner-table containing barely 
enough to eat. And the poor Nemours hardly know 
which way to turn. If the private property be not 
restored God only knows what is to become of these 
distinguished young Princes and their little children. 
What will be their avenir? It breaks one’s heart to 
think of it, and the Queen, being so nearly related to 
them and knowing them*aU, feels it very much. Surely 
the poor old King is sufficiently punished for his faults. 
Lord Beauvale will surely be shocked at the complete 
ruin of the family. Has he seen or heard from his old 
friend Madame de Montjoye, who is here with the 
Queen of the French ? The poor dear Queen of the 
Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God, 
Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there 
are everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans 
are at bottom very loyal. . . . 

The state of Paris is very gloomy ; the rabble armed 
— keeping the Government in awe — failures in all 
directions, and nothing but ruin and misery. This is 
too gloomy a letter for a birthday, and the Queen must 
apologise for it. The Prince wishes to be kindly 
remembered to I^ord Melfrnnrne, 



The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria. 

„ _ ,22 Mars 

St Petersburg^ le “g'Jw'T/ 

Madame ma Scedr, — V euillezmepermettre, Madame, 
d’offrir a votre Majesty mes sincferes felicitations de 
son heureuse d^livrance.^ Puisse le bon Dieu conserver 
votre Majesty et toute son auguste famille, c’est mon 
voeu de tons les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame, 
au milieu des de'sastres qui renversent I’ordre social. 
Ton ^prouve le besoin de relier les lines d’amitid que 
I’on a ^t^ beureux de former dans de meiUeurs temps ; 
ceux-lk au moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de 
la portae des hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de 
ce que votre noble cceur me comprendra. En jettant 
les yeux sur ce qui se passe, peut-^tre votre Majesty 
accordera't-elle un souvenir a ce que j’eus I’honneur 
de lui predire, assis h, table pr^s d’elle ; depuis, 4 armies 
k peine se sont ^coulcies, et que reste-t-il encore debout 
en Europe ? La Grande Bretagne et la Russie I 

Ne serait il pas naturel d’en conclure que notre 
union intime est appelde peut-6tre h sauver le monde ? 
Excusez, Madame, cet epanchement d’un cceur qui 
vous est devoud et qui a pris I’habitude de souvenir 
a vous. 

J’ose avec une entidre confiance compter sur 
ramitie de votre Majestd, et la prie de recevoir 
I’assurance de I’inviolaWe attachement avec lequel je 
suis, Madame, de votre Majestd, le tout ddvoud et 
fiddle bon Frere et Ami, Nicolas. 

Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son 
Altesse Royal Monsieur le Prince Albert. 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Brussels, 25th March 1848. 

My DEAREST Victoria, — , . . England seems 
quiet, and even the attempt in Ireland seems to have 
passed over. But Germany is in an awful state, beyond 

^ The Pi'incP' Lou'se W"*! bnrn on IP'h Moroli. 

f Jne ( >011x^11x4 

'tc((nia AettKHtnt 


T/n^m tiif pictut'i ^f^ihnleth<iiter 
at SJ^Ufkttx^kmn ^^alace 


what 1 ever should have thought possible in that 
country, and with such a good nation. For years, 
however, all sorts of people had been stirring them 
up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of the 
Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, 
who in fact was desirous of retiring from politics, 
should be on the Continent the only Sovereign who 
stood the storm, though I am at ten hours’ distance 
from Paris. I trust we shall be able to go on with 
our money matters to enable us to keep up ; our 
working classes are at this moment what occupies 
us most, and much has been done, and our Banks, 
which were much threatened, are now safe. 

We work hard, and with these few days I suffered 
a little, but I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably 
well ; the poor children are attentive and amiable. Poor 
things ! their existence is a good deal on the cards, 
and fortunes, private and public, are in equal danger. 

Now I wiU leave you that you should not be tired. 
Ever, my beloved child, your devoted Uncle, 

Leopold B,. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 


Buckingham Palace, Ath April 1848. 

My deahest Uncle, — I have to thank you for 
three most kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, 
and of the 1st. Thank God, I am particularly strong 
and 'well in eveip possible respect, which is a blessing 
in these awful, sad, heart-bixaking times. From the 
first I heard all that passed, and my only thoughts 
and talk were — Politics; but I never was calmer and 
quieter or less nervous. Great events make me quiet 
and calm, and little trifles fldget me and irritate my 
nerves. But I feel grovra old and serious, and the 
future is very dark. God, however, will come to 
help and protect us, and we must keep up our spirits. 
Germany makes me so sad; on the other hand, 
Belgium is a real pride and happiness. 

We saw youn poor father and mother-in-law with 


the Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still 
a dream to see them thus, here ! They are well in 
health, and the young people’s conduct most praise- 
worthy ; reaUy the three Princesses are astonishing, 
and a beautiful lesson to every one. They are so 
much admired and respected for it. My beloved 
Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so 
cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a 
great pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by 
such misfortunes 1 

Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the 
continuation of your present most flourishing position, 
ever your devoted Niece, Victoeia H. 

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

CHE&HAir PtACEj Otli April 1848. 

Sir, — The Cabinet have had the assistance of the 
Duke of Wellington in framing their plans for to- 

Colonel Rowan ^ advised that the procession should be 
formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they 
may choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He 
thinks this is the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, 
the Chartists fire and draw their swords and use their 
daggers, the Military are to be called out. 

I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a 
London mob. 

But any loss of life wiU cause a deep and rankling 
resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that 
all may pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, 
your Royal Highness’s most obedient Servant, 

J. Russell. 

The Pnncc Albert to Lord John Russell. 

OsBOBNEj Wth April 1848. 

My DEAE Lord John, — To-day the strength of the 
Chartists and all evil-disposed people in the country will 

^ One of the Commissioners of Police. Tire Chartist meeting had been 
fixed for tlie lOth. '' 


be brought to the test against the force of the law, the 
Government, and the good sense of the country. I 
don’t feel doubtful for a moment who will be found 
the stronger, but should be exceedingly mortified if 
anything like a commotion was to take place, as it 
would shake that confidence which the whole of Europe 
reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which 
will depend the prosperity of the country, I have 
enquired a good deal into the state of employment 
about London, and I find, to my great regret, that 
the number of workmen of all trades out of employ- 
ment is very large, and that it has been increased by 
the reduction of all the works under Government, 
owing to the clamour for economy in the House of 
Commons. Several hundred woikmen have been 
discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham 
Palace much fewer hands are employed than are really 
wanted ; the formation of Battersea Park has been 
suspended, etc., etc. Surely this is not the moment 
for the tax-payers to economise upon the working 
classes ! And though I don’t wish our Government 
to follow Louis Blanc in his system of organisation 
du travail,^ I think the Government is bound to do 
what it can to help the working classes over the 
present moment of distress. It may do this consist- 
ently with real economy in its own works, whilst the 
reductions on the part of the Government are followed 
by all private individuals as a sign of the times. I have 
before this spoken to Lord Morpeth^ upon this subject, 
but I wish to bring it specially under your consideration 
at the present moment. Ever yours truly, Albert. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Downing Street, XOth Ap'U 1848. 


Lord John Eussell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honom* to state tliat the 

' Alluding to the Ateliers Natimaux, to be established under the guidance 
of a Council of Administration. 

® roTpiD* 'nvf^r of Wnoil® • nrl Fnri*' 

200 A CHARTIST PIASCO [ohap. xvn 

Keniiington Common Meeting has proved a complete 

About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. 
Feargus O’Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in 
a car, was ordered by Mr Mayne ' to come and speak 
to him. He immediately left the car and came, looking 
pale and frightened, to Mr Mayne, Upon being told 
that the meeting would not be prevented, but that 
no procession would be allowed to pass the bridges, 
he expressed the utmost thanks, and begged to shake 
Mr Mayne by the hand. He then addressed the crowd, 
advising them to disperse, and after rebuking them for 
their folly he went off in a cab to the Home Office, where 
he repeated to Sir George Grey his thanks, his fears, 
and his assurances that the crowd should disperse quietly. 
Six George Grey said he had done very rightly, hut that 
the force at the bridges should not be diminished. 

Mr F. O’Connor — “Not a man should be taken 
away. The Government have been quite right. I 
told the Convention that if they had been the Govern- 
ment they never would have allowed such a meeting.” 

The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 
rapidly dispersing. 

The mob was in good humour, and any mischief 
that now takes place will be the act of individuals ; 
but it is to be hoped the preparations made will daunt 
those wicked but not brave men. 

The accounts from the country are good. Scotland 
is quiet. At Manchester, however, the Chartists are 
armed, and have bad designs. 

A quiet termination of the present ferment -will 
greatly raise us in foreign countries. 

Lord John RusseU trusts your Majesty has profited 
by the sea air. 

Lord John Russell to Qiieen Victoria. 

Chbshaji Place, X 5 th April 1848. 

Lord John RusseU has a letter from Lord Clarendon 
to-day in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an out- 

1 Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police, created a K.C.B. in 1861. 


break in Dublin to-night. He speaks confidently of 
the disposition of the troops. 

Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty 
has felt deeply the events of the last six weeks. The 
King of the French has brought upon his own family, 
upon France, and upon Europe a great calamity. A 
moderate and constitutional Government at home, 
coupled with an abstinence from ambitious projects 
for his family abroad, might have laid the foundation 
of permanent peace, order, and freedom in Europe. 
Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which 
honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is 
impossible not to pity the innocent victims of the 
misconduct of Louis Philippe. Still less can one refrain 
from regarding with dread the fearful state of Germany, 
of her princes, her nobles, and her tempest-tossed people. 

The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure 
an interval of reflection for Europe. The next six 
months will be very trying, but they may end with better 
prospects than we can now behold. It was impossible 
that the exclusion of free speaking and writing which 
formed the essence of Prince Metternich’s system could 
continue. It might have been reformed quietly ; it has 
fallen with a crash which spreads ruin and death around. 

Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations 
of your Majesty and the Prince.^ She is going on well 

Qiceen Victoria to Lord John RiisselL 

OsBOnNE, \Gth April 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter. 
The state of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious ; 
altogether, there is so much inflammable matter all 
around us that it makes one tremble. Still, the events 
of Monday must have a calming and salutary effect. 
Lord John Russell’s remarks about Europe, and the 
unfortunate and calamitous policy of the Government 
of the poor King of the French are most true. But 
is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause 

1 hirtTi of " ' «on. 

203 A FALLEN KING [chap. XVII 

of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attri- 
bute it to himselJ^, for, to see all his hopes thus 
destroyed, his pride humbled, his children — whom he 
loves dearly — ruined — is not this enough to make a 
man wretched ? and indeed much to be pitied ; for he 
cannot feel he could not have prevented all this. Still 
Guizot is more to blame ; he was the responsible adviser 
of all this policy : he is no Bourbon, and he ought to 
have behaved ditFerently. Had the poor King died in 
1844 after he came here, and before that most unfor- 
tunate Spanish marriages question was started, he 
would have deservedly gone down to posterity as a 
great monarch. Now, what wHl be his name in 
history? His fate is a great moral! 

With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the 
cause of half the misfortune. His advice was taken by 
almost aU the sovereigns of that country, and it has 
kept them from doing in time what has now been torn 
from them with the loss of many rights which they 
need not have sacrificed. We heard yesterday that the 
Archduke John^ had arrived at Frankfort. This is a 
wise measure, and may do much good and prevent 
much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished 
prince. . . . 


Qiceen Victoria to Viscotmt Palmerston. 

OsBOBNE, Vjth April 1848. 

The Queen not having heard anything from Lord 
Palmerston respecting foreign affairs for so long a 
time, and as he must be in constant communication 
with the Foreign Ministers in these most eventful and 
anxious times, writes to urge Lord Palmerston to keep 
her informed of what he hears, and of the views of 
the Government on the important questions before us. 

She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone. 

The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark 
and Holstein is too important an event not to have 
been first submitted to the Queen. 

* Uncle of the Erapei-or ^Ferdinand I.) of Austria, bom 1782. 


Viscount Palmerston to Qiieen Victoria. 

Cabmon GabdenSj 18M AprWiZ^Q. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your 'Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately 
had an opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally 
such explanations as your Majesty might wish to 
receive with respect to the progress of foreign affairs, 
but Viscount Palmerston hopes to be able to get down 
to Broadlands for a few days on Saturday next, and he 
could easily from thence wait upon your Majesty on 
any morning and at any hour your Majesty might be 
pleased to appoint. 

Although events of the greatest importance have 
been passing in rapid succession in almost every part 
of Europe, the position of your Majesty’s Government 
has been one rather of observation than of action, it 
being desirable that England should keep herself as 
free as possible from unnecessary engagements and 
entanglements, in order that your Majesty may be 
at liberty to take such decisions as the state of 
things may from time to time appear to render most 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Barton, 18(A April 1848. 

Dearest Uncle, — Detained here by a heavy shower 
of rain, I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly 
for your dear and kind letter of the 15th, which I 
received yesterday. 

Truly proud and delighted are we at the conduct 
of the Belgians,^ and at their loyalty and affection for 
you and yours, which I am sure must be a reward for 
all that you have done these seventeen years. I must 
beg to say that you are wrong in supposing that no 
mention is made of what took place on the 9th in our 

* A party of French Republicans entered Belgium with the intention of 
exciting an insurrection : the attempt signally failed. 



papers ; on the contrary, it has been most gratifuingly 
mentioned in the Times, Chronicle, John Bull, etc. 
You are held up as a pattern to the German Sovereigns, 
and the Belgians as a pattern to the German people. 

In France, really things go on d7'eadfully. . . . One 
does not like to attack those who are fallen, but the poor 
King, Louis Philippe, has brought much of this on by 
that ill-fated return to a Bourbon Policy. I always think 
he oitght not to have abdicated ; every one seems to 
think he might have stemmed the torrent then still. On 
the other hand, Joinville says it was sure to happen, 
for that the French want constant change, and were 
quite tired of the present Government, Qu'en dites 
“oous? How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits 
are better. 

Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fhre 
between. We have got nightingales in the pleasure 
ground, and in the wood down near the sea. Wc 
are all extremely well, and expect the Prince of 
Prussia here to - day for two nights. Ever your 
devoted and attached Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victo7ia to Piscount Palmerston. 

OsBOBNB, IsJ May 1848. 

The Queen has this morning received Lord 
Palmerston’s letter.^ She cannot see any reason for 
deviating from the estabhshed rules, and inviting to 
Court Frenchmen who are not recognised in their 
official capacity, and have no natural representatives 
to present them as private individuals. As an invita- 
tion cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it 
ought not to lead to any misrepresentation ; whilst the 
contrary, under the fiction of their being private 
individuals, might lead to misconstruction and to most 
inconvenient precedents. 

' M- de Tallenay liad arrived in London witli a letter from M. Lamartine, 
accrediting him ag provigional chargi d’affaires of the French Government, and 
Lord Palmerston had suggested to the Queen that etiquette would not he 
violated hy invitiiiP' him to a Court Ball. „ 




Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

BircKiNUHAM Palaoe, 9<A May 1848. 

My dearest Uncle, — Many thanks for your very 
kind letter of the 6th, How delightful it is to hear 
such good accounts of Belgium ! If only dear 
Germany gets right and if aU our interests (those of 
the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrified ; I cannot say 
how it distresses and vexes me, and comme je Vai a 
coeur. My good and dear Albert is much worried and 
works very hard. . . . 

I had a curious account of the opening of the 
Assemblee from Lady Normanby.’ No 7-eal enthusiasm, 
dreadful confusion, and the Blouses taldng part in 
everything, and stopping the Speakers if they did not 
please them. The opinion is that it cannot last. 

I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with 
an account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious 
and sad; but the respect shown for poor Chartres is 
very touching, and might interest poor dear Louise, if 
you think fit to show it her. But why show such 
hatred to poor Nemomrs and to the Queen? Mont- 
pensier’s marriage may cause his unpopularity, possibly. 
I shall beg to have the letter back. 

I must conclude, as^ we are going to pay a visit at 
Claremont this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted 
Child and Niece, Victouia R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckinohaji Paiuice, IGth May 1848. 

My dearest Uncle, — I have just heard the news 
of the extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end 
in a Blutbad. Lamartine has quite lost aU influence 
by yielding to and supporting Ledru BoUin ! ® It seems 
inexplicable ! In Germany, too, everything looks most 

* The National Assembly commenced its sittings on 4th May, when the 
Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the Republic proclaimed in the presence 
of 200,000 citizens. 

^ Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, and subsequently of the Executive Committee. The mob, holding tliat 
the promises of generm employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly 
en masse; and attempted a counter-revolution. 

206 ANXIETY IN GERMANY [ohap. xvn 

anxious, and I tremble for the result of Lhe Parliamenb 
at Franlifort.^ I am so anxious for the fate of the poor 
smaller Sovereigns, which it would be infamous to 
sacrifice. I feel it much more than Albert, as it would 
break my heart to see Coburg redihced. 

Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 
13th. Thank God ! that with you everything goes on 
so well. I will take care and let Lord Normanby know 
your kind expressions. The visit to old Claremont was a 
touching one, and it seemed an incomprehensible dream 
to see them all there. They bear up wonderfully. 
Nothing can be Idnder than the Queen Dowager’s 
behaviour towards them all. The poor Duchess of 
Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and gave 
us a dreadM fright at the Christening by quite for- 
getting where she was, and coming and kneehng at my 
feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror I 

I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but 
too hot for me. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria B-. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

(No date.) 

The Queen has carefuUy perused the enclosed 
papers, and wishes to have a copy of Baron Hum- 
melauer’s^ note sent to her to keep. 

The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and 
the Queen was struck by the light way in which the 
claims of the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken 
of (as disposed of by the events), whilst their position 
and that of Austria are in every respect identical.® 
The Queen thinks Lord Palmerston’s proposition the 
one which is the most equitable, still hkely to be 
attained, but it does not go far enough ; the position 

' Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany had grown their 
National Assembly, which after a preliminary session as a Yw-Par lament, 
was to reassemble on 18th May. 

“ The Austrian Government, in its efforts to maintain its ascendancy in 
Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer to negotiate with Lord Palmerston. 

’ The Dukes had both been driven from their dominions, while the King 
(Charles Albert^ of Sardinia threw in his lot with the cause of United Italy 
as aeainst Austria, which then ruled Lombardy. 




which Austria means to take in Italy with her Italian 
province ought to be explained, and a declaration be 
made that Austria will, with this province, join any 
Italian league which the other states of Italy may wish 
to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much 
facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as 
the Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall 
be terminated, the question of the political constitution 
of Italy (as a whole) will have to be decided. Why 
Charles Albert ought to get any additional territory 
the Queen cannot in the least see. She thinks it will 
be better to proceed at once upon the revised Austrian 
proposal, than to wait for Italian propositions, which 
are sure to be ridiculously extravagant. 

Qiieen Victoria to Viscoimt Pahnerston, 

Obbobne, 23rd May 1848. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter 
respecting Spain and Ital^ this morning. The sending 
away of Sir IT. Bulwer ^ is a serious affair, which will 
add to our many embarrassments ; the Queen is, how- 
ever, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last 
accounts from Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. 
Bulwer has for the last three years almost been sport- 
ing with political intri^es. He invariably boasted of 
at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy, 
“though he was taking care not to be personally 
mixed up in them,” and after their various failures 
generally harboured the chief actors in his house under 
the plea of humanity. At every crisis he gave us to 
understand that he had to choose between a “revolu- 
tion and a palace intrigue,” and not long ago only he 
wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy with 
the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he 
could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to 

^ Lord Palmerston liad written a letter to Bulwer (wiicli the latter 
showed to the ^anish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen on her choice 
of Minister. This “assumption of superiority," as Sir E. Peel called it, 
led to a peremptory order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. 
His own account of the affair appears in his ii/e qf Palmerston, vol. iii., 
chap, vii, 

208 SPAIN [oiiAP. xvii 

be known in Spain, the more so when one considers the 
extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable 
imprudence in the not very creditable company which 
he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember 
that the Queen has often addressed herself to him and 
Lord John, in fear of Sir H. getting us into some 
scrape; and if our diplomatists are not kept in better 
order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed to 
similar insults as she has received now in the person of 
Sir H. Bulwer ; for in whatever way one may wish to 
look at it. Sir Henry stiU is her Minister, 

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this 
letter to Lord John Russell, and to let her know what 
the Government mean to propose with respect to this 
unfortunate affair. 

The Prince of Prussia to Q;ueen Victoria. 


BbusselSj 30«i May 1848. 

Most ghacious Cousin,— I obey the impulse of 
my heart in seizing my pen, without any delay, in 
order to express to you my warmest and most heartfelt 
thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way 
with which you and the Prince have treated me during 
my stay in London.^ It was a melancholy time, that 
of my arrival. By the sympathetic view which you 
took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became 
not only bearable, but even transformed mto one that 
became proportionately honourable and dignified. This 
graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed 
towards the change of opinion which has resulted in 
my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to 
your Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. 
So it is with a heavy heart that I have now left 
England, not knowing what future lies before me to 
meet — and only knowing that I shall need the 
strengthening rest and tranquilhty which my stay in 

1 The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William I., having 
become mtensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in March to fly for 
hia life, in disguise, vi& Hamburg, to England. 


England and an insight into her institutions have 
afforded me in full measure. 

Offering my most cordial remembrances to the 
Prince, to whom I shall write as soon as possible, 

I remain, most gracious Cousin, your faithful and 
most gratefully devoted Cousin, jPaiNCE of Prussia. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Buukinoham PalacEj Isl June 1848. 

The Queen had not time the other day to talk to 
Lord John Russell on the subject of the French Royal 
Family, and therefore writes to him now. As it seems 
now most probable that they, or at least some of them, 
will take up their residence for a lengthened period in 
this country, and as their position is now a defined one, 
viz. that of eaeiles, their treatment should be defined 
and established. 

At first everything seemed temporary, and the 
public were much occupied with them, inclined to 
criticise all that was done or was omitted by the 
Court ; all their movements were recorded in the 
papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal 
altered this. They have lived in complete retu-ement, 
and are comparatively' forgotten ; and their poverty 
and their resignation to their misfortunes have met 
with much sympathy ! The Queen is consequently 
anxious to take the right line; particularly desirous 
to do nothing which could hurt the interests of the 
country, and equally so to do everything kind towards 
a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with 
whom she has long been on terms of intimacy, and to 
whom she is very nearly related. She accordingly 
wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection to the 
following : She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of 
Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her 
at Osborne when she goes there, quite privately; the 
Duchess of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke 
will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels 
(very properly) .it would be unbecoming in him till 

VOT tt. o 


their fate (as to fortune, for banished they already 
are) is decided, to be even for a day at Osborne, The 
Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the evening, 
but to remain alone 'with the Queen and the Prince. 

The Queen considers that when she is staying in 
the country during the summer and autumn, and any 
of the branches of the French Royal Family should 
wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally 
do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, 
as the distance might be too great for their returning 
the same day. They are exiles, and not Pretenders, 
as the Due de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin 
are (and who are for that reason only not received 
at Court). In aU countries where illustrious exiles 
related to the Sovereign have been they have always 
been received at Court, as the Due de Bordeaux, the 
Duchesse d’Angoul^me, etc., etc., invariably have been 
at Vienna (even on public occasions), there being a 
French Ambassador there, and the best understanding 
existing between France and Austria. The Duke of 
Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was 
constantly received by the Royal Family, and was 
the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent. Probably, 
if their fortunes are restored to them, the French 
Royal Family wih go out into" society in the course of 
time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated 
there may no longer exist that wish and that necessity 
for extreme privacy, which is so ob'vious now. What 
the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must weU 
understand, is not what is likely to take place (except 
in the case of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) 
immediately, but only what might occasionally occur 
when we are permanently settled in the country. Of 
course events might arise which would change this, 
and which would render it inadvisable, and then the 
Queen would communicate 'with Lord John, and ask 
his advice again upon the subject. All she has 
suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and, 
of course, merely to strictly private visits, and on no 
state occasion. This is a long letter aboyt such a subject, 




but the Queen wishes to be quite safe in what she 
does, and therefore could not have stated the case 
and her opinion in a smaller space. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Buckingham Palace, ^th June 1848. 

The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has 
written upon it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks 
ought to be added, if the draft — though civil — is not 
to be a mere refusal to do anything for Austria, and a 
recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for 
ought to be given, for which a mediation is hardly 
necessary.^ The Queen thinks it most important that 
we should tiy to mediate and put a stop to the war, 
and equally important that the boundary which is to 
be settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence 
of hostilities unlikely. The Queen has only further to 
remark that Lord Palmerston speaks in the beginning 
of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts nowhere 
to the proposition having been submitted to her. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Chesham Pmce, nth June 1848. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and 
thanks your Majesty for the perusal of this interesting 

An Emperor with a rational Constitution might 
be a fair termination of the French follies ; but Louis 
Napoleon, with the Communists, wiU probably destroy 
the last chance of order and tranquillity. A despotism 
must be the end. 

May Heaven preserve us in peace ! 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Buckingham Palace, 164i June 1848. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter 
explaining his views as to the reparation we may be 
entitled to receive from the Spanish Government. 

War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians under 
Marshal Iladetzky and file Piedmontese under the King of Sardinia. 



[chap. XVII 

She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish 
to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at 
Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he should 
repair there in order to be received by the Queen of 
Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent 
interests of this country to entrust that mission again 
to Sir H. Bulwer, after all that has passed. When 
the Queen considers the position we had in Spain, 
and what it ought to have been after the constitution 
of the French Republic when we had no rival to 
fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire confidence 
and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the 
state into which our relations with that country have 
been brought, she cannot help being struck how much 
matters must have been mismanaged. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John BusseU. 

Buckingham PalaoBj 16iA June 1848. 

The Queen sends the enclosed draft,^ and asks 
whether this note is what Lord Jolm directed 
Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution to 
Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party 
intrigues to upset a particular Ministry V . . . 

Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell. 

Cabiton Gabdbns, V7th June 1848. 

My deab. John Russell, — The draft to Seymour 
was written in consequence of what you said to me, 
and what the Queen wrote to you ; but my own 
opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the 

1 The draft ran : — “As it is evident that the Queen and the Government 
of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that agrees with their own 
wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future from giving any longer 
any advice to them on political matters, taking care to explain both to the 
Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. Ton will, however, at 
the same time positively declare to the Portuguese Government that if by 
the course of policy they are pursuing they should run into any chfficulty, 
they must clearly understand that they wiU not have to expect any assistance 
from England.” 

® Lord John Russell replied that he would write immediately to Lord 
Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He added that he did not approve 
of the proposed draft. » 


things with him as they are. It must, however, be 
remembered that the Portuguese Government have not 
in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the Queen 
in the Protocol of last year. . . . Palmerston. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

BocKiNGitAM Palace, VJth June 1848. 

•The Queen returns Lord Palmerston’s letter. The 
country is at this moment suffering, particularly with 
regard to Spain, under the evil consequence of that 
system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of 
party politics in foreign countries its principal object. 
This system is condemned ahke by the Queen, Lord 
John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen fully believes, 
public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord 
Palmerston’s objection to caution our Minister in 
Portugal against falling into tliis fault brings it to an 
issue, whether that erroneous policy is to be maintained 
to the detriment of the real interests of the country, 
or a wiser course to be followed in future. Does Lord 
John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered 
merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such 
a caution a gi'atuitous , attack upon the Queen and 
Government of Portugal ? The Queen thinks it of the 
utmost importance that in these perilous times this 
question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy 
should be settled, and has no objection to Lord John 
showing this letter to Lord Palmerston. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Pejiuboke Lodge, 18i^ June 1848. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty ; he begs to assure your Majesty that if 
he was disposed to rest on the known discretion and 
temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific 
instruction, it was not from regarding the matter 
lightly, but from a sense of the inconvenience which 
might arise to your Majesty’s service from raising a 


question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical 
state of Europe which might induce a belief that he 
had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of 
his colleagues or of his Sovereign. 

Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the 
particular point at issue your Majesty has just reason 
to expect that precautions should be taken against the 
chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a foreign 
government, with which this country is on terms of 
friendship, is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir 
Hamilton Seymour similar to that which was given to 
Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the struggle of 
parties, and to refrain from any interference with 
respect to which he has not specific directions from 
your Majesty’s Government. 

But in this case he must take upon himself the 
whole responsibility of requiring such a note from 
Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive to 
your Majesty’s service, nor agreeable to the wholesome 
maxims of the Constitution to mix your Majesty’s name 
with a proceeding which may lead to the most serious 

It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general 
course of policy has met with the warm approval of 
the Cabinet, and that the 'cases of difference of 
judgment have been rare exceptions. 

Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the 
letter he proposes to write before sending it to Lord 
Palmerston. He would wish to have it returned as 
soon as your Majesty can do so. 

Q,v,een Victoria to Lard John Bussell. 

Bctokinoham Palace, lith June 1848. 

The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter 
to Lord Palmerston,^ which is excellent, and shows that 
the Queen’s and Lord John’s views upon the important 
question of our foreign policy entirely coincide. The 

' The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to tahe no part 
in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from confidential 
communications with members of the Opposition. 




Queen is sony that the trouble of such an altercation 
should be added to the many anxieties which ah-eady 
press upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his 
insisting upon a sound line of policy will save him 
and the country from far greater troubles. . . . 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

CAni.TON Gaudens, 2Gth June 1848. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and is sony he is not able to submit 
to your Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton 
Seymour to go by to-night’s mail, as he has not succeeded 
in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, 
and is therefore obliged to defer it till the next mail. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Buckingham Palace, iSth June 1848. 

The Queen sends this letter, which she has just 
received from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance 
has any effect with Lord Palmerston. Lord John 
RusseU should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him 
of the conversation the Queen had with the Duke 
the other night about. Lord Palmerston. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Buckingham Palace, 1s< July 1848. 

The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston’s 
letter of the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that 
she is ashamed of the policy which we are pursuing 
in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this 
for the object of gaining irfuence in Italy. ^ The Queen 
does not consider influence so gained as an advantage, 

1 Lord Palmerston’s sympathy had been with the anti-Austrian movement 
in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky’s evacuation of Milan, 
the opemtions of the King of Sardinia in support of the Lombards were 
successful, and ha had assistance from Tusoai^, Naples, and Rome. The 
Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence 
of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had begun to 


ai.6 ENGLAND AND ITALY [chap xvn 

and though this influence is to be acquhed in order 
to do good, she is afraid that the fear of losing it 
again will always stand in the way of this. At least 
in the countries where the greatest stress has been 
laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made 
for it, the least good has been done — the Queen means 
in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any 
kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy 
and that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both 
cases are perfectly alike (with the diff'ercnce perhaps 
that there is a question of right mixed up in that 
of Schleswig) ; whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution her, 
etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that 
if he did not wish to take all the Emperor of Austria’s 
Italian Dominions, we would not lay any obstacles 
in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in 
Lord Palmerston’s last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the 
follow'ing passage : “ And it is manifest and indisputable 
that no territory or state, which is not now according 
to the Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confedera- 
tion, can be added to that territory without the consent 
of the Sovereign of that territory or state.” How does 
this agree with our position relative to the incorporation 
of Lombardy into the States of the King of Sardinia ? 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Bppkimjham Palale, 6th July 1848. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Ijord Palmerston’s 
long Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, 
the length of which, however, was fully justified by 
the importance of the subject. 

The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen’s 
approval at the time, and the policy pursued by him 
has never been called in question; but it certainly 
was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us 
additional care not to appear now as the abettors of 
the anti-Austrian movement, and nothing in Lord 
Minto’s mission can prevent our endeavouring to 
facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the 




present Italian difference.^ If, therefore, the Italians 
should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no 
dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. 
The danger of French interference increases with the 
delay and is equally gi’eat, whether the Austrians 
maintain themselves in the Venetian Territory or 
whether Charles Albert unite it to his proposed kingdom 
of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem to be 
anxious for a cause of interference from the line they 
pursue even with reg-ard to Naples, 

Ijord Palmerston seeks tcj establish a difference 
between the ease of S(‘lileswig and of Lombardy, on 
the fact that Schleswig is to be incorporated into a 
confederation of S tates ; but this makes the case of 
Lombardy only ttie stronger, as this is to be in- 
corporated into the dominions of another Sovereign. 
With regard to the “ llevue Retrospective,” the perusal 
of it has left a different impression upon the Queen 
from that which it seems to have made upon Lord 
Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the retiring 
attitude w'hich the late Government took with regard 
to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government 
to try their different schemes and intrigues, and to 
fail with every one of them, the attempt of Lord 
Palmerston to re-organise the Progressista Party and 
regain the so-called Mnglish influence, brought Queen 
Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before 
seriously quan’elled) immediately together, and induced 
them to rush into this unfortunate combination, which 
cannot but be considered as the origin of all the present 
convulsions in Europe. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

BufKiKOHAM Pai.acEj 11th July 1848. 

My deaeest U>rci.E, — For another kind and dear 
letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The 

* Lord MintOj the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the Prime 
Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope Pina IX., 
wlio was halting between progress and reaction : on the sangmnary risings 
taking place in f.ionibardy and Venetia, his mission naturally appeared hostile 

to trin 

218 NATURAL ANXIETY [chap, xvu 

prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in 
the stormy night all around. May God bless and 
prosper you all, for ever and ever! 

Since the 24th Februaiy I feel an uncertainty in 
everything existing, which (uncertain as all human 
affairs must be) one never felt before. When one 
thinks of one’s children, their education, their future — 
and prays for them — I always think and say to myself, 
“Let them gz-ow up fit for whatever station they 
may be placed in — high or low." This one never 
thought of before, but I do always now. Altogether 
one’s whole disposition is so changed — bores and 
trifles which one would have comphiined of bitterly 
a few months ago, one looks upon as good things 
and quite a blessing — provided one can keep one's 
position in quiet! 

I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,' as 
they fear his mother’s and brother’s influence, the 
former being a widow of a regicide, and as stern and 
severe as can be imagined. 

I saw the King and Queen on Saturday ; he is 
wonderfully merry stiU and quite himself, but she 
feels it deeply — and for her there is here the greatest 
sympathy and admiration. 

Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; 
hem I wish you and Louise could be with me, as 
in ’44 and ’461 I have, however, got dear Victoire 
to come and .spend a night wnth me; it does her 
always ^ood, and we are just like sisters, and feel 
as we did in 1839, when you know how veiy fond 
we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and 
still beautiful child. 

I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt 
Charlotte’.s picture as a child, which also belonged to 
poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

' Ueneral Cavaignac, Minister for War, had heeu givpn ^uasf-dictatorial 
powers duriug the iiisiirrw'tioii. Thtse powers, on the suppression of the 
revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost unanimonaly made President 



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russdl 

BucKiN'Giuit PajjACEj ISth July 1848. 

The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the 
other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot 
at all say when the Session is likely to end 1 Is it not 
much to be regretted that the measure relative to the 
Nagivation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable ? 
The Queen sends I^ord John Col. Phipps’s report of 
the Prince’s reception at Ym-k, which she thinks will him. Does Jjord J. Russell think, if we should 
not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for 
ten chiys or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very 
much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see our 
own place makes a difference, and is in fact a natural 
thing; it is, however, impossible to say if we can get 
away even for so short a time. 

The Queen concludes that there can be no possible 
objection to the Due de Nemours bringing or fetching 
the Duchess to and from Osborne ? He is the Queen’s 
Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any 
of the others ; moreover, he does not wish at present 
to spend one night there even, but merely to pay a 
morning vi.sit. 

Lastly, the Queen, wishes to know if the King and 
Queen and the other Princes and Princesses should 
themselves ask to come and pay the Queen a morning 
visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as 
they do here), there would be any objection to it ? The 
Queen merely wishes to know, in case they should ask 
leave to do so, what she can answer. 

Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey. 

Buckinqiiam Paijicb, 14<A July 1848. 

The Queen has received Sir George Grey’s letter 
of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration 
in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in 
the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the 
amount of trouble which the signature of so many 
Commissions has hitherto entailed upon her, as she 

320 COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY [chap, xvi, 

feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping 
up a personal connection between the Sovereign and 
the Army, and she very much doubts whether the 
Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, 
instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen’s 
sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a 
certificate from the Secretary at War that they have 
been commissioned. 

She therefore prefers matters to remain on their 
old footing. 

The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum 
of his responsimlity to Parliament with respect to 
allowing Appointments to go on ; the Queen appre- 
hends that his responsibility does not extend beyond 
the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament 
for the use of her Army. 

The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Victoria. 

Laeken, 18M July 1848. 

My dearest Cousin, — I have received the beautiful 
dolls’ house you have been so kind as to send me, and 
I thank you very much for it. I am delighted with 
it ; every morning I dress my doU and give her a good 
breakfast ; and the day after her arrival she gave a great 
rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes 
she plays at drafts on her pretty httle draft-board, and 
every evening I undress her and put her to bed. 

Be so good, my deai’est Cousin, as to give my love 
to my dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your 
most affectionate Cousin, Charlotte. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

OanoBNc, '2i(h July 1848. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter' 
reporting his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She 

* Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with Dc Tallenay, who 
sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the 
Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of 
Lombardy and Piedmont to he accepted as a fait accompli, and Venetian 
territory erected into a separate republic. 




can only repeat her opinion that a negotiation with 
France in order to agree witli her upon a common 
line of policy to be followed with regard to the 
Italian question can lead to no good ; it will make 
us the ally of a Government whicli is not even legally 
constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee 
the fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, 
and it will call upon the very power to judge the 
Italian dispute which it is the interest of Europe to 
keep out of it. M, de "rallenay seems to have 
admitted that tlie French Republic, if called upon 
to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the 
Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, hut 
that she will strive to set up a Venetian Repubhe. 
It can really not be an object for us to assist in such 
a scheme, or even to treat upon it. 

Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner 
to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her 
know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort 
in order that she may prepare her letter for the 
Archduke accordingly. 

Qiieen Victoria to Lord John Eusnell. 

03BOBNE, SiifA /till/ 1848. 

The Queen sends I^ord .John Russell the enclosed 
Despatch from Ijord Normanby, with a draft in answer 
to it which was sent for her approval, but which she 
really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord 
John what .she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, 
but without apparent effect, that the establishment of 
an entente co7'dialc with the French Republic, for the 
purpose of driving the Austrians out of their dominions 
m Italy, would be a disgi-acc to this country. That 
the French would attach the greatest importance to 
it and gain the greatest advantage by it there can 
be no doubt of; but how will England appear before 
the world at the moment when she is struggling to 
maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to 
stand by treaties with regard to her European 
relations, having declined all this time to interfere 



[chap, xvn 

in Italy or to address one word of caution to the 
Sardinian Government on account of its attack on 
Austria, and having refused to mediate when called 
upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not 
good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally 
herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere 
agaimt her at the moment when she has recovered in 
some degree her position in the Venetian territory? 

The notion of establishing a Venetian State under 
French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston 
in his draft says that we believe that the French 
plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is 
completely at variance with eveiy account, report, or 
despatch we have received from Verona, Innspruck, 
or Vienna ; however. Lord Palmerston hints that the 
King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. 
The French Bepublic seems not to be anxious for 
war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears 
to be decidedly against it ; all M. Bastide says is ; 
“There were two extremes which it would be very 
difficult for them to admit -without opposition, -viz. 
the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of 
Austria on the one side, and the union under one 
powerful state under Charles Albert of all the 

E rincipalities into which the ’ north of Italy has 
itherto been divided.” With this explicit declaration, 
it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that 
we should name this to Charles Albert, and call upon 
him to satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude 
a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take 
from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. 
Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be 
done now, the Queen caimot comprehend. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell 

OsnonNK, 'SJth July 1848. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Bussell’s 
two letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in 
the draft meet many of the Queen’s objections, giving 




to the whole step another appearance. The Queen 
. . . must acknowledge the advantage of our trying 
to bind [the French] to good conduct ; only this must 
be done in a way not to appear as a league with them 
against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve _ to 
herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which 
we were a party. 

As the amended draft secures us against these 
appearances, and leaves us free for the future, the 
Queen approves it. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBOHNEj 1st August 1848. 

My DEAEKST Unci.e, — I had yesterday the happi- 
ness of receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which 
I return my best thanks. 

There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion 
in Ireland, ‘ and I think it now is very likely to 
go off without any contest. . . . Lord Hardinge is 
going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very 
praiseworthy of him. 

I do not think the ‘fate of the IMinor Princes in 
Germany is so completely decided as Charles^ . . . 
is so anxious to make -one believe. There is only a 
question of taking certain powers and rights away, 
and not at all of getting rid of them ; and I think 
you will see that the AusfllJirung of the Unity will 
be an impossibility, at least in the sense they 
propose at Frankfort, The Archduke John has 
spoken very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke 
of Meiningen, and the attachment in many of those 
smaller principalities is still extremely great, and I am 
sure they will never consent to being ausgewischt. 
Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression 

• Sm Introductory Note for the year, antp, p, 186. 

» The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of German 
consolidation, had placed the central executive power iu the hands of a 
Keichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of 
the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen’s half- 
brother Charles, Prince of Leiuingen, was entrusted with the Department 
of Foreign Affairs. * 

224 MINOR GERMAN STATES [chap, xvii 

of a very small riot, showed the greatest attachment 
and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of 
independence is very gi’eat, and at Strehtz, on the 
occasion of Augusta’s confinement with a son, the 
enthusiasm and rejoicing was universal. All this 
cannot be entirely despised. 

We are as happy as possible here, and would be 
perfectly so, if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes 
of so many dear to us, and for the state of the world 
in general. 

I have always forgotten to teU you that we bought 
a fine marble bust of you quite by accident in London 
the other day. It is in armour and with moustaches, 
but quite different to the one the Gardners have at 
Melbourne ; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, 
and heard it had been bought in a sale of a General 
Somebody. Now, with Albert’s best love, ever your 
devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

We have just heard that there has been 2in action 
in Ireland in which some of the insurgents have been 
killed ; ffty Police dispersed four thousand people. 
Smith O’Brien is, however, not yet taken. 

Queen Victoria, to Viscount Palmerston. 

OsBOBNE, Bth August 1848. 

. . . The Queen has attentively perused the state- 
ment of Lord Palmerston in favour of accrediting an 
Ambassador at Paris, As the proposed arrangement for 
the present is to be only a provisional one, the Queen 
thinks that the appointment of a Minister now "will leave 
it quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it 
should be found necessary or advantageous, whilst it 
would set that matter at rest for the moment. With- 
drawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister 
hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French 
Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador 
here, and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that 
object if Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador 
at Paris, against which we would be secured in having 
only a Minister there. . . . Lord Normanby’s acquaint- 


ance with the public men at Paris is as much an 
inconvenience as it may be a convenience in some 
respects ; his having been the gi‘eat admirer and friend 
of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility 
of mixing freely with persons of various kinds, which 
Lord Palmerston adduces as an important consideration 
will, in the Queen’s opinion, be more easy for a Minister 
than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. 
All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer 
to have temporarily Ji Minister accredited at Paris. 

M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in Tmndon 
on Tuesday next at six o’clock, when the Queen will 
be in Town. 

Queen Victoria, to Viscount Palmerston. 

OsBOBNUj Wth August 1848. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston’s 
letter of yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to 
hear from Lord Palmerston in his last communication 
that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to 
stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to 
the Queen that this would never do and could not be 
expected from Lord Isformanby ; Lord Normanby ’s 
answer declining this offer therefore does in no way alter 
the matter, and must haVe been foreseen by Lord Palmer- 
ston. By the delay and Lord Normanby ’s various 
conversations with M. Ba.stide^ and General Cavaignac 
it has now become difficult to depart from the precedent 
of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving 
offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon 
this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly 
sanctions Lord Normanby ’s appointment as Ambassador 
Extraordinary, on the distinct understanding that there 
is to be no Ambassador sent in return to London now, 
and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when 
the diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. 
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in 
mind, and to submit to her the arrangement which 
he thinks will be best calculated to cany this into effect, 

^ Minister of Foreign AfFttira. 

VOT,. TT, " P 



Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Osbobnej 11th August 1818. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell’s 
letter of to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at 
Lord Palmerston’s behaviour now again with respect 
to Lord Normanhy’s appointment; he knew perfectly 
well that Jjord Normanby could not accept the post of 
Minister, and had written to the Queen before that 
such an offer could not be made, and has now made it 
after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting the 
matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. 
If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby 
as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to 
make us cautious, as it can only be on account of the 
ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. 
They, of course, like an entente cordiale with us at 
the expense of Austria ; . . . but this can be no con- 
sideration for us. . . . 

Threatening the Austrians ivith war, or making 
war upon them in case they should not be inclined 
to surrender their provinces at his bidding [Lord 
Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the 
entente with the Republic is of the greatest value to 
him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians at any 
time with the French intervention which he can have 
at command if he agrees to it.* The Queen has read 
the leading articles of the Times of yesterday and to- 
day on this subject with the greatest satisfaction as 
they express almost entirely the same views and feelings 

* Die success of the ricdmontese in Northern Italy had not continued 
throujfh the aummer, and the States whoso assistance they had hitherto 
received hegan to fall away from them. The King of Naples, successful 
within his own dominions, had withdrawn his troops ; the Pope hesitated 
to attack Austria ; ev en undivided support from Venetia could no longer 
be counted upon. After several reverses, Cliarles All)ert, now left virtually 
alone in the contest, was decisively defeated by lladctzky, at Custozza, 
and retreated .across the Mincio. W'ith what left of his troops he entered 
Milan, which he was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain 
himself tiierc. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, 
virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining witli 
England to effect a jwacoful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind 
to relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to 


which she entertains. The Queen hopes that Lord John 
Russell win read them ; indeed, the whole of the Press 
seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can 
hardly understand how there can be two opinions 
upon it. . . . 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

OsiiOHNEj 20i/i August 1848. 

The Queen has received an autograph letter from 
the Archduke John (in answer to the private letter 
she had written to him through Lord Cowley), which 
has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen 
wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does 
not happen again. The opening of official letters even, 
addressed to the Queen, which she has of late observed, 
is really not becoming, and ought to be discontinued, 
as it used never to be the case formerly. 

Queen Victoi'ia to Lord John Bussell. 

Osbohnb, 21sJ August 1848. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
of yesterday, but cannot*say that she has been satisfied 
by the reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union 
of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as a 
concession to France for the mahitenance of peace, 
because we know that it is the very thing the French 
object to. The Queen quite agrees that the principal 
consideration always to be kept in sight is the preserva- 
tion of the peace of Europe ; but it is precisely on that 
account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord 
Palmerston (whilst they are not in accordance with the 
views of France) are almost the only ones which must 
be most offensive to Austria. Lord Palmerston mil 
have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles Albert, 
to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, 
and Lord Normanby’s alteration of the terms certainly 
serve that pui-pose well ; but it is quite independent of 
the question of mediation, and the only thing in the 
whole proceeding which is indefensible in principle. 

It win be a. calamity for ages to come if this 


pi’inciple is to become part oi the international law, 
viz. that a people can at any time transfer their 
allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of 
another by universal suffrage (under momentary 
excitement),” and this is what Lord Normanby — no 
doubt according to Lord Palmerston’s wishes— has 
taken as the basis of the mediation. For even 
accovipUs, which are a convenient basis to justify any 
act of injustice, are here against Charles Albert. 

Lord Palmerston’s argument respecting Schleswig,^ 
which the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no 
reference to the Treaty of 1720. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBOBNE, 29iA August 1848. 

My deauest Uncle, — Most warmly do I thank 
you for your very kind and dear letter of the 26th, 
wdth so many good wishes for that dea7'est of days. It is 
indeed to me one of eternal thanldulness, for a purer, 
more perfect being than my beloved Albert the 
Creator could not have sent into tliis troubled world. 
I feel that 1 could not exist without him, and that I 
should sink under the troubles and annoyances and 
degoMs of my very difficult ppsition, were it not for 
his assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly 
do I thank you for your great share in bringing about 
our marriage. 

Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot 
believe that he really wishes to ruin all the smaller 
States, though his principal object is that unity which 
I fear he will not obtain, 

I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia 
should take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me 
incomprehensible, for it is the country of all others 
which the rest of Germany dislikes, Stockmar cannot 

1 Tlie first act of the Vor-Pnrlanimt, a body wbieli bad existed 
temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for tha National Assembly of a 
Consolidated Oenuany, bad been to treat Sobleswifr, theretofore part of the 
Danish domitiioiH, as absorbed in the Uerman Confederation, and Lord 
Palmerston’s objeetioii to this proceadin"- had been treated by the Queen 
in a letter of 19th August au inconsistent with his attitude towards Austria. 


be ray good old friend if he has such notions of injustice 
as I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may 
be, I do not beheve the Ausfuhnmg to be possible. 

I have gi’eat hopes of soon hearing of something 
decided about the foi-tunes of the poor French family. 
You will have seen how nobly and courageously good 
Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the 
burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.^ It will 
do them great good. I must now conclude. Ever 
your devoted Niece, Victoria K. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Osbounc, 2nd September IB-IO. 

The Queen has read in the papers the news that 
Austria and Sardinia have nearly settled their differ- 
ences, and also “that it was confidently stated that 
a French and British squadron, with troops on board, 
are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic.” 

Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks 
it right to inform Lord Palmerston without delay 
that, should such a thing be thought of, it is a step 
which the Queen could '»ot give her consent to. 

Queen Victoria to Viscotint Palmerston. 

Buckinchasi Pamcb, eUh September 1848. 

The Queen since her anival in Town has heard that 
the answer firom Austria declining our mediation has 
some days ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. 
The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should 
have left her uninformed of so important an event. 
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter 
respecting the proposal to mediate on the part of the 
central power of Germany, and does not see why that 
power, which has a responsible Government, is to be 
precluded from taking part in a negotiation because 
the Archduke John might be friendly towards Austria 
— whereas the French Republic, whach had in public 

’ One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the burning of the 
Ocean Monarch; the French Princes were on board a Brazilian steam frigate, 
which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives. 

230 AUSTRIA AND ITALY [chap, xvii 

docunicnts cspoussd tli6 Italian Cause, is to be a party 

to it. . 1 1 ^ 

ISTeither France nor England are neighbours to or 

dii’ectly interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Ititssell. 

On board the Victoria and Albert, 
Aberdeen, 'Ith Beptenihcr 1848. 

The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord 
John RusseU, with a copy of her letter to Lord 
Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as usual 
pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to 
the Queen before he had sent it off. What the Queen 
has long suspected and often warned against is on the 
point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston’s using the 
new entente cordiale for the purpose of wresting from 
Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. THs 
would be a most iniejuitous proceeding. It is another 
question whether it is good policy for Austria to try 
to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and not for 
us to decide. Many people might think that we would 
be happier without Ireland «r Canada. Lord John 
wiU not fail to observe how very intemperate the whole 
tone of Lord Palmerston’s language is. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

Bamioral Cartle, \3lh Sejitember 18i8. 

My deaeest Uncle, — I yesterday received your 
dear and kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in 
Ijondon only the day before), which is very quick, and 
I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at 
Frankfort is very unfortunate, and there seems a 
lamentable want of all practical sense, foresight, or 
even common prudence.* 

' lA)r(l PaliiiPistoti'H oliject, in which he ultimately succeeded, was, by 
obkiiniiija;' the French Government's co-operation in mediating between Austria 
and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any 
designs on Italy. 

“ The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly resisted, and Sweden 
determined on amicd intervention ; but a temporary armistice was arranged 
in August. This the National Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few 
days after this letter wa.s written it was ratified. 


The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me 
very doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf 
in the lamb’s skin. Nous vei'rons, how matters will be 
arranged, . . . 

My letter to Louise wiU have informed you of our 
voyage and our arrival here. This house is small but 
pretty, and though the hills seen from the windows are 
not so fine, the scenery aU around is the finest almost 
I have seen an 5 rwhere. It is very wild and solitary, 
and yet cheerful and beautifully 'wooded^ with the ziver 
Dee running between the two sides of the hills. Loch 
Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate vicinity, and 
belongs to us. 

Tlien the soil is the driest and best known almost 
anywhere, and all the bills are as sound and hard as 
the road. The climate is also dry, and in general not 
very cold, though we had one or two very cold days. 
There is a deer forest — many roe deer, and on the 
opposite hill (which does not belong to us) grouse. 
There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert has, 
however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after 
the deer, though they are continually seen, and often 
quite close by the houSe. The children are very well, 
and enjoying themselves much. The boys always wear 
their Highland dress. > 

I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how 
much dehghted we are that everything goes on so well in 
Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece, VictoeiaE, 

Memorandtun by Queen Victoria. 

BjitMOBAL, 19rt September 1848. 

I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention 
to him a subject, which was a serious one, one which 
I had delayed mentioning for some time, but which I 
felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now, 
namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really 1 
could hardly go on with him, that I had no confidence 
in him, and that it made me seriously anxious and 
uneasy for the welfare of the country and for the peace 


of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from 
one day to another as to what might happen. Lord 
John replied that he was aware of it ; that he had 
considered the matter already, having heard from his 
brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt 
about it ; that he felt the truth of all that I had said, 
but that, on the other hand. Lord Palmerston was a 
very able man, entirely master of his office and of 
affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any 
difficultie.s about other question.s, but (ceidainly 
nni'casonnhlii) complaining of other people mixing with 
and interfering in the affiiirs of hi.s office. I said that 
... I fully believed that that Spanish maniage question, 
which had been the original cause of so many present 
misfortunes, ■would never have become so emibrouilU 
had it not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord 
John to say, that though he disapproved the length 
of Lord Palmerston’s correspondence, still that we 
could not have done othenvise than object to the 
marriage. This is time enough. I repeated that aU 
that had been done in Italy last winter had also 
done harm, as it "was done by Ijord Palmerston, who 
w'as distrusted eveiysvhere abrSad, which Lord John 
regretted. I said that I thought that he often 
endangered the honour of England by taking a very 
prejudiced and one-.sided ■view of a question ; . . . 
that his wnitings were always as bitter as gaU and 
did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented 
to, and that I often felt quite iU from anxiety, that 
I wi.shed Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was 
tired of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Palmerston 
go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord John said 
nothing ■would be better, for that he was sure 
that Lord I’almerston ■would make an admirable 
Lord-Lieutenant, but that another thing to be con- 
sidered •was the danger of making Lord Palmerston 
an enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who 
was formei'ly a great friend and admirer of Lord 
Palmerston’s) had told Ijady John when she spoke 


to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in 
another office, that '/le (Lord Palmerston) would certainly 
turn against the Government if displaced. I said 
that might be, but that sometimes there were gi’eat 
interests at stake which exceeded the danger of offend- 
ing one man, and that this was here the case ; Lord J ohn 
said it was very true, but that at moments like these 
one of course was anxious not to do anything which 
could cause internal trouble. I admitted this, but 
repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite under- 
stood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and 
said I was afraid that some day I should have to 
tell Lord John that I could not put up with Lord 
Palmerston any longer, which might be very dis- 
agi'eeable and awkward. 

It ended by Lord John’s promising to bear the 
subject in mind, and I must say that he took it all 
just as I could ■wish. Victoma P. 

Minute hy the Governor-General of India. 

QOih September 1848. 

. . . The course of events, as they have developed 
themselves, and long and anxious considerations of this 
important subject, have finally and immovably con- 
firmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier 
events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had 
founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor 
any stabihty of Government in the Punjab, nor any 
release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations 
on our ffontier, unless the British Government, justly 
indignant at the unprovoked and treacherous aggression 
once again committed against them by the Sikhs, shall 
now effectually provide against future dangers by 
subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by con- 
verting the Punjab into a British province, and by 
adopting the only measure which will secure the 
observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely, depriving 
them utterly of all the means of making war. I con- 
tinue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment 
of a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the 


Punjab would be the best settlement that could be 
made for the interests of India, if it could be 
formed. But I am convinced that such a Government 
cannot be formed.' 

The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless 
and worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse 
to all control, and in no degree submissive to the 
authority of who are professedly their rulers. 

Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared 
to do, that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely 
di.sposed to the British Government, of what advantage, 
what defence to u.s is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they 
are confessedly unable to control the army which is 
as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to 
secure is a peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and 
a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a permanent 
garason of 50,000 men. If their army are able to 
disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the 
peace we seek to render permanent, of what profit to 
us is the assumed fidelity of the Cluefs, who cannot 
repress their soldiers’ turbulence, or command their 
obedience ? 

I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity 
of the Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before 

us. . . . 

To aU these recommendations my colleagues in the 
Council have yielded their ready assent. 

I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, 
the necessity, if it could prudently or fitly be avoided. 

The Sikli nation have forced the necessity upon 
U.S. Playing resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, 
I shall proceed with all speed to the frontier, and shall 
endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means in 
my power, to caivy into effect vigorously the measures 
on which the Government of India has resolved, and 
which, in my conscience I believe, are imperatively 
called for by regard to the peace of India, to the 
security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of 
tlie people over whom we rule. Dalhousie. 

* See Introductory Note for ISfO, poet, 247. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

OsDOiiNKj 7th October 1848. 

The Queen sends Lord Palmerston’s answer to her 
last letter, of which the Queen has sent a copy to 
Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise a copy of 
her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston 
in this Italian question really surpasses all conception, 
and makes the Queen very uneasy on account of 
the character and honour of England, and on account 
of the danger to which the peace of Europe will 
be exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron 
Wessenberg that upon the conclusion of the Armistice 
with Sardinia, negotiations for peace would have 
speedily been entered into, had our mediation not 
been offered to the King, to whom the offer of 
Lombardy was too tempting not to accept, and 
now that promise is by fair or unfair means to 
be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle 
in this, as the principle upon which Lord Palmerston 
goes is Italian Nationality and Independence from a 
foreign Yoke and Tyry,nny. How can the Venetian 
territory then be secured to Austria ? and if this is done, 
on what ground can Lombardy be wiaing from her ? It 
is really not safe to 'settle such important matters 
without principle and by personal passion alone. 
When the French Government say they cannot 
control public feeling. Lord Palmerston takes this as an 
unalterable fact, and as a sufficient reason to make 
the Austrians give up Lombardy ; when, however, the 
Austrian Government say they cannot give up 
Lombardy on account of the feeling of the Army 
which had just reconquered it with their blood and 
under severe privations and sufferings. Lord Palmerston 
flippantly tells the Austrian Government, “if that 
were so, the Emperor had better abdicate and make 
General Radetzky Emperor.” When Charles Albert 
burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep up 
the delusion that he meant to defend the town. Lord 
Palmerston said nothing ; and now that the Austrian 

236 GREECE [chap, xvn 

Gorernor has prohibited revolutionaiy placards on the 
■walls, and prolonged the period at ■which arms are 
to be surrendered, at the end of which persons conceal- 
ing arms are to be tried by coui't-inartial, lie 'writes to 
Vienna : “ that this savage proclamation, which savours 
more of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone 
by than of the spirit of the present times, must strike 
everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian 
Commander is in.spired,” etc,, etc., etc. 

Venice was to have been made over to Austria by 
the Armistice, and now that this has not been done, 
Au.stria is not even to retake it, in order (as Lord 
Nonnanby says) to keep something in hand against 
which Austria is to make further concessions. Is all 
this fair? In the meantime, from the account of our 
Consul at Venice, the French agents are actively 
employed in intrigues against An.stria in that to^wn, 
and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord 
Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not 
■svrite a line to Paris about it. Now the question at 
issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of 
European powers, but to be fettled by the French 
Republic and Lord Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby 
being the instrument who has pledged himself over 
and over again for Italian inSependence (so called). 
If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her 
Italian provhices separate National Institutions with 
a liberal constitutional Government, who can force 
upon her another annngement? 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

OsDOBNi;, October 1848. 

Tile Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord 
Palmerston what a painful impression the perusal of 
a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to the 
affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little 
111 accordance with the calm dignity which she likes 
to see in all the proceedings of the British Govern- 
ment ; she was particularly struck by the language in 
which Lord Palmerston speaks of Ning Otho, a 


Sovereign with whom she stands in friendly relations, 
and the asperity against the Government of the King 
of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and 
suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, 
and that of aU this a copy is to be placed in the 
hands of the Foreign Minister of the French Mejntblic, 
the Queen can only see with much regretd 

Q,ueen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNn.son CAsMiE, lOi/i Odohi'r 1810. 

My deauest Uncle, — Our voyage yesterday was 
much saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which 
delayed us half an hour, and which still fills us with 
horror. The sea was running very high, and we were 
just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a 
man in the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and 
we stopped, and at that moment Albeit discerned 
many heads above the sea, includhig a poor woman. 
The tide was running so strong that we could only 
stop an instant and let a boat dovm, but you may 
imagine our hoiTOr. We waited at Gosport to hear 
if the people had been "saved, and we leamt that three 
had, two of whom by our Fairy's boat, and that four 
were drowned. Very horrid indeed. 

The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel 
quite ashamed about that once really so peaceful and 
happy people. That there are still good people there 
I am sm’e, but they allow themselves to be worked 
upon in a frightful and shameful way. ... In France 
a crisis seems at hand. JVhat a very bad figure we cut 
in this mediation! Really it is quite immoral, with 
Ireland quivermg in our grasp and ready to throw off 
her allegiance at any moment, for us to force Austria 
to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say 
if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts 
me terribly. This ought to be the principle in all 
actions, private as well as public: "Was du nicht 

1 Lord Palmerston replied that Ills observations on the two Kings lay at the 
very root of his argument, and were necessary to conciliate the present 
Uov'‘rnmnnt of Fr'oi'» 



willstj dass dir geschieht, das thu’ aucli einem andern 
nicht.” . . . 

I must now conclude. With every good wish, 
ever your devoted Niece, Victobia R. 

Earl Grey to Queen Victoria. 

Colonial Opfioe, 26<A October 1848, 

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, 
and begs to inform your Majesty that no official 
accounts have been received of the engagement on the 
Cape Frontier between your Majesty’s forces under Sir 
H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which 
an account is published in the newspapers.^ Lord Grey 
has, however, seen a private letter, which mentions, in 
addition to what is stated in the Government notice 
in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed 
himself vety much, and was slightly wounded ; most 
fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg ; his horse 
was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large 
proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the 
rebels were officers, who appear to have been par- 
ticularly aimed at. 

Queen Victoria to Earl Grey. 

WiNDsoB Castle, 26tt October 1848. 

The Queen has received Lord Grey’s letter, and is 
glad to hear that Sir H. Smith’s wound was not of a 
serious nature. The loss of so many officers, the Queen 
is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue coat 
whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a 
great proportion of officers in Italy from a similar 
diff’erence of dress. 

As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen 
did not approve but disapprove the step, and wished 
the Bath to be given instead, which has been done. 

I 111 July, Pretoriiis, the Boer leader, had in consequence of the British 
annexation of territory, expelled the British Hesident from Bloemfontein. 
See Introductory Note, oMc, p. 167. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the 
Boers on the 2S)tli of Auinist , 

’^Jhf Entire cf Jeaiinijvn PA .!/ 

tbe iki’tih i^Str 

nh n^tuhinifiuun fPtihue 

IM"- ^ 


The Medals for troops in general (given by the East 
India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and 
now it is proposed to reward even a special ease of 
personal distinction by the Company's conferring a 
mark of honour. Lord Grey wUl agree with the 
Queen that it will be better not to establish two 
fountains of honour in the Kealm. If the East 
India Company wish to mark their approbation, 
perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a line 
sword or something of that kind. 

Earl Grey to Q,iieen Eidoria, 

Colonial OrncE, 2G/A October 1048. 

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, 
and has just had the honour of receiving your Majesty’s 
letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here 
when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that part 
of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers 
in action from wearing a dress of a different colour 
from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy observed that 
although there can be no doubt of the objection to the 
blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their having 
suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as 
it appears that all the. officers who were wounded but 
one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the 
Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed 
in the same colour as the men. . . . 

Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that 
the usual time for relieving the present Governor of 
Gibraltar is now come, and that he thinks it veiy 
desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert Wilson, 
who now fiUs that situation. It appears to Lord Grey 
that, considering the nature of the appointment, and 
also the great advantage which would result from 
affording greater encouragement to the officers serving 
under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to confer 
this government upon a General Officer belonging to 
the Royal ArtiUeiy or Engineers. There is some diffi- 
culty in making a selection from the officers of these 


Coi’ps, because, from their retiiing only by seniority, 
they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while 
they are still in possession of sufficient strength and 
activity for employment. Lord Grey, however, believes 
from the information he has been able to obtain, that 
Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be appointed 
to this command, which he therefore begs leave to re- 
commend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord 
Grey has had no communication with Sir R. Gardiner, 
and is entirely ignorant whether he would accept this 

Qii,een Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsor Castle, October 1848. 

The Queen has not yet aclcnowledged the receipt of 
Lord John Russell’s communication of the views of the 
Cabinet on the Italian affairs.* She is very glad that 
the Cabinet should have considered this important 
question, and that she should have received an assur- 
ance “that she will not be advised to have recourse 
to forcible intervention,” The .Queen understands this 
principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and 
that, of course, “ forcible intervention ” will not only be 
avoided as to British means, but likewise as to French 
means, with British consent and concurrence. Though 
Lord John Russell does not enter so much into 
particulars with regard to the opinions of the 
Members of the Cabinet as the Queen might have 
wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy 
should be constituted separately under an Archduke, 
that the idea of making it over to the King of Sardinia 
is finally abandoned. 

' yiir Robert (Jardiiier, K.CB., was appointed Governor and Commander- 
in-Chief of Gdiraltir on the 21»t of November, and held that post till 1856, 

^ Lord John had written to the effect that, nhilo no definite decision had 
been arrived at with rejjard to Italy, it waa thought by the Cabinet that every 
means should be U'sed to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian 
Prince, as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The question 
of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no agreement could bo arrived 
at by amicable negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the 
Queen to have recourse to forcible intervention. 




Lord John Russell to Queen Fictoria. 

Pembboke LoDaPj Wth November 1848 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. 

It Will probably be necessary to send troops to 
India, who wiU then be no longer chargeable to this 
country. But Lord John Russell thinks it his duty to 
state that however unwilling he may be to diminish 
the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential 
to keep our income within our expenditure. 

The whole matter will be under the consideration of 
the Cabinet next week. 

The approaching election of a President in France 
must decide the question of the future Government of 
France. Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part 
of Richard Cromwell. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDsoB Castle, 21rf November 1848. 

My dearest Uncle, — I wi’ite to thank you for 
your kind letter of the 18th on your god-daughter’s 
eighth birthday ! It doe|i seem like an incredible dream 
that Vicky should akeady be so old ! She is very happy 
with all her gifts. 

In Vienna things are'much better. Louis Napoleon’s 
election seems certain, and I own I \vish for it as I 
think it wiU lead to something else. 

You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend 
Melbourne is dying ; there is no hope, and I enclose a 
pretty letter of Lady Beauvale’s,' which I think will 
interest you, and which I beg you to return. One 
cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, 
and it brings back so many recollections to my mind, 
though, God knows 1 I never wish that time hack again. 

We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, 
peaceful Osborne. 

I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe 
me ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

* See Greville’s appreciative description of Lady Beauvale in Lis Journal 
for tlie 30th of January, 1853. 





[chap. XVII 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Bkooket Hau,j 23)-rf November 1848. 

Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melan- 
choly occupation of watching the gradual extinction of 
the lamp of life of one who was not more distinguished 
by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and his first- 
rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attach- 
ment to your Maje.sty which rendered him the most 
devoted subject who ever had the honour to serve a 

Viscoimt Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Bbocket Ham., 25lh November 1848. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne 
was released from further suffering at about six o’clock 
yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had been 
rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was 
only at intervals that he retained any degree of apparent 
consciousness. The last transition took place quietly 
and with almost imperceptible gradation. 


Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Pembroke Lodge, 26<A November 1848. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty : he sees no political objection to a visit to 
Osbonie on the part of the Duke and Duchess of 
bTemours. The election of a President in France is 
so completely absorbing attention that any mark of 
regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass unnoticed. 

Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Jjouis 
Philippe in this house on Friday. He was in much 
better s|)irits, owing to the convalescence of the Queen ; 
but the illness has been a very serious one. 

Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs 
of property belonging to the Orleans family were 
arranged, and that Louis Philippe would ultimately be 
possessed of more than a million sterling. 

Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of 


Louis Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. 
He feels confident that France cannot go to war on 
account of the state of her finances. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsnonNEj ‘i'Jth November 1848. 

My dearest Uncle, — Thank God ! that the news 
from Berhn are better. It is to be hoped that this may 
have a good effect elsewhere. 

In France there ought really to be a iVIonarchy 
before long, qui qiie cc soil. 

Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. 
I sincerely regret him, for he was truly attached to 
me, and though not a firm JMinister he was a noble, 
kind-heaified, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale 
and Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it 
might soften the caro sposo of the latter-named person. 

Victoria R. 

Pope Pius IK. to Queen Vicioria? 

To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the 
Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus. 

Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting I 
Your Royal Majesty has already learned what a subver- 
sion of public affairs ha5 -taken place at Rome, and what 
utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of the 
late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace 
of the Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy 
of abandoned and most turbulent men. Hence, in 
order to avoid more violent commotions and more 
serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely 
performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, 
we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, 
have been constrained to depart for a time from our 
Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical 
dominions ; and in the meanwhile we come as far as 
Gaeta, where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care 
was to declare to our subjects the sentiments of our 
mind and will, by a public edict, a copy of which w'e 

^ Offi#** 1 tr**? +fnn* 



[chap. XVII 

cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without 
having received Lord John’s answer. The Queen is 
sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord Palmerston 
nor Lord Normanby have shomi a proper regard for 
the Queen’s wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord 
Normanby’s Despatch shows that the step to be taken 
with reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is 
avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future 
action of the Queen’s Government, and to oblige her 
to keep a permanent Ambassador at Paris in the person 
of Lord Normanby. It is not veiy delicate in Lord 
Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord 
Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont’s 
departure from this country without taking leave of 
the Queen was neither very becoming. 

The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston’s 
account, received two public affronts : the one by her 
Minister in Spain having been sent out of that country,^ 
the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria not 
announcing to her by special mission his accession to 
the Throne, which he did to all other Sovereigns, 
avowedly, as it appears, to ipark the indignation of 
Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British 
Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, 
in the face of such slurs, the dignity of England wiU 
be vindicated by a race between her representative 
and that of Spain, 'who is to present his credentials 
first to the new President of the French Republic, 
which Lord Palmerston considers of such importance 
as to render an immediate decision indispensable. 

Should Ijord John think that we cannot do less 
now for Louis Napoleon than has been done in the 
case of General Cavaignac, the Queen will not object 
to renewing Lord Normanby ’s credentials as Am- 
bassador-Extraordinary on a .special mission. 

and Spaniah Governnienta the Spanihli Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness 
on the part of your Majesty's Govemraeul, be allowed to raise a question 
about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be 
verjf ineonvenient if that question were decided unfavourably to your 
Majesty’s representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be 
under obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour," 

* See ante, p. r07. ■■ 


The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the 
appearance of Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the 
House of Commons, in place of Lord George Bentinck, who had 
died suddenly in the recess ; the Peelites, though influential, were 
numerically few, and they continued by their support to maintain 
the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session being the 
Act for the repeal of the Navigation laws, a natural corollary 
to Peel’s free trade policy. A royal visit was paid to Ireland 
in August, and at Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the 
Queen and Prince were received with great enthusiasm. 

Abroad, the cause of United Italy suifered a severe check. 
The Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendancy 
was re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was 
defeated at Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor 
Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome in disguise, 
in November, 1848, and was living at Gaeta, was now under 
the protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot 
occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence 
restored Tuscany, Parma, -and Modena to their rulers, and in 
Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by the King 
of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in 
consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists 
in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian 
co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians ; 
Kossuth and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and 
Austrian Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition. 

The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a 
successful termination ; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, 
with inferior numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, 
with indecisive and virtually imfavourable results, and Sir Charles 
Napier was sent out to supersede him. Mooltan, where the 
outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been besieged, 
and fdl on the 23nd of January. Dalhousie had established himself 
at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were 
overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March 
the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire; the “Koh- 
i-noor” was, in token of submission, presented by the Maharajah 
to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the 
thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned. 




Memorandim on Matters connected "with the Fo7'm of 
addressing the Pope in Answer to his Letter to Her 
Majesty of Hh December 1848. 

Fobbiqk OftioEj 6tli January 1849. 

The accompanying draft of answer to the letter 
which the Pope addressed to Her Majesty ftom 
Gaeta on the 4th of December is in the same form 
as letters which were written to Pope Pius VII. by 
George the Fourth wliile Prince Regent, and after he 
came to the Throne. They address the Pope as “ Most 
Eminent Sir,” style him “Your Holiness,” and finish 
with the mere signature after the date or the conclusion 
of the letter. Copies of those letters are annexed. 

Other forms of writing Royal letters are : — 

1st. Commencing “Sir my Brother” (or “Sir my 
Cousin,” etc., as the case may be), and ending thus : 

“ Sir my Brother, 

Your Majesty’s 

Good Sister.” 

This is the form used between Sovereign and 

2nd. Commencing wdth the Queen’s titles. In these 
letters the plural “ we ” and “ our ” are employed instead 
of “I” and “my,” and the letters terminate thus: — 
“Your Good Friend, 

This foi-m is now used almost exclusively for Royal 
letters to Republics. 




In the State Paper Office there is, with only one 
exception, no record of any letter from a Sovereign of 
England to the Pope from the time of Henry VIII., 
when the State Paper Office records commence. The 
single exception is an original letter from Queen Mary 
in 1555 to Pope Paul IV. It seems that when the 
time of her expected confinement drew nigh, she 
caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth 
of a son, and signed them in anticipation of the event. 
When no birth took place, tlic letters were of 
not sent off; but they have been preserved to the 
present day, and among them is the letter to the 
Pope. The accompanying paper contaiirs a copy of 
the beginning and conclusion of it. 

There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any 
letter of credence having been given by James II. to 
Lord Castlemaine in 1G85. The correspondence of 
the reign of James II. is, however, very defective, 
and much of it must either have been suppressed or 
have got into private hands. 

Draft] Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX} 

Most Eminent Siif, — I have received the letter 
which your Hohness addressed to me from Gaeta on 
the 4th of December last, and in -vvhicli you acquaint 
me that in consequence of the violent proceedings of 
certain of your subjects, you had felt yourself obliged 
to depart from Rome, and for a time to quit your 
dominions. I assure your Ploliness that I have been 
deeply pained at the inteUigence of the events to 
which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest 
justice to the motives which induced your Holiness 
to withdraw for a time from your capital. Your 
Holiness has given so many proofs of being animated 
by a sincere desire to improve the condition of the 
people whom, under Divine Providence, you have 
been chosen to govern, and the clemency of your 
heart and the rectitude of your intentions are so well 
known and so truly appreciated, that I cannot but 

’ See p. 243. 


hope that the trials which you have experienced in 
consequence of popular commotion will speedily come 
to an end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good 
understanding between your Holiness and the Roman 
people. I request your Hohness to beheve that it 
would afford me real pleasure to be able in any 
degree to contribute to a result so much to be deshed ; 
and I am happy in having this opportunity of assuring 
you of my sincere friendship, and of the unfeigned 
respect and esteem which I entertain for your person 
and character. 

Given at Windsor Castle the [ ] day of January 


The President of the French Eepublic to Queen Victoria. 

ELYsfe: Nation'AIi, k 22 Janvier 1849. 

Tres chere et grande Ashe, — Une de mes 
premieres pensees lorsque le veeu de la nation 
Fran9aise m’appela au pouvoir fut de faire part a 
votre IMajestd de mon avenement et des sentiments 
que j’apportais dans ma nouveUe position. 

Des circonstances particuli^res ont retards le ddpart 
de I’ambassadeur qui devait porter ma lettre ; mais 
aujourd’hui que I’Amiral Cdcile se rend ^ Londres je 
desire exprimer ^ votre Majesfe la respectueuse sym- 
pathie que j’ai toujours dprouv^e pour sa personne ; je 
ddsire surtout lui dire combien je suis recoimaissant de 
la giindreuse hospitality qu’elle m’a donnye dans ses dtats 
lorsque j’dtais fugitif ou proscrit, et combien je serais 
heureux si ce souvenir pouvait servir ^ resserrer les liens 
qui unissent les gouvemements et les peuples de nos 
deux paj>-. 

Je prie votre Majeste de croire ii mes sentiments. 
Votre ami, Louis Napoi.eon Bonaparte. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoiia. 

CBfSHAM Place, ‘ Z 2 nd January 1849, 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and would now wish to consult Lord 


Lansdowne on the propriety of offering to Lord 
Palmerston to exchange the Foreign Office for the 
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.^ 

As Lord John Russell has always approved in the 
main of the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, he could 
only make this offering in a mode honourable to Lord 
Palmerston — that is to say, for instance, by offering him 
at the same time an English Earldom, or an English 
Barony with the Garter. Nor could he proceed in the 
matter without Lord Lansdowne’s concurrence. 

Q:uecn Victoria to Lord John, Russell. 

WiNDsoii Casti.k, 22)1(Z January 1849. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Bussell’s 
letter and enclosures, the contents of which have deeply 
grieved her, as the honour of her Government has 
always been nearest to her heart. She feels deeply 
the humiliation to have to make an apology to the 
Government of Naples, which stands so very low in 
public estimation, and she naturally dreads the effect 
this disclosure about the guns will have in the world, 
when she considers how many accusations have been 
brought against the good faith of this eountiy latterly 
by many different Governments. Of course they will 
all consider then: .suspicions and accusations, however 
absurd they may have been, as justified and proved. 

The Queen supposes that the proposition Lord John 
makes to her about moving Lord Palmerston to Ireland 
is the result of his conviction that after this disclosure 
it will be no longer to the advantage of the public 
service to leave the direction of the Foreign Affairs in 
these critical times in Lord Palmerston’s hands. The 
Queen will be anxious to see Lord John upon t his 

* Hostilities were in progres.s between tlie Sicilian insurgents and their 
SoTereign. An agent for the former came to England to purchase arms, 
but was informed by the contractor to whom ho applied that the whole of 
his stock had been pledged to the Ordnance Office. Lord Palmerston, 
without consulting the Cabinet, allowed this stock to be transferred to the 
insurgents. Tlie matter became public property, and the Premier brought it 
before the Cabinet on the 23rd of January when, somewhat unexpectedly, the 
Foreign Secretary consented to make an apology to the Neapolitan Govern- 
m nt ; so tb"! tlm cri-'f tnrniin''+''d for the tiniB 



[chap, xvnr 

subject. All she wishes for is, that matters may he so 
managed as to reflect the least possible discredit upon 
the Government and Loi’d Palmerston himself. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, &li Fehruary 1849. 

My dearest Unci,e, — We are well, AU went off 
extremely weU on Thursday, but the Government must 
expect difficulties upon their (veiy doubtful) Foreign 
Policy. I own I do not feel reassured about peace. 
Italy and the Pope, etc., are very tickhsh subjects. 

Everybody says Louis Napoleon has behaved 
extremely well in the last crisis — full of courage and 
energy, and they say that he is decidedly straight- 
forward, which is not to be despised. I will not admit 
that the Geniilthliclikeit ist filr ivimer hegraben in 
Germany; it will surely return when tliis madness 
is over, but how soon no one can teU. Ever your 
devoted Niece, Victoria R, 

Queen Victona to the Earl of Dalhoicsie. 

Windsor Castle, Qth February 1849. 

The Queen has not yet thanked Lord DaUiousie for 
his long and interesting letter which she received in the 
summer. Since that period many important events 
have taken place in India, and the last news have 
naturally made the Queen feel very anxious. She 
deeply laments the loss of General Cureton and Colonel 
Havelock, officers who will not be easily replaced. 
The Queen thinks that Lord Dalhousie has throughout 
acted most judiciously and has thwarted more mischief 
being done. She will abstain from remarking upon 
the conduct of the Commander-in- Chief, as she knows 
that the Duke of Wellington has -written fuUy to Lord 
Dalhousie on this painful subject.^ The Queen con- 
cludes with expressing her hopes that Lord and Lady 
Dalhousie are in good health, and with the Prince’s 
kindest remembrances to Lord Dalhousie. 

* See Introductory Note for the year, onte, p. 247, 




The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

LaekeNj loth February 1849. 

My DEAREST Victoria, — I have to offer my most 
affectionate thanks for your dear letter of the 6th. 
The state of the Queen seems better, though I fear 
not so solidly as to be beyond mischief ; but the 
improvement is real, and 'vviU act as a moral support. 
They have been severely tried, those poor exiles, and 
Heaven knows what is still in store for them. I don’t 
think that in Italy there will be war. The Trench 
cannot think of it for some months, probably not before 
June or July, and the Italians cannot make it alone 
without being licked ; tlie better informed know that. 
The Pope ought to be replaced on his seat for the 
sake of every one ; and his ultra-Liberal policy entitles 
him to be supported by all Governments and by all 
right-minded people. 

Louis Bonaparte has not iE-behaved, it seems ; 
negatively he might have done much harm. The 
position continues to be abominable. There is for 
every one an absence d'avenir which ruins everything 
and everybody — ^that is, the real difficulty. 

Die GemUthlichkeit in Germany was the consequence 
of its pohtical existence, these last thousand years ; that 
is now all going to ruin, and the GemUthlichkeit will 
be as little found again que Vurbanite Frangaise so 
much talked of formerly and now unknown. 

This part of February puts me always in mind of 
my dear little sejour with you in 1841. How far that 
period is now, though but eight years from us ; the 
very featm’es of everything changed, I fear for ever, 
and not for the better. . . . Now 1 must conclude, and 
remain ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted 
Uncle, Leopold R. 

Meinorandimi by Queen Fictoi'ia. 

Buckingham PaxuVoe, 19^A February 1849. 

Admiral CdcEe, who dined here for the first time 
after the presentation of his credentials as Ambassador 



from the French Hepublic, with whom I spoke for 
some time after dinner, said: “Nous en avons fait de 
tristes experiences en France,” but that he hoped 
“ que les choses s’amflioraicnt ” ; that the Government 
was very firm and decided, and determined not to 
allow order to be disturbed ; “ Paris a maintenant fait 
quatre Kevolutions f[ue la France a subies ; votre 
Majeste salt qui a proclarno la llepublique au mois 
de Ffvrier ? line centainc de coquins ! Personne s’en 
doutait, ot cependant la France s’y est soumise ! ” 
That the Government was however determined, and 
so were all the Departments, that this should never 
happen again ; no doubt the danger from the Socialists 
was great, all over the world ; that that was the real 
danger, and that they would readily make another 
attempt like the fearful one in June (the result of which 
for three days was uncertain), but that they had not 
the power ; that he was continually impressing upon all 
his friends in France the necessity of supporting xvliat- 
ever form of Government there was tvhose object was 
the maintenance of order, and to unite “centre cet 
ennemi commun.” The President, he continued, had 
risen amazingly in the opinion of every one by his 
firmness, courage, and detennination — which he had 
shown in those critical days a fortnight or three weeks 
ago — and that in these two months he had acquired 
“ une grande aptitude pour les affaires ; tout le monde 
est dtorme, pareeque personne ne s’y attendait.” He 
spoke with great delight of Belgium — and how it had 
stood the shock of the events in France — and also of 
Fjngland. Italy, he considered, was by far the greatest 
object of danger. Victoria B. 

Qiicen Victori,a to the Marquia of Lansdowne. 

Osborne, Srd March 1849 , 

The Queen sends Lord Lansdowne the book^ she 
mentioned to him. It is an extraordinary production 
for people of the working classes, and there are a great 

, prol).ibly l‘ 0 }mlar £dueatmi, ns regards Juvenile Melinnuencv, 

by ITios. Bullockj lliiO. ^ ^ 


many sound and good observations in it on education ; 
the observations on the deficiency in the religious 
instruction and in the preaching tlie Queen thinks 
are particularly true. It likewise shows a lofty and 
enlarged ‘oiew of education, which is often overlooked. 

The Queen takes this occasion of repeating her hope 
that Gaelic will be taught in future in the Highland 
schools, as well as English, as it is really a great 
mistake that the people should be con.stantly talking 
a language which tliey often cannot read and generally 
not write. Being very partial to her loyal and good 
Highlanders, the Queen takes much interest in what 
she thinks will tend more than anything to keep up 
their simplicity of character, which she considers a 
great merit in these days. 

The Queen thinks equally that Welsh should be 
taught in Wales as well as English.^ 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Osborne, eth March 1849. 

My nEAREST Uncle, — Your dear letter reached me 
yesterday, and I thank 3, mu warmly for it. I wish you 
could be here, for I never remember finer weather than 
we have had since we game here ; perfect summer, and 
so sweet, so enjoyable, and then with all the pleasures 
and beauties of Spring you have that beautiful sea — 
so blue and smooth as it has been these three days. 
If we have no mountains to boast of, we have the sea, 
which is ever enjoyable. We have camelias which 
have stood out two winters covered with red flowers, 
and scarlet rhododendrons in brilliant bloom. Does 
this not sound tempting ? It seems almost wrong to be 
at home, and Albert really hardly is. 

I wish you joy of your twenty four foxes. If there 
was a black one amongst them I should beg for one, 
as the skin you sent me last year was not a black one. 

The news from India are very distressing, and make 

^ Lord Lansdowne, in his roply, undertook to comhine instruction in the 
Gaelic with the Enpriish language in the Highland as well as the Welsh 
schools, and to have view to it in the choice of Inspectors.” 

256 LORD GOUGH vSUPERSEDED [ctiap. xym 

one very anxious, but Sir Charles Napier is instantly to 
be sent out to supersede Lord Gough, and he is so well 
versed in Indian tactics that we may look ’with safety to 
the future qfte?' his arrival. 

The Italian Question remains very complicated, and 
the German one a very perplexing, sad one. Prussia 
must protect the poor Princes and put herself at the 
head, else there is no hope. Austria should behave 
better, and not oppose the consolidation of a central 
Power, else I know not what is to become of poor 

Pray use your influence to prevent more fatal 

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted 
Niece, Victoria 11. 

Lord John Russell to Qiteen Victona, 

Ciif.-'H.i.’ii Plaoe, lOiA March 1849. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and has the honour to state that the debate 
last night was brought to a close.^ 

Mr Cobden and Mr Disraeli made very able 
speeches at the end of the debate. 

The debate has been a remarkable one, and the 
division show.s tolerably well the strength of parties. 
The Protectionists, animated by the cry of agricultural 
distress, are disiiosed to use their power to the utmost. 
Mr Disraeli shows himself a much abler and less 
passionate leader than Lord George Bentinck. 

On the other hand, the friends of Sir Robert Peel 
and the party of Mr Cobden unite with the Govern- 
ment in resisting the Protectionist party. The House 
of Commons thus gives a majority, which, though not 
compact, is decided at once against the extreme Tory 
and the extreme Radical pai-ty. With such a House 
of Commons the great interests of the Throne and the 
Constitution are safe. An abrupt dissolution would put 
everything to hazard. 

* On Mr nisraell'js motiou for p.iymciit of the half of local rates by the 
Treasurv, which was defeated by 280 to 189. 




The Earl oj' Dalhousie to Queen Victoria. 

CamPj Ferozepohe, 24iA March 1849. 

The Governor- General presents hi.s humble 
duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of acknow- 
ledging the receipt of the letter which your Majesty 
most graciously addressed to him on the 5th of 

He is deeply sensible of your Maje.sty’s goodness, 
and most grateful for the expression of approbation 
which it has conveyed. 

The Governor- General is not without fear that he 
may have intruded too often of late upon your Majesty’s 
time. But he is so satisfied of the extreme pleasure 
which your Majesty would experience on learning that 
the prisoners who were in the hands of the Siklis, 
and especially the ladies and children, were once again 
safe in the British camp, that he would have ventured 
to convey to your Majesty that intelligence, even 
though he had not been able to add to it — as happily 
he can — the announcement of the surrender of the 
whole Khalsa army, and the end of the war with the 

Ma-jor-General Gilbert pushed on rapidly in pursuit 
of the Sikhs, who were 'a few marches in front of him, 
carrying off our prisoners with them. 

At Rawul Pindee, half-way between the Jhelum and 
Attock, the Sikh troops, as we have since heard, would 
go no further. They received no pay, they were starv- 
ing, they had been beaten and were disheartened ; and 
so they surrendered. 

All the prisoners were brought safe into our camp. 
Forty-one pieces of artillery were given up. Chuttur 
Singh and Shere Singh, with all the Sirdars, delivered 
their swords to General Gilbert in the presence of his 
officers; and the remains of the Sikh army, 1G,000 
strong, were marched into camp, by 1000 at a time, 
and laid down their arms as they passed between the 
Hnes of the British troops. 

Your Majesty may well imagine the pride with 

VOT ir. Tl 


which British Officers looked on such a scene, and 
witnessed this absolute subjection and humiliation of 
so powerful an enemy. 

How deeply the humiliation was felt by the Sikhs 
themselves may be judged by the report which the 
officers who were present have made, that many of 
them, and especially the grim old Khalsas of Runjeet’s 
time, exclaimed as they threw their arms down upon 
the heap : “ This day llunjeet Singh has died 1 ” 

Upwards of 20,000 stands of arms were taken in the 
hills. Vast quantities were gathered after the flight of 
the Sikhs from Gujerat. As a further precaution, the 
Governor-General has ordered a disarming of the Sikhs 
throughout the Eastern Doabs, while they are yet 
cast down and afraid of punishment. He trusts that 
these measures may all tend to ensure the continuance 
of peace. 

The Sirdars wiU amve at Lahore to-day, where 
they will await the determination of their future places 
of residence. The officers who were prisoners have 
also reached Lahore, together with Mrs George 
La'wrence and her children. 

It is impossible to speak too highly of the admirable 
spfrit which this lady has displayed during many 
months of very arduous trial. ‘ 

By the kindness of others, the Governor-General 
lias had the opportunity of seeing constantly the little 
notes which were secretly despatched by her from her 
piison. The gallant heart she kept up under it aU, 
the cheerful face she put upon it, and the unrepining 
patience with which she bore the privations of captivity 
and the dangers which it threatened to her children, 
her husband, and herself, must command the highest 
respect and make one proud of one’s countrywomen. 

General Gilbert, by the latest intelligence, had seized 
the fort of Attoek, had crossed the Indus, and was 
advancing on Peshawur, wluther the Afghans had 

By next mail the Governor-General trusts that he 
will be able to announce that every, enemy has been 


swept away by your Majesty’s Armies, and that the 
Afghans have either been crushed like the Sikhs or 
have fled to Cabul again. 

He has the honour to subscribe himself, your 
Majesty’s most obedient, most humble and very 
faithful Subject and Servant, Daltiousie. 

The King of Sardinia (Victor Eniamiel) to Queen 


Turin, le 30 Marn 1849. 

Ma tees cheee Sceue, — IjE participation officielle 
que je m’empresse de vous donner de mon avinemcnt 
au trone m’offre une occasion que je suis heureux de 
saisir pour vous exprimer dans une lettre de ma main 
les sentiments de ma vive gratitude pour I’alFection 
dont ma maison a recju des preuves marquantes et 
r^it^r^es de votre part, comme pour le bienveillant 
int^rfit que votre Gouvernement a tdmoign^ k ce pays 
particulierement dans les graves ^v^nements qui ont 
eu lieu pendant cette derni^re annde. 

Je vous prie d’etre persuadde que rien n’est plus 
sincere que la reconnaissance que j’en conserve, et de 
me laisser nourrir la confiance que je puis center sur 
la continuation de ces dispositions si aimables. 

En vous renouvelant les sentiments d’amiti^ la plus 
parfaite, je suis, votre tres cher Frere, 

VicTOE Emanuel. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the JBelgians. 

Windsor Castle, 10<A April 1849. 

My deaeest Uncle, — You will, I am sure, share 
our joy at Ernest's rvonde?ful success at Eckerforde.^ 
It is a marvellous piece of good fortune pour son 
bapUme de feti, but it alarmed and agitated us all 
to think that he might have been wounded, to say the 
least, for he had his horse killed under him. At all 
events, he has done honour to the poor race to which 

’ III this engagement with the Danes, arising out of the Schleswig- 
Holstein dispute, Priaee Ernest greatly distinguished himself. 



[chap, xviii 

he belongs, and it makes us both veiy happy. I think 
it will tend decidedly to shoiden the war. Poor dear 
Alexandrine 1 in what anxiety she will have been. 

The victory of Novara^ seems to have been one of 
the hardest fought and most brilliant battles known 
for years and years, and old lladetzky says that he must 
name every individual if he was to do justice to officers 
and men. Put the was very severe. The regiment 
of Kinsky lost twentij-four officers 1 The Archduke 
Albert distinguished himself exceedingly, which is 
worthy of his noble father. I could work myself up 
to a great excitement about these exploits, for there 
is nothing I admire more than great military exploits 
and daring. 

Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington. 

Mai/ 1849. 

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offer- 
ing to the Duke of Wellington her warmest and 
sincerest wishes for many happy returns of this day. 
She hopes the Duke will place the accompanying 
trifte on his table, and that it'^will recall to his mind 
one who ever reflects with gratitude on the services he 
has rendered and always does /ender to his Sovereign 
and his country. 

Queen Victona to the King of the Belgians. 

lk'( KiNoiiAM PAr.ACE, 8</t May 1849. 

My deabest Uxcle, — Alas ! poor Germany, I am 
wx'etched about her ; those news from Dresden are veiy 
distressing.^ Really with such an excellent man as the 
poor King, it is too wicked to do what they have done. 
If only soiue sort of arrangement could be made ; then 
afterw'ards there might be modifications, both in the 

I In whidi Marshal lladetzky defeated the Piedmontese, 
a The Kin;? of Pru'.aia, findin); Saxony, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and 
Hanover opMsed to the a«cendaucy of Prussia in tlie Confederation, declined 
the Imperial Crown of Germany : fresh disturbances thereupon ensued, and 
at Dresden, the King of Saxony liad to take refuge inia fortress. 

1849] the queen fired AT 261 

Constitution, etc., for that Constitution never will work 

Our Navigation Laws debate in the House of 
Lords began last night, and is to be concluded to-night. 
There seems to be almost a certainty that there whi be 
a majority, though a very small one, and the danger of 
course exists that any accident may turn it the other 

Knowing your esteem for our worthy friend, Sir 
Robert Peel, you will, I am sure, be glad to hear that 
his second son, Frederick,' made such a beautiful speech 
— his maiden speech — in the Flouse of Commons last 
night ; he , was complimented by every one, and Sir 
Robert was delighted. I am so glad for him, and also 
rejoice to see that there is a young man who promises 
to be of use hereafter to his countiy. 

Albert is agahi gone to lay a first stone. It is a 
delight to hear people speak of the good he does by 
always saying and doing the right thing. . . . 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

^ Buckingham Palace, 22nii May 1849. 

My eeaeest Uncle, — I could not write to you 
yesterday, my time having been so entirely taken up 
by kind visitors, etc., and I trust you will forgive these 
hurried lines written just before our departure for 
Osborne.^ I hope that you will not have been 
alarmed by the account of the occurrence which 
took place on Saturday, and which I can assure you 
did not alarm me at all. This time it is quite clear 
that it was a wanton and wicked wish merely to 
frighten, which is ' very wrong, and will be tried and 
punished as a misdemeanour. The account in the Times 
is quite correct. The indignation, loyalty, and affection 
this act has called forth is very gi-atifying and touching. 

Alice gives a very good account of it, and Lenchen ® 

^ Afterwards tlie Ri^ht Hon. Sir Frederick Peel, who died in 190(1. 

“ The Queen, while driving down Constitution Hill, was fired at by one 
William Hamilton, the pistol being charged only with powder. He was tried 
under the Act of 1842, and sentenced to seven years’ transportation. 

^ Princess Helena (now Princess Christian), born 26th May, 1840. 


even says, “Man shot, tried to shoot dear Mamma, 
must be punished.” They, AiFie, and Miss Macdonald 
were with me. Albert was riding, and had just 
returned before me. Augustus and Clem had left us 
just two hours before. . . . 

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th. JV/iat 
a state Germany is in 1 — I mean Baden, but I hope 
that this violent crisis may lead to good. 

I must conclude. Ever your truly devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

OsBonNE, 26rt May 1849. 

The Queen has to say, in answer to Lord John 
Russell’s communication respecting India, that she 
quite approves the annexation of the Punjab, and 
is pleased to find that the Government concur in 
this view. The elevation of Lord Dalhousie to a 
Marquisate is well deserved, and almost the only thing 
that can be offered him as a reward for his services ; 
but considering his want of fortune, the Queen thinks 
that it should be ascertained' in the first instance 
whether the increase of rank will be convenient to 
him. Lord Gough’s elevatiofi to the dignity of 
Viscount has the Queen’s sanction. 

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albey-t. 

CnEsnAJt PiuioE, IQth June 1849. 

Sir, — I have spoken to Ijord Palmerston respecting 
the draft to Mr liuchanan.' 

It appears that he converted it into a private letter, 
as I suggested, but he thought lit to place it on record, 
as it contained information derived from authentic 
sources, and of importance. 

It appeal’s the drafts are .still sent to the Queen at 
the same time as to me, so that my remarks or correc- 
tions, or even the cancelling of a despatch, as not 

^ Mr (aftprnards Sir) Andrew nuclmnau (1807-1882), Secretary of 
Legation at St I’etersbunir. ' 




infrequently happens, may take effect after the 
Queen’s pleasure has been taken. 

This appears to me an inconvenient course. 

Lord Palmerston alleges that as 28,000 despatches 
were received and sent last year, much expedition is 
required; but he professes himself ready to send the 
despatches to me in the first instance, if the Queen 
should desire it. 

It appears to me that all our despatches ought to be 
thoroughly considered, but that Her Majesty should 
give every facility to the transaction of business by 
attending to the drafts as soon as possible after their 

I would suggest therefore that the drafts should 
have my concun'ence before they are submitted to the 
Queen, and in case of any material change, that I 
should write to apprise Her Majesty of my views, 
and, if necessary, submit my reasons. I have the 
honour to be, your Royal Plighness’s most obedient 
Servant, J. Russell. 

The Prince Albert to Lord John Bussell. 

20 th June 1849. 

My dear Lord John, — Your proposal -with respect 
to the mode of taking the Queen’s pleasure about the 
drafts is perfectly agreeable to the Queen. She would 
only require that she would not be pressed for an 
answer within a few minutes, as is now done sometimes. 

Lord Palmerston could always manage so that there 
are twelve or twenty-four hours left for reference to 
you, and consideration, and there are few instances in 
which business would suffer from so short a delay. As 
Lord Palmerston knows when the Mails go, he has 
only to write in time for them, and he must recoUect 
that the 28,000 despatches in the year come to you 
and to the Queen as well as to himself. 

Should the Queen in future have to make any 
remark, she will make it to you, if that will suit you. 
Ever yours truly, Albert. 



Lord John Rtissdl to Viscount Palmerston. 

2\st June 1849. 

My DEAU Paemeeston, — I wrote the .substance of 
what you wrote to me to the Pi’ince, and proposed that 
the drafts should, in the first instance, be sent to me. 
You will see by the enclosed letter from the Prince 
that the Queen approves of this proposal. 

It may somewhat abridge the circuit if, when I 
have no remark to make, I forward the drafts with the 
Foreign Office direction to the Queen at once. 

I cannot pretend to say that I paid the same atten- 
tion to the 28,000 despatches of 1848 that you are 
obliged to do. Still I agree in the Prince’s remark 
that directions to Foreign Ministers ought to be veiy 
maturely weighed, for the Queen and the Government 
speak to foreign nations in this and no other manner. 
Yours truly, J. Russell. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 


The Queen returns the enclosed di’afts, which she 
wiU not further object to, but she feels it necessary 
to say a few words in answer »to Lord Palmerston’s 
letter. The union of Schleswig and Holstein^ is not 
an ideal one, but complete as to Constitution, Finance, 
Cu.stoms, Juri-sdiction, Church, Universities, Poor Law, 
Settlement, Debts, etc., etc., etc. It is not established 
by the Kings-Dukes, but has exi.sted for centuries. 
To defend Holstein against the attack made by 
Denmark upon this union, Germany joined the war. 
It is true that it is now proposed in the new 
Con.stitution for Germany to consent to the separation 
of Schleswig and Holstein, although last year the 
I’l’ankfort Parliament had desired the incorporation 
of Schleswig into Germany with Holstein; but the 
gue.stion for Germany is now not to begin a war, 
but to close one by a lasting peace. In this she has, 

1 Schleswijf had been claimed by Germany as an integral part of her 
territory, and a ivar between Germany and lienmarK was in progress. 


in the Queen’s opinion, a right and a duty to see 
that the independence of Schleswig is secured before 
she abandons that country. The comparison with 
Saxony does not hold good for a moment, for the 
Schleswig Revolution was not directed against the 
Duke, but against the King of Denmark, who invaded 
the rights of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein; the 
assistance of Prussia could therefore not he given to 
Denmark, but to Schleswig-Holstein. The case of 
ITungary has neither any similitude. Hungary is not 
to be torn from its connection with the Gemian States 
by the Austiian Government, but just the reverse. 

Lord Palmerston cannot be more anxious for a 
speedy termination of the Danish war than the Queen 
is, but she thinks that the mediation will not effect 
this as long as the mediating power merely watches 
which of the two parties is in the greatest difficulties 
for the moment, and urges it to give way; but by a 
careful and anxious discovery of the rights of the 
question and a steady adherence to the recommenda- 
tion that what is right and fair ought to be done. 
The cause of the war having been the unlawful 
attempt to incorporate '’Schleswig into Denmark, the 
peace cannot be lasting unless it contains sufficient 
guarantees against the 'resumption of that scheme.^ 

Lord John Russell to the Earl of Clarendon. 

2,^rd June 1849. 

I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency 
that I have received the Queen’s commands to acquaint 
you that Her Majesty hopes to be able in the course 
of the present summer to fulfil the intention, which 
you are aware she has long entertained, of a visit to 
Ireland. The general distress unfortunately still 
prevalent in Ireland precludes the Queen from visit- 
ing Dublin in .state, and thereby causing ill-timed 
expenditure and inconvenience to her subjects ; yet 

^ In reply. Lord Palmerston expressed entire concTirrence in the justice 
of the principles which the Queen indicated as being tlioso which ought to 
PTiide a mediatiiip- Power. 


Her Majesty does not wish to let another year pass 
without visiting a part of her dominions which she 
has for so long a time been anxious personally to 
become acquainted with. She accordingly will, at 
some sacrifice of personal convenience, take a longer 
sea voyage, for the purpose of visiting in the &st 
instance the Cove of Cork, and from thence proceed 
along the Irish coast to Dublin. After remaining 
there a few days, during which time Her Majesty 
will be the guest of your Excellency, she would 
continue her cruise along the Irish eoast northward 
and visit Belfast, and from thence cross to Scotland. 
Although the precise time of Her Maje.sty’s visit 
cannot yet he fixed, it wiE probably take place as 
early in August as the termination of the session of 
Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this 
early announcement of her intentions \viU be received 
with gi-eat satisfaction by Her Majesty’s loyal and 
faithful subjects in Ireland. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Rmsell 

^ OsBonNE, 10/A July 1849. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letters. 
She returns Lord Clarendon’s, and the very kind one 
of the Primate.^ 

With respect to Lord Clarendon’s suggestion that 
the Prince of Wales should be created Duke, or rather, 
as Lord John says, Earl of Dublin — the Queen thinks 
it is a matter for consideration whether such an act 
should follow the Queen’s visit as a compliment to 
Ireland, but she is decidedly of opinion that it should 
not precede it. 

We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going 
to Ireland, but fully comprehend his wishes to remain 
quiet for three weeks. Wc shall be very glad to see 
him at Balmoral on the 20th or 22nd of August. 

Wc hope Lady John and the baby continue to 
go on well. 

* Lord John Crt’orRo dp l.i Poor Beresford (1773-1862) was Archbishop of 
Armao-h from 1822 until his death. » 




Queen Victoria to the King of the JBelgians, 

Lonecj Phienix PabKj August 1849. 

Mr DEAEEST Unci.e, — Though this letter will only 
go to-morrow, I will begin it to-day and tell you that 
everything has gone off beautifully since we arrived 
in Ireland, and that our entrance into Dublin was 
really a magnificent thing. By my letter to Louise you 
will have heard of our arrival in the Cove of Cork. 
Our visit to Cork was very successful ; the Mayor was 
knighted on deck (on board the Puiry), like in times 
of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River Lee, 
which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of Devon- 
shire sceneiy. We had previously stepped on shore 
at Cove, a small place, to enable them to call it Queen’s 
Town; the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork there 
was more firing than I remember since the Rhine. 

We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and 
contrary wind which made it rough and me very sick. 

7th, — I was unable to continue till now, and have 
since received your kind letter, for which I return my 
warmest thanks. We went into Waterford Harbour 
on Saturday afternoon, which is likewise a fine, large, 
safe harbour. Albert .went up to Waterford in the 
Fairy, but I did not. The next morning we received 
much the same report of the weather which we had 
done at Cork, viz. that the weather was fair but the 
wind contrary. However we went out, as it could 
not be helped, and we might have remained there some 
days for no use. The first three hours were very nasty, 
but afterwards it cleared and the evening was beautiful. 
The entrance at seven o’clock into Kingston Harbour was 
splendid ; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole 
harbour, wharf, and every surrounding place was cmered 
with thousands and thousands of people, who received 
us with the greatest enthusiasm. We disembarked 
yesterday morning at ten o’clock, and took two hours 
to come here. The most perfect order was maintained 
in spite of the immense mass of people assembled, and 
a more good-humoured crowd I never saw, but noisy 

S68 THE IRISH VISIT [chap, xvm 

and excitable beyond belief, talking, jumping, and 
shrieking instead of cheering. There were numbers 
of troops out, and it really was a wonderful scene. 
This is a very pretty place, and the house reminds 
me of dear Claremont. The view of the Wicklow 
Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and the 
whole park is very extensive and full of very fine trees. 

W e drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed 
by jaunting-cars and riders and people running and 
screaming, which would have amused you. In the 
evening we had a dinner party, and so we have to-night. 
This morning we visited the Bank, the Model School 
(where the Protestant and Catholic Archbishops 
received us), and the College, and this afternoon we 
went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow we have 
a Levee, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the next 
day a Review, and in the evening the Drawing-Room, 
when 000 ladies are to be presented. 

George^ is here, and has a command here. He 
rode on one side of our carriage yesterday. You see 
more ragged and wretched people here than I ever 
saw anywhere else. En revanche, the women are 
really very handsome — quite in the lowest class — as 
well at Cork as here ; such beautiful black eyes and 
hair and such fine colours and ^eeth. 

I must now take my leave. Ever your most affec- 
tionate Niece, Victoria R. 

The Earl of Clarendon to Sir George Grey. 

Vice-Regal Lopge, lith August 1819 . 

Mv DRAR Grey, — If I had known where to direct 
I should have thanked you sooner for your two welcome 
letters from Belfast, where everything seems to have 
gone off to our hearts’ desire, and the Queen’s presence, 
as the Stipendiary Magistrate writes word, has united aU 
classes and parties in a manner incredible to those who 
know the distance at which they have hitherto been 
kept asunder. 

The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is 

^ 'llie Lite Duke of Cambridge . '' 


not an individual in Dublin that does not take as a 
personal compliment to himself the Queen’s having 
gone upon the paddle-box and having ordered the 
Royal Standard to be lowered three times. 

Even the ex-Clubbists,' who threatened broken heads 
and windows before the Queen came, are now among 
the most loyal of her subjects, and are ready, according 
to the police reports, to fight any one who dare say 
a disrespectful word of Her Majesty. 

In short, the people are not only enchanted with 
the Queen and the gracious kindness of her manner 
and the confidence she has shown in them, but they 
are pleased with themselves for their own good feelings 
and behaviour, which they consider have removed the 
barrier that hitherto existed between the Sovereign 
and themselves, and that they now occupy a higher 
position in the eyes of the world. Eriend Bright was 
v/ith me to-day, and said he would not for the world 
have missed seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for 
he had felt just the same enthusiasm as the rest of the 
crowd. “ Indeed,” he added, “ I’ll defy any man to 
have felt otherwise when he saw the Queen come upon 
the platform and bow fb the people in a maimer that 
showed her heart was with them.” He didn’t disguise 
either that the Monarchical principle had made great 
way with him since Friday. Ever yours truly, 


Qiteen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Osborne, Srd October 1849. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s 
explanation respecting the brevet promotions on the 
occasion of her visit to Ireland, but cannot say that 
his objections have convinced her of the impropriety 
of such a promotion (to a limited extent). To Lord 
John’s fears of the dangerous consequences of the 
precedent, the Queen has only to answer, that there 

* Seditious clubs had beeu an important factor in the Irish disturbances 
of 1848. 

270 BREVET PROMOTIONS [chap, xvm 

can be only one first visit to Ireland, and that the 
first visit to Scotland in 184(2 was followed by a few 
promotions, without this entaihng promotions on her 
subsequent visits to that part of the country; that 
even the first visit to the Channel Islands was followed 
by a few promotions, and this under Lord John’s 
Government. All the precedents being in accordance 
with the proposition made by the Duke, an opposition 
on the part of the Government would imply a declara- 
tion against all brevets except in the field, which would 
deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative. If 
such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to 
great additional expense, the Queen could understand 
the objection on the ground of economy; but the 
giving brevet rank to a few subaltern officers is too 
trifling a matter to alarm the Government. Perhaps 
the number might be reduced even, but to deviate 
from the established precedents for the fii-st time 
altogether in this case, and that after the excellent 
behaviour of the Anny in Ireland imder very trying 
circumstances, would be felt as a great injustice. 

The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask 
the Duke to send him the former precedents and to 
consider with his colleagues whether a modified 
recommendation cannot be laid before her.^ 

Loi'd John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

WoBUBN Abbey, October 1849. 

Lord John Russell presents his' humble duty to 
your Majesty, and will consider, in communication 
with the Duke of Wellington, whether any modified 
list can be proposed by him to your Majesty. 

The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not 
a matter of much consideration. But to reward 
Officers on the Staff, who are already favoured by 
being placed on the Staff in Ireland, is a practice 

* The Duke of ■VVelliiigtoii had submitted a list of Officers for brevet 
promotion, which received the Queen’s sanction ; but the list was afterwards 
red » ’ 

1849] the new coal exchange 271 

which tends but too much to encourage the opinion 
that promotions in the Army and Navy are given not 
to merit, but to aristocratical connection and official 

In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which 
the last two years have seen in Europe, it will be well 
if the English Crown preserves all its just prerogatives, 
and has only to relinquish some customary abuses, 
which are not useful to the Sovereign, and are only 
an equivocal advantage to the Ministers of the day. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDioB Castle, 31i< October 1849. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell’s 
letter, and was much rejoiced at everything having 
gone off so well yesterday ; ^ she was very much annoyed 
at being unable to go herself, and that the untoward 
chicken-pox should have come at this moment ; she is, 
however, quite recovered, though still much marked. 

With respect to the proposition about the Thanks- 
giving, the Queen quite approves of it, and {if it is 
generally preferred) that it should be on a week-day. 
As to the Bishop of London’s proposal, “ the Queen 
thinks that Lord John may have misunderstood him ; 
she supposes that he meant that she should attend some 
place of public worship, and not in her domestic chapel, 
in order to join in the public demonstration. The Queen 
is quite ready to go with her Court to St George’s Chapel 
here ; but she would like it to take place on an earher 
day than the 27th of November, when she would 
probably be abeady in the Isle of Wight, where we 
think of going as usual on the 22nd or 23rd. 

1 The ceremony of opening the new Coal Exchange, at which, besides 
Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal were present. 

2 ilere had been a severe epidemic of choleia in the country. In twelve 
months 14,000 deaths, in London alone, were due to this malady. ITie Ifitli 
of November was appointed for a general Day of Thanksgivmg for its cessation, 
and the Bishop of London had suggested that the Queen should attend a 
public service at St Paul’s. Lord John Russell was in favour of Westminster 



Lo7-d John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Eaton SouaiiEj ‘IKUh Nommher 1849. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. In answer to your Ma-jesty’s enquiry, he 
has to state that a very short conversation took place 
in the Cabinet on the affairs of Germany upon an 
enquiiy of Lord John Russell whether the Diet of 
Erfurt’ might not be considered a violation of the 
Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston thought not, but 
had not examined the question. 

The affaii’s of Germany are in a critical position; 
Austria will oppose anything which tends to aggrandise 
Russia ; Russia will oppose anything which tends to 
free Government ; and France will oppose anything 
which tends to strengthen Germany. Still, all these 
powers might be disi’egarded were Germany united, 
but it is obvious that Bavaria and Wiirtemberg look to 
Austria and France for support, while Hanover and 
Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a Prussian 

The matter is very critical, but probably will not 
lead to war. 

Viscount Palmerston ter Queen Victoria. 

Fobbign Office, 30rt November 1849. 

Viscoimt Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty’s enquhy 
as to what the measures would be which Sir William 
Parker® would have to take in order to support Mr 
Wyse’s® demands for redress for certain wrongs sus- 
tained by British and Ionian .subjects, begs to say that 
the ordinary and accustomed method of enforcing such 
demand.s is by reprisals — that is to say, by seizing some 
vessels and property of the party which refuses redress,* 
and retaining possession thereof until redress is granted. 

^ In onler to effect the consolidation of Germany, the King of Prussia 
had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet at Erfurt. 

® Commanding the Mediterrancau Fleet. 

® British Envoy at Athens. 

* See Introductory Note for 1850, poetj p. 274. ' 

iPuirt'n t) icH-A//u7r 

tS/-pfrL f/te porlmit '/okfv t/arlrufye aJ il^ucAcncf/iafti i/alace 


Another method is the blockading of the ports of 
the party by whom redress is refused, and by interrupt- 
ing commercial intercourse to cause inconvenience and 
loss. Viscount Palmerston, however, does not appre- 
hend that any active measures of this kind will be 
required, but rather expects that when the Greek 
Government finds that the demand is made in earnest, 
and that means are at hand to enforce it, satisfaction 
will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek 
Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive 
neglect with which tiiey have treated the applications 
of your Majesty’s representative at Athens have, as 
Viscount Palmerston is convinced, been the result of 
a belief that the British Government never would take 
any real steps in order to press these matters to a 

Queen Victoria to the King of the JBeJgiane. 

OaBORNE, llth December 1849 . 

My deaeest Uncle, — Thank you much for your 
kind letter of the 6th ; you will have received mine of 
the 4th shortly after youVrote, I know how you would 
mourn with us over the death of our beloved Queen 
Adelaide. We have lost the kindest and dearest of 
friends, and the universal feeling of sorrow, of regret, 
and of real appreciation of her character is very touching 
and gratifying. All parties, all classes, join in doing 
her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against her, 
but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed 
love and affection, and for the last eight years their 
friendship was as great as ever. Ever yours affection- 
ately, Victoria H. 

VOT,. TT. 


The Ministiy were still (1850) able, relying on the support of 
Sir llobert Peel, to resist tlxe attacks of tbe Protectionists in the 
House of Commons, though their majority on a critical occasion 
fell to twenty-one ; but they were rehabilitated by the discussions 
on foreign policy. One Don Pacifico, a Portuguese Jew, a native 
of Gibraltar and a British subject, had had his house in Athens 
pillaged by a mob ; he, with Mr Pinlay, the historian, who had a 
money claim against the Greek Government, instead of establishing 
their claims in the local courts, sought the intervention of the home 
Government ; Lord Palmerston, whose relations with the Court 
were even more strained than usual, resolved to make a hostile 
demonstration against Greece, and a fleet was sent to the Piraeus 
with a peremptory demand for settlement. The House of Lords 
condemned this high-handed action, but a friendly motion of 
confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord Palmerston had 
an extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six, notwith- 
standing that the ablest men outsidfe the Ministry spoke against 
him, and that his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were 
about to culminate in a severe repripiand. 

Sir Robert Peel’s speech in this debate proved to be his last 
public utterance, his premature death, resulting from a fall from 
nis horse, taking place a few dws later ; Louis Philippe, who had 
been living in retirement at Claremont, passed away about the 
same time. Another attack on the Queen, this time a blow with 
a cane, was made by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well- 
connected ; the plea of insanity was not established, and Pate 
was transported. 

Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition 
in Hyde Park, Prince Albert making a memorable .speech at the 
Mansion House in support of the s^eme ; the popular voice had 
not been unanimous in approval, and subscriptions had hung 
fire, but henceforward matters improved, and Mr Paxton’s design 
for a glass and iron structure was accepted and proceeded with. 

The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his 
action in respect to General Playnau, an Austrian whose cruelty 
bad been notorious, and who was assaulted by some of the 
employes at a London brewery. The Eoreign Office note to 


tlie Austrian Govcz’nment nearly brought about Palmerston’s 
resignation, which was much desired by the Queen. 

At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment 
at the issue of a Papal Brief, i‘e-cstablifehing the hierarchy of 
Bi.shops in England with local titles derived from their .see.s ; and 
Cardinal Wiseman, thenceforward Archbishop of Westminster, 
by issuing a pastoral letter on the .subject, made matters worse. 
The Protestant spirit wa.s aroused, the two Universities presented 
petitions, and the Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of 
Durham, helped to fan the “No Po])cry'’ flame. Just at a time 
when a coalition of Whig-^ and 1‘celites w'as beginning to be 
po.ssible, an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, almost fatal to mutual 
confidence, became nece.ssary. 



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

Windsor Castle, bth February 1860. 

My deau Uncle, — We had the house full for three 
days last week on account of our theatrical performances 
on Friday, which went off extremely well. The Grand 
Duchess Stephanie was here, trds aiviable, and not 
altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, 
and of yoio in the highest terms — “ Comme le Hoi 
Leopold s’est bien tenu ” — and that she had mentioned 
this at Claremont, and then felf shocked at it, but that 
the poor King had answered ; “ II avait mon exemple 
devant lui, et U en a profits ! ” She thought the whole 
family tres digne in their malheur, but was struck with 
the melancholy effect of the whole thing. 

Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parlia- 
ment, and the Protectionists have received an effective 
check; the question of the Corn Laws seems indeed 
settled. This is of great importance, as it puts a stop to 
the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which 
have been falsely kept up by the ari.stocracy. . . . 

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 


Viscount Falnwrslon to Lord John JRtissell, 

t’Atti.Td.v Uardens, ISth Febi'uary 1860. 

JMy dear John Russeli., — I have altered this draft 
so as I think to meet the views of tl\e Queen and of 

I 8 fi 0 ] THE DRAFT TO GREECE 277 

yourself in regard to the continuance of the suspension^ 
1 should not like to put into a despatch an instruction 
to accept less than we have demanded, because that 
would imply what I don’t think to be the fact, viz, 
that we have demanded more than is due. If the 
demands were for the British Government, we might 
forego what portions we might like to give up, but 
we have no right to be easy and generous with the 
rights and claims of other people. Beside.s, if we 
get anything, we shall get all. The whole amount is 
quite within the power of the Greek Government to 
pay. Yours sincerely, PAi,irF.u.ST(JN. 

Queen Victoria to Vheount Palmerston. 

IlutKiNfJii.vM Palace, \llh February 1850. 

The Queen sent tlie day before yesterday the 
proposed draft to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, 
enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John Russell, 
and telling Lord Palmerston “that she entirely con- 
curred with Lord John, and wished the draft to be 
altered accordingly.” She has not yet received an 
answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from 
Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that 
Lord Palmerston has, sent the draft off unaltered? 
The Queen must remark upon this sort of proceeding, 
of which this is not the first instance, and plainly tell 
Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. 
Lord Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the 
Queen his reasons for disagreeing with her views, and 
will always hav^e found her ready to listen to his 
reasons ; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown 
and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and 
this without her knowledge. 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Caulton Gardens, 1*1 th February 1860. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty’s com- 

* I.e. of hostilities against tho Greek Government, designed to extract 
compensation for the henries inflicted on British subjeeta. See ante, p. 274. 

“ See Ashlev’s Palmeretm, vol. i. chap. v. 


munication of this day, he begs to state tliat upon 
receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty’s 
Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, 
together with the accompanying Memorandum^ from 
Lord John Russell, he altered the draft, and sent it 
to Lord John Russell, and received it back from Lord 
John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to 
that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was 
important that the messenger should go off that 
evening, and the time occupied in these communications 
rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the 
messenger by the mail train of that evening. The 
despatch thus altered coincided with the views of your 
Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the question in 
regard to the length of time during which reprisals 
should be suspended to give scope for the French 
negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr 
W yse a latitude of discretion to entertain any proposi- 
tion which might be made to him by the Greek 
Government was considered by the Cabinet at its 
meeting yesterday afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston 
gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that kind in regard to 
the claim of IVIr Pacifico, the 'only one to which that 
question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by 
the overland Mediterranean mail which went off 
yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained 
some instructions as to the manner in which Mr 
Wyse is to communicate with Baron Gros,^ and those 
instructions were the result of a conversation which 
Viscount Palmenston had with the French Ambassador 
after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston 
was only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday 
evening, which, owing to this day being Sunday, he has 
not yet received, in order to send to your Majesty the 
altered draft of yesterday evening, with an explanation 

‘ tord John Russell’s opinion was that three weeks should be allowed 
to Mr W'y>e and Sir W. Parker to accept terms a.s .satisfactory as they could 
obtain, and that Sir W. Parker ahould not bo oblifred to resume coercive 
measures, if tl»e concessions of tho CJrcek Government should appear to 
afford a prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair. 

“ Baron (iros was the Commissioner despatched by the French Government 
to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute. ' 


of the circumstances which x’endered it impossible to 
submit them to your Majesty before they were sent 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

WiNBSon. Castxc, 3;cJ March 1850. 

Before leaving Toivn yesterday we saw Lord John 
Russell, who came to state what had passed with 
reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised that Lord 
Palmerston had at all times been a most agi'ecable and 
accommodating collerigue ; that he had acted with Ijord 
John ever since 18:31, and had not only never made 
any difficulty, but acted most boldly and in tiie most 
spirited manner on all political questions ; besides, he 
was very popular with the Radical part of the House of 
Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both 
would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he 
(Lord John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing 
which could hurt Lord Palmerston’s feelings, nor to 
bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at 
this moment of Party confusion was the only one which 
still held together. On the other hand, the fact that 
the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a serious 
impediment to the carr 3 dng on of the Government. 
Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a plan by 
which Lord Palmerston’s services could be retained 
with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted 
to other hands. The only plan he could think of was 
to give Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of 
Commons — the highest position a statesman could 
aspire to — and to go himself to the House of Lords. 
He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, 
who agreed in them, and thought he could do nothing 
better than speak to Lord Palmerston at once. Lord 
Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have 
become aware that he had forfeited the Queen’s con- 
fidence, but he thought this had not been on •personal 
grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, 

’ See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, 
Walpole's Russell, vo3. ii. chap. xix. 


with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen inter- 
rupted Lord John by remarldng that she distrusted him 
on personal grounds also, hut I remarked that Lord 
Palmerston had so far at least seen rightly ; that he 
had become disagreeable to the Queen, not on account 
of his person, but of his pohtical doings, to which 
the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to 
Lord John willing to enter into this agreement. 

On the que.stion how the Foreign Office should be 
fiUed, Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, 
Lord Minto, ought to take the Foreign Office. . . . 
As the Queen was somewhat startled by this announce- 
ment, I said I thought that would not go down with 
the public. After Lord Palmerston’s removal (who 
was considered one of the ablest men in the country) 
he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able 
statesman ; the Office was of enormous importance, and 
ought not to be entrusted to any one but Lord John 
himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen’s enquiry 
why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it, Lord 
John said he was most anxious that the change of 
the Minister should not produce a change in the general 
line of policy which he considered to have been quite 
right, and that Lord Clarendon did not approve of it ; 
somehow or other he never could agree with Lord 
Clarendon on Foreign Affairs ; he thought Lord 
Clarendon very anti-French and for an alliance with 
Austria and Ilussia. The Queen rephed she knew 
Lord Clarendon’s bad opinion of the mode in which 
the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought 
that a merit in him, but did not tlrink him Austrian or 
Kussian, but merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston’s 
behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign 
Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done 
if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto to take them ; 
he himself would be able to do the business when in 
the House of Lords, although he would undertake it 
unwillingly ; with the business in the House of Commons 
it would have been impossible for him. The Queen 
insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of 


1850 ] the status quo MAINTAINED 

Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he 
could at a later period perhaps make the Department 
over to Lord Clarendon. 

I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk 
to entrust Lord Palmerston vdth the lead in the House 
of Commons, that it might be that the Government 
were defeated and, if once in opposition. Lord 
Palmerston might take a different line as leader of 
the Opposition from that which I^ord John would like, 
and might so easily force himself back into office as 
Prime Minister. Tjord John, however, although 
admitting that danger, thought I.,ord Palmerston too 
old to do much in the future (having passed his sixty- 
fifth year) ; he admitted that Sir George Grey was the 
natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a 
little later the lead would still fall into his hands. 

The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would 
be that Lord Palmerston would take the Home 
Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office, and 
Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy Seal. If Lord 
Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, 
the arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon 
would become Secretary of State for Ireland, after the 
abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly also Sir 
George Grey might take the office, and Lord Clarendon 
take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to 
be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the 
Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, 
leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord 
John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this 
arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible 
from its having been the very thing Lord Grey had 
proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to form 
a Whig Government at that time had broken down, 
Lord Palmerston having refused to enter the Cabinet 
on those terms. Lord John ended by saying that Lord 
Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was 
intended that nothing ^lould be done about it till after 
the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and 
questions on the, subject; moreover. Lord Lansdowne 



had agi’eed to continue still this Session his labours as 
Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the utmost 
secrecy at present. Albert. 

Lord John Russell ah’eady last year had spoken to 
me of his wish to go to the House of Lords, fhading the 
work in the House of Commons, together with his other 
business, too much for him, and Loi’d Ijansdowne being 
desirous to be relieved Aom the lead in the Upper 
House. Albert. 

Memorandum by Baron Stochnar} 

Vlth March 1860. 

The least the Queen has a right to require of her 
Minister is : — 

1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes 
in a given case, in order that the Queen may know 
as distinctly to what she has to give her royal 

2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, 

the Minister who, in the execution of such measure 
alters or modifies it arbitrarily, commits an act of 
dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has 
an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the 
dismissal of that Minister. • Stockmar. 

Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne. 

Buckitguah Paiuicb, 1G<A March 1850. 

The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, 
that his answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords 
last night might possibly lead to the misapprehension 
that Lord Palmerston’s delay in sending the despatch 
to Mr W yse had been caused by the time it took to 
get the Queen’s approval of it. She must protest 
against such an inference being draivn, as being 
contrary to the fact. Lord Palmerston indeed having 
sent out in the first instance a different despatch from 
that which she had approved. 

‘ Compare this with the Mcmoraudum ultimately drawn up on the 12th of 
August ' 




2'hc King of Lhe Belgians to Queen Victoiia, 

LaekcNj March 1850. 

My deahest Victoiiia, — . . . King I^ouis Philippe 
seems better, but still he is evidently breaking ; there is 
no wonder when one considers all he has gone through, 
and is still to suffer 1 No one can tell a day [ahead] 
what may happen in France, and if all the family have, 
which is but ‘ in France, may not be confiscated. The for .spoliation is great; the people who lead 
have no oLher view, they arc not fauiitics, their aim is 
to rise and to enrich thennsclves ; the remainder is mere 
humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. 
Never was there a nation in a and a more 
helpless state, and the numerous parties who will not 
unite render aU solutions impossible, and the republic 
will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a 
name and no substance, but that name of reguhlic 
encourages every extravagant or desperate proceeding, 
and turns people’s heads in the old monarchies ; every 
doctor or magistrate sees himseE president of some 
repubhe, and the ambitions of so many people who see 
aU the impediments which existed formerly removed, 
and who, according to their oxen opinion, are wonderful 
people, will be insatiable and much more dangerous 
than you imagine in England. On the Continent every 
man thinks himself fit to be at the head of the 
Government ; there is no political measure or scale, 
and the success of some bookseller or doctor or 
advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar 
positions — on ne doute de rien. When you consider 
that a banqueroutier like Ledru Rolhn” ruled over 
France for six months almost with absolute power, 
merely because he took it, you may imagine how 
many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage 
people, etc., look to be taken to rule over their 
fellow-citizens ; toujours convaincu de leur propre 
mdrite, I am happy to see that you escaped a 
ministerial crisis ; the peril was great, and it would 
have been dreadful for you at such a moment. 

’ Le. “only.”"' lie was President in 18d8. 


Albert made a fine long speech, I seed Did he 
read it? ex tempore, it would have been very trying. 
I trust we may come to that unity of mankind of 
which he speaks, and of universal peace which our 
friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at 
hand; if, however, the red benefactors of mankind at 
Paris get the upper hand, universal war will be the 
order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of 
this that we are very seriously occupied with the 
means of defence which this country can afford, and we 
imagine that if we are not abandoned by our friends, it 
win be impossible to force our positions on the Schelde. 

I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my 
beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Quec7i Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

BucKiKGiiAsr Paiaoe, 26tt March 1850. 

The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that 
in the part alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a 
direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy liimself of the truth of 
M. Pacifico’s statements of losses before he gi'ounds his 
demands upon thera.^ The dr^ft merely allows a sub- 
division of the claims, but takes their validity for 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDSOH Castle, Wth March 1850. 

My dearest Uncle, — Albert made a really beauti- 
ful speech the other day, and it has given the gi’eatest 
satislaction and done great good. He is indeed looked 
up to and beloved, as I could wish he should be ; and the 
more his rare qualities of mind and heart are known, 
the more he will be understood and appreciated. 
People are much struck at his great powers and energy ; 
his great self-denial, and constant wish to work for 

' At tlio Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for the Exhibition 
of 1851. See <[uotaliori from it m Sir T. Martin’s Life, vol. ii. p. 217. 

^ Don PacihcQ claimed £31,600 — £4,900 being for eifeots destroyed, and 
£26,000 in respect of certain claims against the Portuguese Government, 
the vouchers for whicli he stated had been destroyed by the mob which 
pUlaged his house. Ilis valuation of tlio various ijjema was of the most 
extravagant description. 


others, is so striking in his character; but it is the 
happiest life; pining for what one cannot have, and 
trying to run after what is pleasantest, invariably ends 
in disappointment. 

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Qiieen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

WiNDson (R.sti.e, March 1(150. 

My bearest Unci.e, — I write only a few lines 
to-day, begging you to give the accompanying drawing 
of her little namesake to dearest Ijouisc on her birthday. 

I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th 
on Tuesday, but am anxious to correct the impression 
that Albert read his fine speech. He never has done 
so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them, 
having first prepared them and wiitten them down, — 
and does so so well, that no one believes that he is 
ever nervous, which he is. This last he is said to have 
spoken in so particularly English a way. 

We have stiU sadly cold -winds. Ever your devoted 
Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Buckingham Pai^acEj Jith April 1850 . 

The Queen has received Lord .Tohn Russell’s letter 
with the drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, 
and she has sent his letter with them to Lord 

Lord Palmerston’s conduct in this Spanish question ^ 
in not communicating her letter to Lord John, as she 
had directed, is reaUy too bad, and most disrespectful 
to the Queen ; she can really hardly communicate with 
him any more ; indeed it would be better she should not. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Buokinghasi Palace, 27M April 18.50. 

In order to save the Government embarrassments, 
the Queen has sanctioned the appointment of Lord 

' The questiou was the selection of a Minister for Madrid. 

286 LOBD HOWDEN [chap. XIX 

Howden^ to Madrid, although she does not consider 
him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she 
could feel entire confidence that he will be proof 
against all spirit of intrigaie, which at aU times and 
now particularly is so much required in Spain. But 
she must once more ask Lord John to watch that 
the Queen may be quite openly and considerately 
dealt by. She knows that Lord Howden has long 
been made acquainted with his appointment, and has 
been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez ; the 
correspondent of the Times has announced his appoint- 
ment from Madrid already three weeks ago, and all 
that time Lord Palmerston remained silent upon the 
matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her 
letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland^ 
appointed. Lord John must see the impropriety of 
this course, and if it were not for the Queen’s anxiety 
to smooth aU difiiculties, the Government might be 
exposed to most awkward embaiTassments. She expects, 
however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration 
on the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this 
matter to Lord John as the head of the Government. 


Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 


PEiiBnoKE Lodge, 28fh April 1850. 

. . . Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your 
Majesty’s right to claim every consideration on the 
part of your Majesty’s Ministers. He will take care 
to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to 
find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to 
complain of Lord Palmenston’s want of attention. 

The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria. 

SraiDA, \5th May 1860. 

. . . When the Governor-General had the honour 
of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrange- 
ments for the transmission of the Koh-i-noor were 
incomplete. He therefore did not then report to 

* Lord Howden been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro. 

® Minister at Rerliii, 1811-51. ' 

u i-itt-i S' ■. {rihttr iS jo 
f^mn Hif Pi< futf 6y ^CthnJvrittitior- etl 




your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, 
that he conveyed the jewel himself Ifom Lahore in 
his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at 
Bombay. One of your Majesty’s ships had been 
ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then 
arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, 
thus causing delay. The Medea, however, sailed on 
6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy 
passage to England. 

By this mail the Governor - General transmits 
officially a record of all that he has been a])le to 
trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor 
has passed. The papers are accurate and curious. 

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of 
Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was 
himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a 
message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, 
from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. 
She replied, “If a strong man were to tlirow four 
stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and 
a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between 
them were to be fiUed with gold, aU would not equal 
the value of the Koh-I-noor.” The Fugueer, think- 
ing probably that this appraisement was somewhat 
imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same 
question. The Shah replied that its value was “good 
fortune ; for whoever possessed it had conquered their 

The Governor - General very respectfully and 
earnestly trasts that your Majesty, in your possession 
of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its 
value as estimated by Shah Sooja. 

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep 
respect, your Majesty’s most obedient, most humble, 
and most faithful Subject and Servant, Dalhousie. 

The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell. 

Btokinoham Palace, 18?A 1850. 

My deae. Loud John, — I return you the enclosed 
letters which fosbode a new storm, idiis time coming 



[chap. XIX 

from Hussia.^ I confess I do not understand that 
part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger 
and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is 
possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the 
whole of the hatred which is borne to him — I don’t 
mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly — 
by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and 
that the country runs serious danger of having to pay 
for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves 
with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the 
Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be 
content with mere warning without any effect, and that 
for the sake of one man the welfare of the country 
must not be exposed. . . . Albeet, 

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

Pembroke Lodoe, IBth May 1850. 

SiE, — I feel very strongly that the Queen ought 
not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, 
and Eussia on account of her Minister. I was therefore 
prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty 
to consider what course it will be best for her and 
for the country to pursue. * 

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could 
not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins 
which wiU be imputed to the Government in the late 

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in 
office till q^uestions pending in the two Houses are 
decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained ; if 
favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain 
in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary. 

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be 
matured by Monday. 

^ Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece against the 
pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a Convention was 
signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico’s 
claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in com- 
municating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in 
his coercive measures, disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received 
from Baron Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his term.s. France and 
Russia were incensed, the French Ambassuidor was recalled, and on the 18th of 
May Baron Brunnow intimated die imminence of similar action by the Czar. 


Memorandum bij the Prince Albert. 

Buchisoimm l’Ai,Af;E, 20 </» Mai) 1850 . 

Lord John Ru.ssell came to-day to make his report 
to the Queen on hi.s final determination witli respect to 
the Greek c[ue.stion and Lord Palmerston. He said it 
was quite irapos.sible to abandon Lord Palmerston 
upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to 
blame (if there were cause for it) a.s I^ord Palmerston, 
and particularly lie himself, who had given his consent 
to the measures taken, and was ju.stly hc;ld responsible 
by the country for the Poreign I’olicy of the Govern- 
ment. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston’s 
personal quarrels with all (hwernments of foreign 
countries and the hostility with which they were 
looking upon him w'as domg serious injury to the 
country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at 
the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lsinsdowne. . . . 
Lord Lansdoirae fully felt the strength of what I said 
re.speeting the power of the Leader of the House of 
Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to 
object to its being conferred upon a person who had 
not her enthe confidence. I said I hoped Lord 
Lansdowne would consider the communication of the 
letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no 
objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was 
said in it myself. I should not like tliat it should come 
to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. 
Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be 
entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up 
the letter under key the moment he had rceeiv^ed it, and 
would carefully guard it. 

The result of our conference was, that we agreed 
that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the 
Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be 
entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, 
which was much the best. Lord John objected to 
Lord Clarendon’s intimate connection with the Times, 
and the violent Austrian line of that paper ; moreover, 
Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new 
department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The 



Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, 
and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, 
Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord 
John would take an opportunity of communicating 
with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be 
said or done about the changes till after the close 
of the Session.^ Albert. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

OsBOBNEj 0</i June 1850. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s two 
letters. If the Cabinet tJdnk it impossible to do other- 
wise, of course the Queen consents — though most 
reluctantly — to a compliance with the vote respecting 
the Post Office.’ The Queen thinks it a very false 
notion of obeying God’s will, to do what will be the 
cause of much aimoyance and possibly of great distress 
to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly 
that great caution should be used with respect to any 
alteration in the transmission of the mads, so that at 
least some means of communication may stdl be possible. 

Queen Victoria to the Rtuke of Cambridge, 

OsBOBNEj \Cth June 1850. 

My dear Uncle, — I have, enquired into the pre- 
cedents, and find that though there are none exactly 
similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty 
to cad. him up to the House of Lords ; and I should 
propose that he should be called up by the name of 
Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your titles. CuUoden, 
which is your other title, would be Lorn recodections 
of former times obviously objectionable. There are 
several precedents of Princes being made Peers without 
having an establishment, consequently there can be 
no difficulty on this point. 

* Tlie question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the Crown had 
to he postponed owiiip to the debates in both Houses on Foreign Policy. In 
the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on the Government for 
enforcing by coercive measures various doubtfiil or exaggerated claims 
against the Greek Government. 

“ Lord A.'.hley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday delivery of 
letters ; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and reported against the 
proposed change, which was abandoned, 




I feel confident that George will be very moderate 
in his politics, and support the Government whenever he 
can. Princes of the lloyal Family .should keep a.s much 
as possible aloof from Partij Politics, as I think they else 
invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and 
frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly 
regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and 
Poyal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate 
Niece, Victokia R. 

'Phe Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria. 

(jAMiin/iK.t Him }I)(A Juni' 1050 

My TiEAiirsT ViCTOiUA, — I seize the earliest 
oppoitunity of thanking you for your very kind letter, 
which I have this moment received, and to assure you 
at the same time tliat I do most iuUy agree with you 
in your observations concerning the line in politics 
which the members of the Royal Family ought to 
take. This has always been my principle since I 
entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced 
that George will follow my example. 

I must also add that J! have felt the great advantage 
of supporting the Government, and I have by that 
always been well witli, all Parties, and have avoided 
many difficulties which other members of my family 
have had to encounter. 

I shall not fail to communicate your letter to 
George, who will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy 
of the kindness you have shown him. 

With the request that you will remember me most 
kindly to Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your 
most affectionate Uncle, Adolphus. 

Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria. 

St James’s Pawoe, 16/A June 1850. 

My deae Cousin, — I have not as yet ventured 
to address you on a subject of much interest personally 
to myself, and upon which I am aware that you have 
been in correspor^ence with my father ; but as I believe 


that the question which was brought to your notice 
has been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself 
of the pleasure of expressing to you my most sincere 
and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you 
have at once acceded to the anxious request of nay 
father and myself, by arranging -with the Government 
that I should be called up to the House of Lords. 
This has been a point upon which I have long been 
most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful 
that you have so considerately entered into my feelings 
and wishes. I understand that it is your intention 
that I should be called up by my father’s second title 
as Earl of Tipperary ; at the same time I hope that 
though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, 
I may be permitted to retain and be called by my 
present name on aU occasions not connected with 
the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed 
by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made 
a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you 
that it will be ever my endeavour to obey your 
desires upon this as on aU other occasions ; but I trust 
I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire 
expressed by you, it had been ''my intention to foUow 
this line of conduct. I conceive that whenever they 
conscientiously can do so, the members of the Royal 
Family should support the Queen’s Government ; and 
if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty 
in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that they 
should place themselves prominently in opposition to 
it. This I beheve to be your feehngs on the subject, 
and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my 

Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to 
you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, 
your most dutiful Cousin, Geobge. 

Queen Vietoi'ia to Prince George of Carnhridge. 

OsBon.Nt', Vith June 1850. 

My dear George, — Many thanks for your kind 
letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you 


are so entirely of my opinion with respect to the 
political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family 
who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will 
be quite in accordance with this view. With respect 
to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I 
do not think that this will be possible. It has never 
been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will 
be much flaittered at your being called up by the title 
of Tipperary) would feel it as a sliglit if you did not 
wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal 
Peers have always been called by their titles in this 
and in other countries, and 1 do not think it would be 
possible to avoid it. Ever, etc., Victoria R.* 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Chesham] 3, 21 si June 1830. 

Lord John RusseU presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck 
asked him yesterday what course the Government 
intends to pursue after the late vote of the House 
of Lords. ^ 

The newspapers coi?tain the report of Lord John 
Russell’s answer. 

Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday 
a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the 

What may be the result of such a Motion it is 
not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed 
on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the 
Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible 
to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on 
this subject. 

* The patent was made out, Imt not signed, a memorandum of Priiiee 
Alhert recording ; — 

BocKiNonAJi Palaoe, Qlh Juuj 1850. 

I kept this warrant h.irk from the Queen’s signature on account of fciie 
Duke of Camhridge’H illness. The Duke died ye-rterday evening, without a 
struggle, after an .attack of fever which had lasted four weeks. So the 
summons of Prince George has never been carried out Alukht. 

“ Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a majority of 37 in a 
Hono.' of .oni. 

294 LOED STANLEY’S MOTION [chap, xk 

The misfortune is that on the one side every detail 
of negotiation is confounded with the general principles 
of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon 
a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to 
leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own 
battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference 
for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere 
with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute govern- 
ment. The jealousy of the House of Commons would 
not long bear such a policy. 

Be that as it may. Lord Stanley has opened a 
beginning of strife, which may last for many years to 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Buckingham Palace, 21ji June 1850. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
and read his speech in the House of Commons. She 
regrets exceedingly the position in which the Govern- 
ment has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley 
in the House of Lords, Wliichever way the Debate 
in the House of Commons m^ terminate, the Queen 
foresees great troubles. A defeat of the Government 
would be most inconvenient, "the Queen has always 
approved the general tendency of the policy of the 
Government to let despotism and democracy fight 
out their battles abroad, but must remind Lord John 
that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston 
has gone^ a long nay in taking up the side of democracy 
in the fight, and this is the “ detail of negotiations ” 
which Lord John is afraid may be confounded with 
the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed 
it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign 
and the great majority of the British public, and it 
is to be feared tha.t the discussion will place despotic 
and democratic principles in array against each other 
in this country, whilst the original question turns only 
upon the justice of Don Paeifico’s claims. 


Lord John Russell to Queen, Victoria. 

Ciimiiam PrjirF, 2'2nd June IRSO, 

Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty 
should be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of 
Lord Stanley’s Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck’s 
Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word 
“principles” includes the general policy, and excludes 
the particular measures which from time to time have 
been adopted as the objects of approbation. 

It is impo.ssible to say at this moment what will 
be the result. Lord Stanley, Imrd jVberdeen, Mr 
Gladstojie, and Mr Disraeli appear to bo in close 

Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. 
Mr Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon 
Free Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and 
the Free - Traders will be very great at so 
unprincipled a coalition. 

Mr Roebuck’s Motion: That the principles on 
which the Foreign Policy of Her Majesty’s Government 
has been regulated have been such as w'ere calculated 
to maintain the honohr and dignity of this country, 
and in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve 
peace between Englafid and the various nations of the 

Queen Victoiia to Viscount Palmersfo7i. 

BircKiNf.iiAM rAi/ACP, 22iid June 1850. 

The Queen has receiv'ed Lord Palmerston’s letter of 
yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in .support 
of his former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation 
should be omitted from amongst the Powers who are 
to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which 
is to decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved 
successful in convincing her of the propriety of this 
course. As Holstein belongs to the Germanic Con- 
federation and is only accidentally connected with 
Denmark throygh its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure 


the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack 
upon Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and 
consent ; and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of 
justice and morahty for thu-d parties to dispose of other 
people’s property, which no diplomatic etiquette about 
the difficulty of finding a proper representative for 
Germany could justify. The mode of representation 
might safely be left to the Confederation itself. It is 
not .surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia 
should complain of Lord Palmerston’s agreeing with 
Sweden, Russia, Deninai’k, and France upon the 
Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice 
of it. 

Viscount Palmerston to Lcrrd John Russell. 

Cablton GabdenSj 2Srd June 1860. 

My dear John Russeei,, — The Queen has entirely 
misconceived the object and effect of the proposed 
Protocol, It does not “ decide upon the fate of 
Holstein,” nor is it “ an attack upon Germany.” 
In fact, the Protocol is to decide nothing ; it is to be 
merely a record of the wishes? and opinions of the 
Powers whose representatives are to sign it.^ . . . 

How does any part of this decide the fate of 
Holstein or attack Germany? 

Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, 
not indeed for Austria, Russia, or Prance, but for the 
Germanic Confederation ? Why should we take up the 
cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting Austria 
and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and 
who would of course put in a claim for the Confedera- 
tion if they thought it necessary, which, however, for 
the reason,s above stated, they surely would not 1 . . . 

As to my having agreed with Sweden, Russia, 

' Die Protnciil was to record the desirability of the following points : — 
(1) that the several .states which constituted tlio Danish Monarchy should 
remain united, and th.-it the Danish Crown should he settled in such manner 
that it should go with the Duchy of Holstein ; (2) that the signatory Powers, 
when the peace should have Itecn concluded, should concert measures for 
the purpose of pvine to the results an additional pledge of stability, by a 
general European acknowledinnent. . 




Denmark, and France before communicating with 
Prussia and Austria, that is not the course which 
things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol 
to me, and I have been in discussion with him about 
it. It is he who has communicated it to the French 
Ambassador, to Feventlow, and to Ilehausen ; I sent 
it privately .several weeks ago to Westmorland, that 
he might show it confidentially to Sehleinitz, but telling 
Westmorland that it was not a thing settled, but only 
a proposal by llussia, and that, at all events, some part 
of the wording would be altered. I have no doubt that 
Brunnow has also shown it to Koller ; but I could not 
send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had 
agreed to such a wording as I could recommend the 
Government to adopt, nor until I received the Queen’s 
sanction to do so. 

The only thing that occurs to me as practicable 
would be to say to Austria and Prussia that if, in 
signing the Protocol, they could add that they signed 
also in the name of the Confederation, we should be 
glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but 
that could not be made a sine qua non, any more than 
the signature of Austria and Prussia themselves, for I 
think that the Protocol ought to be signed by as many 
of the proposed Power’s as may choose to agree to it, 
bearing always in mind that it is only a record of 
opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend 
to decide anything practically. Yours sincerely, 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Buckingham Palace, 25th June 18.50. 

The Queen has received Ijord John Russell’s 
letter enclosing those of I^ord Palmerston and Lord 
Lansdowne. The misconception on the Queen’s part, 
which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in 
her taking the essence of the arrangement for the mere 
words. Lord Palmerston pretends that the Protocol 
“ does not decido upon the fate of Holstein nor attack 


Germany.” However, the only object of the Protocol 
is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon — 

(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the 
interests of Europe to uphold the integrity 
of the Danish Monarchy (which has no 
meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein 
is to remain with it). 

(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of 
Denmark to keep it with Denmark, by 
adapting the law of succession to that of 

(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers 
to use their ‘‘soins ” to get the constitutional 
position of Holstein settled in a peace 
according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of 
which it was one of the conditions that 
the question of the succession was to be 
left untouched. 

(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of 
European acknowledgment. 

If the declarations of importance, the approval, the 
“soins” and the acknowledgments of all the great 
Powers of Europe are to decide nothing, then Lord 
Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything, it 
is the fate of Holstein. 

Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or 
not -vvill be easily deduced from the fact that the 
attempt on the part of Denmark to incorporate into 
her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by 
the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against 
Germany merely on account of its intimate connection 
with the Duchy of Holstein. 

The Queen does not wish her Minister to be 
Minister for Germany, but merely to treat that 
country with the same consideration which is due to 
every countiy on whose interests we mean to decide. 

The Queen would wish her correspondence upon 
this subject to be brought before the Cabinet, and will 
abide by their deliberate opinion. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Bcckin'oham PaI/ACEj 25<A June 1050. 

My DEAREST Uncee, — Charles >vill have told you 
how kindly and amiably the Prince of Prussia has 
come here, travelling night and day from St Peters- 
burg, in order to be in time for the christening of our 
little Arthur.^ I wish you could (and you will, for he 
intends stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he 
is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm of 
purpose ; I have a great esteem and respect for him. 
The poor King of I’russia is recovered,'-* and has been 
received with great enthu.siasrn on the occasion of his 
first reappearance in public. 

We are in a crisis, no one knowing how this debate 
upon this most unfortunate Greek business will end. 
It is most unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it 
must do great harm. 

I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered 
by the heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Lord John Rtmell to Queen Victoria. 

CnEsnAJl PiACB, 20iA June 1850. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your IVIajesty, and has the honour to report that in 
the debate of last night Viscount Palmerston defended 
the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a speech 
of four hours and three quarters.^ This speech was one 
of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the 
details of transactions in the various parts of the world, 
and appealing from time to time to great principles of 
justice and of freedom. 

1 The present Duke of Connaught, horn on the let of May, tlie birthday of 
the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the aponaors, and after whom he was 

^ From an attempt made to as-sasainato him. 

^ It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister asked for a verdict on the 
question whether, ‘'aa the Roman in days of old held himself free from 
indignity when he could say, Givi* Bomanus sum, so also a British subject, 
in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the watchful eye and 
the strong arm of England will protect him against injustice and wrong.” 
Peel, who made his last appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston. 

800 THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE [chap, .xix 

The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The 
debate was adjourned till Thursday, when it will pro- 
bably close. 

The expectation is that Ministers will have a 
majority, but on the amount of that majority must 
depend their future course. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

(JiicsnAM Plaob, 2’7th June 1850. 

Lord John Hussell presents his humble duty to 
your Majjesty, and has the honour to state that the 
prospects of the division are rather more favourable for 
Ministers than they were. 

Mhiisters ought to have a majority of forty to justify 
their remaining in office.^ 

Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join 
Lord Stanley in forming an Administration. 

Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour 
of an audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve 
or one o’clock. 

The division will not take place till to-morrow night. 


Queen Victoiia to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham Paiacb, 2nd July 1860. 

My dearest Uncle, — For two most kind and 
affectionate letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. 
The good report of my beloved Louise’s improvement is 
a great happiness. 

By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all 
the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very 
inconceivable attack.' I have not suffered except from 

’ 111 the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 2G4, although opposed to 
them in the dohate were Mr Gladstone, Mr Cohdon, Sir Robert Peel, Mr 
Disraeli, Sir . lames Graham, and Sir William Molosworth. Next to the 
speeches of Lord Palmerston and Lord .lohu Russell, the most effective speech 
on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards 
Lord Chief Justice of England. 

* Tlie Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where she had called 
to iiMiuire after the Duke of Cambridge’s health, was struck with a cane by one 
Robert Pate, an ex-ofhcer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead. 
The outrage was apparently committed without motive, hut an attempt to 
prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to sevefb years’ transportation. 


my head, which is still very tender, the blow having 
been extremely violent, and the brass end of the stick 
fell on my head so as to make a considerable noise. 

I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start 
at any person coming near the carriage, which I am 
afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause 
of much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent 
Sir Robert Peel,' who, as you will see, has had a most 
serious fall, and though going on well at first, was 
very iU last night ; thank (rod I he is better again this 
morning, but I fear still in gi’cat thinger. I cannot 
bear even to think of losing him ; it would be the 
greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable 
for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be 
depended on. All parties are in great anxiety about 
him. I will leave my letter open to give you the 
latest news. 

Our good and amiable guest ^ likes being with us, 
and vdll remain with us till Saturday. We had a 
concert last night, and go to the opera very regularly. 
The Fropliete is quite beautiful, and I am sure would 
delight you. The music in the Scene du Couronnement 
is, I think, finer than an^hing in either Robet't or the 
Ilug^ienots ; it is highly dramatic, and really very 
touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in perfection. 
His Raoul in the Huguenots is also iiiost beautiful. 
He improves every year, and I really tliink his voice 
is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and 
acts with such intense feeling. 

What do you say to the conclusion of our debate ? 
It leaves things just as they were. The House of 
Commons is becoming very unmanageable and trouble- 
some. . . . 

I must now conclude. With Albert’s love, ever your 
most affectionate Niece, Victoeia R. 

' On the day following the Don Pacilico debate, Sir Bohert Peel, after 
attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had gone out riding. 
On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his 
horse, and, after lingering three days in intense pin, died on the otii of 

a Tl'o Priiii'e of Prii*>' 


I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very 
ill, is freer :froin pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels 
himself better; the Doctors think there is no vital 
injury, and nothing from which he cannot recover, but 
that he must be for some days in a precarious state. 

The King of DenmarTc to Qiceen T^ictotia. 

Coi'ENHAOEN, 4 JuilUt 1860. 

Madame ma Sceub, — Je remplis un devoir des plus 
agr^ahles, en m’empressant d’annoncer k votre Majesty 
que la paix vient d’etre sign^e le 2 de ce mois ii Berlin 
entre moi et Sa Majesty le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom 
et en celui de la Conf^d&ation Germanique.^ 

Je sais et je reconnais de ^and cceur combien je suis 
redevable a votre Majesty et a Son Gouvemement de ce 
resultat important, qui justifie mon espdrance de pouvoir 
bientht rendre a tous mes sujets les bienfaits d’une 
sincere reconciliation et d’une veritable concorde. 

Votre Majeste a par la soUicitude avec laquelle EUe 
a constamment accompli le mandat de la mediation 
dans I’intdr^t du Danemark et de I’Europe, ajout^ aux 
tdmoignages inapprdciables de Sincere amitid qu’eUe n’a 
cessd de m’accorder durant la longue et penible dpreuve 
que le Danemark vient de nodveau de traverser, mais 
qui parait, a I’aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant 
faire place a un meiheur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices 
de votre Majestd, de nouvelles garanties pour I’inddpend- 
ance de mon antique Couronne et pour le maintien de 
I’intdgritd de ma Monarchie, a la ddfense desquelles je 
me suis voud entidrement. 

Je suis persuadd que votre Majestd me fera la justice 
de ci-oire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et 
que mon peuple fiddle et loyal s’associe ^ moi et aux 
miens, pdndtrd de ces memes sentiments de gratitude 
envers votre IMajestd. 

Je m’estimerais infiniraent heureux si EUe daignait 

* Denmark and the ScMeswip'HoIstein Duchies were still at war. Germany 
was hent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now concluded a peace with 
Denmark ; the enlistment of individual Germans in the insurgent army 
continued * 

Vcr tA'vl 

the pprtf atf 6^^ tV Uaior-fnce^ iP iP 


ajouter a toutes Ses bontds, celle que de me foumir 
I’occasion de Lui dormer des preuves de mon d^voue- 
ment inalterable et de la haute consideration avec 
lesquels je prie Dieu qu’il vous ait, Madame ma Soeur, 
vous, votre auguste Epoux et tous les v&tres, dans sa 
sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis, Madame 
ma Soeur, de votre Majeste, le bon Fr^re, Fuedemck. 

T/ie King of the Kelgjiams to Queen Victoria. 

Laiikkn, Mh July 1850. 

My deakest Victoeia, — I t gave me the greatest 
pain to learn the death of our true and kind friend. 
Sir Robert Peel. That he should have met with his 
end — he so valuable to the whole earth — from an 
accident so easily to be avoided with some care, is 
the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose in 
him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, 
great knowledge of everything connected with the 
country, can never be found again. Europe had in 
him a benevolent and a truly wise statesman. , . . 

Give my best thanks to Albert for hi.s kind letter. 
I mean to send a messenger probably on Sunday or 
Monday to write to him. 1 pity him about the great 
Exhibition. I fear h» wOl be much plagued, and I 
was glad to see that the matter is to be treated in 
Parliament. Alas ! in all human affairs one is sure to 
meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so 
well; great care even for the most useful objects is 

I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant 
that it may be satisfactory.’ Ever, my beloved, dear 
Victoria, your devoted Uncle, Ueovold R, 

Qxieen Victoria to the King of Prussia. 

UucKiNuiUJi Palaue, July 1850. 

Siee, my MO.ST HOisrouEEi) Brothee, — I have to 
express to you my thanks for the pleasure which the visit 
of your dear brother has given us, who, as I hope, wUl 

' The Primess Charlotte of BeWum waa seriously ill. 


remit these lines to you in perfect health. That things 
go so well with you, and that the healing of your 
wound has made undisturbed progress, has been to us 
a true removal of anxiety. You will no doubt have 
learnt that I too have been again the object of an 
attempt, if possible stiU more cowardly. The criminal 
is, as usual, this time too, insane, or wiU. pretend to be 
so ; stiU the deed remains. 

All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied 
by the sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe 
will share, at the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is 
one of the hardest blows of Fate which could have 
fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great 
man, and understood how to appreciate his merit. His 
value is now becoming clear even to his opponents ; 
all Parties are united in mourning. 

The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news 
of your conclusion of peace "with Denmark. Accept 
my most cordial congratulations on that account. 

Requesting you to remember me cordially to the 
dear Queen, and referring you for detailed news to 
the dear Prince, also recommending to your gracious 
remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, 
on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable 
friendship, dear Brother, your M^ajesty’s faithful Sister, 

VicToniA R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Bbckusuhaji F.\r.A 0 B, 9i/i July IBoO. 

My deadest Uncle, — We live in the midst of 
sorrow and death ! My poor good Uncle Cambridge 
breathed his last, without a struggle, at a few minutes 
before ten last night. I still saw him yesterday morning 
at one, but he did not see me, and to-day I saw him 
lifeless and cold. The poor Duchess and the poor 
children are very touching in their grief, and poor 
Augusta,^ who arrived just five hours too late, is quite 
heart-broken. The end was most peaceful; there was 

* See ante, vol. i. p. flJ7. * 


no disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four 
weeks ago, from over-exertion and cold, and which he 
neglected for the first week, can'ied him offi 

The good Prince of Prussia you will have been 
pleased to talk to and see. Having lived with him 
for a fortnight on a very intimate footing, we have been 
able to appreciate his real worth fully ; he is so honest 
and frank, and so steady of purpose and courageous. 

Poor dear Peel is to be bnriutl to-day. fi'he son'ow 
and giief at his death are most touching, and the country 
mourns over him as over a fatlier. Pvery one seems 
to have lost a personal friend. 

As I have much to write, you will forgive my 
ending here. You will be glacl to hear that poor 
Aunt Gloucester is wonderfully calm and resigned. 
My poor dear Albert, who had been so frcKsh and well 
when we came back, looks so pale and fagged again. 
He has felt, and feels. Sir Robert’s loss dreadfully. He 
feels he has lost a second father. 

May God and protect you all, you dear ones ! 
Ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Queen Vict07ia to Fimmad Palrncruton, 

I OsHoBNK, IQth July 18.50. 

Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece 
is sent, it would be well to consider whether Lord 
Palmerston is justified in calling the Minister of the 
Interior of Greece “ a notorious defaulter to the amount 
of 200,000 drachms,” ^ and should lie be so, whether it 
is a proper thing for the Queen’s Foreign Secretary to 
say in a public de.spatch ! 

Queen Fictoria to Lord John IlunHcll 

O.SB011NE, ’JiVli July 18-50. 

The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the 
Duke and Duchess of Bedford here next Saturday, and 

' llie Convention of the 18th of April (bee ant&, p. 288, note 1) hart deeirted 
that £0,500 should he distributed among the claimants, and that Don I’aL'ilico’s 
special claim against Portugal should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately 
he was awarded only an kisigaificant sum. 

VOT ir, n 




we have invited them. She will be quite ready to hear 
the Duke’s opinions on the Foreign Office. Lord John 
may be sure that she fully admits the gi-eat difficulties 
in the way of the projected alteration, but she, on the 
other hand, feels the duty she owes to the country 
and to herself, riot to allow a man in whom she 
can have no confidence, who has conducted himself 
in anything hut a straightforward and proper manner 
to herself, to remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby 
to expose herself to insults from other nations, and the 
country to the constant risk of serious and alarming 
comphcations. The Queen considers these reasons as 
much graver than the other difficulties. Each time 
that we were in a difficulty, the Government seemed 
to be determined to move Lord Palmerston, and as 
soon as these difficulties were got over, those which 
present themselves in the carrying out of this removal 
appeared of so gi-eat a magnitude as to cause its 
relinquishment. There is no chance of Lord Palmer- 
ston reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year, and after 
having considered his last escape as a triumph. . . . The 
Queen is personally convinced that Lord Palmerston 
at this moment is secretly plS,nntng an armed Pussian 
intervention in Schleswig, which may produce a renewal 
of revolutions in Germany, and possibly a general war. 

The Queen only adduces this as an instance that 
there is no question of dehcacy and danger in which 
Lord Palmerston whl not arbitrarily and without refer- 
ence to his colleagues or Sovereign engage this country. 

Queen Victoria to tlve King of Denmark. 

OsuHiiNf;, 2!) JuillH 1850. 

SiiiE ET MON DON Freue, — La lettre dont votre 
Majeste a bien voulu m’honorer m’a causc^ un bien vif 
plaisir comme teraoignage que votre Majeste a su 
apprecier les sentiments d’amitic pour vous et le ddsir 
d’agir avec impartialite qui m’ont animee ainsi que mon 
Gouvernement pendant tout le c^urs des longues 


negotiations qui ont precede la siguature de la Paix 
avee rAlleniagne. ^’'ot^■e Majeste pent aiscauent com- 
prendre aussi conibien je dois regretter la renouvclleincnt 
dc la gueiTG avec le Schleswig (pit ne pourra avoir 
d’autre rdsnltat (pie I’accroissement de I'aniinositd el 
raffiiiblisscinent des deux nobles jieiijiles sur lestjucls 
vous rtignez. Dieu venille cpie eette dernierc Intte sc 
terrnine pourtant dans ime n-eoneilitition solide, bast'e 
sur la reeonnaissanee des droits el des obligations des 
deux cotes. Je me trouve poussee ;i vous souniettre iei, 
Sire, une prii-re pour iiu I'rinee (pii s’est niallieureuse- 
ment trouvT en eonllit tivee voire iMajeslt', niais jKJur 
letpicl les liens de parente me [lorlent ii plaider, le 
Due de Holstein-jiugiisLenbnrg. Jc suis persuadec 
que la magnaniniitti de votre Majeste lid rendra ses 
biens partieiiliers, (pi’elle a juge necessaire de lui oter 
pendant la guerre de 1848, ee que je reconnaitrais bien 
comme une preuve d’amitid de la part de votre INIajeste 
envers inoi. 

En faisant des vfcux pour son bonheur et en 
exprimant le desir du Prince, mon Epoux, d'etre mis 
aux pieds de votre INlajeste, je suis, Sire et mon bon 
Frdre, de votre IMajesttfla bonne Sceur, 

VicTouiA E,. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John llnuficll. 

OiHoitN-F:, ,31 , July 1850. 

The Queen draw Lord John llussell’s atten- 
tion to the accompanying draft * with regard to 
Schleswig, which is evidently intended to lay the 
ground for future foreign armed intervention. This is 
to be justified by considering the assi, stance which the 
Stadthalterschaft of Holstein ntay be tempted to give 
to their Schleswig brethren “ as an invtision of 
Schleswig by a German force.” 

Tjord John .seems himself to have placed a “?” 

' 111 this draft, Palmorston was remonstrating with the Prussian 

Government against the orders given by the Holstein Stadthalti'rs to tlieir 
army to invade Schleswig, after the signature of the peace between Pru.--t,ia and 

n nrr “I't" 


against that passage. This is, after two years’ 
negotiation and mediation, begging the question at 
issue. The whole war — Revolution, mediation, etc., 
etc. — ^rested upon the question whether Schleswig was 
part of Holstein (though not of the German Confedera- 
tion), or part of Denmark and not of Holstein. 

Queen Victoria to Lord J olin Russell. 

Osborne, Sli'i Juh; 1850. 

The Queen has considered Lord Seymour’s 
memorandum upon the Rangership of the Parks in 
London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of the 
expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the 
management of these parks by the Woods and Forests 
which does not equally apply to all the others, as 
Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There 
is certainly a degi-ee of inconvenience in the divided 
authority, but this is amply compensated by the 
advantage to the Crown, in appearance at least, to 
keep up an authority emanating personally from the 
Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government 
Department wtiich is directly answerable to the 
House of Commons. The 'last debate upon Hyde 
Park has, moreover, shoivn that it will not be safe not 
to remind the public of the 'fact that the parks are 
Royal property. As the Ranger has no power 
over money, the management will always remain with 
the Office of Woods. 

The Luke of Wellington to Queen Victoria. 

London, Zrd August 1860. 

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his 
humble duty to your Maje.sty. He regi’ets to be 
under the necessity of submitting to your Majesty 
the enclosed letter from General Sir Charles Hapier, 
G.C.B., in which he tenders his resignation of the 
office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty’s Forces 
in the East Indies. ‘ 

1 'lliis was in coztsequcncc of Sir Charles Napier's action in exercising 
powers belonging to the Supreme Council, on the occasion of a mutiny of a 
regiment of the Native Army. 


Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marslial the 
Duke of Wellington considered it to be his duty to 
peruse all the papers submitted by Sir Charles Napier; 
to survey the transaction which had occasioned the 
censure of the Governor-General in Council complained 
of by Sir Charles Napier; to require from the India 
House all the information which could throw light 
upon the conduct complained of, as well as upon 
the motives alleged for it ; the reasons given on 
account of which it was stated to be necessary. 

He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which 
he submits the copy to your Majesty, his views and 
opinions upon the whole .subject, anti the result which 
he submits to your Mtijesty is that he considers it 
his duty humbly to submit to your IMajesty that your 
Majesty should be graciously pleased to accept the 
resignation of General Sir Charles Napier thus 

Before he should submit this recommendation to 
your Majesty in relation to an office of such high 
reputation in so high and important a station, Field- 
Marshal the Duke of I^^’cllington considered it his 
duty to submit his view;? to your Majesty’s servants, 
who have expressed their concurrence in his opinion. 

It is probable that the President of the Board of 
Control will lay before your Majesty the papers trans- 
mitted to the Secret Committee of the Court of 
Directors, by the Governor-General in Council, which 
are adverted to in the paper drawn up by the Duke, 
and of which the substance alone is stated. 

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty 
by your Majesty’s most dutiful Subject and most 
devoted Servant, Weujngton. 

Memorandum hij the Prince Albert. 

OsBOBNE, 5th Augunt 1850, 

Lord John Russell having lately .stated that Lord 
Clarendon, who had always been most eager to see 
Lord Palmerston moved, had lately expressed to him his 
opinion that it would be most dangerous and impolitic 


to do so under present circumstances, we thought it 
right to see I^ord Clarendon here. ... In conversation 
with me, Lord Clarendon spoke in his old strain of 
Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also of the danger 
of turning him out and making him the leader of the 
Hadicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were 
much dissatisfied with Lord John llussell, and free 
from control by the death of Sir llobert Peel. I said 
that if everything was done -with Lord Palmerston’s 
consent there woidd be no danger, to which Lord 
Clarendon assented, but doubted tliat he would consent 
to giving up what was his hobby. He added, nobody 
but Lord John could carry on the Foreign Affairs, but 
he ought not to leave the House of Commons under 
present cu’cumstances, where he was now the only 
authority left. 

We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom 
Lord John had wished us to invite. He is very 
unhappy about the present state of affau’s, frightened 
about things going on as at present, when Lord John 
can exercise no control over Lord Palmenston, and the 
Queen is exposed year after year to the same annoy- 
ances and dangers arising from Lord Palmerston’s 
mode of conducting the affans ; but on the other 
hand, equally fi:ightened at turning him loose. The 
Duke was aware of all that had passed between us 
and Lord John, and I’eady to do anything he could 
to bring matters to a satisfactory solution, but thought 
his brother would not like to leave the House of 
Common.s now. He had very much changed his 
opiiuon on that head latterly, and the more so 
as he thought something ought to be done next 
year with the franchise, which he alone eould carry 
tlirough. On my questioning whether it was im- 
possible to persuade him to take the Foreign Office 
and stay in the Lower House, with a first-rate under- 
secretary, at least for a time, tlie Duke thought he 
might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed to the 
Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed 
again his fears of T^ord Palmerston’s opposition. I 

iHflo] the duke of BEDFORD’d OPINION 311 

replied that if LfOrd .Tolm would make up his mind 
to take the Foreign Office, and to stay m the House 
of Commons, I saw no danger, as Lord John would 
be able to mainttiin himself successfully, and Lord 
Palmerston would not like to be in opposition to him, 
whilst he would become most formidable to anybody 
who was to ffnin only the leadership in the House; 
moreover, Imrd John, having done so much for Lord 
Palmerston, could expect and demand a return of 
sacrifice, and a variety of posts might be offered to 
him — the Presidency of the Council, the office 
of Home Secretary, or Secretary f<n- tlie Cfolonics, 
Chancellor of the Exchccjucr, etc., elc., which places 
I was sure any member of the Cabinet would vacate 
for him. The Duke of Bedford added the Lieutenancy 
of Ireland, as Lord Clarendon had told him he was 
ready to give it up for tlie purpose, but only under 
one condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to 
Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing 
our surprise at this declaration, the Duke added that 
Lord Clarendon acted most considerately, that he was 
ready to have no office at all, and would support the 
Government independently in the House of Lords if 
tliis were to facilitate arrangements.. The Queen 
rejoined that a peerage was of course also at Lord 
John’s disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then 
agreed that Lord Granville would be the best person 
to become Lord John’s Under-Secretary of State, a 
man highly popular, pleasing, conciliatory, well versed 
in Foreign xVfFairs, and most industrious ; trained under 
Lord John, he could at any time leave him the office 
altogether, if Lord John should find it too much for 
himself. Lord Granville had a higher office now, that 
of Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Paymaster 
General, but would be sure to feel the importance of 
taking a lower ofHce under such circumstances and 
with such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I 
have seen a great deal of him latterly, as he is the only 
working man on the Commission for the Exhibition 
of 1851, and have found him most able, good-natured, 


and laborious. The Duke liked the proposal very 
much, and is going to communicate all that passed 
between us to Lord John on Tuesday. Albert. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

OsBOHNB, ith August 1860. 

Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in 
order to report to the Queen what had passed between 
him and Lord Palmerston the day before, on whom he 
had called in order to have an explanation on the 
Foreign Affairs. 

Lord John reminded him of former communica- 
tions, but admitted that circumstances were much 
changed by the recent debates in both Houses of 
Parliament ; still, it was necessary to come to an 
understanding of the position. The policy pursued 
with regard to the Foreign Affairs had been right and 
such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the 
Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part 
of the country. But the manner in which it had 
been executed had been unfortunate, led to irritation 
and hostility ; although peace had actually been 
preserved, and England stood dn a position requiring 
no teiTitorial aggrandisement or advantage of any 
kind, yet all Governments and Powers, not only 
Russia and Austria, but also France and the liber^ 
states, had become decidedly hostile to us, and our 
intercourse was not such as was desirable. Lord 
John could instance many cases in which they had 
been unnecessarily slighted and provoked by Lord 
Palmerston, hke M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Greek 
affair. Lord Palmerston’s conduct towards the Queen 
had been disrespectful and wanting in due attention and 
deference to her, and had been much complained of. 

In consequence of aU this Lord John had before 
proposed to Her Majesty that the Foreign Affairs 
should be entrusted to Lord Minto, he himself should 
go to the Flouse of Lords, and Lord Palmerston should 
have the lead in the House of Commons. The Queen 
had, however, objected to this arrangement, [thinking] 


the lead in the Lower House to be more properly 
given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home Secretary 
conducted all internal business in the House. Now 
had come Sir E,. Peel’s death, which made it impossible 
for Lord John to leave the House of Commons without 
endangering the position of Government and of the 
parties in the House. 

Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord 
John’s intention to stay in the House of Commons, 
said all was changed now; there had been a great 
conspiracy against him, he had been accused in 
Parhament, put on his trial and acquitted. The 
acquittal had produced the greatest enthusiasm for 
him in the country, and he was now supported by a 
strong party ; he owned, however, that his success 
had been chiefly owing to the handsome manner in 
which Lord John and his colleagues had supported 
him in the debate. That he should incur the 
momentary enmity of those states whose interests 
and plans he might have to cross was quite natural; 
he had never intended any disrespect to the Queen, 
and if he had been guilty of any he was quite 
unconscious of it and sorry for it. 

Lord John reminded him that although the Govern- 
ment had got a majority in the House of Commons in 
the Foreign debate, it was not to be forgotten that the 
fate of the Government had been staked upon it, and 
that many people voted on that account who would 
not have supported the Foreign policy; that it was 
remarkable that all those who had the strongest reason 
to be anxious for the continuance of the Government, 
but who could not avoid speaking, were obliged to 
speak and vote against the Government. Sir R. Peel’s 
speech was a most remai'kable instance of this. 

Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert’s speech nothing 
but a reluctant effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom 
he was bound to defend. If he (Lord Palmerston) 
were to leave the Foreign Office, there must be a 
ground for it, such as his having to take the lead 
in the House of Commons, which was evidently 


impossible with the conduct of Foreign Department 
at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and 
after that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But 
without such a ground it would be loss of character 
to him, which he could not be expected to submit to. 
There was not even the excuse of wishing to avoid a 
difficulty with a foreign country, as all was smooth 
now. Those who had wished to injure him had been 
beat, and now it would be giving them a triumph 
after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were dis- 
satisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs, 
they had a right to demand his resignation, and he 
would give it, but they could not ask him to lower 
himself in public estimation. Lord John answered 
that his resignation would lead to a further split of 
parties ; there were parties already enough in the 
Flouse, and it was essential that at least the Whig 
Party should be kept together, to which Lord 
Palmerston assented. Pie (Lord Palmerston) then 
repeated his complaints against that plot which had 
been got up in this country against him, and urged 
on by foreigners, complained particularly of Lord 
Clarendon, Mr Grevihe of the Privy Council, Mr 
Heeve, ditto, and their attacks upon him in the 
Times, and of Mr Delane, the. Editor of the Times, 
of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, 
they had been convinced that they could not upset 
him, and Mr Reeve had declared to him that he had 
been making open and honourable (? 1 1) war upon him ; 
now he would make a lasting peace. With Russia and 
France he (Lord Palmerston) had just been signing the 
Danish Protocol, showing that they were on the best 
terms together. 

Lord John felt he could not press the matter 
further under these circumstances, but he seemed 
much provoked at the result of his conversation. 
We expressed our surprise that he had not made 
Lord Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord John 
replied he had not been sure what he could have 
offered bim . . . ATUTmT. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John RusselV 

OsBOBNEj I2th August 1850. 

With reference to the conversation about Lord 
Palmerston which the Queen had with Lord John E-ussell 
the other day, and Lord Pahnerston’s disavowal that he 
ever intended any disrespect to her by the various neglects 
of which she has had so long and so often to complain, 
she thinks it right, in order to prevent any mistake for 
the fntwe, shortly to explain what it is she expects from 
her Foreign Secretary. She requires: (1) That he 
will distinctly state wliat he proposes in a given case, 
in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to 
what she has given her Royal sanction ; (2) Having 07ice 
given her sanction to a measure, that it be not 
arbitrarily altered or modified by the Minister ; such 
an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards 
the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of 
her Constitutional right of dismissing that Minister. 
She expects to be kept informed of what passes between 
him and the Foreign Ministers before important 
decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse; to 
receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and to 
have the drafts for her “approval sent to her in sufficient 
time to make herself acquainted with their contents 
before they must be ’sent off. The Queen thinks it 
best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to 
Lord Palmerston. 

Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell. 

Fobeiqn Office, IZth August 1860. 

My deau John Russell, — I have taken a copy of 
this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fad to 
attend to the directions which it contains. With 
regard to the sending of despatches to the Queen, they 

’ Compare tlie memorandum snjfgested by Baron Stockmar, ante, p. 282. 
Tliis letter was, after much fovbearauce, written in the liope of bringing- Lord 
Palmerston to a proper understanding of his relation to tlie Sovereign. Even 
when the catastrophe came, and its tenor had to be communicated by the 
Premier to Parliament, the Preamble was generously omitted; but in 
consequence of its description by Lord Palmerston, in a letter published liy 
Mr Ashley, as an angry memorandum, it was printed in full in The. Life of the 
Prince Consort, • 



have sometimes been delayed longer than should have 
been the case, in consequence of my having been 
prevented by great pressm*e of business, and by the 
many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am 
liable, from reading and sending them back into the 
Office so soon as I could have wished. But I will give 
orders that the old practice shall be reverted to, of 
making copies of all important despatches as soon as 
they reach the Office, so that there may be no delay in 
sending the despatches to the Queen ; this practice was 
gradually left off as the business of the Office increased, 
and if it shall require an additional clerk or two you 
must be liberal and allow me that assistance. — Yours 
sincerely, Palmerston. 

The Due de Nemours to Queen Victoria. 

Ci/aremont, 26 A6ut 1850. 

Madame ma chere Cousine, — La main de Dieu 
vient de s’appesantii' sur nous, Le Roi notre P^re 
n’est plus.’- Apr^s avom re^u hier avee calme et 
resignation les secours de la religion, il s’est eteint ce 
matin k huit heures au milieu de nous tous. Vous le 
connaissiez ma chere Cousine, vous savez tout ce que 
nous perdons, vous comprendrez done I’inexprimable 
douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plonges ; vous la 
partagerez mime je le sais 1 

La Reine brisee, malgre son courage, ne trouve de 
soulagement que dans -une retraite absolue ou ne voyant 
personae elle puisse laisser cours h sa douleur. 

VeuiUez faire part a Albert de notre malheur et 
recevoir ici, ma chire Cousine, I’hommage des sentiments 
de respect et d’attachement, de votre bien affectionni 
Cousin, Louis d’Orli^ans. 

Queen Vict 07 'ia to Viscount Palmerston. 

Osborne, 26th August 1850. 

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to give 
directions for a Court mourning according to those 

' King Louis Pliilippe was in his seventy-seventh year when he died : his 
widow. Queen Marie Amelie, lived till 1866, when she died at the age of 




which ai’e usual for an abdicated King. She likewise 
wishes that every assistance should be given, and every 
attention shown to the afflicted Koyal Family, who 
have been so severely tried during the last two years, 
on the melancholy occasion of the poor King of the 
French’s death. 

The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow. 

The King of the Belgians to Qaecn Victoria. 

Laeken, 30th August 1850. 

... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French 
to remain at Claremont and d'en disposer as long as 
Heaven does not dispose of myself. She, of course, 
dishkes the place, but will keep the family with her 
at least for some time. 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

Tayuocth Castle, 5tk September 1850. 

Lord John Kussell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and was happy to receive your Majesty’s 
gi'acious letter, which reached him the night before last. 

The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which 
are everywhere exhibited, are the more gratifying as 
they are entirely spontaneous. 

It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should 
inhabit the royal Palace of Holyrood, and this circum- 
stance gives great satisfaction throughout Scotland. 

Lord John RusseU. is glad to learn that the family 
of the late King of the French wiU continue to reside 
in England. 

The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and 
Louis Philippe were unable to consolidate a dynasty 
in France, who wiU ever be able to do it? The 
prospect is a succession of fruitless attempts at civil 
Government till a General assumes the command, and 
governs hy military force. 


Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Dunkeldj till September 18S0, 

. . . Lord John Russell has had the honour of 
receiving at Taymoutli a letter from the Prince. He 
agrees that the office of Poet Laureate ought to be 
filled up. There are three or four authors of nearly 
equal merit, such as Henry Taylor, Sheridan Knowles, 
Professor Wilson, and Mr Temiyson, who are qualified 
for the office. 

The King of the Belgians to Qiteen Victoria. 

OsTENH, *7th October 1860. 

My deauest Victoiua, — I write a few words only 
to tell you how our dear patient is.^ Yesterday was 
a most perilous, truly dreadful day ; our dear angelic 
Louise was so fainting that Madame d’Hulst, who was 
with her, felt the greatest alarm. She afterwards was 
better, and her mother, Clem, JoinvUle, and Aumale 
having arrived, she saw them with more composure 
than could have been expected. Still, she would in 
fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and we 
try to manage things as much as possible so that their 
visit does not the her too much. 

Her courage and strength of mind are most heart- 
breaking when one thinks of the danger in which she 
is, and her dear and angehc soul seems even to shine 
more brightly at tliis moment of such great and 
hnminent danger. I am in a dreadful state when I 
am with her. She is so contented, so cheerful, that the 
possibilities of danger appear to me impossible ; but 
the physicians are very much alarmed, without thinking 
the state absolutely hopeless. That one should write 
such things about a life so precious, and one in fact 
stUl so young, and whose angelic soul is so strong I 
You will feel with me as you love her so dearly. 
God bless you and preserve you from heart-breaking 
sufferings like mine. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your 
devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

' Tlie Queen of tEe Belgians died on the 11th of October, at the age of 

Viscoiint Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Uno.vDiiANDS, Wi October 1850. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has had the honour to receive your 
Majesty’s communication of the 4th instant, expressing 
your Majesty’s wish that an alteration should be made 
in his answer to Baron KoUer’s^ note of the 5th of 
September, on the subject of the attack made upon 
General Haynau ; “ but Viscomit Palmerston begs to 
state that when Baron Roller was at this place about 
ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance at the 
delay which had already taken place in regard to the 
answer to his note of the 5th September, and he 
requested so earnestly that he might immediately have 
the reply, that ^^iscount Palmereton could do no other- 
wise than send him the answer at once, and Baron 
Roller despatched it the next day to Vienna. 

Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragi’apli 
into the answer, because he could scarcely have recon- 
ciled it to his own feeluigs and to his sense of public 
responsibility to have put liis name to a note which 
might be liable to be o^led for by Parliament, without 
expressing in it, at least as his own personal opinion, 
a sense of the want -of propriety evinced by General 
Haynau in coming to England at the present moment.® 

The state of pubhc feeling in this comitry about 
General Haynau and his proceedings in Italy and 
Hungary was perfectly well loiown ; and his coming 
here so soon after those events, without necessity or 
obligation to do so, was liable to be looked upon as a 
bravado, and as a challenge to an expression of public 

^ The Austrian Ambassador. 

“ General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War an odious reputation 
as a dogger of women. Wlien visiting the brewery of Barclay & Perkins, 
the draymen mobbed and assaulted him ; ho had to fly from them, and take 
refuge in a neighbouring house. Lord Palmerston had to send an official letter 
of apology to the Austrian Government, which, as originally despatched, 
without waiting for the Queen’s approval, contained a paragraph offensive to 

3 See Lord Palmerston’s letter to Sir G. Grey, Ashley's Life of lord 
Palmerston, vol. i. cRap. vi. 

320 NOTE TO BARON ROLLER [map. xix 

Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that 
Prince Metternich and Baron Nieumann had at Brussels 
strongly dissuaded General Haynau from coming on 
to England ; and that he (Baron Koller) had after his 
arrival earnestly entreated him to cut off those long 
moustachios which rendered him so liable to be 

With regard to the transaction itself, there is no 
justifying a breach of the law, nor an attack by a 
large number of people upon one or two individuals 
who cannot resist such superior force ; and though in 
the present case, according to Baron Roller’s account, 
the chief injury sustained by General Haynau consisted 
in the tearing of his coat, the loss of a cane, and some 
severe bruises on his left arm, and though four or five 
policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet a mob 
who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage; 
and there is no saying to what extremes they might 
have proceeded if they had not been checked. 

Such occurrences, however, have taken place before ; 
and to go no further back than the last summer, the 
attacks on Lord Talbot at the Stafford meeting, and on 
Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt, and others at the Dorchester 
meeting, when a man was killed, were stiU more violent 
outrages, and originated simply in differences of 
political opinion ; whereas in this case the brewers’ 
men were expressing their feeling at what they con- 
sidered inhuman conduct on the part of General 

The people of this country are remarkable for their 
hospitable reception of foreigners, and for their forget- 
fulness of past animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the 
greatest enemy that England ever had, was treated 
while at Plymouth with respect, and with commisera- 
tion while at St Helena. Marshal Soult, who had 
fought in many battles against the English, was 
received with generous acclamation when he came here 
as Special Ambassador. The King of the French, Mons. 
Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though aU of them 
great antagonists of English polic}^ and English 




interests, were treated in this country with courtesy 
and kindness. But General Ha5rnau was looked upon 
as a great moral criminal; and the feeling in regard 
to him was of the same nature as that which was 
manifested towards Tawell’ and the Mannings,* with 
this only difference, that General Haynau’s bad deeds 
were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon a 
far larger number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston 
can assure your Majesty that those feelings of just and 
honourable indignation have not been confined to 
England, for he had good reason to Imow that General 
Haynau’s ferocious and unmanly treatment of the 
unfortunate inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns 
and places in Italy, his savage proclamations to the 
people of Pesth, and his barbarous acts in Hungary 
excited almost as much disgust in Austria as in 
England, and that the nickname of “ General Hyaena ” 
was given to him at Vienna long before it was applied 
to him in London. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Btmell 

Buckingham Palace^ •11th Octohar 1850. 

The Queen having %vritten to Lord Palmerston in 
conformity with Lord John EusseU’s suggestion 
respecting the draft to Baron KoUer, now encloses 
Lord Palmerston’s answer, which she received at 
Edinburgh yesterday evening. Lord John wiU see 
that Lord Palmerston has not only sent the draft, but 
passes over in silence her injunction to have a corrected 
copy given to Baron KoUer, and adds a vituperation 
against General Haynau, which clearly shows that he is 
not sorry for what has happened, and makes a merit of 
sympathising with the draymen at the brewery and the 
Chartist Demonstrations. . . . 

^ Executed for the Salt Hill murder. 

2 Marie Manning (an ex-lady’s maid, whose career is said to have suggested 
Hortense in Bleak House to Dickens) was executed ivith her hushand, in 1849, 
for the murder of a guest She wore black satin on the scaffold, a material 
which consequently hec^ne unpopular for some time. 



The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to 
Lord Palmerston, and hopes Lord John will write to 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Pahnerston. 

Buckingham Palaou, \2tli October 1860. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter 
respecting the draft to Baron KoUer. She cannot 
suppose that Baron KoUer addressed his note to Lord 
Palmerston in order to receive in answer an expression 
of his own personal opinion; and if Lord Pahnerston 
could not reconcile it to his own feelings to express the 
regret of the Queen’s Government at the brutal attack 
and wanton outrage committed by a ferocious mob 
on a distinguished foreigner of past seventy years of 
age, who was quietly visitmg a private estabhshment 
in this metropolis, without adding his censure of the want 
of p7'opriety evinced by Genei'al Haynau in coming to 
England — he might have done so in a private letter, 
where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for the 
opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must 
repeat her request that Lord Palmerston wUl rectify this. 

The Queen can as httle approve of the introduction 
of Lynch Law -in this country as of the violent vitupera- 
tions -with which Lord Palmerston accuses and 
condemns pubhc men in other countries, acting in 
most difficult circumstances and under heavy responsi- 
bility, without having the means of obtaining correct 
information or of sifting evidence, 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

OsBOBNE, 16rt October 1860. 

The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston 
that he has given no countenance to tlie French and 

^ Lord, Joha insisted on the note being- withdrawn, and another substituted 
with the offensive passage omitted. After threatening resignation. Lord 
Palmerston somewhat tamely consented. 

Lord John llussell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would he “ some- 
what amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable termination of the 
dispute regarding the letter to Baron KoUer. The same course may he 
adopted with advantage if a despatch is ever again sent which has been 
objected to, and to which the Queen’s sanction has qpt been given.” See the 
Queen’s letter of the 19th of October. 



I 860 ] 

Russian proposal at the suggestion of Denmark, that 
England, France, and Russia should, after having 
signed the Protocol in favour of Denmark, now go 
further and send their armies to aid her in her contest 
with Holstein.^ The Queen does not expect any good 
result from Lord Palmerston’s counter proposal to urge 
Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay 
down their arms. The mediating power ought rather 
to make Denmark feel that it requires more than a 
cessation of hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a 
solution of the questions in dispute, before she can 
hope permanently to establish peace. The mediating 
power itself, however, should strive to arrive at some 
opinion on the matter in dispute, based, not on its own 
supposed interests, as the Protocol is, but on an anxious, 
careful, and impartial mvestigation of the rights and 
pretensions of the disputing parties ; and if it finds 
it impossible to arrive at such an opinion, to fix upon 
some impartial tribunal capable of doing so, to wliich 
the dispute could be submitted for decision. Common 
principles of morality would point out such a course, 
and what is morally right only can be pohtically wise. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBOBNE, Wth October 1850. 

My deahest Uncle, — This was the day I always 
and for so many years wrote to her, to our adored 
Louise, and I now write to you, to thank you for that 
lieart-breaMng, touching letter of the 16 th, which you 
so very kindly wrote to me. It is so kind of you to 
write to us. TFliat a day Tuesday must have been ! 
Welch einen Gang! and yesterday! My grief was 
so great again yesterday. To talk of her is my 
greatest consolation! Let us all try to imitate her! 

^ A strenuous atlcmpt was being matle by the Danish Government to 
bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia, to put do'vn the nationalist 
movement in the Duchies, either by active intervention, or by reassembling 
the Conference which had negotiated the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston 
discountenanced both alternatives, but wrote to the Queen that he and the 
representatives of France, Russia, and Denmark thought that Austria and 
Prussia should be urfreeTto take all feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities. 


[cnAP. XTX 

My poor dear Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to 
be of any use to you. You will allow us, in three or 
four weeks, to go to you for two or three days, quite 
quietly and alone, to Laeken without any one, without 
any reception anywhere, to cry with you and to talk 
with you of Her. It will be a gi-eat comfort to us — 
a silent tribute of respect and love to her — to be able 
to mingle our tears with yours over her tomb ! And 
the affection of your two devoted children will perhaps 
be some slight balm. My first impulse was to fiy at 
once to you, but perhaps a few weeks’ delay -v^ be 
better. It will be a great and melancholy satisfaction 
to us. Daily will you feel more, my poor dear Uncle, 
the poignancy of yoitr dreadful loss ; my heart brealts 
in thinking of you and the poor dear children. How 
beautiful it must be to see that your whole country 
weeps and mourns with you ! For this country and 
for your children you must try to bear up, and feel 
that in so doing you are doing all she wished. If only 
we could be of use to you ! if I could do anything for 
dear little Charlotte, whom our blessed Louise talked 
of so often to me. 

May I write to you on Fridays when I used to write 
to her, as well 'as on Tuesdays? You need not answer 
me, and whenever it bores you 'to write to me, or you 
have no time, let one of the dear clrildren write to me. 

May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved 
Uncle, is our anxious prayer. Embrace the dear 
children in the name of one who has almost the feelings 
of a mother for them. Ever your devoted Niece and 
loving Child, Victokia E. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Mussell. 

OsBOBNBj IQth Ootober 1850. 

The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict 
with Lord Palmerston, of which Lord John Eussell 
apprised her by his letter of yesterday’s date. The 
correspondence, which the Queen now returns, shows 
clearly that Lord Palmerston in this transaction, as in 
every other, remained true to his principles of action. 


. . . But it shows also that Lord John has the power 
of exercising that control over Lord Palmerston, the 
careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his 
colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary 
pains to remain firm. The Queen does not believe in 
resignation under almost any chcumstances. 

The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein 
question, and sends a copy of her last letter to Lord 
Palmerston on the subject. 

Lor'd John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

Pr.MBnoKK r.nDRK, 2],!i Odahay 1850. 

Sir, — I have just received this note from Lord 

The Prench Ambassador, who has been here, 
confii'ms the news. We must consider the whole 
affah on Wednesday, and I shall be glad to learn 
what the Queen thinks can be done. 

Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate. 

I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness’s 
most obedient Servant, J. Russell. 

Lo7'd John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Bishopthorpe, 25tli October 1850. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty ; he has read with attention the letter of 
the Duchess of Norfolk.^ Pie has also read the Pope’s 

^ ITie note was in reference to the affairs of Hesse-Cassel, and to the 
rumours of a Conference to he held in Austria for the settlement of German 

^ Two i^ortant events in the history of the English Church had just 
occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had refused to institute Mr Gorham to a 
Crown living in his diocese, on the ground that his teaching on baptism wa.s 
at variance with the formularies of the Church. This decision, though uphold 
in the Court of Arches, was reversed (though not unanimously) hy the Privy 
Council. High Church feeling was much aroused hy the judgment. 

In September, Pius IX. (now re-e.stahlished in the Vatican) promulgated 
a papal brief, restoring the Homan Catholic hierarchy in England, and 
dividing it territorially into twelve sees, and in October Cardinal Wiseman, 
as Archbishop of Westminster, issued his Pastoral, claiming tliat Catholic 
England had been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament. The 
Duchess of Norfolk, writing from Arundel, had criticised the proselytising 
action of certain Romad Catholic clergy. See the Queen’s reply, post, p. 331. 


Bull. It strikes him that the division into twelve 
territorial dioceses of eight ecclesiastical vicariats is not 
a matter to be alarmed at. The persons to he affected 
by this change must be already Roman Catholics before 
it can touch them. 

The matter to create rational alarm is, as your 
Majesty says, the growth of Roman CathoHc doctrines 
and practices within the bosom of the Church. Dr 
Arnold said very truly, “ I look upon a Roman Catholic 
as an enemy in his uniform ; I look upon a Tractarian 
as an enemy disguised as a spy.” 

It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of 
Oxford proposed, and confer the patronage of the 
Crown on any of these Tractarians. But, on the other 
hand, to treat them with severity would give the whole 
party vigour and union. 

The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Trac- 
tarians are falling to pieces by dissension. It appears 
clear that Mr Denison and Mr Palmer have broken off 
from Dr Pusey. 

Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether 
there is anything illegal in Dr Wiseman’s assummg the 
title of Archbishop of We^minster. An English 
Cardinal is not a novelty.^ 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Fictoria. 

Ardenne, 10th November 1860. 

My deakest Victoeia, — I write already to-day 
that it may not miss to-morrow’s messenger. I came 
here yesterday by a mild sunshine, and the vaUey of 

1 Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to Dr Maltby, Bishop of 
Dm-liam, denouncing the assumption of spiritual superiority over England, 
in the documents issued from Rome. But what alarmed him more (he 
said) was the action of clergymen within the Church leading their flocks 
dangerously near the brink, and recommending for adoption the honour paid 
to saints, the claim of infallihUity for the Church, the superstitious use of 
the sign of the cross, tlic muttering of tlie liturgy so as to disguise the 
language in which it was said, with the recommendation of auricular 
confession and the administration of penance and absolution. 

Lord John was piotorially satirised in Punch as the boy who chalked up 
“No popery ” on the door and ran away. ' 




the Meuse was very pretty. I love my solitude here, 
and though the house is small and not what it ought 
to have been, still I always liked it. There seems in 
most countries danger of agitation and convulsions 
arising. I don’t know how it will end in Germany, 
In France it is difficult that things should not break 
up some way or other. I trust you may be spared 
religious agitation. These sorts of things begin with 
one pretext, and sometimes continue with others. I 
don’t think Europe was ever in more danger, il y a 
tant d'anarchie dans les csprits. I don’t think that 
can be cured d I'eau dc rose; the human race is not 
naturally good, very much the contrary ; it requires a 
strong hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in 
that way ; the memoiy of all the sort of Cesars and 
Napoleons, from whom they chiefly got blows, is much 
dearer to them than the benefactors of mankind, whom 
they crucify when they can have their own way. 
Give my best love to Albert; and I also am very 
anxious to be recalled to the recollection of the children, 
who were so very fliendly at Ostende. How far we 
were then to guess what has .since happened. . . . My 
dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to the Countess of Qainshorough? 

Thursday morning, 1830. 

Dearest Fanny, — ^This is a case of positive neces- 
sity, and as none of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I 
must call upon you to attend me to-night. You did 
so once in state before, and as it is not a matter of 
pleasure, but of duty, I am sure you will at once feel 
that you can have no scruple. 

Whenever the Mistress of the Rohes does not 
attend, I always have three ladies, as they must take 
turns in standing behind me. Ever yours affectionately, 

Victoria R. 

' Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of the third Earl of Roden, 
a Lady of the Bedcha:qiherj and hnown till 1841 as I^ady Barliam. 



[chap. XIX 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Windsor CastlEj IQth Novemhcr 1860. 

The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord 
Westmorland'^ is gone, as she was particularly anxious 
to have seen him before his return to Berlin, and to 
have talked to him on the present critical events 
in Germany; but she quite forgot the day of his 
departure. What is the object of his seeing the 
President at Paris ? and what are his instructions with 
regard to Germany?^ 

Having invariably encouraged Constitutional develop- 
ment in other countries, . . . and having at the 
beginning of the great movement in 1847, which led 
to all the catastrophes of the following years, sent a 
Cabinet Minister to Italy to declare to all Italian states 
that England would protect them from Austria if she 
should attempt by threats and violence to debar them 
from the attainment of their Constitutional development, 
consistency would requhe that we should now, when 
that great struggle is at its end and despotism is to 
be re-imposed by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw 
our weight into 'the scale of Constitutional Prussia and 
Germany. . . . The Queen is afraid, however, that aU 
our Ministers abroad, — at Berlin, Dresden, Munich, 
Stuttgart, Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord 
Cowley at Frankfort) — are warm partisans of the 
despotic league agamst Prussia and a German Con- 
stitution, and for the maintenance of the old Diet 
under Austrian and Russian influence. Ought not 
Lord Palmerston to make his agents understand that 
their sentiments are at variance with those of the 
Enghsh Government ? and that they are doing serious 
mischief if they express them at Courts which have 

1 Ministev at Berlin. 

“ Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the Queen’s in mind when 
he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord Cowley : “ Her (i.e. Prussia’s) 
partisans try to make out that the contest between her and Austria is a 
struggle between constitutional and arbitrary Government, but it is no such 
thing.” Ashley’s Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. chap. vi. 


already every inclination to follow their desperate 
course ? 

Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old 
Diet once reconstituted and recognised, one of the 
main laws of it is that “no organic change can he 
made without unanimity of voices,” which was the 
cause of the nuUity of that body from 1820 to 1848, 
and will now enable Austria, should Prussia and her 
confederates recognise the Diet, to condemn Germany 
to a further life of stagnation or new revolution. 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Foreign Office, 18</i November 1860. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
yoiu’ Majesty. V^’ith respect to the maintenance of 
Constitutional Government in Germany, Viscount 
Palmerston entirely subscribes to your Majesty’s 
opinion, that a regard for consistency, as well as a 
sense of right and justice, ought to lead your Majesty’s 
Government to give to the Constitutional principle 
in Germany the same moral support which they 
endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain,' Portugal, and 
elsewhere ; but though he is conscious that he may be de- 
ceived and may thmk better of the Austrian Government 
in this respect than it deserves, yet he cannot persuade 
himself that rational and sound Constitutional Govern- 
ment is at present in danger in Germany, or that the 
Austrian Government, whatever may be their inclination 
and wishes, can think it possible in the present day 
to re-establish despotic government in a nation so 
enlightened, and so attached to free institutions as the 
German people now is. The danger for Germany 
seems to lie rather in the opposite du'ection, arising 
from the rash and weak precipitation with which in 
1848 and 1849 those Governments which before had 
refused everything resolved in a moment of alarm to 
grant everything, and, passing jfrom one extreme to the 
other, threw universal suffrage among people who had 

330 AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA [ciap. xix 

been, some wholly and others very much, unaccustomed 
to the worldng of representative Government. The 
French have found universal suffrage incompatible 
with good order even in a Republic ; what must it be 
for a Monarchy ? 

Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to 
submit that the conflict between Austria and Prussia 
can scarcely be said to have turned upon principles of 
Government so much as upon a struggle for political 
ascendency in Germany. At Berlin, at Dresden, and 
in Baden the Prussian Government has very properly 
no doubt employed mihtary force to re-establisla order ; 
and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the ground taken 
by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as a 
military one, and the objection which she made to the 
entrance of the troops of the Diet was that those 
troops might become hostile, and that they ought not, 
therefore, to occupy a central position in the line of 
military defence of Prussia. 

The remark which your Majesty makes as to 
unanimity being requhed for certain purposes by the 
Diet regiflations is no doubt very just, and that 
chcumstance certainly shows •that the free Conference 
which is about to be held is a better constructed body 
for planning a new arrangement of a central organ.^ 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, %%nd Novemler 1860. 

My deabest Uncle, — Accept my best thanks for 
your kind letter of the 17th, and the dear little English 
one from dear little Charlotte, wliich is so nicely written, 
and shows such an amiable disposition. I send her to- 
day a httle heart for the hah’ of our blessed Angel, 
which I hope she will often wear. Our girls have 
all got one. I have written to the dear child. You 
should have the dear children as much with you as 
possible ; I am m’e it would be so good and useful 

^ War was staved off ty the Couference ; but the relative prodomin.ance of 
Prussia and Austria in Germany was left uudoculed for some years to come. 


for you and them,. Children ought to have great 
confidence in their parents, in order for them to have 
any influence over them. 

Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a 
dream. If she lives, in eight years more she may be 
married ! She is a very clever child, and I must say 
very much improved. 

The state of the Continent is deplorable ; the foUy 
of Austria and the giving Avay of Prussia are lament- 
able. Our influence on the Continent is null. , . . 
Add to this, we are between two fires in this country : 
a furious Protestant feeling and an enraged Catholic 
feeling in Ireland. I believe that Austria fans the 
flame at Rome, and that the whole movement on the 
Continent is anti-Constitutionah anti-Protestant, and 
anti-English j and this is so complicated, and we have 
(thanks to Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel so 
happily, separately with each, that I do not Imow how 
we are to stand against it aU! 

I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from 
you again. Ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

My longing for dearest Louise seems only to 
increase as time goes on. 

Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk. 

WiNDSoB Casti.Bj 22nd November 1860. 

My dear Duchess, — It is very remiss in me not to 
have sooner answered your letter with the enclosure, 
but I received it at a moment of great grief, and since 
then I have been much occupied. 

I fully understand your anxiety relative to the 
proceedings of the Roman Catholic Clergy, but I 
trust that there is no real danger to be apprehended 
from that quarter, the more so as I believe they see 
that they have been misled and misinformed as to 
the feeling of this country by some of the new 
converts to their religion. The real danger to be 
apprehended, and what I am certain has led to these 
proceedings on tlie part of the Pope, hes in oiw own 


divisions, and in the extraordinaiy conduct of the 
Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many may now 
be opened. One would, however, much regret to 
see any acts of intolerance towards the many imiocent 
people who I believe entirely disapprove the injudicious 
conduct of then Clergy. 

Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, 
yours affectionately, Victoria H. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

Windsor Castle, 29iA November 1850. 

My deauest Uncle, — I have no dear letter to 
answer, but write to keep to the dear day, rendered 
so pecuharly dear to me by the recollection of our 
dearly beloved Louise. 

We are weU, but much troubled with numberless 
tilings. Our religious troubles are great, and I must 
just say that Cardinal Wiseman himself admits that 
Austria not only approves the conduct of the Pope 
but is m'ging on the Propagafida. I know this to be 
so. Our great difficulty must be, and wid be, to steer 
clear of both parties — the violent Protestants and the 
Homan Catholics. We wish in no way to infringe 
the rights of the Homan Catholics, while we must 
protect and uphold our own rehgion. 

We have seen General Radowitz,^ with whom we 
have been much interested ; his accounts are very 
clear and very able, and I must say, very fair and 
strictly constitutional. You know him, I suppose? 
Might I again ask, dearest Uncle, if you would like to 
have a copy of Ross’s first picture of our angel Louise 
or of Winterhalter’s? 

Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in 
her enquiries after you. 

I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever 
your devoted Niece, Victoria H. 

'■ General Radowitz, who had been Minister for Foreign Affairs in Prussia, 
had just arrived in England on a special mission from"the Kinp- of Prussia. 



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, StiZ December 1850. 

My beloved Uncle, — Two of your dear letters are 
before me, of the 29th November and of yesterday. 
In the former you give me a promise, which I consider 
most valuable, and which I shall remind you of if you 
get desponding, viz. “I will to please you labour on, 
and do all the good I can.'' It is so pleasing to feel 
that one does good and does one’s duty. It sweetens 
so many bitter trials. 

The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. 
It is a mistake to think the supremacy of Friossia is 
what is wished for. General Radowitz himself says 
that what is necessary for Germany [is] that she should 
take the lead, and should redeem the pledges given in 
’48. Unless this be done in a moderate and determined 
way, a fearful reaction will take place, which will 
overturn Thrones ; to use Radowitz’s own words : “ und 
nicht vor dem Thron stehen hleiben.” Prussia is the only 
large and powerful really German Power there is, and 
therefore she must take the lead ; but her constant 
vacillation — one day doing one thing and another 
day another — has caused her to be entii'ely distrusted. 
You are quite right in' sa 3 dng things should be done 
dlun commun accord, and I tmnk that the other great 
Powers ought to be consulted. Unfortunately, Lord 
Palmerston has contrived to make us so hated by aU 
parties abroad, that we have lost our position and 
our influence, which, considering the flourislung and 
satisfactory state of this country during aU the 
European convulsions, ought to have been immense. 
This it is which pains and gi-ieves me so deeply, and 
which I have so plainly been speaking to Lord John 
Russell about. What a noble position we might have 
had, and how wantonly has it been thrown away! 

Good Stockmar is well, and always of the greatest 
comfort and use to us. His judgment is so sound, 
so unbiassed, and so dispassionate. Ever your devoted 
Niece, • Victobia R. 

334 . 



Queen Victoria to Lord John Rnssell 

AFindsob Cabtm, Sth December 18S0. 

The Queen received Lord John Hussell’s letter and 
the draft yesterday. He must be a better judge of 
what the effect of Mr Shed’s ^ presence in Rome may 
be than she can ; but for her own part, she thinks it 
entirely against her notions of what is becoming to ash 
the Pope for ^favour (for it is tantamount to that) at 
a moment when his name is being vilified and abused 
in every possible manner in this country. It strikes 
the Queen as an undignified course for this Government 
to pursue. 

The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between 
the Archbishop and Lord John.^ She trusts that 
something may be done, as the desire for it seems to 
be so great. On the other hand, the Queen deeply 
regrets the great abuse of the Roman Catholic religion 
which takes place at aU these meetings, etc. She 
thinks it unchristian and unwise, and trusts that it 
will soon cease. . . . 

Queen Victoria to the JiLng of the JBel^ans. 

Windsor Castle, Vith Deoember 18 fi 0 . 

My beloved Uncle, — My letter must, I fear, be 
a somewhat hurried and short one, for my morning 
has been taken up in receiving in state Addresses from 
the City and Universities about this unfoodunate 
“Papal Aggression” business, which is still keeping 
people in a feverish state of wild excitement.® One 
good effect it has had, viz. that of directing people’s 
serious attention to the very alarming tendency of the 
Tractarians, which was doing immense harm. . . . 

Many, many thanks for your two dear and kind letters 
of the 6th and of yesterday. All you say about Louise, 
and about the disappearance for ever of all that she 

Minister at the 001111; of Tuscany. 

“ The Government were preparing for the introduction of their Ecclesi- 
astical Titles Bill. 

® These Addresses were presented at AVindsor, Prince Albert and the Duke 
of Wellington representinp- the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford. 




loved and was 'proud of, is so true, so dreadful. One 
fancies (foolishly and wrongly, but still one does) that 
the lost one has been hardly used in no longer enjoy- 
ing these earthly blessings, and one’s grief seems to 
break out afresh in bitter agony upon small and 
comparatively trifiing occasions. Poor Lady Peel 
(whom I saw for the first time yesterday at 
Buckingham Palace, whither I had gone for an hour) 
expressed this strongly. Hei's is indeed a broken 
heart; she is so tridy crushed by the agony of her 
grief ; it was very touching to see and to hear her. 
Poor thing ! she never can be happy again ! 

What you say about me is far too kind. 1 am very 
often sadly dissatisfied -with myself and with the little 
self-control I have. 

Your long letter interested us much. I fear the 
German affairs are very bad. . . . That everlasting 
“backwards and forwards,” as you say, of my poor 
friend the King of Prussia is calamitous; it causes all 
parties to distrust him, and gives real strength only to 
the Republicans. Since ’AS that has been his conduct, 
and the misfortune for Germany. A steady course, 
whatever it maj’’ be, is always the best. 

What you say about poor H(ilene -and France is 
true and sad. I really wish you would caution Helfene 
as to her language ; she is much attached to you. 
I pity her very much ; her position is very trying, and 
her religion renders it more difficult even. 

I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of 
your going alone to Ardenne ; it is bad for you to be 
alone, and your poor children also ought not to be 
alone. Ever your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Lo7-d John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Downing Street, llth Decemher 1860. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the 
Cabinet to-day considered at great length the question 
of the steps to be taken in respect to the Papal 


[flllAP. XIX 


The inclination of the ma-jority was not to pro- 
secute, but to bring a Bill into Parliament to make the 
assumption of any titles of archbishop, etc., of any place 
in the United Kingdom illegal, and to make any gift of 
property conveyed under such title null and void. 

Queen Victoria to the Duchess of G-loucester. 

WiNDSOB CastI/B, 12^^ Vecenjber 1860. 

My dear Aunt, — Many thanks for your kind 
letter ; you are quite right not to distress the Duchess 
of Cambridge by mentioning to her what I wrote to 
you about the Bishop of London.^ I am glad that you 
are pleased with my answers to the Addresses ; I 
thought them very proper.^ 

I would never have consented to say anything which 
breathed a spirit of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant 
as I always have been and always shall be, and indignant 
as I am at those who call themselves Protestants, while 
they in fact are quite the contrary, I much regret the 
unchristian and intolerant spu’it exhibited by many 
people at the public meetings. I cannot bear to hear 
the violent abuse of the Catholic religion, which is so 
painful and cruel towards the many good and innocent 
Roman Catholics. However, we must hope and trust 
this excitement will soon cease, and that the wholesome 
effect of it on our own Church will be the lasting result 
of it. Ever yours . . . Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Wtndsob Castlb, 14IA December 1860. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
of yesterday. She sanctions the introduction into 
Parliament of a Bill framed on the principles agreed 
upon at yesterday’s Cabinet, presuming that it wih 
extend to the whole United Kingdom. What is to be 
done, however, with respect to the Colonies where the 

1 The Bishop of London had taken the same view as Lord John Russell of 
the Papal action, thoug-h they had disagreed over the Gorham controversy. 

^ See ante, p. 334, ^ 




Roman Catholic bishopries are recognised by the 
Government under territorial titles ? and what is to 
be done with Dr CuUen, who has assumed the title of 
Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which 
is punishable under the Emancipation Act ? If this is 
left unnoticed, the Government wiU be left with the 
“ lame ” argument in Parhament of which we conversed 
here. Could the Government not be helped out of 
this difficulty by the Primate himself prosecuting the 
obtruder ? The Queen hopes that the meeting of the 
archdeacons with Dr Lushington may do some good ; 
she cannot say that she is pleased with the Archbishop’s 
answer to the laity published in to-day’s 2'imcs, which 
leaves them without a remedy if the clergymen persist 
in Puseyite Rituals ! The Queen will return Lord 
Minto’s letter with the next messenger. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNnsoR Castle, ^Ind December 1850. 

The Queen now returns Lord Sejnnour’s letter 
respecting the New Forest, and sanctions the proposed 
an’angement. Considering, however, that she gives 
up the deer, and aU patronage and authority over 
the Forest, she wishes the shooting, as the only 
remaining Royalty, not to be withdrawn from her 
authority also. It will be quite right to give 
Deputations^ to shoot over the various divisions and 
waihs of the Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood 
or others ; but in order that this may establish no 
right on their part, and may leave the Sovereign a 
voice in the matter, she wishes that a list be prepared 
every year of the persons recommended by the Office 
of Woods to receive Deputations and submitted for her 

* A doputatiou, i.e., a deputed right to take game. 




. The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the 
session (1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the 
interest of the agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical 
Titles Bill was allowed to be brought in, they were beaten in a thin 
House, chiefly by their own friends, on the question of the County 
Franchise. A crisis ensued, and a coalition of Whigs and Peelites 
was attempted, but proved impracticable. Lord Stanley having 
then failed to form a Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs, much 
weakened, had to resume office. 

The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of 
May, was a complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the 
Prince, ovei' six million people visiting it; it remained open till 
the Autumn, and the building, some time after its removal, was 
re-erected at Sydenham, as the Crystal Palace. 

The Ecclesiastical Titles BiU, much modified, was proceeded 
with, and, though opposed by the ,-ablest Peelites and Radicals, 
became law, though its effect, while in operation, was virtually nU. 
It was in after years repealed. 

Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited 
England in October, and Lord Palmerston bad to be peremptorily 
restrained from receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office, A 
little later, Kossuth’s ultra-liber^ sympathisers in London addressed 
the Foreign Secretary in language violently denunciatory of the 
Emperors of Austria and Russia, for which Lord Palmerston failed 
to rebuke them. The cup was filled to the brim by his recognition 
of the President's coup d'etat in France. Louis Napoleon, after 
arresting M. Thiers and many others, proclaimed the dissolution of 
the Council of State and the National Assembly, decreed a state of 
siege, and re-established universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate 
elected for ten years, and a Ministry depending on tlie executive 
alone. Palmerston thereupon, though professing an intention of 
non-interfei’ence, conveyed to the French Ambassador in London 
his full approbation of the proceeding, and his conviction that the 
President could not have acted otherwise. Even after this 
indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty in bringing 
him to book; but before the end of the year he was dismissed 


from office, witli the offer, which he decHned, of the Irish Lord- 
Lieutenancy and a British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen’s 
satisfaction. Lord Granville Became Foreign Secretary. 

At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations 
against the Kaffirs, which were not brought to a successful 
termination till the following year, when General Cathcart had 
superseded him. 



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDBOft CastlEj 26i7t January 1061. 

The Queen approves of the elevation of Mr 
Pemberton Leigh ^ to the Peerage, which she considers 
a very useful measure, and not hkely to lead to any 
permanent increase of the Peerage, as he is not likely 
to marry at his present age, and considering that he 
has only a life interest in his large property. 

With regard to the creation of Dr Lushington^ as 
a Peer, without remainder, t,he Queen has again 
thoroughly considered the question, and is of opinion 
that the establishment of the pdnciple of creation for 
life — ^in cases where public advantage may be derived 
from the grant of a Peerage, but where there may be 
no fortune to support the dignity in the family — is 
most desirable. The mode in which the public will 
take the introduction of it will however chiefly depend 
upon the merits of the first case brought forward. 
Dr Lushington appears to the Queen so unobjection- 
able in this respect that she cannot but approve of the 
experiment being tried with him. 

' Member of Parliament for Rye 1831-1832, and Ripon 1836-1843, after- 
wards a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council : he became a 
Peer (Lord Kingsdown) in 1868, having declined a peerage on the present and 
other occasions. 

® Dr Lushington was judge of the Admiralty Court : he had been counsel 
for, and an executor of. Queen Caroline. He declined the offer now suggested, 
and the subsequent debates on the Wensleydale Peerage show that the 
proposed grant would have been ineffectual for its purpose. 



It would be well, however, that it should be done 
quietly ; that it should not be talked about beforehand 
or get into the papers, which so frequently happens 
on occasions of this kind, and generally does harm. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Windsor Castle, 31si January 1851. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter 
of the 29th, in which he proposes a change in those 
diplomatic arrangements wliich she had already 
sanctioned on his recommendation, and must remark 
that the reasons which Lord Palmerston adduces in 
support of his present proposition are in direct con- 
tradiction to those by which he supported his former 
recommendation. ^ 

The principle which the Queen would wish to see 
acted upon in her diplomatic appointments in general, 
is, that the good of the service should precede every 
other consideration, and that the selection of an agent 
should depend more on his personal qualifications for 
the particular post for -^hich he is to be selected than 
on the mere pleasure and convenience of the person 
to be employed, or of the Minister recommending him. 

According to Lord Palmerston’s first proposal. Sir 
H. Seymour was to have gone to St Petersburg, Lord 
Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir Pichard Pakenham to 
Lisbon ; now Lord Palmerston wishes to send Lord 
Cowley to St Petersburg. 

The Queen has the highest opinion of Lord 
Cowley’s abihties, and agrees with Lord Palmerston in 
thinking that Russia wiU, for some time at least, 
exercise a predominating influence over aU European 
affairs. She would accordingly not object to see that 
Agent accredited there in whom she herself places the 
greatest confidence. But according to the same 

^ Lord Palmerston had altered his mind as to certain proposed diplomatic 
changes, and suggested the appohitment of Sir Hamilton Seymour to Berlin, 
Lord Bloomfield to Ljsbon, Lord Cowley to Petersburg, Mr Jerningham, 
Sir Henry Ellis, or Sir Richard Pakenham to Frankfort. 




principle, she must insist that the posts of Berlin and 
Franmort, which in her opinion are of nearly equal 
importance, should be filled by men capable of dealing 
with the complicated and dangerous political questions 
now in agitation there, and the just appreciation and 
judicious treatment of which are of the highest 
importance to the peace of Europe, and therefore to 
the welfare of England. 

Before the Queen therefore decides upon Lord 
Palmerston’s new proposal, she wishes to loiow whom, 
he could recommend for the post of Frankfort in the 
event of Lord Cowley leaving it, and thinks it but 
right to premise that in giving her sanction to the 
proposals Lord Palmerston may have to submit, she 
win be guided entirely by the principle set forth above. 

Lord John Russell to Qiceen Victoria. 

Chesham PiAOBj 12</( Feinary 1861. 

Lord John EusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Mr 
Disraeli brought forward his Motion yesterday.^ His 
speech was long and elaborate, but not that of a man 
who was persuaded he was undertaking a good cause. 

He proposed nothing specific, but said nothing 

The doubts about the division increase. Mr Hayter 
reckoned yesterday, on a majority of three ! Sir James 
Graham is of opinion Lord Stanley will not undertake 
anything desperate. He will speak in favour of 
Government to-morrow, when the division will pro- 
bably take place. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston, 

Beokingham Paiaoe, \5th Felruary 1851. 

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston’s letter of 
yesterday, and has to state in answer her decision in 

^ On agricultural distress ; tlie Motion was lost bj^fourteen only in a large 
FTni » 




favour of the original plan of appointments, viz. of Sir 
H. Seymour to Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield to Berlin, 
and Sir R. Pakenham to Lisbon. The Queen quite 
agrees ■with Lord Palmerston in the opinion that the 
post at Petersburg is more important than that of 
Franlcfort, and had Lord Palmerston been able to pro- 
pose a good successor to Lord Cowley she would have 
approved his going to Petersburg ; Sir B. Pakenham, 
however, would not take Frankfort if offered to him, 
as it appears, and the two other persons proposed would 
not do for it, in the Queen’s opinion. It must not be 
forgotten that at a place for action like Petersburg, 
the Minister will chiefly have to look to his instructions 
from home, while at a place of observation, as Lord 
Palmerston justly calls Frankfort, everything depends 
upon the acuteness and impartiality of the observer, 
and upon the confidence with which he may be able to 
inspire those fr’om whom alone accurate information can 
be obtained. Lord Cowley possesses eminently these 
qualities, and Sir H. Seymour has at all times sho-wn 
himself equal to acting under most difficult circum- 
stances. The deske of the Emperor to see Lord 
Cowley at Petersburg* may possibly resolve itself in 
the desire of Baron Brunnow to see him removed from 
Germany. . . . The Queen had always understood that 
Sir H. Seymour would be very acceptable to the 
Emperor, and that Count Nesselrode called him a 
diplomatist “de la bonne vieille roche.” 

Memorandum hy Queen Victoria. 

BucKiKonAM 1 ’ai.ack, VJth I'elnmry 1851. 

Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He 
had had a long conversation with Sir James Graham, 
had stated to him that from the tone of his speech 
(which Lord John explained to us yesterday was of 
so very friendly a character and pointed directly to 
supporting the Government) — its friendliness, and the 
manner in which he advocated the union of those 


who opposed a return to Protection, that he proposed 
to him to join the Government ; that Sir G. Grey had 
offered to resign his office in order that Sir J. Graham 
might have it. Before I go farther I ought to say that 
Lord John yesterday explained the importance of 
obtaining support like Sh J. Graham’s in the Cabinet, 
and that he thought of proposing the Board of Control 
to him, which Sh J. Hobhouse was ready to give up — 
receiving a Peerage, and retaining a seat in the Cabinet 
or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring was equally 
ready to give up. 

Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered 
he wished to show Lord John a correspondence which 
had passed between him and Lord Londonderry. In 
the course of coirversation in the country, Sir James 
had said to Lord Londonderry that parties never could 
go on as they were, and that they must ultimately 
lapse into two; this, Lord Londonderry reported to 
Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord Stanley ; and Mr 
Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating that if 
certain advantages and reliefs were given to the landed 
interests, he should not cUng to Protection; in short, 
much what he said in his speech — and that he was 
quite prepared •’to give up the lead in the House of 
Commons to Sh J. Graham. " Sir James answered 
that he never meant anything by what he had said, 
and that he had no wish whatever to join Lord 
Stanley ; that if he had, he was so ultimate with 
Lord Stanley that he would have communicated direct 
with him. 

Su' James said that as soon as he heard from Lord 
John, he thought what he wished to see him for, and 
that he had been thinking over it, and had been talking 
to Lord Hardinge and Mr Cardwell. That he did wish 
to support the Government, but that he thought he 
could be of more use if he did not join the Govern- 
ment, and was able to give them an independent 
suppoi’t ; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert 
Peel’s followers ; that many who had followed Sir Robert 
would 7iot follow him; that he thought the Govern- 


ment in great danger ; that the Protectionists, Radicals, 
and Irish Members would try to take an opportunity 
to overset them (the Government); that should the 
Government be turned out, he would Imd no difficulty 
in joining them ; or should they go on, that by-and-by 
it might be easier to do so ; but that at this moment 
he should be injuring himself without doing the Govern- 
ment any real service ; besides which, there were so 
many measures decided on which he was ignorant of, 
and should have to support. Lord John told him that 
were he in the Cabinet, he would have the means of 
stating and enforcing his opinions, and that at whatever 
time he joined them, there would always be the same 
difficulty about measures which had already been 
decided on. He (Sir James) is not quite satisfied 
with the Papal Aggi’ession Bill, which he thinks will 
exasperate the Irish ; he also adverted to the report 
of our having protested against Austria bringing her 
Italian Provinces, etc., into the German Confederation. 
Lord John told him that this had not been done, 
but that we meant to ask for explanations. 

In short. Lord Jolm said it was evident that Sir 
James thought the Government in great danger, and 
“ did not wish to embark in a boat which was going 
to sink.” Stfil, he wa? friendly, and repeated that it 
would be very easy when in opposition to unite, and 
then to come in together. Victoria R. 

ILord Jolm Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

Chesiiam FjjAob, Zlst February 1051. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to report that on a 
motion of Mr Locke King’s ^ yesterday the Government 
were defeated by a hundred to fifty-two. 

This is another circumstance which makes it probable 
the Ministry camiot endure long. The Tories purposely 
stayed away. 

^ for ec^ualisHig the County and the Boroup'h franchise. 



[fllAP. XX 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buokinohaji PalaoEj 21si! February 18S1. 

My dearest Uncle, — I have only time just to 
write a few hasty lines to you from Stockmar’s room, 
where I came up to speak to Albert and him, to tell 
you that we have got a Ministerial crisis ; the 
Ministers were in a great minority last night, and 
though it was not a question vital to the Government, 
Lord John feels the support he has received so meagre, 
and the opposition of so many parties so great, that he 
must resign! This is very bad, because there is no 
chance of any other good Government, poor Peel being 
no longer alive, and not one man of talent except Lord 
Stanley in the Party ; . . . but Lord John is right not 
to go on when he is so ill supported, and it will raise 
him as a political man, and wm strengthen his position 
for the future. 

Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send 
to-morrow after the Government have resigned) will 
be able to form a Government or not, I cannot teU. 
Altogether, it is very vexatious, and ■wUl give us 
trouble. It is -the more provoking, as this country is 
so very prosperous. 

On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more. . . 

With Albert’s love, ever your truly devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1861. 

Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes 
with the Queen, in order to prepare her for the 
possibility of the Government’s resignation (yesterday, 
at two o’clock), went to Downing Street to meet the 
Cabinet, and promised to return at four in order to 
communicate the decision the Cabmet might have 
arrived at. On his return he explained that after the 
vote at the beginning of the Session, on the Orders of 


the Day, which went directly against the Government, 
after the small majority (only fourteen) which they had 
on the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest, 
and now the defeat on the Franchise, it was clear that 
the Government did not possess the confidence of the 
House of Commons. He complained of the Pro- 
tectionists staying away in a body on Mr King’s 
motion, and he (Lord John) himself being left without 
a supporter even his colleagues in the debate, 
but most of all of the conduct of the Radicals ; 
for when Mr King, hearing Lord John’s promise to 
bring in a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw 
his Motion, as he ought to have done on such a 
declaration by the head of the Government, Mr 
Hume insisted upon his going on, “else Lord John 
would withdraw his promise again in a fortnight ” ; 
and when the result of the vote was made known the 
shouting and triumph of the hundred was immense. 

Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he 
could not go on, that the Income Tax would have to 
be voted the next day, and a defeat was probable ; it 
were much better the];efore not to hesitate, and to 
resign at once. The Cabinet agreed, although some 
Members thought with Lord Palmerston that the 
occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged to 
be allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, 
whom he had sent for from the country, and to be able 
to tender then his resignation; he would go down to 
the House to adjourn it, promising explanations on 

We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his 
station personally, and as the Queen’s Minister, not to 
put up with ignominious treatment, praised his speech 
on the Suffiage, which is admirable, and regretted that 
his colleagues had prevented him ftom bringing in a 
measure this year. We talked of the difficulty of 
forming any Government, but agreed that Lord 
Stanley and the Protection Party ought to be appealed 
to ; they longed for office, and would not rest quiet till 
they had had it 'if for ever so short a time only. 


We further went over the ground of a possible 
demand for a Dissolution, which might bring on a 
general commotion in the country. Lord John agreed 
in this, but thought the responsibility to be very great 
for the Crown to refuse an appeal to the country to 
the new Government ; he thought a decision on that 
point ought to depend on the peculiar circumstances 
of the case. 

Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by 
the express train, arrived at twelve o’clock, and came 
at once to meet Lord John Russell here at the Palace. 

In the audience which the Queen gave him he 
expressed his entire concmTence with the decision the 
Cabinet had come to, as the resignation could at any 
rate only have been delayed. It was clear that the 
Cabinet had lost the confidence of the House of 
Commons ; what had happened the other night was 
only the last drop which made the cup flow over, and 
that it was much more dignified not to let the Govern- 
ment die a lingering and ignominious death ; he 
[thought] that Lord Stanley would have great diffi- 
culties, but would be able to ^form a Government ; at 
least the Protectionist Party gave out they had a 
Cabinet prepared. 

We then saw Lord John*RusseU, who formally 
tendered his resignation, and was very much moved 
on taking leave ; he said that, considering Lord 
Stanley’s principles, it would not be possible for him 
to hold out any hope of support to that Government, 
except on the estimates for which he felt responsible, 
but he would at aU times be ready vigorously to defend 
the Crown, which was in need of every support in these 

At three o’clock came Lord Stanley, whom the 
Queen had summoned. 

The Queen informed him of the resignation of the 
Government, in consequence of the late vote, which 
had been the result of the Protectionists stayiug away, 
of the small majority which the Government had had 
upon Mr Disraeli’s Motion, and of the many symptoms 

1851 } lord STANLEY SENT TOR 349 

of want of confidence exhibited towards the Govern- 
ment in the House of Commons. The Queen had 
accepted their resignation, and had sent for him as the 
head of that Party, which was now the most numerous 
in Opposition, in order to ask him whether he could 
undertake to form a Govei’nment. 

Lord Stanley expressed gi-eat surprise. The 
impression had been that the Government had not 
been in earnest in their opposition to Mr L. King’s 
Motion ; in the minority had voted only twenty-seven 
members of the Government side, the rest had been 
of his Party. He asked if the whole Cabinet had 
resigned, or whether there had been dissension in the 
Cabinet upon it ? The Queen replied that the resigna- 
tion had been iinanimously agi'eed upon in the Cabinet, 
and that Lord Lansdowne, who had only come up 
from Bowood this morning, had given his entire 
approval to it. Lord Stanley then asked whether 
anybody else had been consulted or applied to, to which 
the Queen replied that she had written to him a few 
minutes after Lord John’s resignation, and had com- 
municated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said 
that he hoped the Queen’s acceptance had only been a 
conditional one ; that he felt very mpch honoured by 
the Queen’s confidence p that he hoped he might be 
able to tender advice which might contribute to the 
Queen’s comfort, and might reheve the present 

In order to be able to do so he must enter most 
freely and openly into his own position and that of his 
Party. It was quite true that they formed the most 
numerous in Parliament after the supporters of what 
he hoped he might still call the 'present Government, 
but that there were no men contained in it who 
combined great ability -with experience in public 
business. There was one certainly of great abhity and 
talent — Mr Disraeli — but who had never held office 
before, and perhaps Mr Henies, who possessed gi’eat 
experience, but who did not Command great authority 
in the House of Commons ; that he should have gi’eat 

350 COMPLICATIONS [ohap. sx 

difficulties in presenting to the Queen a Government 
fit to he accepted, unless he could join with some of 
the late Sir R. Peel’s followers ; that he considered, 
for instance, the appointment of a good person for 
Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there was scarcely 
any one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and Lord 
Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen had told him that he had no 
peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that he did not 
pretend to understand the question, but that he had 
felt it his duty to stand by Sh R, Peel ; this might now 
be different, but it ought first to be ascertained whether 
a combination of those who agreed in principle, and had 
only been kept asunder hitherto by personal considera- 
tion, could not be formed ; that Sir James Graham had 
in his last speech declared it as his opinion that the 
ranks of those who agreed ought to be closed ; when 
such a combination had taken place, those of Sir R. 
Peel’s followers who could not agree to it might not 
be unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his 
principles, he would ffanldy state that he thought that 
the landed interest was much depressed by the low 
state of prices ; that an import duty on corn would be 
absolutely necessary, which, however, would be low, 
and only a revenue duty ; such a duty, he thought, the 
country would be prepared for and if they were allowed 
to state their honest opinion, he felt sure the greatest 
part of the present Government would be heartily 
glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar for 
revenue, but he could not conceal that if the revenue 
after a diminution in the direct taxation, which he 
would propose, should considerably fall off, he might 
be driven to raise the Import duties on other articles. 
He thought the present House of Commons could 
hardly be expected to reverse its decision upon the 
financial and commercial policy of the country, and 
that accordingly a Dissolution of Parliament would 
become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however, could 
not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of 
puhhc business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted 
nor the Supplies, and it would require more than eight 




weeks before the new Parliament could be assembled, 
and consequently the Crown would be left without 
Army or money. A Dissolution could accordingly not 
take place before Easter. He felt, however, that if he 
were to take office now, he would between this and 
Easter be exposed to such harassing attacks that he 
should not be able to withstand them ; moreover, it 
would subject the members of his Government to two 
elections in two months. He hoped therefore that the 
Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition 
of the Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the 
Queen should send again for him, and it was clear no other 
Government could be formed, he would feel it his duty 
as a loyal subject to risk everything, except his principles 
and his honour, to carry on the Government ; and he 
hoped that in such a case the Queen would look 
leniently on the composition of the Cabinet which he 
could offer, and that the country would, from a con- 
sideration of the circumstances, give it a fair trial. He 
begged, however, that he might not be called upon to 
take office except as a dernier ressort, a necessity. 

I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial 
measures, and begged him further to explain, when it 
appeared that a duty of about six shillings on corn was 
the least he could inopose to bring up the price to 
forty-five shfilings, which Sir R. Peel had stated to the 
House of Commons was in his opinion the lowest price 
wheat would fall to after the abolition of the Corn 

We expressed our doubts as to the country agreeing 
to such a measure, and our apprehension of the violent 
spirit which would be roused in the working classes 
by a Dissolution for that purpose, which Lord Stanley, 
however, did not seem to apprehend ; on the contrary, 
he thought the distress of the farmers would lead to 
the destruction of the landed interest, which was the 
only support to the Throne. 

I told him that the Queen and certainly myself 
had been under a delusion, and that I was sure the 
country was equally so, as to his intention to return to 


[chap. XX 

Protection. Sometimes it was stated that Protection 
would be adhered to, sometimes that it was given up, 
and that it was compensation to the landed interest 
which the Protectionists looked to. His last speeches 
and the Motion of Mr Disraeli led to that belief, but 
that it was of the higJiest importance that the country 
should know exactly what was intended ; the Queen 
would then have an opportunity of judging how the nation 
looked upon the proposal. I hoped therefore that the 
declaration of his opinions which Lord Stanley had 
now laid before the Queen would be clearly enunciated 
by him in Parliament when the Ministerial explana- 
tions should take place, which would naturally follow 
this crisis. 

Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that 
no explanations would take place before a Government 
was formed. He said he should wish the word 
“Protection” to be merged, to which I rejoined that 
though he might wish this, I doubted whether the 
country would let him. 

Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again 
his advice that the Coalition Ministry should be tried. 

’ Albert. 

Qiteen Victoria to iCord Stanley. 

^'Znd February 1851. 

In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in 
stating Lord Stanley’s opuhons, which the Queen feels 
some delicacy in doing, she would be very thankful if 
he would write down for her what he just stated to 
her — as his advice in the present difficulty. Of course 
she would not let such a paper go out of her hands. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Buckinghasi Palaob, 23rd February 1861. 

Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, 
came at six o’clock, having received 'my letter on his 




return. Lord John Hussell had been here before that 

After having stated to him (Lord John) what had 
passed with Lord Stanley, we told him that Sir James 
Graham was here ; Lord John seemed much surprised 
at Lord Stanley’s refusal to form an Administration, 
declared hiraseli ready to do what he could towards 
the formation of a new Government on an extended 
basis, but thought that Sir James Graham and Lord 
Aberdeen should have the first offer. 

I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir 
James was waiting. He was entirely taken by surprise 
by the announcement of the resignation of the Govern- 
ment, and begged to be able to state to me how he was 
situated before he saw the Queen and Lord John. 

I then communicated to him what had passed with 
Lord Stanley, upon which we had a conversation of 
more than an hour, of wliich the chief features were : 

1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham 

lest the attempt on the part of Lord Stanley to 
re-impose Protective duties should produce universal 
commotion in the country, which would be increased 
by the Dissolution, -without which Lord Stanley would 
not be able to proceed. , - 

2. His disbelief that* Lord Aberdeen would be able 
to join in any Government abandoning Sir R. Peel’s 
principles, as he had been consulted before and after 
Sir James’s late speech in which he expressed his 
entii’e concurrence. 

3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the 
weakest man in England, who had lost his only friend 
in Sir R. Peel, and had for the last fifteen years not 
exercised an independent judgment, but rested entirely 
on his friend. 

4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues, 
— the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney 
Herbert — in religious opinions, 

5. His disagreement -with Lord John’s Government 
upon some most important points. 

He could not, take office with Lord Palmerston as 

-VOT TT. z 

354 LORD JOHN RUSSELL [ohap. sx 

Foreign Secretary, whose policy and mode of conducting 
business he disapproved, who was now protesting 
against the admission of Austria into the German 
Confederation ; he disapproved the Papal Aggression 
Bill, findin g it militating against the line which he 
had taken as Secretary of State with regard to the 
Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly 
the Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord 
John’s letter the Bill would fall short of the high 
expectations formed in the minds of the English public. 

He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord- 
Lieutenancy, and the making a fourth Secretary of 
State had been considered by Sir Robert Peel and 
himself as introducing into England all the Irish 
malpractices, while Ireland was still kept wholly 
separate from England. 

Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his 
declaration upon Reform. He had been thunderstruck 
when he read the announcement on the part of the 
chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with 
him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto wpon finality, condemn- 
ing his own work, and promising at a year’s distance 
important alterations, in which interval great agitation 
would be got -up, great expectations raised, and the 
measure when brought forward.would cause disappoint- 
ment. Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion 
that it was most dangerous to touch these questions, 
but if opened with the consent of the Crown, a measure 
should at once be brought forward and passed. 

After my having replied to these different objections, 
that the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord 
Palmerston’s removal, and would make it herself a 
condition with Lord John that he should not be again 
Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had 
not gone, and that upon studying the question Sir 
James would find that the entrance of the whole 
Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for 
war and infL-inging the Treaties of 1815, would not 
tend to the strength and unity of Germany, which held 
to be the true Enghsh interest, but quite the reverse ; 

1861] the duke of WELLINGTON 355 

that I did not think the Papal Aggi’ession Bill touched 
the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that 
the Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a 
measure on the Francliise be considered by the nevo 
Government and brought forward at once. I thought 
it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord 
John Russell in the Queen’s presence, who accordingly 
joined us. 

The discussion which now arose went pretty much 
over the same ground. Lord John agreeing that Lord 
Palmerston ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal 
Aggression BiU would be further modified, that the 
Lieutenancy BiU might be given up, that he agreed 
to Sir James’s objection to the declaration about 
Reform, but that he had intended to bring forward 
a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues 
to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a 
measure at once. This Sir J. Graham thought 
important as a means of gaining at a General Election, 
which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever 
formed a Government. 

In order to obtain sonje result from this long debate 
I summed up what might be considered as agreed 
upon, viz. That there was tahula rdsa, and for the 
new Coalition a fr’ee choice of men and measures, to 
which they assented, Lord John merely stating that he 
could not take office without part of his friends, and 
could not sacrifice his personal declarations. Dinner- 
time having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having 
written that he would be with us after nine o’clock, 
we adjourned the further discussion tUl then, when 
they would return. 

WhUst the Queen dressed I had an interview with 
the Duke of Wellington, who had come to dine here, 
in which I informed him of the nature of our crisis. 
He expressed his regret and his dread of a Protectionist 
Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to 
civil commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the 
high Tory Party for their having stayed away the 

856 LORD ABERDEEN [ohap. xx 

other night on Mr Locke King’s Motion, and thus 
abandoned their own principles ; he had no feeling for 
Lord John Russell’s Cabinet, measures, or principles, 
but he felt that the Crown and the country were only 
safe in these days by having the Liberals in office, 
else they would be driven to join the Radical agitation 
against the institutions of the country. 

After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in 
my room at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and 
were soon joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. 
We went over the same ground with him. Lord 
Stanley’s letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen 
declared his inability to join in a Protectionist Ministry ; 
he did not pretend to understand the question of Free 
Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to 
abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel’s death, a 
matter of piety. Pie thought the danger of a Dissolution 
on a question of food by the Crown, for the purpose 
of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger 
for the safety of the country. He disapproved the 
Papal BUI, the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had 
no difficulty upon the Franchise, for though he was 
caRed a despot, he felt a good deal of the Radical in him 
sometimes. ^ • 

Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether he 
would not undertake to form a Government, to which 
Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply. 

As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, 
though professing the gi-eatest readiness to be of use, 
and as it was getting on towards midnight, we broke 
up, with the Queen’s injunction that one of the three 
gentlemen msst form a Government, to which Lord 
Aberdeen laughingly replied : “ I see your Majesty has 
come mto^ the President de la R^pubhque.” Lord John 
was to see Lord Lansdowne to-day at three o’clock, 
and would report progress to the Queen at five o’clock. 
On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Govern- 
ment to be formed must not be for the moment, but 
with a view to strength and stabUity. Albert. 

1 r'-. 

(^ilocrchhihiel'f'e a! ^A( ^^^eeAl^cbcmcif 

tn the pcyJM'Mion of the 'iPttke (Ceiling Ivri/ 
at > A{e 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

2Zrd February 1861. 

The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. 
Graham, but is sorry to say that her doing so was 
premature, as they had had no opportunity of seeing each 
other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore 
had not considered the Memorandum ^ which Lord John 
had handed to them. Lord Aberdeen has in the 
interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that 
he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever 
joining a Protection Government. What further 
resulted from the conversation the Queen would prefer 
to state to Lord John verbally to-moirow. Perhaps 
Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or 
before he goes to the House ; he 'vvill be so good as to 
let her know. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

BucKjNoaAM PAI.ACE, iZrd February 1861. 


Lord John Russell 'came at half-past five, much 
fatigued and depressed. On the , Queen’s asking 
whether he could report any progress, he said he thought 
he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James 
Graham, together with Sir George Grey (Lord 
Lansdowne being iU). That he had informed them 
that he had received the Queen’s commands to form 
a Government (?), and handed to them a Memorandum 
which follows here, and which they had promised to 
take into consideration. 

^ With a view of nnitinp; with the Peelitea, Lord John drew up a 
Memorandum, printed in Walpole’s Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap, xxii., 
with the following points : 

A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members. 

The present commercial policy to he maintained. 

The financial measures of the year to be open to revision. 

The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to he persevered in so far as the Preamble 
and the first clause, hut the remaining clauses to be abandoned. 

A Reform Bill for the extension of the Eranchise. 

A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections m cities and 

358 FURTHER DISCUSSION [oh.u.. xx 

We asked him whether he had chalked out a 
Government. He said he had not thought o£ it yet ; 
he added, however, that }ie could not undertake the 
Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of 
Commons and Government (which the Queen had 
pressed upon him) ; Lord Palmerston might be leader 
in the House of Lords ; he would not like Lord 
Aberdeen at the Foreign Office ; Lord Clarendon and 
Lord Granville were equally acceptable to him. 

I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were 
to see Sir James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he 
approved, but thought it better he should not be present 
himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James that 
he might have any Office he liked ; perhaps he would 
take the Foreign Affairs. 

Lord John’s relations and private friends evidently 
are distressed at his resuming office ; the Radicals were 
very much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham 
being ia office. Albeet. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

nth Fehrmry ISfil. 

(Monday evening.) 

Lord John came at three oklock before making his 
statement to the House of Commons. We communi- 
cated to him what had passed with Sir James Graham 
and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought 
his Memorandum had been misunderstood ; the nature 
of the Reform BUI was left open to discussion, and 
what he had said about filling the Offices only meant 
that the Offices should not be divided according to 
number, and each Party left to fill up its share, as had 
been done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen 
Lord Palmerston, who was not wUling to give up the 
Foreign Office — spoke of retiring from business at his 
age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of 
its being a self-condemnation if he accepted another 
Office. Lord John told him that he did not agree in 
this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy, of Ireland was to 



be maintained, and thought it best to leave it there. 
He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea 
of leading the House of Commons. We ascertained 
from him in conversation that he could not agree to 
Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office, nor that he 
could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sfr James Graham 
in case any one of these were to form a Government. 

At half-past six Lord John returned from the 
House of Commons, and reported that two very 
important events had taken place : the one that upon 
his making his statement to the House that the 
Government had resigned, that Lord Stanley had been 
sent for, had declared his inability then to form a Govern- 
ment (words agreed upon between Lord Lansdowne, 
Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was 
now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr 
Disraeh got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had 
declined forming a Government, which was received 
with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had 
merely answered that when Lord Stanley would make 
his explanations, what he had stated would be found to 
be correct, relying entirely, not upon what the Queen 
had communicated, button Lord Stanley’s own letter. 
The second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and 
Sir James Graham,^ which put an end to all thoughts 
of a Coahtion. It stated that they could agree to no 
legislation whatever on the Papal Aggression, and ended 
with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared 
to go farther in reductions than Lord John was likely 
to consent to. 

Lord John had at once answered that although he 
did not understand the latter objection, the difference 
on the Papal Bill must put an end to their negotiation. 
We much lamented the result, and after some discussion 
agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send 
for Lord Aberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend 
to be consulted before every other means of forming a 
Government had been exhausted. 

1 Published in Walpole’s Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap. xxii. 



Qtieen Victoria to Lord John JRussell. 

Bdokingham PaijAoe, 24iA February 1861. 

(HalJ-past ten p.m.) 

The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John 
Russell wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and 
Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do anything 
which could be of any use to the Queen and the 
country, have stated it as their decided opinion that 
Lord Stanley should be asked to form a Government, 
Under these circumstances the Queen intends to send 
to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord 
Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a Government, 
but he said that he thought it would not be successful, 
and that the Papal Aggi-ession would be an insur- 
mountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham. 

The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from 
Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of 
cordiality of feeling, which it is so essential for the 
Crown and the country that there should be. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Sclgicms. 

Buckingham Palace, 25th February 1851. 

My deabest Unci,e, — Through Van der Weyer, 
you will have heard what was the state of the long 
and anxious crisis yesterday evening. 

Alas ! the hope of forming a strong Coalition 
Government has failed— ^/br the present. I say for the 
present, as they are all so entirely agreed on the Com- 
mercial Policy that another time they hope there will 
be no difficulty, when they fought together. The 
Papal Aggression has in fact been the only insur- 
mountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last 
night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most 
kind to us), and asked if he could not try to form a 
Government ; but with the greatest readiness to serve 
me, he said he could not, on account of this self-same 
Papal Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot 




join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have 
seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form 
any fit sort of Government, but he has no men of talent, 
and his difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know 
to-morrow definitively if he can form an Administration. 

I am calm and courageous, having such support and 
advice as my dearest Albert’s ; but it is an anxious time, 
and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More 
details you will have later on. Ever your devoted 
Niece, Victoria R. 

MemoraiLduvi by the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham Pauace, 2Sih February 1851. 

Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came 
yesterday evening at nine o’clock ; the Queen put it 
to them whether they could form a Government, to 
which they replied that they had turned it in their 
heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they 
would not do to show then readiness to serve the 
Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of 
forming an Administration which could stand a day. 
They were most hkely at that moment the two most 
unpopular men in England, haiTiig* declared that 
nothing should be done in Parliament against the 
Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured 
for ; the Whigs would be very angry with them for 
their having broken up the new combination ; they 
might find favour with the Radicals, but that was a 
support upon which no reliance could be placed. 
There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought 
to have a chance of bringing forward his measures ; 
that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which 
must be gone through; that this opinion had been 
strongly expressed by Lord Lansdowne, whose modera- 
tion nobody could doubt; that it was shared by the 
Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others 
of Sir James’s friends whom he had had time to consult. 

Upon the Queen’s expression of her great appre- 
hension as to the consequence of such a step on the 


country, they said there would no doubt spring up a 
most violent opposition, that thei-e would be attempts 
to stop the supphes and dissolve the Army, but that 
Lord John RusseU and Sir James Graham together 
would do their utmost to preach moderation, and 
would refer the House of Commons to the Queen’s 
example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional 
course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Fi-ee 
Trade were well known (as far as subjects could allow 
themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign’s private 
opinions) from the hearty support she had given to 
Sir Robert Peel’s and Lord John’s Governments. That 
upon the first proposition of a Stanley Government 
the junction of Parties would be completed, and there 
would be only one strong opposition. After having 
fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty 
about forming a strong Government out of their joint 
ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that 
every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved, 
that then they stood on a footing of perfect equality. 
Sir James had seen Lord John smce he had tendered 
his second resignation, and found him quite altered; 
whilst he was embaiTassed and houtonnd before, he 
was open and nm’eserved now, and they could speak 
on terms of private friendship. •-Lord Aberdeen would 
save his influence in the House of Lords, which he 
would probably have lost if he had joined the Whigs 
in office ; in future all this would be difFerent. 

Lord John Russell’s letter with the Memoranda 
came and interrupted us. From these papers, and 
what Sh’ James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear 
that all parties are relieved by the failure of their 
attempt to form a Coalition Government, but deter- 
mined to form a positive junction, which wUl be most 
salutary to the country. The Queen wfll therefore 
send for Lord Stanley, 

We discussed further the means Lord Stanley 
would have to form an Administration, for which the 
material was certainly sad. Disraeli’s last scene in the 
House of Commons would render the publication of 


Lord Stanley’s letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might 
possibly join him ; at least no pains would be spared 
to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so much 
secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be 
tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, 
particularly if personally offended. 

Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a 
Dissolution was debated; the latter declared a most 
heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to undertake, 
but a subject upon which the decision should only 
be taken at the time, and on a due consideration of 
the circumstances. Albeut. 

Lord John Russell to Qiieen Victoria. 

Cheshaju PijAoe, 25^5 February 1851 . 

Lord Jolm RusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to state that having 
seen the letter which Lord Stanley addressed to your 
Majesty, and feeling himself precluded from entering into 
any details, he announced to the House of Commons 
that Lord Stanley had in reply to your Majesty’s 
offer declared “ he was» not then prepared to form a 

Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement. 

Your Majesty’s word cannot be called in question, 
but Lord John E-usseU. now feels it due to his own 
honour humbly to ask your Majesty for a copy of 
Lord Stanley’s letter. He does not propose to read 
the letter to the House of Commons, but to refer to 
it in the statement he is compelled to make. 

Lord John RusseU humbly requests that this repre- 
sentation may be shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel 
what is due to the honour of a public man. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

26/5 February 1851 , 

Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at 
eleven o’clock, and seemed very much concerned when 


she informed him that Lord John Russell had given 
up his task, as differences of opinion, particularly on 
the Papal Bill, had prevented a junction between him, 
Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; that an 
appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been equally unsuccessful 
from the same cause, viz, their difficulty in dealing 
with the Papal Question ; that consequently the 
contingency had arisen under wMch Lord Stanley had 
promised to undertake the formation of a Government. 

Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, 
and he could not venture to approach them unless he 
was sure of every support on the part of the Crown ; 
that he would have arrayed against him a formidable 
opposition of all the talent in the country. 

The Queen assured him that he should have every 
Constitutional support on her part, of which Lord 
Stanley repeated he had felt sure, although the total 
change must be very trpng to the Queen. 

On his question, whether there was any hope of 
Lord Aberdeen joining him and taking the Foreign 
Office, we had to tell him that he must quite discard 
that idea. He replied, Vidth a sigh, that he would still 
try and see him ; he had thought of the Duke of 
W eUington taking the Foreign Office ad interim, but 
felt that he could hardly propose that, considering the 
Duke’s age and infirmity ; he would make an attempt 
to see Lord Camiing "with the Queen’s • permission, 
and that failing, could only think of Sh Stratford 
Canning, now at Constantinople, which the Queen 

He stih hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take 
the lead in the House of Commons, without which 
assistance he must not conceal that it was almost 
impossible for him to go on. Mr Gladstone was on 
his way home from Paris, and he had written to 
him to see him as soon as he arrived; till then he 
could not promise that he would succeed to form 
an Administration, and he only undertook it for the 
good of his country, but was afraid of ruining his 
reputation. r 




To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best 
by his country need never be afraid for his reputation. 

The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John 
RusseU’s letter respecting Mr Disraeli’s denial of the 
truth of Lord JoWs statement in the House of 
Commons yesterday. 

Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate 
misunderstanding, that he had been sorry Lord John 
and Lord Lansdowne should have felt it necessary to 
say that “he had not then been prepared to form a 
Government,” as the knowledge of this fact, as long 
as there was a chance of his being called back, could 
not but act injuriously to him and dispirit those with 
whom he acted. He would explain all this on Friday 
in the House of Lords, and had no objection to 
sending Lord John a copy of his letter. 

We now came to Measures. Lord Stanley hopes 
to obviate the Papal Question by a Parliamentary 
declaration and the ap|)ointment in both Houses of a 
Committee to enquire into the position of the Roman 
Catholic Church in this country ; he would diminish 
the Income Tax by a million, and exempt temporary 
incomes ; he would allo'^V' compounding for the Window 
Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn; which he called 
a Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good 
pohtical economy, on the authority of Mr M'Culloch’s 
last edition of “ Ricardo.” (I had some discussion with 
him, however, on that point.) 

Returning to the offices to be filled. Lord Stanley 
said he should have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of 
the Secretaries of State. The Queen interrupted him 
by saying that she had not a very good opinion of Mr 
Disraeli on account of his conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, 
and what had just happened did not tend to dim m i s h 
that feeling ; but that she felt so much Lord Stanley’s 
difficulties, that she would not aggravate them by 
passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must, 
however, make Lord Stanley responsible for his 
conduct, and should she have cause to be displeased 
with him when« m office, she would remind Lord 


Stanley of what now passed. Lord Stanley promised 
to he responsible, and excused his friend for his former 
bitterness by his desire to establish his reputation for 
cleverness and sharpness ; nobody had gained so much 
by Parliamentary schooling, and he had of late quite 
changed his tone. 

Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the 

As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more 
ostensible Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should 
be done by the Secretary for Ireland. He asked the 
Queen whether the Duke of Cambridge might be 
offered that post, which she took ad referendum. 
The Duke of Northumberland, though not of his Party, 
he should like to offer the Admiralty to. 

At the conclusion of the interview he broached the 
important question of Dissolution, and said that a 
Dissolution would anyhow become necessary; that, if 
it was thought that the Queen would withhold from 
him the privilege of dissolving, he would not have 
the slightest chance in the House of Commons; he 
would be opposed and beat, and then his adversaries 
would come in and dissolve, if e avowed that it could 
not be said that the Queen had refused him the power 
of dissolving, but he required some assurance. 

On the Queen’s objecting to giving him a con- 
tingent positive promise, but declaring her readiness 
fairly to discuss the question when the emergency 
arose, he contented himself with the permission to 
deny, if necessary, that she would not consent to it, 
putting entire confidence in the Queen’s intention to 
deal fairly by him. 

I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not 
without effect, of the advantage, both to the Queen 
and Lord Stanley himself, that they should not be 
hampered by a positive engagement on that point, 
which might become very inconvenient if circum- 
stances arose which made a Dissolution dangerous to 
the country. Albert. 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

BuoiatTGHAM Palace, 26iA February 1861. 

The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let 
Lord John HusseU have a copy of the letter. He 
wishes it not to be known or considered that he has 
formally undertaken to form a Government till to- 
morrow, on account of the House of Lords meeting 
to-day. He feels the difficulty of his position, and is 
not sure yet that he will be able to complete a Ministry. 
To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer. 

Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley. 

Buckingham Pai.aoe, 26W» February 1861. 

The Queen has just received Lord Stanley’s letter. 
She had forgotten the Lev^e, and was just going to 
write to him to inform him that she wished to see him 
at eleven o’clock to-moiTow. 

The Queen camiot but regret that Lord Stanley 
should think Lord John Russell’s explanation led to 
a wrong inference ; for Lord Stanley wih himself 
recollect that he state^ his objections to her much 
more strongly in his first interview than he did in 
writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly advised the 
Queen to try if no other arrangement could first be 
come to, she hardly loiows how this could otherwise 
have been expressed than by the words used by Lord 
Lansdowne and Lord John Russell. 

Memorandum by Queen Victoria. 

February 1861. 


Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part 
of the audience, which was not long, was occupied by 
Lord Stanley’s trying to explain away Mr Disraeh’s 
contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he termed 
it “ very unfortunate,” by saying that he wished Lord 
John had not mentioned that he (Lord Stanley) “was 
not then prepared” to form a Government, for that, 
though true in fact, he had not absolutely refused, but 



[chap. XX 

had only advised me to try and make other arrange- 
ments first. I said I thought the distinction “a very 
nice one,” which he admitted. What passed between 
us on the subject the correspondence between Albert 
and Lord John will best explain. 

Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the 
Duke of Northumberland, who wished for time to 
consider ; that he was to see Lord Canning again 
to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting ; and that 
he found so many people out of Town that he must 
ask for forty-eight hours more befoi’e he could give 
me a positive answer, viz. tiU Friday. He added he 
“must not conceal” from me that he was “not very 
sanguine ” of success ; almost aU depended on Mr 
Gladstone, who was expected to arrive to-day ; but 
that it might now be said (in answer to a question 
of Albert’s “ whether in these days of nice distinctions 
one night say that he had undertaken to form a 
Government”), that he had attempted to undertake to 
form a Government. Victoria R. 

Ijord Stanley to Queen Victoria. 

St James's Squabb, 27th Fehmiiry 1861. 

" {Four o’ clock T.M.) 

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your 
Majesty’s commands at what hour he may be honoured 
with an audience, to explain the grounds on which, with 
the deepest regret, he feels himself under the necessity 
of resigning the important trust with which your 
Majesty has honoured him. 

Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham, 

Buokinoham Pat.aoe, 27th February 1851. 

The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham’s making 
any statement to the House of Commons which he 
thinks necessary, to explain the part which he and 
Lord Aberdeen took in the late Ministerial negotiations, 
and indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full 
as possible on all parts, in order that the country may 
fully appreciate the difficulties of the crisis. 

1851 ] 



Memorandum hy the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham Bai^aoBj 27th February 1861 . 

Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o’clock. We 
were struck by the change of his countenance, which 
had lost all the expression of care and anxiety which 
had marked it at the previous interviews. 

He assured the Queen that he had been labouring 
incessantly since he had seen her last, but that he was 
sorry to say without any success. 

He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining 
Ms Government on account of his previous pledges in 
Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir 
R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his peculiar 
views ivith respect to the Papal Aggression, which he 
did not seem disposed to look upon as in any way 

Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, 
but finally declined in order not to risk his credit for 
political consistency. 

Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were 
by no means decided, and who had only filled a very 
subordinate situation in" Sir R. Peel’s Government, he 
had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry 
expressing his fears that the Government had no chance 
of standing against the opposition it would have to 
meet in the House of Commons. 

The Duke of Northumberland was the only person 
not properly belonging to the Protection Party who 
had accepted office (First Lord of the Admiralty). 
At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but 
having been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in 
order to see whether he could convert him, he came 
home himseK converted, and withdrew his acceptance 

In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends 
together, and after some discussion concurred in their 
opinion that it was not possible for them to form such 
an Administration as ought to be offered to the Queen. 
Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and 

VOT. TT. ‘> * 



[chap. XX 

said that though he could have offered a very respect- 
able Government if he had had a majority in the House 
of Commons, or the means of strengthening himself by 
an immediate Dissolution, he could not form such a 
one •which could have •withstood an adverse majority 
and such a formidable array of talent in the Opposition. 
He therefore returned the trust which had been com- 
mitted to him into the Queen’s hands, expressing at the 
same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness 
with which she had treated him, the support and 
confidence she had given hun, sorry only that it should 
have led to no result. He thought, however, that the 
prolongation of the crisis had not inconvenienced the 
pubhc service, as Her Majesty’s present Government 
were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary 

The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that 
this attempt had also failed, that she had tried every 
possible combination, and still was without a Govern- 
ment. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered it 
natural that Lord John Russell’s Government should 
now quietly proceed ; but on the Queen’s obseiwation, 
that it was now necessary that aU Parties should join 
in the support ofiiiome measures at least, and particu- 
larly the Papal BUI, he stated what he was prepared 
to support, and would have been prepared to propose 
had he taken office, •viz. a fuller recital in the preamble 
of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it. (The 
present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if framed 
in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction 
of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very 
complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. 
He would have proposed therefore that Committees of 
both Houses should enquire into the whole subject ; the 
state of the Convents ; whether subjects were detained 
against their •will ; whether people were forced to bequeath 
their property to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc. ; 
he knew that the Roman Catholic laity felt severely 
the oppression which the Priests exercised over them, 
and would be •Rolling to give evidence. 


Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if 
he were to state all this in his explanation to-day, 
which the Queen strongly affirmed. I added that I 
hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do 
on all the subjects in dispute — the Commercial and 
Financial Policy as well. He promised to do so, and 
entered into his views on the Income Tax, which he 
called a War Tax, which had been imposed for 
temporary purposes only in 1842, and ought to be 
taken off again when practicable in order to keep faith 
with the public ; but if] as often as there was a surplus, 
this was immediately absorbed by remission of other 
burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He 
would propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, 
the Income Tax should be decreased, and so on to 
its final repeal. 

I disputed with him for some time on the advan- 
tages of an Income Tax, but ■without coming to any 

On his enquuy whether there was anythmg else 
the Queen might "wish him to state — perhaps the 
rumour that he had been refused the power of dis- 
solving — we agreed that he should say the question 
had never been seriously entertained, - but that the 
Queen had been ready -to give him the same support 
and advantages which any other Government might 
have enjoyed.^ Albert. 

The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington. 

Buckingham Palace, 28i/i February 1861. 

My dear Duke, — Lord Stanley has likewise 
resigned his task, not being able to gain over any 
of Sir H. Peel’s friends, and being incapable of form- 
ing a Government out of his Party alone. 

So Lord John Russell has declared his inability 
to carry on the Government. Lord Stanley has then 

' The Prince thereupon, at the Queen’s request, oommunicatod with Lord 
Jolin Russell, and after recounting to him the various successive failures to 
form a Government, wrote that the Queen must “pause before she again 
entrusts the commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till she 
has been able to see the j.‘esult of to-morrow evening’s Debate.” He added. 
Do you see any Constitutional objection to this course ? ” 


declared his inability to form one until every other 
combination should have failed. We have tried all 
possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, 
and have not succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws 
up the game a second time! The Queen woiild be 
happy to consult you and hear your advice in this 
dilemma. Possibly to-night’s Debate may define the 
position of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what 
may be best to be done under the circumstances. 
Ever yours, etc. Albert, 

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

Chesham PiiAOB, 28<7i February 1851. 

Sir, — T he former Cabinet meet at eleven, at 
Lansdowne House. 

It appears to me that the Queen might with 
advantage see Lord Lansdowne. He was in office 
with Mr Fox and Lord GrenviUe in 1806 ; he has 
been distinguished and respected in political life ever 
since ; he is now desirous of retirmg, and has therefore 
no personal object to gain. If the Queen approves, 
Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon 
after twelve o’clock. I have ‘the honour to be, Sir, 
your Royal Highness’s very dutiful Servant, 

‘ J, Russell. 

Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne. 

B 0 OKINOHAM PaI/ACB, 2Sth February 1851. 

It would be a gi’eat satisfaction to the Queen to 
hear Lord Lansdowne’s advice in the present critical 
state of affairs, and she would be glad if he could 
come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has 
sent to the Duke of WeUington in order to hear his 
opmion also ; but he cannot be here before to-night, 
being at Strathfieldsaye. 

3Iemorandim by the Prince Albert. 

FimdaYj 28iA February 1851. 

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o’clock, 
was asked by the Queen what advice he could offer 


her in the present complication. His answer was : 
“ I wish mdeed I had any good advice to offer to 
your Majesty.” He expressed his delight at the 
Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington. We 
talked generally of the state of affairs ; he agreed in 
a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should 
be entnely guided in her choice of the person to con- 
struct a Government, by the consideration which 
Party would now appear to be the strongest in the 
House of Commons. On my asldng, however, whether 
he knew if, on the failure of Lord Stanley to form a 
Government, part of his followers would now give up 
Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future to 
support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, 
Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the 
subject, nor could he give us more information on the 
chance of the Kadicals and Irish members now being 
more willing to support Lord John KusseU in future. 
He liked Lord Stanley’s plan of dealing with the 
Papal Question, of which the Queen communicated 
to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir J. Graham’s 
excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head 
at Lord John Russell’s letter to the Bishop of Durham^ 
which had been instrumental in bringing on the present 
crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those 
in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward 
of a measure of reform in the present Session. He 
offered to do whatever might be most conducive to 
the Queen’s comfort — stay out of office, or come into 
office — as might be thought the most useful. 


Queen VictQ7'ia to the King of the Belgians. 

BuoKiNonAM Palace, March 1851. 

My dearest Uncle, — I did not write to you 
yesterday, thinking I could perhaps give you some 
more positive news to-day, but I cannot. I am stiU 
without a Government, and I am stUl trying to hear 

' See ante , p . 320 , note 1. 


and pause before I acbually call io Lord John to 
undertake to form, or rather more to continue, _ the 
Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting 
week, and the difficulties are very peculiar ; there are so 
many conflicting circumstances which render coalition 
between those who agree in almost everything, and in 
particular on Free Trade, impossible, but the “Papal 
Question ” is the real and almost insuperable difliculty. 

Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and T 
must go, and with many thanics for your two kiird 
letters, ever your devoted Niece, V ictouia R. 

Memorandim by the Prince Albert, 

BucKiNflHAM PAiAon, March 1851. 


Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had 
seen Lord John Russell and discussed with him the 
Memorandum which we left with him yesterday. He 
had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which 
embodied his views, and which he had not yet com- 
municated to any one. He was very apprehensive lest 
to begin a new Government- with an open question 
would produce, the greatest prejudice against it in the 
public ; he was 'still inclined therefore to recommend 
the continuance of the present Government avowedly 
for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which 
the Coalition might take place, wliich, however, should 
be agreed upon and settled at this time. As the 
Duke of WeUington has not yet sent his promised 
Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to 
hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to 
appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o’clock, 
and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington. 

Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed 
time, and had not seen Lord Lansdowne’s Memorandum 
yet, read it over, and expressed great misgivings about 
the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in fact, 
like Su’ J. Graham, nothing hut difficulties. He had 
ascertained that his Party by no means liked the idea 
of a fusion, and had been much relieved when the 




attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had. failed. He 
was afraid that in the interval between then resuming 
office and giving it up again every possible surmise 
would be current who were the Ministers to be dis- 
placed, and every possible intrigue would spring up 
for and against particular members of the Cabinet. 
He would prefer not to make any arrangements for 
the Coalition now, but merely to engage to resign 
again after having carried the Papal Bill, when the 
Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could 
entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the 
carrying on of the Government, whose chief difficulty 
would then be removed. I objected to this — that his 
Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their having 
carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, 
he were to throw them over and resign, and asked him 
whether his Cabinet would not repent in the meantime 
and wish to stay in. 

He answered that it would be entirely in his and 
Lord Lansdowne’s hands to cany out the proposed 

We asked him whether it would strengthen his 
hands if, instead of his only accepting the task of 
continuing the Government thf. the- Papal Measure 
had been passed, the Queen were to make it a condition 
in giving him the Commission, that it should terminate 
then. He replied, “ Certauily.” He begged, however, 
to be understood not to have given a decided opinion 
that the plan of “the open Question” proposed in 
our Memorandum was not preferable, although he 
saw great objections to that also, particularly as Sir 
J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal 
objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. 
He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he 
would bring to-morrow at twelve o’clock, after having 
consulted some of his colleagues, and begged that it 
might not be considered that he had accepted the 
Government tiU then. 

One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed 
was the position ^f the financial measures which required 


almost immediate attention, and still ought to be left 
open for the consideration of the future Government. 

We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure 
was the chief point, and that it ought to be altered to 
meet the objections (as far as they are reasonable) of 
its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part, how- 
ever, to please Lord Stanley ; and the Queen promised 
to call upon Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill 
the support of himself and his Party, which we thought 
she could in fairness claim after aU that had happened. 

The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord 
Palmerston, and received the renewed promise that 
her wishes should be attended to. Albert. 

Memorandum by the Prince AlheH, 

BuoKiNonAM Palace, 3?'cZ March 1851. 

Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed 
(twelve o’clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that 
all hope of a Coalition must be given up. He had 
found that his Party was very much averse to it. On 
proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keepmg 
Office now, and vacating it after the Aggression Bill had 
passed, many of them, amongst which were Lord Grey, 
Sir Charles Wood; Sir Francis Baring, declared they 
would not be warming-pans (an expression used at 
the time of the Grey-Grenville Coahtion), and would 
resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose 
opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the 
return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) 
could therefore only advise that com’se, although he 
was conscious that it would be a very weak Govern- 
ment, and one not likely to last any length of time. 

He then read the Memorandum which he had 
drawn up and which follows here.^ 

The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed 
a modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John 
rephed, ISTone, except perhaps an exchange of Office 
between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir Charles 
were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the 

* See next page. * 


1851 ] 


one he had ah’eady propounded ; he was for maintaining 
the Income Tax, whilst Sir Francis was for repealing 
it by degrees. The Queen then reminded Lord John 
of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise 
that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon 
her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John admitted to 
the promise, hut said he could not think for a moment 
of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston or 
quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the 
wealoiess and Lord Palmerston the strength of the 
Government from his popularity with the Radicals. 

. . . He said he was very anxious that he and 
Lord Lansdowne should bear the responsibility of 
removing Lord Palmerston from the Foreign Office 
and not the Queen ; her refusal now could only go to 
the country as a personal objection on her part, and 
the country would be left without a Government in 
consequence. On the Queen’s reiterating that she 
wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord 
Palmerston, and that it was too painful to her to be 
]iut into the situation of having actually to wish the 
fall of her own Government, Lord John promised to 
move Lord Palmerston* in the Easter recess, or to 
resign then himseK if he should mpefrwith difficulties ; 
in the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of 
this intention, which he could explain to him as a wish 
to make a general modification of his Government. 
He would offier him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the 
Presidency or lead in the House of Lords, which Lord 
Lansdowne would be ready to resign. He might at 
that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office 
or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord 
John with the Government on these conditions, 


Memorandum by Lord John Mztssell. 

Srd March 1851 . 

Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a 
Government — first, by Lord Stanley ; second, by Lord 
John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham ; 

S78 FREE TRADE ^ohap. xx 

third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a 
second time — had recourse to the advice and opinion 
of the Duke of W elhngton. The Duke, admitting the 
great qualifications for office of the adherents of the late 
Sh Hobert Peel, yet advises the Queen to restore her 
former Ministers to office. 

But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, 
a farther question naturally arises : the late Govern- 
ment having fallen from want of Parliamentaiy support, 
can they upon their return be in any way strengthened, 
and be enabled to carry on the public business with 
more power and efficiency? 

This might be done in three ways : first, by a Coali- 
tion sooner or later with the Peel Party ; secondly, by 
admitting to office some of their own Radical 
supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party 
which has followed Lord Stanley. 

The first of these courses appears the most natural. 
The present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of 
Sir Robert Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy 
which has regulated our finances of late years. The 
difference between them is of a temporary nature. But 
it may be doubted whether "any strength would be 
gained by an Immediate junction with that Party. 

If such junction took pfece now, the Ministers 
coming in must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesi- 
astical Titles Bin — an unseemly spectacle, a source of 
weakness, and probably the beginning of strife, which 
would not end with the Bdl in question. 

If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till 
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing 
Ministry would be divided into two portions, one of 
which would have only a temporary tenure of office. 
Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room 
to spread their mischief in such a state of things. 

But finally the Whig Party in the House of 
Commons would not be cordial supporters of the 
junction; jealousy and discontent would soon break 
up the Ministry. 

Secondly, by admitting to office some of their 




Radical supporters. This course must lead to con- 
cessions on measures as well as men, and those con- 
cessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. 
The great question of the defence of the country is 
besides one of too great importance to be made a 
matter of compromise. 

Third, by seeldng aid from the Party which has 
followed Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means 
of official connection ; but something might be effected 
by adopting measures calculated to convince the Landed 
Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded. 

Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by 
your Majesty to resume office, the easiest course -would 
be to proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bid. 
That question disposed of, it would be seen whether the 
Ministry had sufficient strength to go on : if they had, 
they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other 
quarters, looking to those -with whom there is the 
greatest agreement of opinion. 

Should the Ministiy, on the other hand, not receive 
Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry 
on the Government, the Queen would be in a position 
to form a new Government free from the obstacles 
which have lately been fatal. ^ -■ ' 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell 

Buckingham Pai.aob, ith March 186] . 

. . . The Queen was in hopes to have heard from 
Lord John RusseU this morning relative to what passed 
in the House of Commons last night. She -wishes hke- 
wise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord 
John’s supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord 
John to keep her constantly informed of what is going 
on, and of the temper of parties in and out of Parlia- 
ment ; for no one can deny that the present state 
of affairs is most critical ; and after all that has 
happened it is absolutely necessary that the Queen 
should not be in a state of uncertainty, not to say of 
ignorance, as to what is passing. She can else not form 
a just opinion of the position of aflairs. 




Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

BnoKiNoHAM Palaob, itli March 1861. 

My dearest Uncle, — Pray receive my warmest 
thanks for two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses 
for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. 
The denouement of ten days of the greatest excitement 
and anxiety I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out 
only the prospect of another crisis in a very short time, 
and the so much wished-for union of Parties has been 
again frustrated. I have been speaking very strongly 
about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he has 
promised that if the Govermnent should still be in at 
Easter, then to make a change. . . . Lord Stanley can 
never succeed until he gives up Protection, which he 
would do, if the country decides against him he has 
faded solely from the inypossihility of finding one single 
man capable to take the important Offices. He said 
last night to Lord John Russell, “I am I’homme im- 
possible; they camiot come to me again.” Still it 
would be very deshable that there should be a strong 
Conservative Party ; nothing but the abandonment of 
Protection can bring tliis to pass, and Lord Stanley 
cannot abandon” it J 4 {ith honour till after the newt 
Election. This is the state of Parties, which is greatly 
erscJmert by the Papal Question, which divides the 
Liberals and Conservatives. In short, there never was 
such a complicated and difficult state of affahs. Ever 
your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our 
trials, and I hope you will teU him so. 

Memorandum by the Queen. 

Buokinsham Paiaob, 5th March 1861. 

The Queen would give every facihty to the selection 
of a good site for a new National Gallery, and would 
therefore not object to its being built on to Kensington 
Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens ; but does 

^ The Queen’s judg-ment was amply oonfii-nied hr the events of 1862. 
See post, p. 490, note 2. ” 


not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site 
of the present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking 
from the Crown the last available set of apartments. 
She is not disposed to trust in the disposition of Parlia- 
ment or the public to give her an equivalent for these 
apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. 
The surrender of Kensington Palace wiU most likely 
not be thanked for at the moment, and any new 
demand in consequence of such surrender would be 
met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the con- 
struction, it will most likely be best consulted by 
building on a spot perfectly free and unencumbered. 

Lord Johoi Eussell to the Prince Albert. 

Chesham Place, litl, March 18S1. 

Sm, — I cannot undertake to make any change in 
the Foreign Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and 
any break into sections, following one man or the 
other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the 
Queen would suffer if it were attributed to her deske, 
and that as I have no difference of opinion on Foreign 
Policy, that could not fail to be the case. 

Upon the whole, th^ situation of affairs is most 
perplexing. A Dissolution I fear yi pukh not improve it. 

I can only say that my Office is at all times at the 
Queen’s disposal. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal High- 
ness’s most dutiful Servant, J. Russell. 

Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey. 

Buckingham Palace, 30i/i March 1861. 

The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the 
Archbishop of Canterbury. With respect to the Arch- 
bishop’s letter and the address, the Queen will receive 
it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose as a 
remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its 
evident great disunion, 600 more churches to be built ! 
There ought clearly to be some security given to those 
who are to encourage such a scheme against the 
p'''ten'’inn of those evil‘s. 


Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

PEMBnoKis Lonasj lOi/i April 185] . 

Sill, — Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak 
to me upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one 
o’clock on the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the 
order changed, and the season-ticket bearers admitted 
at eleven o’clock. 

I did not give him any positive opinion on the 
subject. But the account he gave me of the route 
which the Queen will follow in going to the Exhibition 
takes away the main objection which I felt to the 
admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears 
there cannot well be any interruption to Her Ma,]esty’s 
•progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the Ist 
of May. 

I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the 
State Coach, but in the same manner that Her Majesty 
goes in state to the theatres. . . . 

I feel assured there will be no undue and incon- 
venient pressure of the crowd in the part of the building 
in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and 
Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to 
request the visitors not to crowd where the Queen 
is. At the samd^fcime, I am ^ ready to abide by the 
existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be enforced. 

I have the honour to submit two private letters 
sent by Lord Palmerston. I have the honour to be, 
Sir, your Royal Highness’s most dutiful Servant. 

J. Russell. 

The Duchess of Grloticester to Queen Victoria. 

GijOpoesteb House, 2«d May 1861. 

My deauest Victoria, — It is impossible to teU 
you how warmly I do participate in aU you must 
have felt yesterday, as weU as dear Albert, at every- 
thing having gone off so beautifully. After so much 
anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joy must be 
the greater.^ 

^ The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened vvitli brilliant ceremony 
on the 1st of May, r 




The sight from my window was the gayest and the 
most gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so 
dearly as I do, made it the more delightful. The good 
humour of aU around, the fineness of the day, the 
manner you were received in both going and coming 
from the Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore 
what must it have been m the inside of the building I 

Mary and George came away in perfect enchantment, 
and every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest 
sight that ever was seen and the best-conducted fHe ! 
Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed the 
Coronation as to magnificence, and we all agreed in 
rejoicing that the Foreigners should have witnessed 
the affection of the People to you and your Family, 
and how the English people do looe and respect the 
Crown. As to Mary, she was in perfect enchantment, 
and full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, 
and how nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your 
Mother for all her kindness to her. I should have 
written to you last night, but I thought I would not 
plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you 
must have been tired last night with the excitement of 
the day. I shall ever lament the having missed such a 
sight, but I comfort myself in feel mg^ ure I could not 
have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round. 
Therefore I was better out of the way. We drank your 
health at dinner and congratulation on the complete success 
of Albert’s plans and aimaiigemeids, and also dear httle 
Arthur’s health. Many thanks for kind note received 
last night. Love to Albert. Yours, Maey. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham Palace, ^rd May 1861. 

My deaeest Uncle, — . . . I wish you could have 
witnessed the lAay 1851, the gi'eatest day in our 
history, the most beautiful and imposing and touching 
spectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my beloved 
Albert. Truly it was astonishing, a fairy scene. Many 
cried, and aU felt touched and impressed with devotional 

384 THE TRINCE’S TRIUMPI-1 [chap, xk 

feelings. It was the happiest, proudest day in my life, 
and I can think of nothing else. Albert’s dearest name 
is immortalised with this ^reat conception, his own, 
and my ozm dear country showed she was worthy of it. 
The triumph is hmnense, for up to the last hour the 
difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts 
to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables 
and Protectionists, were immense ; but Albert’s temper, 
patience, firmness, and energy surmounted aU, and the 
feeling is universal. Yoti will be astounded at this 
great work when you see it 1 — the beauty of the 
budding and the vastness of it all. I can never thank 
God enough. I feel so happy, so proud. Our dear 
guests were much pleased and impressed. You are 
right to like the dear Princess, for she is a noble- 
minded, warm - hearted, distinguished person, much 
attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise, 
Oh! how I thought of her on that great day, how 
kindly she would have rejoiced in our success I Now 
good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece, 

Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria} 

PAi.Ai'i BB BuokingiiaMj 6 Mai 1 851. 

Sire et mon bon Fr^re, — C’est avec un vif 
empressement que je viens remercier votre Majestd 
Imperiale des superbes objets de I’industrie et des arts 
de votre Empire, que vous avez eu I’extr^me bont^ de 
m’envoyer et qui me seront bien precieux a plus d’un 
titre d’abord comme venant de votre Majest^, et puis 
a cause de leur grande beaute et comme un souvenir 
a une epoque oil il a plu au Tout Puissant de permettre 
une reunion pacifique de tous les peoples du monde et 
de leurs produits. 

La edr^monie de I’inauguration de I’Exposition a 
fait une profonde impression sur mon coeur et je 
regrette d’avoir dtd le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir 
de cette sedne a la fois imposante et parlant au coeur. 

1 Francis J oseph. Who became Emperor in December 1848. 

. (prince 3^redenckJ^ft)tlliam/0'f ^niAd W' 

{ afieriunrxCi Umheroi' ‘^Jif'dtnck af d^rmamj J 
fT’rpDi /•/)<? / byS'^^interlLallerab^fiiickut^ham &alai 




Nous avons d^ja fait plusieurs visites au d^partement 
Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion 
d’admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus 
de VOS Etats. Puisse leur exposition contribuer a la 
prospdrit^ du commerce de I’Empire Autrichien. 

Agrdez I’expression de ma sincere amiti^, qui j’esp^re 
pourra un jour etre eimentde par la connaissance 
personneUe de votre Majesty, et croyez moi toujours. 
Sire, de votre Majesty Imp^riale, la bonne Sceur, 


Q_ueen Victoria to Lord John Rnssell. 

Buckingham Palace, 2nd June 1051. 

The Q-ueen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday 
at three. 

The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up. 

Mr Shed’s death is very sudden, and must be a 
great shock to his famdy. . . . 

We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. 
We hope that Lord John Russell’s little girl is going on 
quite weU. 

The Queen has had^ood accounts from the dear 
Princess of Prussia from Coblentz. Her letter is fuU of 
England, her great happiness here}~ar:drher great sorrow 
at having left it. The Princes have expressed the same, 
so this dangerous journey has gone off without one 
single unpleasant circumstance, which is very gratifying. 

The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to 
Berlin, where the statue of Frederic the Great was to 
be inaugurated yesterday. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Btissell. 

Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1861. 

The Queen returns the papers signed. We are 
both much pleased at what Lord John Russell says 
about the Prince’s speech yesterday.^ It was on so 
ticklish a subject that one could not feel sure before- 

^ The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative of the one hundred 
and fifty years’ existence of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. 
His speech was warmly pfaised by the Premier. 

VOT tT. 2 B 


hand how it might he taken; at the same time the 
Queen felt sure that the Prince would say the right 
thing, from her entire confidence in his great tact and 

The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently 
modest (and yet, why should a wife ever be modest about 
her husband’s merits ? ), must say that she thinks Lord 
John Russell will admit now that the Prince is possessed 
of very extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She 
feels so proud at being his wife that she cannot refrain 
from herself paying a tribute to his noble character. 

Queen Victoria to Lwd John JRussell. 

Buokingham PaiaoBj lOi/j July 1861. 

The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how 
admirably everything went off last [night], and how 
enthusiastically we were received by an almost fearful 
mass of people in the streets;^ the greatest order 
prevailed, and the greatest and most gratifying 

Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal 
to any business, the Queen writes to Lord John to 
direct that a proj^r letter be written without delay to 
the Lord MayorTtspressing not only the Queen’s and 
Prhice’s thanks for the splendid entertainment at the 
GuildhaU, but also our high gratification at the hearty, 
kind, and enthusiastic reception we met with during 
our progress through the City, both going and returning. 
Our only anxiety is lest any accident should have 
occurred from the great pressure of the dense crowds. 

The Queen would likewise wish to know what 
distinction should be conferred in honour of the occasion 
on the Lord Mayor. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Buckingham Palaob, IBth July 1861. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter. 
She has no objection on this particular occasion to 

1 A ball in commeraoration of tlie Exhibition tcyik place at the Guildhall 
gn the 9th of July. 




knight the two Sheriffs, this year being so memorable 
a one. 

But the Queen would wish it clearly to be under- 
stood, that they have no right or claim to be knighted 
whenever the Queen goes into the City. 

On the occasion of the opening of the Hoyal 
Exchange the Sheriffs were not knighted. . . . 

We regret to hear of Lord John’s continued 

Queen Victoria to L,cyrd John Russell. 

Osborne, ‘Z&th August 1861. 

The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell’s 
attention to the enclosed di-aft, which she does not 
think can go in its present shape. We argued in 
innumerable despatches that the choice of the successor 
to the Danish Crown was enthely an internal question 
for Denmark, in which foreign Powers could not 
interfere. Here, however, it is laid down that the 
German Diet has no right to treat the succession in 
Holstein (a German State) as an internal question, as it 
ought to be decided oru— not according to the German 
law of succession, but according to ^he interests of 
Europe. Nor is it trpe, as st^t^u" in the despatch, 
that the Duke of Augustenburg has no claim to the 
Danish Crown. His mother was the daughter of 
Christian VII. and Queen Matilda. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the JBelgians. 

Saluorae Castle, XQth September 1851. 

My deaeest Uncle, — Accept my best thanks for 
your kind and dear letter of the 8th. It is a good 
thing for Leo to begin to follow in your footsteps, 
but (if I may speak out plainly), I think that any- 
thing like fonctions and representation is agreeable 
and not difficult to Leo. It is the common contact 
with his feUow-creatures, the being put on a par with 
him, the being brought to feel that he is as much 
one of them as ahy other, in spite of his birth, which 



[chap. XX 

I think of such great importance for him, and I 
therefore hope you will send him to JBonn. 

My letter is terribly ddcousu, for it has been twice 
interrupted. I was out the whole day with Albert 
in the forest, in a perfectly tropical heat. Since we 
went to AUt-na-Giuthasach, our little bothy near Loch 
Muich on the 12th, the heat of the sun has been 
daily increasing, and has reached a pitch which makes 
it almost sickening to be out in it, though it is beautiful 
to behold. The sky these last two evenings has been 
like an Italian one, and for the last few days — at least 
the last four — without the shghtest particle of cloud, 
and the sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. 
The mountains look quite crimson and Mac, and every- 
thing glows with the setting sun. The evenings are 
quite a relief. Really one cannot undertake expeditions, 
the heat is so great. We thought of you, and wished 
you could be here ; you would fancy yourseK in Italy. 

Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily 
conclude, hoping to hear from you that you mil come. 
Our moonlights have been magnificent also. Ever 
your devoted Niece, Victoeia R. 

Queen Victoria to the Kirig of the Belgians. 

Balmobal Castle, '2Znd September 1861 . 

My dearest Uncle, — I -wiite to you on purpose 
on this large paper in order that you may see and 
admire it. Landseer did it also on purpose, and I 
think it is even finer than the other. It is so truly 
the character of the noble animal. 

That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our 
papers is abominable, and Lord John is equally shocked 
at it, but won’t interfere. Don’t you think Joinville 
should not have left it open for him to accept it, for it 
is impossible for him to be President of the French 
Republic? StOl, I feel convinced that he and they 
all do what they think best for France. 

I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 

r VlCTOET* R,. 




Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Shiel op Au,t-na-Giuthasach, ZOth Septembei ' 1861. 

My deahest Uncle, — 1 write to you from our little 
bothy in the hills, which is quite a wilderness — where 
we arrived yesterday evening after a long hill expedition 
to the Lake of Loch Nagar, which is one of the wildest 
spots imaginable. It was very cold. To-day it pours 
so that I hardly know if we shall be able to get out, 
or home even. We are not snowed, but rained up. 
Our little Shiel is very snug and comfortable, and we 
have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with us. 

Many thanks for yom- kind letter of the 22nd. Our 
warm, fuie weather left us on the 25th, and we have 
had storm and snow in the mountams ever since then. 

The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in 
these times, but it would be much less so if they 
would behave honourably and straightforwardly, giving 
the people gradually those privileges which would 
satisfy aU the reasonable and weU-intentioned, and 
would weaken the power of the Red Republicans ; 
instead of that, reaction, and a return to all the tyranny 
and oppression is the cty and the^jjrinciple — and all 
papers and books are being seized and prohibited, as in 
the days of Metternich ! . . . 

Vicky was kicked off her pony — a quiet beast — but 
not the least hurt ; this is more than three weeks ago. 
Alfred (whom you will recollect I told you was so 
terribly heedless and enth-ely indifferent to all punish- 
ment, etc.) tumbled downstairs last week. He was not 
seriously hurt at all, and quite well the next morning, 
only with a terribly black, green, and yeUow face and 
very much swelled. He might have been killed ; he 
is always bent upon self-destruction, and one hardly 
knows what to do, for he don’t mind being hurt or 
scolded or punished ; and the very next morning he 
tried to go down the staks leaning over the banisters 
just as he had done when he fell. 

Alas 1 this will be my last letter but one from the 
dear Highlands. W e start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool 


and Manchester on our way back, and expect to be 
at Windsor on the 11th. 

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 


Qi.Leen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Balmouai. CastijBj 6i7t Octoiar 1861. 

My DEAE.EST Uncle, — Only two words can I write 
to you, as we are to start to-morrow morning. My 
heart is hien gros at going from here. 

I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious 
scenery, the dear good people who are much attached 
to us, and who feel their Einsamkeit sadly, very much. 
One of our Gillies, a young Highlander who generally 
went out with me, said, in answer to my observation 
that they must be very dull here when we left ; “ It’s 
just Hke death come all at once.” In addition to my 
sorrow at leaving this dear place, I am in great sorrow 
at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent friend, whom 
you wUl sincerely lament — our good Lord Liverpool. 
He was well and in the highest spirits with us only 
six weeks ago, and in three days he was carried away. 
I cannot tell yqu how it has upset me ; I have known 
him so long, andl'he was sucdi an intimate friend of 
ours. We received the news yesterday. 

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I 
am glad all went off so well, hut it must have been 
dreadful to miss dearest Louise. This time reminds 
me so much of all our sorrow last year on her dear 
account. Victobia E. 

Qneen Victoria to Lord Palmerston. 

WiNDsoB CastlBj IZth October 1861. 

The Queen returns Lord Howden’s letter, and thinks 
that the best answer to the Queen of Spain’s request 
wih be that the Statutes do not allow the Garter to be 
bestowed upon a lady ; that the Queen herself possesses 
no order of knighthood from any country.^ 

^ The Queen of Spain had expressed a dcsii‘e J;liroug'h Lord Howden to 
rf^r'pive tliR nf 


With reference to the claim for the King arising 
out of the Prince having received the Fleece, it may 
be well to say that the offer of the Fleece had in the 
first instance been declined for fear of establishing a 
ground for the necessity of giving the Garter in return, 
and was at its second offer accepted by the Prince, 
together with the first orders of almost every country, 
on the understanding that no return would be expected. 
It would have been impossible to give the Garter to 
every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a selection. 
The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the 
fact that among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors 
of Austria and Brazil, and the Kings of Sweden, 
Denmark, Bavaria, Holland, Sardinia, Naples, Greece, 
etc., etc., have not got the Garter, although marly of 
them have expressed a wish for it, and that amongst 
the Kings Consort, the King of Portugal, the Queen’s 
first cousm, has not received it yet, although the Queen 
has long been anxious to give it to him. 

Anything short of these explanations might offend, 
or leave the claim open to be repeated from time to 

Lord John Russell to Qneai Victoria. 


Downing Street, 14;/i October 1861. 

Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood 
are appointed a Committee to consider of the extension 
of the Suf&age. They meet to-morrow. Lord John 
KusseU expects to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is 
proposed that Parliament should meet on the 3rd or 
5th of February. . . . 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsor Castde, lUh, October 1861. 

The Queen does not consider the Committee 
appointed to consider the extension of the Franchise 
a very strong one. Will Lord Carlisle be up to the 
peculiar business? 



[onAP. XX 

Qiieen Victoria to Lord John Itussell} 

WiNnson CastliHj ^ith October 1851. 

The Queen concludes Lord Jolin Russell has read 
the accounts of Kossuth’s arrival in to-day’s papers. 

She ■wishes Lord John could still try to prevent 
Lord Palmerston from receiving him. The effect it 
wiU have abroad will do us immense harm. At aU 
events, Lord John should take care to have it under- 
stood that the Government have not sanctioned it, and 
that it is a private act of Lord Palmerston’s. 

The Queen wiU else have again to submit to insults 
and affronts, -which are the result of Lord Palmerston’s 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Windsor Castle, 24i/( October 1061. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and is sorry to say he can interfere no 
further with respect to Lord Palmerston’s reception of 

With respect to the manner of the reception, how- 
ever, he -will write* to'' Lord Palmerston to desire liim 
to take care that nothing is said which goes beyond 
the strict expression of thanks for the efforts made by 
the British Government to procure first the safety, and 
next the liberty, of Kossuth. 

As for the reception, it is to be considered that 
Kossuth is considered the representative of English 
institutions against despotism. 

If this were so the public feeling would be laudable. 

Lord John Russell to Qiteen Victoria. 

Pembroke Lodge, 31.s< October 1861. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty; he has the honour to submit to your 

^ Substance of tlie note to Lord Jolin BusseUj written down from 


Majesty a correspondence^ which has taken place 
between Lord Palmerston and himself. 

After Lord Palmerston’s answer, Lord John RusseU 
can have but little hope that Lord Palmerston will not 
see M. Kossuth. Lord John RusseU cannot separate 
the private from the pubUc man in this instance ; the 
reception of Kossuth, if it takes place, will be a recep- 
tion by your Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs. Whether that reception is to take place in 
Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does not appear 
to him material. 

Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, 
humbly advise your Majesty to command Lord 
Palmerston not to receive M. Kossuth. 

It appears to him that your Majesty owes this 
mark of respect to your Majesty’s aUy, and generally 
to all States at peace with this country. 

Lord John Russell has no other copy of his letter 
to Lord Palmerston. 

Queen. Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 


Windsor October 1851. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter, 
and returns the enclosures. She hkewise sends him 
her letter to Lord Palmerston, which she begs him to 
send on, merely changmg the label. She must tell 
Lord John, however, that although he may go on 
with a colleague, even after having received an answer 
like the one Lord Palmerston has returned to the 
many entreaties not to compromise the Government 
by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose herself 
to having her positive commands disobeyed by one of 
her public servants, and that should Lord Palmerston 

^ Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the Foreign Ofiice. In 
the oori’espondence here referred to, which will be found in Russell’s Li/e, the 
Premier “ positively reijuested ” Lord Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. 
The rejoinder, written while the messenger waited, was : “ There are limits 
to aU things. I do not choose to be dictated to as to who I may or may not 
receive in my own house., . . . I shall use my own discretion. . . . You wUl, 
of course, use yours as to tlie composition of your Government.” 




persist in his intention he cannot continue as her 
Minister. She refrains from any expression upon 
Lord Palmerston’s conduct in this matter, as Lord 
John is well aware of her feelings. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston} 

• Winhsoh Castle, Sl.yi October 1951. 

The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when 
he was last here at Windsor Castle that she thought 
it would not be advisable that he should receive M. 
Kossuth upon his arrival in England, as being wholly 
unnecessary, and likely to be misconstrued abroad. 
Since M. Kossuth’s arrival in this country, and his 
violent denunciations of two Sovereigns with whom 
we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes it 
as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to aU 
States at peace with this country, not to allow that a 
person endeavouring to excite a political agitation in 
this country against her Alhes should be received by 
her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether 
such a reception should takcb place at his official or 
private residence can make no difference as to the 
pubhc nature of the' act. Thg Queen must therefore 
demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by Lord 
Palmerston should not take place. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Pembroke Loboe, October 1851. 

Lord John KusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. Since writing to your Majesty this 
morning it has occurred to him that it will be best 
that your Majesty should not give any commands to 
Lord Palmerston on his sole advice. 

With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for 
Monday, and he humbly proposes that your Majesty 
should await then’ advice. 

1 Draft seat to Lord John Russell. 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell, 

WiNDsoB CastlBj 31s< October 1851. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell’s 
letter. She thinks it natural that Lord John should 
wish to bring a matter which may cause a rupture in 
the Government before the Cabinet, but thinks his 
having summoned the Cabinet only for Monday will 
leave Lord Palmerston at liberty in the intermediate 
time to have his reception of Kossuth, and then rest 
on his fait accompli. Unless, therefore. Lord John 
Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the 
mischief which is apprehended from this step of his 
will result ; and he will have, moreover, the triumph 
of having carried his point, and having set the Prime 
Minister at defiance. . . . 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria, 

Pembroke Lodge, Isi November 1861. 

Lord John Russelh presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty; he is deeply sensible of your Majesty’s 
kindness and indulgenoe. He feels that he is at times 
overwhelmed by the importance and variety of the 
questions of which the principal weight hes upon him. 

He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the 
letter he has written to Lord Palmerston.^ With a 
grateful sense of your Majesty’s confidence, he is 
now of opinion that the Cabinet should decide, and 
that no part of the burden should be placed upon 
your Majesty. 

He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston. 

He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many 
members of it are at a distance. He does not think 
Lord Palmerston will come to Town before Monday. 

’ The letter is priuteil in Lord Palmerston’s Life. The Premier stated 
tliat the question, being one of grave public importance, must be decided by- 
argument, not passion^ and tvonld be considered by the Cabinet on the 
foilowinp- Monday. See Walpole’s Russell, chap. xxii. 


Qiieen Victoria to Lm'd John Russell. 

WiNTisoB. CxsroEj November 1861. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell’s 
letter of this day, and returns the copy of his to Lord 
Palmerston. She feels that she has the right and the 
duty to demand that one of her Ministers should not, 
by his private acts, compromise her and the country, 
and therefore omitted in her letter to Lord Palmerston 
all reference to Lord John Russell’s opinion; but she 
of course much prefers that she should be protected 
&om the wilful indiscretions of Loi’d Palmerston by 
the attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his 
proceedings without her personal intervention.^ 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

WiNDSOB Castle, 8>'(J November 1861. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell’s 
letter. She is very glad to hear that this matter has 
been amicably arranged, and she trusts that Lord 
Palmerston will act according to his promises. 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

' ^ >1 

WiNDsoa tCastle, V\.th November 1861. 

The Queen sends this draft to Lord John RusseR, 
as she thinks the tone in which it is written so very 
ironical, and not altogether becoming for a public 
despatch from the English Secretary for Foreign 
Affairs, to be given to the Minister of another State. 
The substance is quite right, and a dignified explanation 
of the absurdity of the conduct of the Parma officials 
would very hkely produce its effect, but some ex- 
pressions in this draft could only tend to hritate, and 
therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our 
demand, which is to be produced.® 

^ The Cahiuet met, and having listened to the statement of the Premier, 
which is printed in his Life, unanimously supported him. Lord Palmerston 
aecordin^y gave way for the time being. Lord John informed the Queen of 
the result. 

® Before ten days had elapsed. Lord Palmerstorp had resumed his higli- 

1-ridpd itipthod"' 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDSOB CastlBj ^Oth November 1861. 

The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell 
on a subject which causes her much anxiety. Her 
feelings have again been deeply wounded by the official 
conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs 
since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The 
Queen feels the best interests of her people, the honour 
and dignity of her Crown, her public and personal 
obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom she 
professes to be on terms of peace and amity, most 
unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately 
veiy often had to call upon Lord John to check his 
colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course 
which at various times he has so wilfully persevered 
in pursuing. But Lord John Russell, although 
agreeing on most of these occasions with the view 
taken % the Queen, has invariably met her remon- 
strances with the plea that to push his interference 
with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done 
would lead to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily 
to a breaking up of tl^e Cabinet. The Queen, con- 
sidering a change of her Governments under present 
political circumstances dangerous^ to the true interests 
of the nation, had only to choose between two evils, 
without possessing sufficient confidence in her own 
judgment to decide which in its political consequences 
would turn out the least. But if in such a contingency 
the Queen chooses rather not to insist upon what is 
due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the same time 
to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their 
account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries 
done to her with that sound policy and conduct which 
the maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country 
require. These remarks seem to be especially called 
for after the report of the official interview between 
Lord Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,^ 

1 After Kossuth’s departure, addresses of thanks to Lord Palmerston, for 
his courteous, attentions to Kossuth, were voted by ultoa-Radical meetings in 
Finsbury and Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the addresses 




and the Queen requests Lord John E,ussell to bring 
them under the notice of the Cabinet. 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

Pembroke LodoEj 21*i November 1861. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Maj esty. He had the honom* of receiving last night your 
Majesty’s communication respecting Lord Palmerston. 

Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance 
of this communication which your Majesty wishes to 
be laid before the Cabinet. 

But before doing so he cannot refrain from mention- 
ing some circumstances which appear to him to weigh 
materially in the consideration of Lord Palmerston’s 

In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to 
the remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as 
they have been by your Majesty. 

He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the 

He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller 
on the affair of Count Haynau.' 

He gave way likpwise in this last instance, when, 
after assuring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see 
Kossuth whenever he chose to call upon him, he 
consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that 
he requested him not to call. 

This last concession must have been mortifying to 
Lord Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a 
manner not very dignified by giving importance to 
the inflated addresses from some meetings in the 
suburbs of London. 

But it appears to Lord John Russell that every 
Minister must have a certain latitude allowed him 

to liim at tlie Foreign Office, tlie Emperors of Austria and Russia being 
stigmatised therein as “'odious and detestable assassins” and “merciless 
tyrants and despots.” Palmerston, who expressed himself as ^'extremely 
flattered and highly gratified” by the references to himself, did not in 
terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and added, in 
a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that ‘^‘^a good deal of judicious 
bottle-holding was obliged to be brought into play.”'’ 


which he may use, perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps 
with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient 
importance to deserve notice. 

Lord John Russell must, however, caU your 
Majesty’s attention to an article in the Morning 
Post, which denies the accm-acy of the report of Lord 
Palmerston’s answer to what is there called “ the froth 
and folly of an address to Downing Street.” 

Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more 
than once represented to your Majesty that the ex- 
pulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up the 
Government, begs to explain that he has always done 
so upon one of two gi-ounds: 

Fii’st, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon 
by your Majesty to resign on account of a line of 
Foreign Policy of which his colleagues had approved, 
and for which they were, with him, responsible. 

Second, in case no differaice of opinion had arisen, 
and the transaction should bear the character of an 
intrigue, to get rid of an inconvenient colleague. 

It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was 
recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as 
Foreign Secretary, and 'Vemained in that Office from 
1830 to 1834 ; that he was afterwards replaced in 
the same Office by Lord Melbourne, and remained 
from 1835 to 1841. 

He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the 
Whig Party fifteen years, and has been approved not 
only by them but by a large portion of the country. 
In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly 
tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view 
the importance of maintaining the popular confidence 
which your Majesty’s name everywhere inspires. Some- 
what of the good opinion of the Emperor of Russia 
and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good 
will and affection of the people of England are retained, 
a great security in these times. 

Lord John Russell has made out a note of his 
address to the Cabinet for your Majesty’s information. 
He prays to have it returned. 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Lussell. 

WiNDSoa CastlEj 21st November 1861, 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
and returns the note on his former communication to 
the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November 
that “ above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious 
and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, 
and that we cannot b^e too vigilant or weigh our pro- 
ceedings too scrupulously ” — ^the Queen cannot suppose 
that Lord John considers the official reception by the 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of addresses, in 
which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and Assassins, 
as within that “ latitude ” which he claims for every 
Minister, which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, 
perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of 
sufficient importance to deserve notice.” 

The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether 
he will lay her letter, or only the substance of it, 
before the Cabinet ; ^ but she hopes that they will make 
that careful enquiry into the Justice of her complaint 
which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John 
Russell’s answer. It is no question with the Queen 
whether she pleases the Emphror of Austria or not, 
hut whether she gives him a just ground of complaint 
or not. And if she does so, she can never believe 
that this will add to her popularity with her own 
people. Lord John’s letter must accordingly have 
disappointed her as containing a mere attempt at a 
defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one 
cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston’s natural desire 
to console himself for the mortification of having had 
to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has every 
reason to believe that he has seen him after aU. 

1 On tlie 4tli of December tie matter came before the Cabinet. No formal 
resolution was adopted, but regret was expressed at Palmerston’s want of 
caution in not ascertaining in advance the tenor of the addresses, and in 
admitting unreliable reporters. 


Qiieen Victoria to Viscoiont Palmerston. 

Windsor CastlEj 21st November 1851. 

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston’s 
letter with the Memorandum relative to the mourning 
of her Uncle, the late King of Hanover,^ and she has to 
say in reply that she thinks the mourning ought not to 
be for a Foreign Sovereign but for a Prince of the 
Blood Royal, which was the nearest relation in which 
he stood to the Throne. 

Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover. 

Windsor Castle, 2\i,t November 1861. 

My deau George, — Your kind letter of the 18th, 
announcing to me the melancholy news of the death of 
your Father, was given to me yesterday by Mr Somerset, 
and I hasten to express to you in both our names our 
sincere and heartfelt condolence, and beg you to do so 
in our names to our dear Cousin Mary.® 

It must be a consolation to you that the end of the 
King was peaceful and so free from pain and suffering. 
Most truly do 1 enter into your feelings as to the 
responsible position into* which you are now placed, and 
my best wishes for your welfare and happiness as well 
as that of Hanover will ever accompany you. I am 
happy to hear from Mr Somerset that you were well, 
as well as your dear Mary and dear children. 

Albert desires me to say everything kind from him 
to you as well as to our cousins, and with every possible 
good wish for your health and prosperity, believe me 
always, my dear George, your very affectionate Cousin, 

Victoria R. 

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria. 

Carlton Gardens, 22nd November 1851. 

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty and has taken the proper steps according 

' King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged eighty, and was suc- 
ceeded by his son, King George V., who reigned till 1866, and died in 1878. 

2 Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenhurg (1818-1907), ivife of King George V. 
of Hanover. 


to your Majesty’s commands, about the mourning for 
the late King of Hanover ; and he would wish to know 
whether it is your Majesty’s desire that he should have 
letters prepared for your Majesty’s signature, announc- 
ing to Foreign Sovereigns the decease of the late King. 

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston. 

Osborne, November 1861. 

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston’s 

The Queen does not think it necessary for her to 
announce the King of Hanover’s death to other 
Sovereigns, as there is a head of that branch of her 
Family who would have to do so. She declared the 
present King’s marriage in Council, but she does not 
think that she announced it. This Lord Palmerston 
would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Osborne, \iri Beoumlier 1861. 

The Queen has received Lbrd John Kussell’s letter 
of the 30th nilt., and has carefully considered his 
Memorandum on the report of the Committee of the 
Cabinet; she now returns Sir Charles Wood’s 

Considering the question of Reform under its two 
bearings — on the Franchise and on the Suffrage — the 
Queen thinks the proposal of merely adding neighbour- 
ing towns to the small boroughs an improvement on the 
original plan, which contemplated the taking away of 
members from some boroughs, and giving them to 
others. Thus the animosity may be hoped to be avoided 
which an attack upon vested interests could not have 
faded to have produced. Much will depend, however, 
upon the completeness, fairness, and impartiality with 
which the selection of the tows will be made which 
are to be admitted into the electoral district of others. 
Sir Charles Wood’s Memorandum being only a sketch. 




the Queen hopes to see a more complete list, stating 
the principle also upon which the selection is made. 

With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the 
Committee appear to the Queen to be framed with a 
due regard to the importance of not giving an undue 
proportion of weight to the Democracy. In the 
Queen’s opinion, the cliief question to consider will be 
whether the strengthening of the Democratic principle 
will upset the balance of Constitution, and further 
weaken the Executive, w'^hich is by no means too strong 
at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty 
of forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral 
effect which such extensive changes may produce, but 
thiuks that they cannot even be guessed at before the 
numerical results are accurately ascertained ; she hopes 
therefore that the statistics will be soon in a state to be 
laid before her. 

The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the 
Guilds had to be abandoned, but can quite understand 
the difficulty which would have been added to the 
measure by its being clogged with such an additional 

Qiteen Victoria to the King of the Belgium. 


OsBOBNB, Ind Decemher 1851. 

My deauest Uncle, — Accept my best thanks for 
your kind letter of the 28th. I am truly grieved to 
hear that you have got so bad a cold ; nothing is more 
trying and annoying than those heavy colds, which 
render all occupation irksome and tr 5 dng in the highest 
degree. I hope that it wiU soon be past. 

It is a great pity that you do not venture to come 
to us, as I am sure you might do it easily. I do not 
think that there will be any outburst yet a while in 
France. . . . 

I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, 
who, I hear, has arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. 
I hope, however, soon to hear of his being much 

bptter. ... 

404 . 



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBoiiNE, ith Decemher 1861. 

Deabest Uncle, — I must write a line to ask 
what you say to the wonderful proceedings at Paris, 
which really seem like a story in a book or a play 1 
What is to be the result of it all ? ^ 

I feel ashamed to have written so positively a few 
hours before that nothing Mmuld happen. 

We are anxiously waiting for to-day’s news — 
though I should hope that the Troops were to be 
depended upon, and order for the present would prevail. 
I hope that none of the Orleans Family will move a 
limb or say a word, but remain perfectly passive. 

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

OsDORNDj 4J/i Decomher 1851. 

The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the 
events which have taken place ^at Paris.® She thinks it 
is of great importance that Lord Normanby should be 
instructed to remain'' entirely passive, and to take no 
part whatever in what is passing. Any word from him 
might be misconstrued at such a moment. 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

Downing Street, Ath December 1861. 

(6 p. ai ) 

Lord John PusseU presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty. Your Majesty’s directions respecting the state 

^ On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized the Government of 
France, arrested his chief opponents, put an end to the National Assembly 
and Council of State, and declared Paris in a state of siege. 

^ On the 3rd the tidings of the coup d’etat reached London. Count 
Walewsld announced it to Lord Palmerston, who expressed his approval of it, 
and wrote to Lord Normanby the letter printed in his Life, disavowing surprise 
that the President bad struck the blow when he did, “for it is now well 
known here that the Duchess of Orleans was preparing to be called to Paris 
this week with her younger sou to commence a new period of Orleans dynasty.” 




of affairs in Paris shall be followed. Lord Normanby^ 
has asked whether he should suspend his diplomatic 
functions ; but the Cabinet were unanimously of 
opinion that he should not do so. 

The result is very uncertain ; at present the power 
is likely to rest in the Army, to whose memory of 
victories and defeats the President has so strongly 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, Bth December 1861. 

My beahest Victouia, — Receive my best thanks 
for your dear gracious letter of the 2nd, the date of the 
battle of Austerhtz, and the coup d’etat at Paris. 
What do you say to it? 

As yet one caimot form an opinion, but I am 
inclined to think that Louis Bonaparte will succeed. 
The country is tired and wish quiet, and if they get it 
by this coiip d’dtat they will have no objection, and let 
le Gouvernement Parlementaire et Constitutionnel go to 
sleep for a while. 

I suspect that the great Contmental powers will see 
a military Government at Paris vdth pleasure ; they go 
rather far in their hatred of everything Parhamentary. 
The President takes a little of Napoleon already. I 
understand that he expressed himself displeased, as if I 
had too much supported the Orleans Family. I render 
perfect justice to the President, that hitherto he has not 
plagued us ; but we also have abstained from all inter- 
ference. I thmk that PMene has been imprudent ; 
besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to avoid to 
speak on these subjects or to express themselves with 

If something hke an Empire estabhshes itself, 

1 Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions as to his future conduct, 
was desired to make no change in his relations with the French Government, 
and to abstain from even the appeai-ance of interference in her internal affairs. 
Having made a communication to tliis effect to M. Turgot, the latter replied 
that M. Walewski had notified to him that Lord Palmerston had already 
expressed to him his entire approbation of the act of the President,” and 
liis “ '■mivictinn that he could not have acted otherwise.” 



perhaj)S we shall for a time have much to suffer, as the 
gloire franpaise invariably looks to the old frontiers. 
My hope is that they will necessarily have much to do 
at home, for a time, as parties will run high. . . . 
Your devoted Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Mimell. 

OsBORNn, Qth Lecemier 1851. 

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell’s 
letter of yesterday. She is glad to hear that the 
Cabinet occupy themselves'assiduously with the Reform 
Question, but hopes that they will not come to a &ial 
decision without having first ascertained how the pro- 
posed plan will operate when practically applied to the 
present state of the Franchise and Suffrage. The Queen 
is very anxious to arrive at a definite opinion on this 
subject herself. 

The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that 
the Ballot is to be made the stalking-horse of the 

The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps. 

' Pabis, nth Deoemher 1851. 

My deae Chaules, — I have an opportunity of writ- 
ing to you not through the Foreign Office, which I shall 
take advantage of, as at present the Post is not to be 
trusted, and I am afraid I do not think the Office is 

Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most 
extraordinary manner to Normanby.^ I think he wants 
to fix a quarrel with him, which you may be sure 
Normanby will avoid at present, as it would have 
the worst possible effect ; but I do not understand it 
at all, and I wish you could in any w^ay explain what 

’ On the 6th., Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Normanby the strange 
letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in tlie ii/e, censuring Lord Normanby’s 
supposed hostility to the Pi ench President ; Lord Noimanhy in reply defended 
his attitude, and ashed for an explicit statement as tp the Foreign Secretary’s 
approval or otherwise of the conduct and policy ol the President. 


it means. Palmerston seems very angry because 
Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this 
step here, and the results ; the whole thing is so 
completely a coup d'etat, and all the proceedings 
are so contrary to and devoid of law and justice and 
security, that even the most violent Tory would be 
staggered by them. (For instance, to-day all the English 
papers, even Normanby ’s, are stopped and prohibited; 
they will of course allow Normanby’s to come, but it 
is to be under an envelope), and yet Palmerston, who 
quarrels with aU Europe about a political adventurer 
like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties 
and constitution of his country, now tries to quarrel 
with Normanby, and really writes in the most imper- 
tinent manner, because Normanby’s despatches are 
not sufficiently in praise of Louis Napoleon and his 
coup d’dat. There must be some dessozts des cartes 
that we are not aware of. Normanby has always said, 
having been undertaken, the only thing now is to 
hope and pray it may be successful; but that is 
another thing to approving the way it was begun, 
or the way it has been carried out. The bloodshed 
has been dreadful and indiscriminate, no quarter was 
shown, and when an insurgent took refhge in a house, 
the soldiers killed every one in the house, whether 
engaged in the emeivte or not. ... It is very doubtful 
whether Normanby will be able to go on with 
[Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he 
talks of “ I hear this ” and “ I am told that,” with 
reference to Normanby’s conduct here, which no man 
in his position can stand, as, if Palmerston takes the 
on-dits of others, and not Normanby’s own accounts, 
there is an end of confidence ; but I must say his last 
letter appears to me a sort of exuberance of anger, which 
spends itself on many subjects rather than the one 
which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has 
received some rap on the knuckles at home, which 
he resents here, or on the first person who is not of 
the same opinion as himself ; but it is a curious anomaly 
that he should quarrel with Normanby in support 


of arbitrary and absolute Government. All is quiet 
here now, and wiU, T hope, continue so till the Elections, 
when I suppose we may have some more emeutes. . . , 
They have been told at the Clubs that they may 
meet, but they are not to talk politics. In short, I do 
not suppose that despotism ever reached such a pitch. 
... You may suppose what the French feel ; it serves 
them all quite right, but that does not prevent one’s 
feeling indignant at it. And this is what Palmerston 
is now supporting without restriction. We are entirely 
without any other news from England from any one. 
Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through 
Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether 
this is a general feeling in England ; it could not be, 
if they knew all that had happened here. Mind, I can 
quite understand the policy of keeping well with Louis 
Napoleon, and Normanby is so, and has never expressed 
to any one a hostile opinion except in his despatches 
and private letters to Palmerston. ... I shall send this 
by a private hand, not to run the risk of its being 
read. Ever yours affectionately, M. Noemanby. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsBOJiNBj 9i7i December 1861. 

Deaeest Uncle, — Your kind letter of the 5th 
reached me on Sunday morning. Much blood has 
been shed since you wrote. . . . 

What you say about arbitrary and military Govern- 
ment in France is very true, and I daresay will do for 
a time ; but I do not loiow how Louis Napoleon is to 
proceed, or how he will get over the anger and enmity 
of those he imprisoned. StOl, I see that the Legitimists 
have aU given in their adhesion. Every one in France 
and elsewhere must wish order, and many therefore 
rally round the President. 

A most extraordinary report was mentioned to me 
yesterday, which, however, I never could beheve, and 
which is besides physically irnpossihlef from the illness 


of the one and the absence of the other, viz. that 
Join vide and Aumale had gone or were gohig to 
Lille to put themselves at the head of the troops,^ 
which would be a terrible and a very unwise thing. 
It would be very awkward for you too. 

I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from 
you. You should urge the poor Orleans family to be 
very prudent in what they say about passing events, 
as I believe Louis Napoleon is very sore on the 
subject, and matters might get still worse. Ever 
your devoted Niece, Victohia R. 

The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.^ 

Parts, Qth December 1861 . 

My dearest Charles, — I had written a long 
letter to the Queen, and upon second thoughts I have 
burnt it, because events have now become so serious 
between Normanby and Palmerston that I do not 
think that I should be the person to inform Her 
Majesty of it, in case anytliing was to be said upon 
the suliject in Parliament. And yet as the affront 
has been given in Palmerston’s private letters, I feel 
sure she does not Imow it. You have aU probably 
seen Normanby’s public despatcfies, in which, though 
as an Enghshman he deprecates and deplores the means 
employed and the pledges broken — in short, the uncon- 
stitutional illegahty of the whole coup d’etat — yet he 
always says, seeing now no other refuge from Rouge 
ascendency, he hopes it may succeed. One would have 
' supposed, from the whole tenor of his policy, from his 
Radical tendencies, and all that he has been doing 
lately, that Palmerston would have been the last person 
to approve of this coup d’itat. Not a bit ! He turns 
upon Normanby in the most flippant manner; almost 
accuses him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist 
plot — never whispered here, nor I beheve, even 

^ Mr Borthwiek, of tke Morning Post, had so stated, to Lord Palmerston on 
the authority of General de Rumigny ; seven years later Palmerston wrote the 
Memorandum on the subject printed in his Life. 

“ Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps. 


imagined by the Government of Paris, who would 
have been too glad to seize upon it as an excuse ; 
says he compromises the relations of the country 
by his evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon — in short, 
it is a letter that Morny might have written, and that 
it is quite impossible for Normanby to bear. The 
curious thing is that it is a letter or rather letters that 
would completely ruin Pahnerston with his Party. He 
treats aU the acts of the wholesale cruelties of the 
troops as a joke — in short, it is the letter of a man half 
mad, I think, for to quarrel with Normanby on this 
subject is cutting his own throat. . . . He has written 
also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows perfectly 
well that Normanby cannot approve the means he has 
taken; he talks to him confidentially, and treats him 
as an honest, upright man, and he never showed him 
more attention, or fi-iendship even than last night 
when we were at the Elysc^e, though Normanby said 
not one word in approval. . . . 

There is another question upon which Normanby 
has a right to complain, which is, that two days before 
Palmerston sent his instructions here, he expressed 
to Walewski his complete approval of the step taken by 
Louis Napoleofi, which was transmitted by Walewski 
in a despatch to Turgot, and 'read by him to many 
members of the Corps Diplomatique a day before 
Normanby heard a word from Pahnerston. You will 
perhaps think that there is not enough in all this to 
authorise the grave step Normanby has taken, but 
the whole tone of his letters shows such a want of 
confidence, is so impertinent — talk of “we hear this,” 
and “ we are told that,” — ^bringing a sort of anonymous 
gossip against a man of Normanby’s character and 
standing, that respect for himself obliges Normanby to 
take it up seriously. ... In the meantime our Press 
in England is, as usual, too violent against Louis 
Napoleon. We have no friends or true aUies left, 
thanks to the policy of Lord Palmerston; as soon as 
the peace of the country is restored, the Army must be 
employed ; it is the course of a Military Government ; 




as much as an absolute Government is destroyed by 
the people, and the democracy again, when fallen into 
anarchy, is followed by Military Government. Louis 
Napoleon must maintain his position by acts; they 
will find out that Belgium should belong to France, 
or Alsace, or Antwerp, or something or other that 
England wiU not be able to allow, and then how are 
we prepared for the consequences ? . . . 

The more I think of Palmerston’s letters, the less 
I can understand them; every sentence is m direct 
contradiction to his acts and words. He ridicules the 
idea of the Constitution; turns to scorn the idea of 
anything being due to the Members of the Assembly ; 
laughs and jokes at the Club being fired into, though 
the English people in it were within an ace of being 
murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby is 
pathetic over a broken looking-glass,^ forgetting that 
the same bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, “ a 
Roman citizen ! ” who was between the window and the 
glass — in short, as I said before, he is quite incompre- 
hensible, except, as I cannot help thinkmg, he read the 
private letter Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford 
upon the Kossuth business, wishing to take his advice 
a little upon a grave question, but which did not 
actually interfere with 'his position here. This would 
account for his extreme iiTitation. . . . 

All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist 
risings in many parts of the country, but all these will 
do the President good, and strengthen his hands, for 
even the people who have been treated with indignity 
will pardon him if their chateaux are saved from an 
infuriated and brutal peasantry. The President told 

1 The tone of Lord Palmerston’s private letters to Lord Normanhy at 
this time is best illustrated by the following extract ; — 

‘■‘'Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all hostile to 
Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to events. One of them 
consisted of a dissertation about Kossuth, which would have made a good 
article in the Times a fortnight ago ; and another dwells chiefly on a looking- 
glass broken in a Club-house ; and you are pathetic about a piece of broken 
plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots during the street fights. 
Now we know that the Diplomatic Agents of Austria and Russia called on the 
President immediately after his measure on Tuesday morning, and have been 
profuse in their expressions of approval of his 'conduct.” 


Normanby last night that the accounts of the cruelties 
and attacks in parts of the country were very serious, 
but he hoped they would soon be put down. . . . 

M. Noemanby.^ 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell, 

Osborne, IQth Deoember 1851. 

The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord 
Normanby to Lord John Russell, from which it appears 
that the French Government pretend to have received 
the entire approval of the late cmop d’dtat by the 
British Government, as conveyed by Lord Palmerston 
to Count Walewski. The Queen cannot believe in the 
truth of the assertion, as such an approval given by 
Lord Palmerston would have been in complete con- 
tradiction to the line of strict neutrality and passive- 
ness which the Queen had expressed her desire to see 
followed with regard to the late convulsion at Paris, 
and which was approved by the Cabinet, as stated m 
Lord John Russell’s letter of the 6th inst. Does 
Lord John know anything about the alleged approval, 
which, if true, would again expose the honesty and 
dignity of the Queen’s Government in the eyes of the 
world V 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Osborne, 13i/i December 1861. 

My beloved Uncle, — These lines are to express 
my very warmest wishes for many, many happy returns 

^ Lady Normanby wrote later : — 

“ I told yon yesterday the President had no faith in him (Palmerston). The 
Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek business, and the reception of 
Kossuth had long destroyed his confidence in Palmerston, and 1 believe he 
hates him and sees through his present adulations. . . .” 

® On the 16th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord Palmerston that he must 
now assume M. Walewski’s report to be correct, and observed that if the 
Foreign Secretary held one language in Downing Street and prescribed 
another course to the British Ambassador, the latter must be awkwardly 
circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter not shown to the Queen or the 
Cabinet) replied that he had said notliing inconsistent with his instructions 
to Lord Normanby, that the President's action was for the French nation to 
judge of, but that in his view that action made for the maintenance of social 

nrdor in Er^iire. " 


of your dear birthday, and for every earthly blessing 
you can desire. How I wish you could spend it here, 
or we with you I I venture to send you some trifles 
which will recall the Exhibition in which you took so 
much interest. The continuation of the work 1 send 
you, I shall forward as it comes out. 

As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, 

I win not touch on polities — with one exception — that 
I think it of high importance that the Orleans should 
clear themselves of all suspicion of a plot, which some 
people, I am sure, wish to make it appear they are 
involved in ; and that public contradiction should be 
given to the foolish report, much credited here, that 
Joinville has gone to Lille, or to some part of France, 
to head the Troops. Ever your devoted Niece and 
Child, Victoria K. 

How you will again miss your departed Angel 1 

Lord John Rtrnell to Queen Victoria, 

WonoKN Abbey, 18<fe Decemhai' 1851. 

Lord John RusselL presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. He received from Lord Palmerston 
yesterday an explanation of his 'declaration of opinion 
to Mr Walewski, whicfi Lord John RusseU regrets to 
state was quite unsatisfactory. 

He thought himself compelled to write to Lord 
Palmerston in the most decisive terms. 

Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might 
be returned to be copied. 

The whole correspondence shall be submitted to 
your Majesty. 

Your Majesty wiU find in the box a despatch of 
Lord Normanby of the 15th, and an answer of Lord 
Palmerston of the 16th,^ which has been sent without 
your Majesty’s sanction, or the knowledge of Lord 
John RusseU. 

^ Tile letters are riven in full in Ashley’s Life of Lord Falmerston, vol. i. 
chap, vii.j where Lord Palmerston's explanation of the 16th, in answer to the 
Premier’s letter of the Idth, will also be found. 

4 - 14 . 


[chap. XX 

The IGng of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

Laeken, 19W; Dcccmbor 1861. 

My deabest Victobia, — Receive my warmest and 
best thanks for your truly kind and gracious recollection 
of my old birthday, and your amiable presents. 

Our angelic Louise had quite ciilte for that day, 
and two have already passed since the best and noblest 
of hearts beats no longer amongst us. When one sees 
the haste and ardour of earthly pursuits, and how aU 
this is often disposed of, and when one sees that even 
the greatest success always ends with the grave, one 
is tempted to wonder that the human race should 
follow so restlessly bubbles often disappearing just 
when reached, and always being a source of never- 
ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty yeai-s, the 
proof of the truth of what I say, always believing 
itself at the highest point of perfection and changing 
it a few weeks afterwards. 

A military Government in France, if it really gets 
established, must become dangerous for Europe. I 
hope that at least at its beginning it will have enough 
to do in France, and that we iliay get time to prepare. 
England will do well^ not to fall asleep, but to keep 
up its old energy and courage. . . Your truly devoted 
Uncle, Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Ittissell. 

OsBOBNBj ISth Beoember 1861. 

The Queen has received several communications 
from Lord John Russell, but has not answered them, 
as she expected daily to hear of Lord Palmerston’s 
answer. As Lord John Russell in his letter of 
yesterday’s date promises to send her his corre- 
spondence with Lord Palmerston, she refrains from 
expressing a decided opinion until she has had an 
opportunity of perusing it ; but Lord John will readily 
conceive what must be her feelings in seeing matters 
go from bad to worse with respect to Lord Palmerston’s 
conduct I 




Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

WoBUBN AbdbYj 19Wi December 1851. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your 
Majesty a correspondence with Viscount Palmerston, 
which terminates with a letter of this day’s date. 

Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty 
that Lord Palmerston should be informed that your 
Majesty is ready to accept the Seals of Office, and to 
place them in other hands. 

Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for 

They may be of opinion that they cannot continue 
a Government. 

But that is not Lord John Russell’s opinion; and 
should they agree with him, he will proceed without 
delay to recommend a successor to your Majesty. 

The Earl Granville appears to him the person best 
calculated for that post, but the Cabinet may be of 
opinion that more experience is required. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsob'Castlb, iOtli December 1861. 

The Queen found on her anival here Lord John 
Russell’s letter, enclosing his correspondence with Lord 
Palmerston, which she has perused with that care and 
attention which the importance and gravity of the 
subject of it demanded. The Queen has now to 
express to Lord John Russell her readiness to follow 
his advice, and her acceptance of the resignation of 
Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see Lord 
John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDSOii Castle, 20tt December 1861. 

With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, 
the Queen must state, that after the sad experience 
which she has just had of the difficulties, annoyances. 

416 LORD GRANVILLE [mui.. xx 

and dangers to which the Sovereign may be exposed 
by the personal character and qualities of the Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs, she must reserve to herself the 
unfettered right to approve or disapprove the choice 
of a Minister for this Office. 

Lord Granville, whom Lord John RusseU designates 
as the person best calculated for that post, would meet 
with her entire approval. The possible opinion of the 
Cabinet that more experience was requhed does not 
weigh much with the Queen. From her knowledge 
of Lord Granville’s character, she is inclined to see no 
such disadvantage in the circumstance that he has 
not yet had practice in managing Foreign Affairs, as 
he will be the more ready to lean upon the advice 
and judgment of the Prime Minister where he may 
have diffidence in his own, and thereby will add 
strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity in 
thought and action. The Queen hopes Lord John 
Russell will not omit to let her have copies of his 
correspondence with Lord Palmerston, as he has 
promised her.^ 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiNDSon Castle, 21j< Decmber 1851. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
of to-day. She is not the least afraid of Lord 
Granville’s not possessing sufficient public confidence 
for him to undertake the Foreign Aifahs. He is very 
popular with the House of Lords, with the Free 
Traders, and the Peace party, and aU that the 
Continent knows of him is in his favour; he had 
great success at Paris last summer, and his never 
having had an opportunity of damaging his character 

On the same d.ay tlio Prince wrote to tlie Premier that the Queen was 
much relieved. She had contemplated dismissing Lord Palmerston herself, 
hnt naturally shrank from using the power of the Crown, as her action would 
have been criticised without the possibility of making a public defence ; in 
his view die Cabinet was rather strengthened than otherwise by Palmerston’s 
departure, and public sympathy would not be with him. The rest of die letter 
is published in The Lije of the Trince Consort 


by having been mixed up in diplomatic intrigues is 
an immense advantage to him in obtaining the con- 
fidence of those with whom he is to negotiate. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNDsoB CastlBj 2Zrd December 1861 . 

My DEAE6EST Uncle, — I have the greatest pleasure 
in announcing to you a piece of news which I know 
will give you as much satisfaction and relief as it does 
to usj and wiU do to the whole of the world. Lord 
Palmerston is no longer Pm'eign Secretary — and Lord 
Granville is aheady named his successor 1 1 He had 
become of late really quite reckless, and in spite 
of the serious admonition and caution he received 
only on the ^9th of November, and again at the 
beginning of December, he tells Walewski that he 
entirely approves Louis Napoleon’s coup d'dtat, when 
he had written to Lord Normanby by my and the 
Cabinet’s desire that he (Lord Normanby) was to 
continue his diplomatic intercourse with the French 
Government, but to ’remain perfectly p^assive and 
give no opinion. Walewsku. wrote Palmerston’s 
opinion (entirely contrary to what the Government 
had ordered) to M. Turgot, and when Normanby came 
with his instructions, Turgot told him what Palmerston 
had said. Upon this Lord John asked Palmerston to 
give an explanation — ^which, after the delay of a week, 
he answered in such an unsatisfactory way that Lord 
John wrote to him that he could no longer remain 
Foreign Secretary, for that perpetual misunderstand- 
ings and breaches of decorum were taking place which 
endangered the country. Lord Palmerston answered 
instantly that he would give up the Seals the moment 
his successor was named I Certain as we all felt that 
he could not have continued long in his place, we 
were quite taken by surprise when we learnt of the 
dencmement. . . . Lord Granville wiU, I think, do 
extremely well, and his extreme honesty and trust- 

VOT TT 2 T) 


worthiness will make him invaluahle to us, and to the 
Government and to Europe. 

I send some prints, etc., for the children for 
Christmas. Ever your devoted Niece, Victouia R. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Windsor Castle, 23>'i December 1861. 

Lord John Russell arrived here at six o’clock 
yesterday evening immediately from the Cabinet, and 
reported that the Cabinet had, without a dissenting 
voice, condemned Lord Palmerston’s conduct, and 
approved of the steps taken by Lord John Russell, 
which was a great relief to him. Lord Lansdowne, 
to whom he had fcst written on the subject, had 
frightened him by answering that it was not possible 
to avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that 
he thought the Government would after this not be 
able to go on. When, however, this question was 
discussed in Cabinet, and Lord John had stated that 
he thought the Office could be well filled, they all 
agreed in the propriety of goj-ng on. The Members 
of the Cabinet were so unable to understand Lord 
Palmerston’s motive?' for his conduct during these 
last months, that Mr Fox Maule started an idea 
which once occurred to Lord John himself (as he said), 
viz. that he must have had the design to bring on a 
rupture! Lord Minto, who was absent from the 
Cabinet, expressed himself in a letter to Lord John 
very strongly about Lord Palmerston’s reckless conduct, 
which woidd yet undo the country. 

Lord John, after having received the concurrence 
of the Cabinet on the question of Lord Palmerston’s 
dismissal, stated that Lord Granville was the person 
whom he would like best to see fill his office, and he 
Icnew this to be the feeling of the Queen also. The 
Cabinet quite agi-eed in Lord Granville’s fitness, but 
Sir George Grey stated it as his opmion that it ought 
first to be offered to Lord Clarendon, who has always 
been pointed out by the public as the proper person 




to succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were 
passed over, the whole matter would have the appear- 
ance of a Cabinet intrigue in favour of one colleague 
against another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with 
this opinion, and Lord John Russell now proposed to 
the Queen that an offer should in the first instance be 
made to Lord Clarendon. 

The Queen protested against the Cabinet’s taking 
upon itself the appointment of its own Members, 
which rested enth-ely with the Prime Minister and the 
Sovereign, under whose approval the former constructed 
his Government. . . . Lord John replied that he thought 
Lord Clarendon would not accept the offer, and there- 
fore there would be little danger in satisfying the desires 
of the Cabinet. He had written to Lord Clarendon 
a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of 
some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and 
speaking of his former wish to exchange the Lord- 
Lieutenancy for some other Ofl&ce. Lord Clarendon 
at once perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote to 
the Duke of Bedford what he said he did not wish 
to write to his brotlier John, that, if it was that 
Palmerston was going, and he were thought of as a 
successor, nothing would be so "disagreeable to him, as 
the whole change would be put down as an intrigue 
of his, whom Lord Palmerston had always accused of 
wishing to supplant him ; that if, however, the service 
of the Country required it, he had the courage to face 
all personal obloquy. . . . 

Lord John owned that Sir George Grey’s chief 
desire was to see Lord Clarendon removed from 
Ireland, having been there so long ; the Cabinet would 
wish to see the Duke of Newcastle join the Government 
as Lord-Lieutenant, which he might be induced to do. 
The Queen having mentioned Lord Clarendon as most 
fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one day as President 
of the Council and leader m the House of Lords, Lord 
John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly begged 
not to have that position offered him, for which he did 
not feel fit T.orH .John would like- him as Ambassador 


at Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would like this 
himself; hut it was difficult to know what to do with 
Lord Normanby. 

In the course of the conversation, Lord John con- 
gratulated the Queen upon the change having been 
accomplished without her personal intervention, which 
might have exposed her to the animosity of Lord 
Palmerston’s admirers, whilst she would have been 
precluded from maldng any public defence. I reminded 
Lord John that, as such was the disadvantage of the 
regal position, it behoved the Queen doubly to watch, 
lest she he put into the same dilemma with a new 
Minister, whose conduct she could not approve of. 
Lord Clarendon’s appointment would be doubly galling 
to Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not wish 
to irritate further, a consideration which Lord John 
said he had also pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon 
a remark fi'om Lord John as to Lord Granville’s 
youth, the Queen replied : “ Lord Canning, whom Lord 
Stanley had intended to make his Foreign Secretary, 
was not older.” . . . 

The conference ended by Lord John’s promise to 
write to Lord Clarendon as the ^ueen had desired . . . 
but that he did not wish to make the offer to Lord 
Granville tOl he had Lord Clarendon’s answer. Lord 
Granville had been told not to attend the last Cabinet ; 
Lord Palmerston had naturally stayed away. 

I went up to Town at half-past seven to the West- 
minster Play, and took Lord John in my train to 
Richmond. We had some further conversation in the 
carriage, in which I asked Lord John whether it was 
true that Lord Palmerston had got us likewise into a 
quarrel with America by our ships firing at Panama 
upon an American merchantman ; he said neither he 
nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir 
Francis had been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston’s 
quitting, as he could not be sure a moment that his 
Fleets were not brought into some scrape I 

On my expressing my conviction that Lord Palmer- 
ston could not be very formidable to the Government, 


Lord J ohn said : “ I hope it will not come true what 
Lord Derby (then Lord Stanley) said after the last 
ministerial crisis, when Lord John quizzed him at not 
having been able to get a Foreign Secretary — ‘Next 
time I shall have Lord Palmerston ’ 1 ” Aleeht. 

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria, 

Downing Street, iZrd December 1861 . 

Lord John RusseU presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty. He has just seen Count Walewski; he 
told him that he had an important piece of intelligence 
to give him ; that your Majesty had been pleased to 
mafe a change in the Foreign Office, and to direct 
Lord Palmerston to give up the Seals. 

He wished to give this intelligence that he might 
accompany it with an intimation that the policy towards 
France would continue to be of the most friendly 
character, and that there was nothing the Government 
more deshed than to see a stable and settled Govern- 
ment in France; that they had every wish for the 
stabihty of the present French Government. Count 
Walewski said he had' received various assurances of 
opinion from Lord Palmerston, which he supposed were 
adopted by Lord John RusseU, and subsisted m force. 

Lord John Russell said: “Not exactly; it is a 
principle of the Enghsh Government not to interfere 
in any way with the internal affairs of other countries ; 
whether France chooses to be a Republic or a Monarchy, 
provided it be not a Social Republic, we vdsh to express 
no opinion; we are what we caU in England a sheet 
of white paper in this respect; all we desire is the 
happiness and welfare of France.” Count Walewski said 
“it was of importance to the stability of the President 
that he should have a large majority; he would then 
give a Constitution. 

Lord John RusseU said each nation must suit itself 
in this respect ; we have perhaps been in error in think- 
ing our Constitution could be generaUy adopted ; some 
nations it may suit, others may find it unfitted for them. 


Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsor Castdd, 23j'rf Dccemher 1861. 

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell’s 
letters, and is much rejoiced that this important affair 
has been finally so satisfactorily settled. 

The Queen returns Lord Clarendon’s letter, which 
she thinks a very good one.’^ The Queen hopes Count 
Walewski will have been satisfied, which she thinks he 
ought to be. The Queen will receive Lord Palmerston 
to deliver up the Seals, and Lord Granville to receive 
them, on Friday at half-past two. 

Lord John Russell to Quee^i Victoria. 

Downino Street, December 1861. 

Lord John Russell submits a private note of Lord 
Palmerston,^ which only shows how unconscious he was 
of aU that the rest of the world perceived. 

Queen Victoria to J^ord John Russell. 

Windsor Casth:, 25th December 1861. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letters, 
and she returns the enclosm'es. « 

The articles, in the Times are very good; the other 
papers seem quite puzSled, and unable to comprehend 
what has caused Lord Palmerston’s removal from office. 
Lord Palmerston’s letter is very characteristic ; he 
certainly has the best of the argument, and great care 
ought to be taken in bestowing any praise on him, as he 
always takes advantage of it to turn against those who 
meant it merely to soothe him. The Queen thought 
that there must be a Council for the swearing in of the 
new Secretary of State. 

' Lord Clarendon, in answer to Lord John Russell, expressed great re- 
luctance to undertake the charge of the Foreign Office, on the ground that 
Palmerston, always suspicious of him, would insist that he had deliberately 
undermined his position ; while Lord Granville would he popular with the 
Court and country. 

^ In this letter. Lord Palmerston denied the “'charge of violations of 
prudence and decorum,” adding, “I have to observe that that charge is 
refuted by the oiler which you made of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, 
because I apprehend that to be an office for the due performance of the duties 
of which prudence and decorum cannot well be dispensed with.” 




Memorandfiim by the Prince Albert. 

WnrosoB CastlEj December 1861. 

Yesterday the Council was held, at which the change 
of Seals was to take place. We waited for one hour and 
a half, but Lord Palmerston did not appear ; his Seals 
had been sent from the Foreign Office to Lord John 
Russell ! 

Lord John told us he had written to Lord Palmer- 
ston, announcing him the appointment of Lord Granville, 
and added that in his long political life he had not 
passed a week which had been so painful to him. Lord 
Palmerston’s answer was couched in these terms : “ Of 
course you will believe that I feel that just indignation 
at the whole proceeding which it must produce.” 

Lord Lansdowne seemed anxious particularly on 
account of the clear s3miptoms appearing from the 
papers that both Radicals and Protectionists are bidding 
for Lord Palmerston. 

Lord GranvUle was very much overcome when he 
had his audience to thanlc for his appointment, but 
seemed full of courage g.nd good-wiU. He said it would 
be as easy to him to avoid Lord Palmerston’s faults as 
difficult to imitate his good -qualities, promised to 
endeavour to establish a more decent usage between 
the Governments in their mutual communications, by 
setting the good example himself, and insisting upon the 
same on the part of the others ; promised not to have 
anything to do with the newspapers ; to give evening 
parties, just as Lord Palmerston had done, to which a 
good deal of his influence was to be attributed. He 
said a Member of Parliament just returned from the 
Continent had told him that an Englishman could hardly 
show himself without becoming aware of the hatred 
they were held in ; the only chance one had to avoid 
being insulted was to say Civis Pomanus non sum. 

Lord Granville has been Under-Secretary for Foreign 
Affairs under Lord Palmerston for three years from 
1837 - 40 , but, as he expressed himself, rather the sandwich 


between his principal and the clerks. Lord Palmerston 
had in these three years hardly once spoken to him upon 
any of the subjects he had to treat. Albeht. 

Qiieen Victoria to Lwd John Russell. 

WiNTisoB Casti.b, 27ift Deoemher 1861. 

The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell 
yesterday of his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, 
which he promised to let her have. 

The Queen concludes from what Lord John said 
yesterday that he intended sounding the Duke of 
Newcastle relative to the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. 

Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord 
Palmerston’s absence yesterday? If it was not acci- 
dental, she must say she thinks it most disrespectful 
conduct towards his Sovereign. 

Lord John Bussell to Queen Victoria. 

Fbiubroki! Lodge, 27tt Deeembm’ 1051. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty, and submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which 
explains his not going to Windsor. It appears to have 
arisen from a hiistake^in the message sent through 
Lord Stanley, and not from ally want of respect to 
your Majesty. 

Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Bussell. 

Cablton Gardens, 2*Jth December 1861. 

My dear John Russell, — I am distressed beyond 
measure by the note from you which I have this moment 
received on my an-ival here from Hampshire. I under- 
stood from Stanley that you had desired him to tell me 
that if it was inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, 
I might send the Seals to you at Windsor, and that my 
presence would be dispensed with.i Thereupon I sent 

^ There is a fuller account given of Lord Palmerston’s version of the whole 
affair in a letter to his brother, printed in Ashley’s Life of Lord Palmerston, 
vol. i. p. 316. 


the Seals up by an early train yesterday morning to 
Stanley, that he might send them down to you as 
suggested by you, and I deshed that they might be 
taken by a messenger by the special train. 

I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have 
the goodness to explain this matter to the Queen, and I 
beg you to assure Her Majesty how deeply grieved I 
am that what appears to have been a mistake on my 
part should have led me to be apparently wanting in 
due respect to Her Majesty, than which nothing could 
possibly be further from my intention or thoughts. 
Yours sincerely, Palmerston. 

Queen Victoria to Loi'd John JRusselL 

Windsor Castib, Decsmher 1651. 

The Queen thmks the moment of the change in the 
person of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to 
afford a fit opportunity to have the principles upon 
which our Foreign Affairs have been conducted smce 
the beginning of 1848 reconsidered by Lord Jolm 
RusseU and his Cabinet. 

The Queen was fuUy'aware that the storm raging at 
that time on the Continent rendered it impossible for 
any statesman to foresee with clearness and precision 
what development and direction its elements would 
take, and she consequently quite agreed that the line 
of pohcy to be followed, as the most conducive to the 
interests of England, could then only be generally con- 
ceived and vaguely expressed. 

But although the Queen is still convinced that the 
general principles laid down by Lord John at that time 
for the conduct of our Foreign Policy were in them- 
selves right, she has in the progress of the last three 
years become painfully convinced that the manner in 
which they have been practically applied has worked 
out very different results from those which the correct- 
ness of the prmciples themselves had led her to expect. 
For when the revolutionary movements on the Continent 
had laid prostrate, almost all its Governments, and 



jTOR policy reviewed 

[chap. XX 

England alon^‘p 

vigour, and pros- 
perity wtiicn ^ owes to a stable, free, and good Govern- 
ment, the instead of earning the natural good 

results or glorious position, viz. consideration, 

goodwiiU^ confidence, and influence abroad, obtained the 
v ’ grief to see her Government 

and y jierself treated on many occasions with neglect, 
aVOT'lgion, distrust, and even contumely. 

./^'Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called 
,Xn question, it has been said by Lord John and his 
colleagues that the principles on which it was con- 
ducted were the right ones, and having been approved of 
by them, received their support, and that it was only the 
personal manner of Lord Palmerston in conducting the 
affairs which could be blamed in tracing the causes which 
led to the disastrous results the Queen complains of. 

The Queen is certainly not di^osed to defend the 
personal manner in which Lord Palmerston has con- 
ducted Foreign Affairs, but she cannot admit that the 
errors he committed were merely faults in form and 
method, that they were no more than acts of “ incon- 
sideration, indiscretion, or bad taste.” The Queen con- 
siders that she has also to complain of what appeared 
to her deviations from the principles laid down by the 
Cabinet for his condudt, nay, she sees distinctly in their 
practical apphcation a personal and arbitrary perversion 
of the very nature and essence of those principles. She 
has only to refer here to Italy, Spain, Greece, Holstein, 
France, etc., etc., which afford ample illustrations of 
this charge. 

It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have 
attempted such substantial deviations ; it will be 
another for the Cabinet to consider whether they had 
not the power to check him in these attempts. 

The Queen, however, considering times to nave now 
changed, thinks that there is no reason why we should 
any longer confine ourselves to the mere assertion of 
abstract principles, such as “non-intervention in the 
internal affairs of other countries,” “moral support to 
liberal institutions,” “protection to British subjects,” 


etc., etc. The moving powers which were put in 
operation by the French Revolution of 1848, and the 
events consequent on it, are no longer so obscure ; they 
have assumed distinct and tangible forms in almost all 
the countries affected by them (in France, in Italy, 
Germany, etc.), and upon the state of things now 
existing, and the experience gained, the Queen would 
hope that our Foreign Policy may be more specifically 
defined, and that it may be considered how the general 
principles are to be practieaUy adapted to our peculiar 
relations with each Continental State. 

The Queen wishes therefore that a regular pro- 
gramme embracing these different relations should 
be submitted to her, and would suggest whether it 
would not be the best mode if Lord John were to ask 
Lord Granville to prepare such a paper and to lay it 
before her after having revised it. 

This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord 
GranviUe, and enable the Queen as well as the Cabinet 
to see that the Policy, as in future to be conducted, 
win be in conformity with the principles laid down and 


Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 


Pembroke Lodge, 29<A December 1861. 

Lord John RusseU presents his humble duty to your 
Majesty; he has received your Majesty’s communica- 
tion of yesterday, and will transmit it to Lord GranviUe. 

It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary 
policy of this country is not to bind the Crown and 
country by engagements, unless upon special cause 
shown, arising out of the circumstances of the day. 

For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance 
between England, France, Spain, and Portugal was 
contrary to the general principle of non-intervention ; 
so was the interference in Portugal in 1847, but were 
both justified by circumstances. 

Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles 
from which deviations may not frequently be made- 




The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that 
they should do unto us is more applicable than any 
system of political science. The honour of England 
does not consist in defending every English officer or 
English subject, right or wrong, but in taking care that 
she does not infr inge the rules of justice, and that they 
are not infringed against her.^ 

Queen Ficioria to the King of the Belgians. 

WiNnsoR CastMj 30i/i December 1861. 

My deauest Uncle, — Most warmly do I thank 
you for your land and affectionate and interesting letter 
of the 26 th, which I received on Sunday. All that you 
say about Lord Palmerston is but too true. . . . He 
brouilUd us and the country with every one ; and his 
very first act precipitated the unfortunate Spanish 
marriages which was le commencement de la fin. It is 
too grievous to think how much misery and mischief 
might have been avoided. However, now he has done 
with the Foreign Office for ever, and “the veteran 
statesman,” as the newspapers, to our great amusement 
and I am sure to his infinite annoyance, call him, must 
rest upon his laurels. ... I fear much lest they should 
be imprudent at Clammont ; the poor Queen hinted to 
Mamma that she hoped you would not become a friend 
to the President ; no doubt you can have no sympathies 
for him, but just because you are related to the poor 
Orleanses, you feel that you must be doubly cautious 
to do nothing which could provoke the enmity of Louis 
Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinville had some mad 
idea of going to France, which, fortunately, his illness 
prevented. It would have been the height of folly. 
Their only safe policy is to remain entirely passive et 
de se fair e outlier, which was Nemours’ expression to 
me two years ago ; nothing could be wiser or more 
prudent than he was then — -but I don’t think they were 
wise since. La Candidature of Joinville was in every 

^ A summary of Lord Granville’s Memorandum in reply (wliicli was 
ooucLed in very general terms) will tie found in Lord Fitzmaurioe’a Biography 
of Qranville, vol. ii. p. 49. ' 


way unwise, and led Louis Napoleon to take so 
desperate a course. Nemours told me also last year 
that they were not at all against a fusion, but that they 
could not disposer de la. France, unless called upon to 
do so by the nation. I wish you would caution them 
to be very circumspect and silent — ^for all the mistakes 
made by others is in their favour ; in fact, no good for 
them could come tiU Paris is old enough to be his 
own master — unless indeed they aU returned under 
Henri V., but a Regency for Paris would be an impossi- 
bility. . . . 

We spent a very happy Christmas, and now wish 
you a very happy New Year — for many succeeding 
years. Also to the children, who I hope were pleased 
with the prints, etc. 

We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, 
a pretty, clever boy of nineteen, with a good deal of 
knowledge, and a great wish to learn and hear, which 
is a rare thing for the young Princes, of our day in 
particular. I must stop now, as I fear I have already 
let my pen run on for too long, and must beg to be 
excused for this volummpus letter. 

With Albert’s love, ever your devoted Niece, 


Qiieen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

WiHDSOB Castm, 30(7i December 1861. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s 
letters of yesterday. She quite agrees with him and 
his colleagues in thinking it of importance to strengthen 
the Government, and she is pleased with his proposal 
to communicate with the Duke of Newcastle as to 
what assistance he and his friends can give to the 

The Queen expects better results h'om such a 
negotiation, with an ostensible head of a Party, than 
from attempts to detach single individuals from it, 
which from a sense of honour they always felt scruples 
in agreeing to. 




Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsor CastijBj Slst Deceniber 1861 . 

The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be 
a Te Leum at Paris on the 2nd for the success of the 
coup d!6tat, and that the Corps Diplomatique is to be 
present. She hopes that Lord Normanby will be told 
not to attend. Besides the impropriety of his taking 
part in such a ceremony, his doing so would entirely 
destroy the position of Lord John B,ussell opposite 
Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that 
he merely expressed his personal approval of the coup 
d’Stat before, but since, the Queen’s Ambassador had 
been ordered publicly to thank God for its success. 


Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit 
by the removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coali- 
tion with the Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham ; 
the overtures failed, and soon after the meeting of Parliament, the 
ex-Foreign Secretary, whose version of the cause of his dismissal 
failed to satisfy the House of Commons, succeeded in defeating the 
Government on their Militia Bill, affairs in France having caused 
anxiety as to the national defences. The Government Bill was for 
the creation of a local Militia, Lord Palmerston preferring the 
consolidation of the regular Militia. A Ministry was formed by 
Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley) from the Protectionist Party, 
but no definite statement could be elicited as to their intention, or 
the reverse, to re-impose a duty on foreign com. Mr Disraeli, who 
became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and was the mainspring of 
the Government policy, showed great dexterity in his management 
of the House of Commons without a majority, and carried a Militia 
Bill in the teeth of Lord Jojan RusseU ; but a plan of partial re- 
distribution failed. The elections held in the summer did not 
materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting of 
Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely 
faced. After much wrangling. Protection was finally abandoned, 
and the Government saved for the moment, but on their House- 
tax proposals thw were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by 
a coalition of Whigs, Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord 
Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen (and finally the latter alone) were 
called upon to construct a strong representative Government. The 
Duke of Wellington had died in September, and his funeral was 
the signal for an outburst of national feeling. During the year 
the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir Charles Barry, though 
not absolutely completed, were formally opened by the Queen ; lie 
new House of Lords had already been in use. 

In France, the first result of the coup d'Aat was Louis Bona- 
parte’s election as President for ten years by an immense majority; 
late in the year he assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon HI,, and 
the Empire was formally recognised by the majority of the Powers ; 
the Emperor designed to add to his prestige by contracting a matri- 
monial alliance with Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe. In the East 
of Europe a dispute 'had commenced between France and Russia 




about the Holy Places in Palestine. Simultaneously with the death 
of the Duke or Wellington, the era of European peace was destined 
to come to an end, and Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to power 
of Aberdeen (whom he had met in 1844, and with whom he had 
frankly discussed European politics), was hoping for the consumma- 
tion of his scheme for the partition of Turkey. 

To Greater Britain the year was a memorable one, in conse- 
quence of the granting of a Constitution to New Zealand. 



Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark. 

Windsor Castde, ith January 18S2. 

Sir, my Brother, — I received the letter which 
your Majesty addressed to me on the 24th of August 
last, and in which, after referring to the necessity for 
establishing some definite arrangement with regard to 
the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, 
your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me that, in your 
opinion, such an arrangement might advantageously he 
made in favour of your Majesty’s cousin, His Highness 
the Prince Christian of Glucksburg,^ and the issue of 
his marriage -with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in 
favour of whom the nek.rer claimants have renounced 
their rights and titles. 

I trust I need not- assm'e your Majesty of the 
sincere friendship which I entertain for you, and of 
the deep interest which T feel in the welfare of the 
Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those 
sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator 
between your Ma,iesty and the States of the German 
Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest pleasure 
to have been thus mstrumental in re-estabhshing the 
relations of peace between your Majesty and those 

^ Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glucksburg was 
named successor to Frederick VII., King of Denmark, by a Treaty signed 
in London on the 8th of May 1862; and by the Danish law of succession; 
(of the 31st of July 1863), he ascended the throne under the style of 
Christian IX., on the 16th of November, 1863. He was the father of His 
Majesty, Frederick VIII., the present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty 
Queen Alexandra of England ; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise 
having predeceased him in 1898. 

VOT TT. 2 TT 433 


With regard to the question of the eventual 
succession to both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I 
have to state to your Majesty that although I declined 
to take any part in the settlement of that combination, 
it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn 
that an arrangement has been definitely determined 
upon equally satisfactory to your Majesty and to the 
Germanic Confederation; and whenever it shall have 
been notified to me that such an arrangement has been 
arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with 
what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 
1850, to consider, in concert with my Allies, the 
expediency of giving the sanction of an European 
acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus 
have been made. 

I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity 
to renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable 
attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my 
Brother, your Majesty’s good Sister, Victoria R, 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell. 

Windsor Castle, 16tt January 1862. 

The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter 
last night, and wishes now shortly to repeat what she 
desired through the Prince, Sir Charles W ood to explain 
to Lord John.^ 

The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fuUy 
consider what their object is before the proposed 
negotiation with Six James Graham be opened. 

Is it to strengthen their case in Parliament by 
proving that no means have been left untried to 
strengthen the Government? or really to effect a 
junction with the Peehtes? 

If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap 
any of the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, 
shrewd as Sir James Graham is, he will immediately 
see that the negotiation has been begun without a 

1 Lord John Rnssell having vainly attempted to secure the co-operation 
of the Duke of Newcastle, announced the wish^of the Cabinet to make 
Overtun ' tn SiT J. Gr"hfni. 


desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become 
generally known. 

If the latter, the Queen must observe that there 
are two kinds of junctions — one, a fusion of Parties ; 
the other, the absorption of one Party by the other. 
For a fusion, the Queen thmks the Peelites to be 
quite ready ; then, however, they must be treated as a 
political Party, and no exclusion should be pronounced 
against particular members of it, nor should it be 
insisted upon that the new Government and Party 
is still emphatically the Whig Party. 

An absorption of the most liberal talents amongst 
the Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen 
considers unlikely to succeed, and she can fully under- 
stand that reasons of honour and public and private 
engagement must make it difficult to members of a 
political Party to go over to another in order to 
receive office. 

Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John 
full permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham. 

Qioeen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Windsor Castle, 20tli January 1862 . 

My deadest Uncl^ — ^Your'kind letter of the 16th 
I received on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which 
I return my best thanks. The papers which Stockmar 
communicated to us are most interesting, and do the 
writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall 
and must be. We shall try and keep on the best of 
terms with the President, who is extremely sensitive 
and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I have 
never had any personal hostility; on the contrary, I 
thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him aU 
a good deal, as he certahily raised the French Govern- 
ment de la boue. But I grieve over the tyi-anny and 
oppression practised since the coup d’etat, and it 
makes everything very uncertain, for though I believe 
it in every way his wish and his policy not to go to 
war, stdl, il peut ttre entratnd. 

Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, 



[0HAI>. XXI 

as I again repeat, I think there is no reason to be 
alarmed; particularly, I would neoer show it. 

The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till 
yesterday evening with their dear nice boys, and I 
think it always does them good. They feel again as 
if they were in their own position, and they are diverted 
from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of 
their existence at Claremont. I found him very quiet 
and really not bitter, and disposed to be very prudent, 
— but seriously alarmed at the possibility of losing their 
property, which would be too dreadful and monstrous. I 
fear that the candidature and poor Hdlene’s imprudence 
in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution. The 
poor Orleans have really (and you should write them 
that) no truer and more faithful friends than we are 
— and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them 
to be entirely passive; for their day will come, I feel 
convinced ! 

Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever 
your truly devoted Niece, Victobia R. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 


Windsor Castm, 27</» January 1862. 

The Queen* has received Lord John Russell's letter 
of yesterday with the drafts o:f Bills, and likewise that 
of to-day, enclosing a Memorandum on the probable 
effects of the proposed Measure.^ She has perused these 
papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion 
upon the future results of the Measure must rest on 
surmises ; she has that confidence, however, in Lord 
John’s experience and judgment in these matters, and 
so strong a conviction that he will have spared no 
pains in forming as coiTect an opinion as may be formed 
on so problematical a matter, that she is prepared to 
come to the decision of approving the Measure on the 
strength of Lord John’s opinion. She only hopes that 
the future may bear it out, and that the character of 
the House of Commons may not be impaired. Should 
this prove the case, the extension of the privilege of 

1 piafnriTi TiiTi, 


voting for Members will strengthen our Institutions. 
The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the 
necessity for every Member of the Government to 
vacate his seat upon his appointment ^ should have 
been maintained. She hopes that the schedules show- 
ing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs 
will be drawn up with the gi*eatest care and impartiality, 
and will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would 
be glad if the plan once proposed of giving to the 
Queen’s University in Ireland the vacant seat for 
Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that 
not only would it be a great thing for the University 
and the Colleges, but a most useful and influential 
Irish Member would be gained for the House. 

The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as 
approved by her will be stood by in Parliament, and 
that Lord John will not allow himself to be drawn 
on to further concessions to Democracy in the course 
of the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot 
will be vigorously opposed by the Government. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Rtissell. 

WiNDsoB Castle, ist Febniary 1852. 

The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. 
The passage referring to the proposed Reform Measure 
varies so materially from the one which was first sub- 
mitted to her that she feels that she ought not to 
sanction it without having received some explanation 
of the grounds which have led the Cabinet to recom- 
mend it in its altered shape. The Queen will not 
object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant 
which Lord John Russell proposes. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham PaIjAoe, Srd February 1862. 

My dearest Uncle, — My warmest thanks for your 
kind httle letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical 

1 The Act of Settlement excluded (as from tie accession of the House 
of Hanover) the Ministers of State from the House of Commons ; hut the 
6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and made them re-eligible on appointment. 

438 WOMEN AND POLITICS [chap, xxi 

and all Van de Weyer has told us n'est pas rassui'ant. 
With such an extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, 
one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me 
very melancholy; I love peace and quiet — in fact, I 
hate politics and turmoil, and I grieve to think that 
a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I 
think that may be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium 
would be casus belli for tis ; that you may rely upon. 
Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people 
here is very great — they are full of defending them- 
selves — and the spirit of the olden times is in no way 

In two hours’ time Parliament will be opened, and 
to-night the explanations between Lord John and 
Lord Palmerston will take place. I am very curious 
how tliey will go off The curiosity and anxiety to 
hear it is very great. 

I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and 
more sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really 
like a father — only too partial, I always think. 

Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics 
and business, and is so wonderfully fit for both — such 
perspicacity and such courage- — and I grow dady to 
dislike them both move and more. We women are 
not made for governing — and if we are good women, 
we must dislike these masculine occupations ; but there 
are times which force one to take interest in them mal 
grd bon gre, and I do, of course, intensely. 

I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of 
Parliament. . . . Ever your devoted Niece, 


Lord John Russell to Qiteen Victoria. 

Chesham Plaok, itli February 1862. 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and has the honour to report that the 
Address was agreed to last night without a division. 

The explanations between Lord Palmerston and 
himself were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, 



and was not supported by any considerable party in 
the House. His approbation of the President’s 
conduct seemed to confound the Liberal Party, and 
he did not attempt to excuse his delay in answering 
Lord John Russell’s letter of the 14th.^ 

The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. 
Mr Disraeli made a long speech for the sake of 
making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter without 
much effect. 

Generally speaking, the appearance of the House 
was favourable. Sir James Graham says the next 
fortnight wiU clear up matters very much. 

The tone of the House was decidedly pacific. 

Queen Victoria to Lord John Bussell. 

Windsor Cabtdd, itt, Fehmary 1862. 

W e have learned with much satisfaction that every- 
thing went off so well in the House of Commons last 
night. Lord John Russell’s speech is a most useful 
one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the 
constitutional position of the Prime Minister and 
Foreign Secretary opposite to the Crown. Lord 
Palmerston’s speech is a very weak , one, and he in 
no way makes out a case for^himselfi This seems to 
[be] the general impression. 

The Houses of Lords and Commons being now 
almost completed, and the Queen having entered the 
House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is 
magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right 
moment for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as 
a mark of the Queen’s approbation of his great work. 

The Marquis of Nwmanhy to Colonel Phipps.'^ 

St George’s Hotbi., 6th February 1852. 

My dear Charles, — ^Yesterday morning I got a 
note from John Russell, saying that all had gone off 
so well the night before, and Palmerston had been so 

' See ante, p. 413. 

^ Subqiitted to the Oueen by Colonel Phipps. 


flat that he thought it better I should not revive the 
subject in the other House, as he had said nothing 
about me which in the least requh’cd that I should 
do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal, though 
there are several points in his speech on which I could 
have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has 
never shown any consideration for me in the whole 
of these affairs ; but I do not mean in any way to 
complain, and am very grateful to him for the very 
successful way in which he executed his task on 
Tuesday. Nothing can be more universal than the 
feeling of the utter discomfiture of Palmerston.^ I am 
convinced that what floored him at starting was that 
letter of the Queen’s,^ because every one felt that such a 
letter would never have been written unless every point 
in it could have been proved like a bill of indictment ; 
and then came the q^uestion, how could any man, even 
feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want 
of confidence?® . . . 

Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville’s last night, told 
me that Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had 
felt indignant at the arrogance of “ that man," he really 
pitied him, so complete was luG overthrow. Disraeli 
said that he had watched him during Johnny’s speech, 
and doubted whether tTie hanging of the head, etc., 
was merely acting; but before he had spoken two 
sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many said 
that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner 
was more remarkable than ever, from their being 
evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always 

' It appears from a Memorandum made atout this time by Prince Albert 
that when Lord Palmerston’s retirement became known, the Eadical con- 
stituency of Marylebone wished to present him with an Address of sympathy, 
and to invite him to stand at the next Election, promising him to bring 
him in. Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they 
had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken place, for 
at present they knew notliing about the merits of the case. This the 
Committee which had been organised consented to do. After the Debate 
of the 4th of Pehruary, Sir Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the 
Committee to ask him whether they would still carry out their intention. 
“No,” said the Chairman; “'we have considered the matter: a man who 
does not ansvver the Queen’s letters can receive no Address from us.” 

‘ See antB) p. 315. 

® Of. GrevUle’s account in his Journal, 6tli February 1862. See also p. 446. 




thought Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker ; 
his great power arose irom his not only knowing his 
subject better than any one else, but being the only 
man who knew anything about it, and using that 
exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the purposes 
of misrepresentation. 

Thiers was at Lady GranviUe’s last night, and was 
enchanted with the spectacle of the Opening. He said 
that he had been endeavouring for thirty years to 
support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the 
best Government in the world, and there he saw it 
in perfection, not only in its intrinsic attributes, but in 
the universal respect and adhesion with which it was 
received. He said, though he did not understand a 
word of English, he could have cried at the Queen’s 
voice in reading the Speech. He is very “ impression- 
able,” and I am convinced at the time he was quite 
sincere in his appreciation. 

I am vexed at not having been able to say anything 
publicly about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled 
many misrepresentations; but it cannot be helped. I 
have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I 
may as weU keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, 
etc, , Normanby. 

I told John Russell 'last night I regretted that he 
had vouched for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. 
He said he had not done that, but owned that he had 
said more than he ought. “ The fact is, I did not know 
what to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so 
I said that ; I had better have said something else 1 ” 
Candid and characteristic I 

Queen Victoria to Earl Qranville. 

W INDSOB Castle, \0th Feh'uary 1862. 

The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will 
not object to the proposed step^ should Lord Granville 
and Lord John Russell have reason to expect that the 
Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer ; should he refuse, it 

^ The Tuscan Government declined to I'eceive Sir H, Buhver^ and it was 
then proposed to send him to Rome instead. 



will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult 
to give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does 
not know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome 
will overcome the objections raised to his reception as 
Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has never been 
able to understand what is to be obtained by a mission 
to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation 
here. . . . 

Ltord John Russell to the Prince Albert. 

CnEsnAM Place, XQth Feh'uary 1862. 

Sm, — I have seen the Duke of Wellington this 
morning, and have given him the Dep6t plan. 

It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see 
him from time to time in relation to the Army. On 
the one hand, your Royal Highness’s authority may 
overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally 
entertains ; and on the other, his vast experience may 
be of great use to your Royal Highness in regard to 
the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal 
Highness’s most dutiful Servant, John Russell. 

Sir Rrancis Raring to Queen Victoria. 

Aemibalty, X5ih February 1862. 

Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, and begs to state to your Majesty that 
despatches have this evening arrived from Commander 
Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Com- 
mander Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos ^ 
which was completely successful. The town of Lagos 
was captured and in great part burnt. The resistance 
appears to have been obstinate and directed with much 
skill. Your Majesty’s naval Service behaved with their 
accustomed gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted 
to fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis 
Baring will forward to your Majesty copies of the 
despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty. 

F. Baring. 

^ Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The' native kinp" was deposed. 




Qiieen Victoria to Sir Francis Faring. 

Buckingham PalaoEj \Qth February 1862. 

The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring’s 
letters of the 15th. The news of the capture and 
destruction of the town of Lagos has given us the 
greatest satisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow 
to the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr 
Crowther, whom the Queen saw about two months 
ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has 
also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part 
of the African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the 
stronghold of its greatest supporters, was destroyed. 
The Queen must express to Sir Francis Baring her 
sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bmce 
and the Officers under him. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckinghaji Palace, llth February 1852. 

My dearest Uncle, — Your dear letter of the 13th 
reached me on Saturday here, where we are since 
Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are satisfied 
with Lord Granville’s .answer. ’ The question shall 
certainly be borne in mind, and you may rely on our 
doing whatever can be effected to bring about the 
desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will find his 
decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad 
to hear that you quietly are preparing to strengthen 
yourself against the possibihty of any attack from 
France. This wiU, I think, put Louis Napoleon, on 
his good behaviour. . . . 

The extension of the Suffrage^ was almost un- 
avoidable, and it was better to do it quietly, and not 
to wait till there was a cry for it — to which one would 
have to yield. The deal there is to do, and the 
importance of everything going on at home and abroad, 
is unexampled in my recollection and very trying; 

See ante, pp. 364, 391. 


Albert becomes really a teiTible man of business ; 1 
think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his 
character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve 
over all this, as I cannot enjoy these things, nvacli as 
I interest myself in general European politics ; but I 
am every day more convmced that we women, if we 
are to be good women, feminine and amiable and 
domestic, are not fitted to reign; at least it is contre 
gre that they drive themselves to the work which it 

However, this camiot now be helped, and it is the 
duty of every one to fulfil all that they are called upon 
to do, in whatever situation they may be ! 

Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown 
and improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With 
Albert’s love, ever your devoted Niece. 


Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria. 

Chbsham Place, Peliruarij 1862. 

(9.16 r.M.) 

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to 
your Majesty, .and has the honour to report that Lord 
Palmerston has just carried his Motion for leaving out 
the word “ Local ” in the title ot the Bill for the Militia.^ 

Lord .John Russell then declared that he could no 
longer take charge of the BiU. Lord Palmerston said 
he was astonished at the Government for giving up 
the Bin for so slight a cause. 

Lord John Russell then said that he considered the 
vote as tantamount to a resolution of want of confidence, 
which remark was loudly cheered on the other side. 

Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Govern- 
ment did not resign, on which Lord John again 
explained that when confidence was withdrawn, the 
consequence was obvious. 

^ Events in France had revived anxiety as to the national defences, and 
the Government brought in a Bill for raising a local Militia. To this scheme 
the Duke of Wellington had been unfavourable, and Lord Palmerston, by a 
majority of eleven, carried an Amendment in fa^ur of re-organising the 
"repTilar ” instead of raisins' a local” Militia. 



Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham PaiacEj Vlst February 1862. 

Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve 
o’clock to explain that after the vote of yesterday^ it 
was impossible for him to go on any longer with the 
Government. He considered it a vote of censure, and 
an entirely unprecedented case not to allow a Minister 
of the Crown even to lay his measure on the Table of 
the House ; that he had expected to the last that the 
respectable part of the House would see all this, but 
there seemed to have been a pre-arranged determination 
between Lord Palmerston and the Protectionists to 
defeat the Government ; that the Peehtes also had 
agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham and 
Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and 
Mr S. Herbert had voted against them, the latter 
even misrepresenting what Lord John had said. No 
Government could stand against incessant motions of 
censure upon every imaginable department of the 
Executive Government. The Prime Minister would 
either have to take the fnanagement of all the depart- 
ments into his own hands, and tc; be prepared to defend 
every item, for which ‘he (Lord John) did not feel 
the moral and physical power, or he must succumb 
on those different points which the Opposition with 
divided labour could single out. Lord Palmerston’s 
conduct was the more reprehensible as he had asked 
him the day before about his objections to the BiU, 
and had (he thought) satisfied him that the four 
points upon which he had insisted were provided for 
in the BUI. 

He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen’s 
enquiry) dissolve Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston 
had no Party. But he supposed Lord Derby was 
prepared to form a Protection Government. This 
Government would pass the estimates and the Mutiny 
Bill, and would then have to proceed to a Dissolution. 

On the Militia Bill. 


Lord John had merely seen Lord Lansdowne, who had 
approved of the course he meant to pursue, though 
afraid of the imputation that the Government had run 
away from the Caffre debate. He had summoned the 
Cabinet, and would report their resolution. Speaking 
of Lord Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard that 
Lord Palmerston had said that there was one thing 
between them which he could not forgive, and that 
was his reading the Queen’s Minute to the House 
of Commons. 

At a quarter past four Lord John came back from 
the Cabinet, and formally tendered their resignations 
of himself and colleagues. The Cabinet had been 
unanimous that there was no other course to pursue, 
and that it would not be advisable to make use of 
the Queen’s permission to advise a Dissolution. Lord 
Granville had ascertained through Dr Quin from Lord 
Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared with an 
Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas Baring’s 
consent to act as Leader of the House of Commons. 

Sh’ Stratford Cannii^ at Constantinople was supposed 
to be intended for the Foreign pffice. Lord Lyndhurst 
said, though the materials were there, they were very 
bad ones, and it was '•a question whether they would 
stand long. He himself would keep out of place. 

We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under 
discipline in Opposition, so that whilst there it did not 
commit errors which would become new difficulties for 
the future Government. He seemed disinclined for 
great exertions after the fatigues he had undergone 
these last years. He said he thought he would not go 
on with the Reform Bill out of office, as that was a 
mealsure which ought to be carried by a Government. 
If he had again to propose it, he would very hkely alter 
it a httle, reverting to his original plan of taking away 
one Member of the two returned by small boroughs, 
and giving their seats to some large towns, counties, 
and corporations like the Universities, etc. 

Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new 
A dminiftr^tion 1'' formed. At 'vrt, 


Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby. 

BnoKiNQHAM PalaoBj 21s< Feh'uary 1862. 

The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half- 
past two to-morrow should he be in Town ; if not, on 
Monday at twelve o’clock. 

Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Bookingham Palaob, 22n<i February 1862. 

. . , Lord Derby said that he could not command 
a majority in the House of Lords, that he was in a 
decided minority in the House of Commons, and 
thought that in the critical circumstances in which the 
country was placed both at home and abroad, he ought 
not to ask mr a Dissolution. He must then try to 
strengthen himself particularly in the House of 
Commons by any means he could. There was one 
person whom he could not venture to propose for the 
Foreign Office on account of what had lately passed, 
and what he might be allowed to call the “ well-known 
personal feelings of the Queen ” ^ but Lord Palmerston 
was one of the ablest debaters, and might well be offered 
the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

The Queen . . . would not, by refusing her consent, 
throw additional difficulties in Lord Derby’s way ; she 
warned him, however, of the dangerous qualities of 
[Lord Palmerston]. 

Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and 
thought them pernicious for the conduct of the Foreign 
Affairs, but at the Exchequer they would have less 
play; he himself would undertake to control him. 
Hi s greatest indiscretion — ^that in the Kossuth affair — 
must have been with a view to form a Party ; that if left 
excluded from office, he would become more dangerous, 
and might in fact force himself back at the head of a 
Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if he had 
ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might be 


considered as waived ; he (Lord Derby) did not know in 
the least whether Lord Palmerston would accept, but 
in case he did not, the offer would propitiate him, and 
render the Government in the House of Commons 
more possible, as it would have anyhow all the talent 
of the late Government, Peelites and Radicals, to 

To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he 
would remain Prime Minister any length of time, when 
once Lord Palmerston had got the lead of the House of 
Commons, he replied he was not afraid of him ; he felt 
sure he could control him, although he would not have 
been able to admit him to the Foreign Office on 
account of the very strong strictures he had passed 
upon his Foreign Policy at different times — even if the 
Queen had allowed it. 

The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria. 

St James Square, ZZnd February 1863. 

(IJalf-past eight.) 

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incum- 
bent upon him to submit to your Majesty without delay 
that having had an interview this evening with Lord 
Palmerston, the latter has, ffithough in the most 
friendly terms, declined accepting the Office, upon the 
ground of difference of opinion, not on the principle, but 
on the expediency of the imposition of any duty, under 
any circumstances, upon foreign corn. This was a 
point which Lord Derby was willing to have left unde- 
cided untn the result of a General Election should be 

Although this refusal may add materially to Lord 
Derby’s difficulties, he cannot regret that the offer has 
been made, as the proposal must have tended to diminish 
any feelings of hostility which might have been pro- 
ductive of future embarrassment to your Majesty’s 
service, to whatever hands it may be entrusted. . . . 

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty’s 
most dutiful Servant and Subject, " Derby. 




Memorandum hy the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham PalaoBj 2Zrd February 1852. 

Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and 
submitted a list of the principal Officers of the Govern- 
ment which follows, and which the Queen approved. 

The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has 
declined office — has been Lord Chancellor three times, 
and now entered upon his eightieth year) to be offered 
an Earldom — which he very much desired for the 
position of his daughters, having no son. 

After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his 
office, Lord Derby had a further conversation with me 
on Household appointments. I told him he must now, 
as Prime Minister, consider himself to a certain degree 
in the position of the Confessor ; that formerly the Lord 
Chancellor was Keeper of the King’s Conscience, the 
office might he considered to have descended on the 
Prime Muiister. The " Queen must then be able to 
confer with him on personal matters, or I, on her behalf, 
with the most entire confidence, and that she must be 
sure that nothing was divulged which passed between 
them on these matters, «,nd he might repose the same 
confidence in us. As to the formation of the House- 
hold, the Queen made, two conditions, viz. that the 
persons to compose her Court should not be on the 
verge of bankruptcy, and that their moral character 
should bear investigation. On the Queen’s accession 
Lord Melbourne had been very careless in his appoint- 
ments, and great harm had resulted to the Court 
therefrom. Since her marriage I had insisted upon a 
closer lin e being drawn, and though Lord Melbourne 
had declared “that that damned morality would undo 
us aU,” we had found great advantage in it and were 
determined to adhere to it. . . . Albeut. 

Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland. 

, Buckingham Palace, 2Zrd February 1852, 

My DEABEST Duchess, — I cannot say how deeply 
grieved I am to ihink that the event which has just 
VOL. n. 2 F 




occurred, and which Lord Derby’s accceptance of 
office has to-day confomed, will entail your leaving, 
for a time, my service. It has been ever a real pleasure 
to me to have you with me ; my affection and esteem 
for you, my dearest Duchess, are great, and we both 
know what a kind and true friend we have in you. 

I think that I may rely on your returning to me on 
a future occasion whenever that may be, and that I 
shall frequently have the pleasure of seeing you, even 
when you are no longer attached to my person. 

I shall hope to see you soon. The Levde remains 
fixed for Thursday, and the transfer of the Officers of 
the new Government does not take place till Friday. 

With the Prince’s kindest remembrance, and ours 
to the Duke and Constance, Believe me always, yours 
affectionately, Victoria R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 

Buckingham Pauaob, 24<A February 1862. 

Dearest Uncle, — Great and not very pleasant 
events have happened since I wrote last to you. I 
know that Van de Weyer has informed you of every- 
thing, of the really (tiEl the lasf; day) unexpected defeat, 
and of Lord Derby’s assumption of office, with a very 
sorry Cabinet. I believe, however, that it is quite 
necessary they should have a trial, and then have done 
with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and they 
are prudent in then- Foreign Policy, I shall take the 
trial as patiently as I can. . . . 

Alas 1 your confidence in our excellent Lord 
Granville is no longer of any avail, though I hope ere 
long he will be at the Foreign Office again,' and I 
cannot say that his successor, “ who has never been 
in office (as indeed is the case with almost all the new 
Ministers), inspires me with confidence. I see that 
Louis Napoleon has again seized one of the, adherents, 

> Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in 1870-1874, and again 
in 1880-1886. 

* Lord Malmesbury. 


or rathermore one of the men of business, of the poor 
Orleans. . . . 

There are some terrible stories from Madrid of 
people having told the poor Queen that the King had 
arranged this attack on her person, and that she was 
anxious to abdicate.^ If you should hear anything of 
this kind, be kind enough to tell me of it. With 
Albert’s love (he is well fagged with business), ever 
your devoted Niece, Vicxouiiv R. 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby. 

BucKiNcnAM Palace, February 1862. 

The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest 
importance that not only Lord Malmesbury (as is 
always usual) should receive the necessary information 
from Lord GranviUe, but that Lord Derby should see 
him and hear from him the state of aU the critical 
questions now pending* on Foreign Affairs. Lord 
Granville has made himself master in a very short time 
of all the very intricate subjects with which his Office 
has to deal, and she must here bear testimony to the 
extreme discretion, good «ense, and calmness with which 
he has conducted the very responsible and difficult post 
of Foreign Secretary. 

I'lie Earl of Derby to the Prince A Ibert. 

St James’s SeuABEj 2Si6 February 1862. 

(6 P.M.) 

SiPj — I have delayed longer than I could have 
wished acknowledging the letter which I had the 
honour to receive from your Royal Highness last night, 
in hopes that by this time I should have been enabled 
to solve the difficulties connected with the Household 
Appointments ; but I regret to say they are rather 
increased than otherwise. I will not trouble your 
Royal Highness now with any details ; but if I might 
be honoured with an audience at any hour after the 
Lev^e to-morrow, I shall perhaps be able to make a 

1 The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning from church. 


more satisfactory report, and at all events to explain 
the state of affairs more fully. 

In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some 
trouble if I request that your Royal Highness will 
have the goodness to lay before Her Majesty the 
enclosed list of Appointments which, subject to Her 
Majesty’s approval, I have arranged in the course of 
this day. The Admiralty List found its way most 
improperly into some of the morning papers before I 
was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had 
finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he 
had selected. 

As it is possible that the Queen may not be 
acquainted with the name of Colonel Dunne, I have 
the honour of enclosing a letter respecting him which 
I have received from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, since I 
had intimated to him my intention of submitting his 
name to Her Majesty, and which is highly satisfactory. 

I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the 
Queen ray most humble and grateful acknowledgment 
of the kindness which Her Majesty has evinced in 
endeavouring to facilitate the progress of the House- 
hold arrangements. 

I have the honour, to be. Sir, Your Royal Highness’s 
most obedient Servant, Deuby. 

Memorandum by Q,ueen Victoria} 

Thubsday, 26iA February 1832. 

Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and 
Albert called me in at a httle after four. . . . 

Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily 
as possible with the defences of the country, and that 
his plan for the Militia entirely coincided with Albert’s 
plan (viz. he (Albert) wrote on the subject to the Duke 
of Wellington, who did not hke it),^ and meant to try 
and avoid all the objections. On his observing that 
no one had entirely understood the Government BUI, 

' Extract from Her Majesty’s Journal. 

^ This Memorandum is mven in chap. xlv. of iln Li/e of the Prince Consort. 




I said that the Government had not even been allowed 
to bring it in, which was a most unfair proceeding ; 
upon which Lord Derby reiterated his professions of 
this being no preconcerted plan of his Party’s, but that 
it was “ symptomatic ” ; he, however, was obliged to 
own that it was rather hard and not quite fair on the 
late Government. 

I then explained to him the arrangement respecting 
the drafts from the Foreign Office going first to him 
before they came to me, and wished this should be 
continued, which he promised should be done, as well 
as that all important Colonial despatches should be 
sent to me. Touched upon the various critical 
questions on the Continent. . . . Lord Derby said 
that all Louis Napoleon’s views were contained in 
his book Iddes NapoUoniennes written in ’39, for 
that he was more a man of “ Idees fixes ” than any one ; 
and in this book he spoke of gaining territory by 
diplomacy and not by war. Lord Derby gave us 
a note from Louis Napoleon to Lord Malmesbury, 
congratulating him on his appointment, professing the 
most friendly and pacific intentions, and hoping the 
Cowleys would (as they ^o) remain at Paris, 


Memorandum by the Prince Albert. 

Buckingham Palace, February 1862. 

To-day the formal change of Government took 
place. The old Ministers who had Seals to give up 
assembled at half-past eleven, and had then Audiences 
in the following order : 

Sir Geoi'ge Grey was very much overcome ; 
promised at our request to do what he could to keep 
his friends moderate and united. Spoke well of his 
successor, Mr Walpole, and assured the Queen that he 
left the country in a most quiet and contented state. 

Lord Grey was sorry that the resignation had taken 
place before the Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to 
make a triumphant defence ; he was sure it must have 
come to this from the way in which Lord John had 

454 AUDIENCES fonAP. xxi 

managed matters. He had never had his measures 
thoroughly considered when he brought them forward. 
He (Lord Grey) had had to remonstrate very strongly 
about this Militia BiU, which had not even been laid, 
printed, before the Cabinet, and had not been discussed 
at all ; he himself had objected to the greater part of it, 
and had always expected to have an opportunity of 
making his opinion heard ; instead of spending 
Christmas at Woburn he ought to have digested his 
measures ; this was not fair to his colleagues, and he 
could never have the same confidence in Lord John as 
before. We urged him to forget what had passed and 
to do the best for the future ; that it was important the 
Party should be kept together and should unite if 
possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might 
hope to get a strong Government. Lord Grey thought 
there was little chance of this. The next Government 
could never be as moderate again as this had been; 
this he had always dreaded, and was the reason why 
he lamented that Lord John had failed in his negotia- 
tion with the Peelites this winter, upon Lord 
Palmerston’s dismissal ; but th;e fact was Lord John had 
never wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that 
he had not stated to- them (the Peelites) that all his 
colleagues were ready to give up their places. 

Lord Graivoille had seen Lord Malmesbury several 
times, who appeared to him to take pains about inform- 
ing himself on the state of Foreign Affairs, but seemed 
inclined to be ambitious of acquiring the merit of being 
exclusively English in his policy ; this was quite right, 
but might be carried too far ; however. Lord Malmes- 
bury was cautious and moderate. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer {Sir Charles JVood) 
was not surprised at the fate of the Government, 
although they had not expected to be defeated on the 
Militia Bill ; in fact, a division had hardly been looked 
for, as Lord John had talked the day before with Lord 
Palmerston, and satisfied him that aU his" objections 
should be provided against in the Bill. He thought 
it was better, however, that the Cafifre Debate had 


not been waited for, which must have been a personal 
and very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey 
had not been very discreet in his language to the 
Queen on Lord John. Sir J. Graham had been in a 
difficulty with his own Party, and therefore had not 
wished to encourage Lord John’s negotiation with the 
Peelites. He promised that, for his part, he would do 
aU he could to keep his Party from doing anything 
violent, but that he was afraid many others would be 
so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to 
persuade Mr Cobden to remain quiet. 

Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what 
should be done at the Council. He regretted the 
Duchess of Northumberland’s declining to be Mistress 
of the Pobes, on account of ill-health, which had been 
communicated to the Queen by her father. Lord West- 
minster. He proposed the Duchess of Argyll, whom the 
Queen allowed to be goimded (though feeling certain, 
that, considering the Liberal views of her husband, she 
will not accept it), and sanctioned his sounding also 
the Duchess of Athole, whom the Queen wished to 
make the offer to, in case the Duchess of Argyll 
declined. Lord Derby' stated the difficulty he was in 
with Sir A. B., whose wife had never been received at 
Court or in society, although she had run away with 
him when he was still at school, and was nearly seventy 
years old. The Queen said it would not do to receive 
her now at Court, although society might do in that 
respect what it pleased ; it was a principle at Court 
not to receive ladies whose characters are under a 

We now proceeded to the Council, which was 
attended only by three Councillors, the other seventeen 
having all had to be sworn in as Privy Councillors first.^ 

After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the 
Queen, and explained that he accepted the Ordnance 
only on the condition that he was not to be expected to 
give a vote which would reverse the policy of Sir P. 

^ See Disraeli’s Endymion (chap, c.) for a graphic description of this 
scene. ' 


Peel, to which he had hitherto adhered. He had 
thought it his duty, however, not to refuse his services 
to the Crown after the many marks of favour he had 
received from the Queen. 

Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what 
he intended to state in Parliament this evening as the 
programme of his Ministerial Policy. It was very 
fluent and very able, but so completely the same as 
the Speech which he has since delivered, that I must 
refer to its account in the reports. When he came to 
the passage regarding the Church, the Queen expressed 
to him her sense of the importance not to have 
Puseyites or Pomanisers recommended for appoint- 
ments in the Church as bishops or clergymen. Lord 
Derby declared himself as decidedly hostile to the 
Puseyite tendency, and ready to watch over the 
Protestant character of the Church. Pie said he did 
not pretend to give a decided opinion on so difiicult and 
delicate a point, but it had struck him that although 
nobody could think in earnest of reviving the old Con- 
vocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could 
be most readily settled by some Assembly representijig 
the laity as well as the clergy.* I expressed it as my 
opinion that some such plan would succeed, provided 
the Church Constitution was built up from the bottom, 
giving the Vestries a legislative character in the parishes 
leading up to Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a 
general one. 

On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed 
inclined to support the views of the bishops against the 
so-called “ management clauses ” of the Privy Council, 
viz. not to allow grants to schools even if the parish 
should prefer the bishops’ inspection to the Privy 
Council inspection. Albert. 

The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria. 

St James’s Square, Z*Jth February 1862. 

{Jialf-past seven p.jj.) 

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to 
acquaint your Majesty, having just returned from the 


House of Lords, that his slateincnt, going over the 
topics the substance of which he had the honour of 
submitting to your Maicsty was, as far as he could 
judge, favourably received. Earl Grey attempted to 
provoke a Corn Law discussion, but the feeling of 
the House was against the premature introduction of 
so complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, 
dissenting from any alteration of commercial policy, 
entirely concurred in Lord Derby’s views of Foreign 
Affairs, and of the course to be adopted in dealing with 
Foreign Nations. Lord Derby did not omit to lay 
stress upon “the strict adherence, in letter and in 
spirit, to the obligations of Treaties,” which was well 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria. 

, JjAHKUN, l)tk Manih IQ62. 

My DEAiiwsT VicTOUiA, — I havc to offer my affec- 
tionate thanks for a most gracious and long letter of 
the ‘2nd. 

Within these days wc havc not had anything very 
important, but, gencrall5r speaking, thci-c lias been, at 
least in appearance, a (piieter disposition' in i,ho ruling 
power at Paris. We are here in the awkward position 
of persons in hot climates, who find themselves in 
company, for instance in their beds, with a snake ; 
they must not move, hecavsc that irritate, <i the creature, 
but they can hardly remain as they arc, without a fair 
chance of being bitten. . . . Your devoted Uncle, 

Leopold R. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsiiottNE, March 18B2. 

My dearest Uncle, — Your dear letter of the 5th 
reached me just after we arrived here, at our sweet, 
peaceful little abode. 

It seems that Louis Napoleon’s mind is chiefly 
engrossed with measures for the interior of France, and 



that the serious question of Switzerland is becoming 
less menacing. On the other hand, Austria behaves 
with a hostility, and I must say folly, which prevents 
all attempts at reconciliation. AU the admirers of 
Austria consider Prince Schwartzenberg ^ a madman, 
and the Emperor Nicholas said that he was “Lord 
Palmerston in a white uniform.” What a calamity 
this is at the present moment 1 

We have a most talented, capable, and courageous 
Prime Minister, but all his people have no experience 
— have never been in any sort of office before 1 
On Friday the House of Commons meets again, 
and I doubt not great violence wiU be displayed. 

With very kind love to my dear Cousins, ever 
your very devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria. 

BnoKiNGHAM Paiaoe, lOWi March 1063. 

Colonel Phipps’ humble duty to your Majesty. 

He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, 
and feels quite certain not only that it would not be 
a suitable theatre for .your Majesty to visit, but that 
your Majesty would derive no amusement from it. 

The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and 
the matter of the entertainment stupid and tu’esome, 
consisting in a great part of worn-out old English 
songs, such as “ The death of Nelson ” I Colonel 
Phipps considers “ Punch ” a much more amusing 
performance. Lady Mount Edgecumbe, who was in 
a box there, would probably give your Majesty an 
account of it. . , . 

The report in London is, that Lord John Russell is 
to recommend moderation at the meeting at his house 
to-morrow. He has, very foolishly, subjected himself to 
another rebuff from Lord Palmerston by inviting him 
to attend that meeting, which Lord Palmerston has 
peremptorily refused. Since that, however. Lady 

' Prime Minister of Austria. He died in tlfo April following;. 


Palmerston has called upon Lady John with a view 
to a personal — not political — reconcihation. Lady 
Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears, still persists in 
the unfounded accusation against Lord John of having 
quoted your Majesty’s Minute in the House of Commons 
without giving Lord Palmerston notice of his intention^ 

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria, 

Laeken, l%lh March 1862. 

My dearest Victoria, — I have to thank you for 
a most kind letter from peaceful Oshorne, which must 
doubly appear so to you now, after all the troubles of 
the recent Ministerial arrangements. I am glad that you 
are struck with the good qualities of your new Premier. 
I am sure his great wish will be to make the best 
possible Minister of the Crown. His task will be very 
difficult. “Bread, cheap bread,” “the poor oppressed 
by the aristocratic," etc. — a whole vocabulary of exciting 
words of that kind will be put forward to inflame the 
popular mind ; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign 
“People” is certainly., one of the most fanciful and 
fickle. Our neighbour in Prance shows this more than 
any other on the whole globe; -the Nation there is still 
the Sovereign, and this" renders the President absolute, 
because he is the representative of the supreme will of 
the supreme Nation, sending us constantly some new 
exiles here, which is very unpleasant. W e are going on 
very gently, merely putting those means of defence a 
httle in order, which ought by rights always to be so, 
if it was not for the ultra unwise economy of Parlia- 
ments and Chambers. Without, at least, comparative 
security by means of well-regulated measures of defence, 
no country, be it great or small, can be considered as 
possessing National Independence. I must say that in 
Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much 
intoxicated. I hope they will grow sober again soon. 
It was very kind of you to have visited the poor 

' Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary {Life of the Prince Consort, 
vol. ii. chap. xliv.). 

460 THE NEW MILITIA BILL [ohap. xxi 

Orleans Family. Barely one has seen a family so struck 
in their affections, fortunes, happiness ; and it is a sad 
case. Those unfortunate Spanish marriages have much 
contributed to it ; even angelic Louise had been caught 
by I’honnein- de la maison de Bourbon. . . . Your 
devoted Uncle, Leopold F. 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby. 

Osborne, ISift March 1852. 

The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the 
questions which form the subjects of his three last 

With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit 
that her suggestions are liable to the objections 
pointed out by Lord Derby, although they would 
offer advantages in other respects. The Queen will 
therefore sanction the measure as proposed, and now 
further explained by Lord Derby. 

The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office 
referring to the Swiss question could not fail to give 
the Queen as much satisfaction as they did to Lord 
Derby, as they *show indications of a more conciliatory 
intention, for the present at least. As Switzerland has 
yielded, France and Austria ought to be satisfied, and 
the Queen only hopes we may not see them pushing 
their demands further after a short interval I 

The probability of a war with the Burmese is a 
sad prospect. The Queen thinks, however, that the 
view taken by Lord Dalhousie of the proceedings at 
Bangoon, and of the steps now to be taken to preserve 
peace, is very judicious, and fuUy concurs with the 
letter sent out by the Secret Committee. She now 
returns it, together with the ^despatch. 

The despatches from Prince Schwartzenherg to 
Count Buol are satisfactory in one sense, as showing 
a readiness to return to the English Alhalice, but 

^ The French had been pressing the Swiss Government to expel refugees, 
and Austria supported the French President. * 




unfortunately only under the supposition that we 
would make war upon liberty together ; they exhibit 
a profound ignorance of this country.^ The Queen is 
quite sure that Lord Derby will know how to accept 
all that is favourable in the Austrian overtures without 
letting it be supposed that we could for a moment 
think of joining in the policy pursued at this moment 
by the great Continental Powers. As Lord Derby’s 
speech has been referred to by Prince Schwartzenberg, 
it would furnish the best text for the answer. The 
President seems really to have been seriously ill. 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby. 

OsnoRNEj 14J/j March 1 852. 

The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby’s 
letter respecting the Sjt Albans’ Disfranchisement Bill, 
and is glad to hear that Lord Derby means to take uj) 
this Bill as dropped by the late Government. Whether 
the mode of transferiing these scats proposed by Lord 
Derby will meet with as little opposition in Parliament 
as he anticipates, the Qiieen is not able to form a correct 
judgment of. It may be liabfe to the" imputation of 
being intended to add to the power of the landed 
interest. This might not be at all objectionable in 
itself, but it may b^e doubtful how far the House of 
Commons may be disposed to concur in it at the 
present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to 
consider, but the Queen will not withhold her sanction 
from the measure. 

She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give 
the vacant seats to Birkenhead. Are not there two 
seats still vacant from the Disfranchisement of Sudbury ? 
and would it not be better (if so) to dispose of all four 
at the same time 1 There is an impression also gaining 
ground that, with a view to prevent the Franchise being 

' Lord Derty tad urged tliat a more conciliatory message should accompany 
Lord Granville’s last despatch, which, because of its unfriendly tone. Count 
Buol had delayed sending on to Vienna. The precise language (he said) 
must depend on what inJormation Count Buol could supply. 


given exclusively to Numbers, to the detriment of 
Interests, it might be desirable to give new seats to 
certain corporate bodies, such as the Scotch Universities, 
the Temple and Lincoln’s Inn, the East India 
Company, etc., etcd 

Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria, 

Hodsb op Commons, 15th March 1862, 
{Monday night. ) 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble 
duty to your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what 
occurred in the House of Commons this evening. 

Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and 
elaborate, but not in his happiest style. He called 
upon the House to contrast the state of the country 
at the beginning of the year and at the present moment. 
But he could not induce the House to believe that 
“aU now was distrust and alarm.” 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined 
to bring forward in the present Parliament any proposi- 
tion to change our commercial system, and would not 
pledge himself to propose in a^ future Parliament any 
duty on corn. He said a duty on corn was a measure, 
not a principle,’ and that if preferable measures for the 
redress of agricultural grievances than a five-shilling 
duty on corn (mentioned by Mr Villiers) could be 
devised, he should adopt them — a declaration received 
with universal favour on the Government side. 

Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer in consequence of some notice by the former 
of the strange construction of a new Opposition to force 
a Dissolution of Parhament by a Munster who, three 
weeks ago, had declared such Dissolution inexpedient. 
It was not a successful speech. 

The great speech on the Opposition side was that 
of Sir James Graham ; elaborate, malignant, mischievous. 

^ The Govei-nment eventually proposed that the four seats taken from 
St Alhans and Sudbury should be assigned to Soutli Lancashire and the 
West Riding ; but, on the ground that a Ministry on sufferance should confine 
itself to necessary legislation, Mr Gladstone induced the House by a great 
majority to shelve the proposal. *" 


His position was this : that Lord Derby, as a man of 
honour, was bound to propose taxes on food, and that 
if he did so, revolution was inevitable. 

Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in 
the same vein, the necessity of immediate Dissolution 
after the passing of the “ necessary ” measures ; but the 
question soon arose, What is “ necessary ” ? 

Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill “necessary,” 
upon which the League' immediately rose and denied 
that conclusion. 

There seemed in the House a great reluctance to 
avoid a violent course, but a very general wish, on the 
Opposition side, for as speedy a Dissolution as public 
necessity would permit. 

The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to 
the Government. All which is most humbly submitted 
to your Majesty, by your Majesty’s most dutiful Subject 
and Servant, » B. Disuaeli. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

OsnoBNB, Vlth March 1862. 

My deauest Unc>le, — I delayed writing till 
to-day as I wished to see the papers first, and be able 
to give you an account of the ITrst Debate in the two 
Houses. They are not satisfactory, because both Lord 
Derby and Mr Disraeli refuse to give a straightforward 
answer as to their pohcy, the uncertamty as to which 
will do serious harm.® The Opposition are very 
determined, and with right, to insist on this being 
given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible. The 
Government wiU be forced to do this, but it is veiy 
unwise, after aU this agitation for the last five years 
and a half, not [to] come forward manfuUy and to 
state what they intend to do. We tried to impress 
Lord Derby with the necessity of this course, and I 
hoped we had succeeded, but his speech has not been 
what it ought to have been in this respect. 

* The members belonging to the Mancliestor School of Politics. 

2 This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law League, which had been 
dissolved in 1846, being revived. 


The President seems more occupied at home than 
abroad, which I trust he may remain. 

Stockmar is well. . . . One thing is pretty certain — 
that out of the present state of confusion and discordance, 
a sound state of Parties will be obtained, and two Parties, 
as of old, will again exist, without which it is impossible 
to have a strong Government. How these Parties will 
be formed it is impossible to say at present. Now, with 
Albert’s love, ever' your devoted Niece, Victoria R. 

Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria. 

House or Commons^ 19i/i March 1862, 
(F)iday nighty twelve o^cloch.) 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble 
duty to your Majesty, lays before your Majesty what 
has taken place in the House of Commons to-night. 

At the commencement of. public business, Lord 
Jolm RusseU, in a very full House, after some hostile 
comments, enquired of Her Majesty’s Ministers whether 
they were prepared to declare that Her Majesty will 
be advised to dissolve the present Parliament, and 
call a new one, with the least possible delay consistent 
with a due regard to, the public interest, in reference 
to measures of urgent and immediate necessity. 

The question was recommended by Lord John 
Russell as one similar to that put to him in 1841 by 
Sir Robert Peel. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer m reply observed 
that there was a distinction between the position 
of the present Ministry and that of Lord John Russell 
in 1841, as in that and in the other precedents quoted 
in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel, the Ministry had been 
condemned by a vote of the House of Commons. 

He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic 
for any Ministers to pledge themselves to recommend 
their Sovereign to dissolve Parliament at any stated 
and specific time, as circumstances might occur which 
would render the fulfilment of the pledge injurious 
or impracticable ; that it was the- intention of the 


Ministers to recommend your Majesty to dissolve the 
present Parliament the moment that such measures 
were carried which were necessary for your Majesty’s 
service, and for the security and good government of your 
Majesty’s realm ; and that it was their wish and intention 
that the new Parliament should meet to decide upon 
the question of confidence in the Administration, and 
on the measures, which they could then bring forward 
in the course of the present year. 

This announcement was very favourably received. 

The discomfiture of the Opposition is complete, 
and no further mention of stopping or limiting supplies 
will be heard of. 

All which is most humbly submitted to your 
Majesty by your Majesty’s most dutiful Subject and 
Servant, B. Disraeli. 

Memorandumhy tJie Prince Albei't. 

BuoKiNsnAM Palace, 2'2,nd March 1862. 

We came to Town from Osborne the day before 
yesterday, and saw Lor4 Derby yesterday afternoon, 
who is in very good spirits about the prospect of affairs. 
He told the Queen that he thought he might state 
that the Government had gained a good deal of ground 
during the last week, and that there was now a general 
disposition to let the necessary measures pass Parlia- 
ment, and to have the Dissolution the end of June or 
beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did not think 
he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a 
Dissolution about that time ; but it was impossible to 
avoid saying as much as that a new Parliament would 
meet in the autumn again, and have settled the 
commercial policy before Christmas. 

To the Queen's questions, whether there would not 
be great excitement in the country produced by the 
General Election, and whether Parliament ought not 
to meet inimediately after it, he replied that he was not 
the least afraid of much excitement, and that there was 
great advantage in’ not meeting Parliament immediately 

VOT TT. ^ f- 


again, as the Government would require a few 
months to prepare its measures, and to take a sound 
view of the new position of affairs. He anticipated 
that there would be returned a large proportion of 
Conservatives, some Free Traders, some Protectionists ; 
but not a majority for the re-imposition of a duty on 
corn, certainly not a majority large enough to justify 
him in proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure 
he could not with honour or credit abandon that 
Measure unless the country had given its decision 
against it ; but then he would have most carefully to 
consider how to revise the general state of taxation, 
so as to give that relief to the agricultural interest 
which it had a right to demand. 

He had received the most encouraging and flatter- 
ing letters from the agricultm'ists of different parts 
of the country, aU reposing the most explicit confidence 
in him, and asking him not to sacrifice the Government 
for the sake of an immediate return to Protection. 
They felt what Lord Derby must say he felt himself, 
that, after the faU of this Government, there would 
necessarily come one of a mqre democratic tendency 
than any the country had yet had to submit to. He 
thought most politicians saw this, and would rally round 
a Conservative standard ; he * knew that even many 
of the leading Whigs were very much dissatisfied with 
the company they find themselves thrown into and 
alarmed at the progress of Democracy. Albert. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buokingham Pai,aqe, 23rd March 1852. 

. . . Here matters have improved rather for the 
Government, and it seems now that they will be able 
to get through the Session, to dissolve Parliament at 
the end of June or beginning of July, and to meet 
again in November. And then Protection will be done 
away with. If only they had not done so much harm, 
and played with it for six long years 1 What 'you say 




of the advantage of having had Governments from 
all parties we have often felt and do feel; it renders 
changes much less disagi’eeable. In the present case 
our acquaintance is conlined almost entirely to Lord 
Derby, but then he is the Government. They do 
nothing without him. He has all the Departments to 
look after, and on being asked by somebody if he was 
not much tired, he said: “I am quite well with my 
babies!” . . . Victohia R. 

Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria. 

House of Commons, March 1852. 

{Monday night.) 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble 
duty to your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what 
has occurred in the House of Commons to-night. 

Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill 
in a statement equally perspicuous and persuasive. 

Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the 
Government Measure was cordially supported by Lord 
Palmerston. ^ 

Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion 
favourable to increased defence, intimated a preference 
for regular troops. 

Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of 
the cosmopolitan school, and was supported with 
vigour by Mr Bright. A. division is threatened by 
the ultra-Movement party, but the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer hopes to ward it off, and is somewhat 
sanguine of ultimate success in carrying the Measure. 

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians. 

Buckingham: Paiaoe, 30th March 1862. 

My deaeest Uncle, — Many thanks for your dear 
letter of the 26th, which I received on Saturday. Here 
we shah, have some trouble with our Militia Bill, which 
all of a sudden seems to have caused dissatisfaction and 
alarm. ’Lord Derby is quite prepared to drop Protection, 

468 ENGLAND AND ITALY [oiiAr. xxi 

as he loiows that the Elections will bring a Free Trade, 
though a Conservative majority. Mr Disraeli (alias 
Dizzy) writes very curious reports to me of the House 
of Commons proceedings — much in the style of his 
books. . . . 

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby. 

Windsor Castld, lOth April 1852. 

The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord 
Malmesbury will give their earnest attention to the 
change in the pohtics of Italy, which is evidently on the 
point of taking place, according to the enclosed despatch 
from Mr Hudson.^ What Count Azeglio ^ says in his 
Memorandum with respect to Austria is perfectly just. 
But France, as the champion of Italian liberty and in- 
dependence, would become most fonnidable to the rest 
of Europe, and Louis Napoleon, in assuming for her this 
position, would be only following the example of his 
uncle, which we know to be his constant aim.® 

Queen Victoria to the^ Earl of Derby. 

• Windsor Casile, 13tt April 1862. 

The Queen has received Lord Derby’s letter of the 
11th inst., in which he states veiy clearly the difficulties 
which stand in the way of an active interference of this 
country in the affairs of Italy. The Queen did not 
mean to recommend in her letter of the 10th on this 
subject any active interference, as she is of opinion that 
our present want of due influence in Italy is chiefly 
owing to our former ill-judged over-activity. The 
Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby in 
thinking that “ all that can be done now is carefully to 
watch the proceedings of France and Austria in this 

' British Envoy at Turin. 

^ Premier of Sardinia. 

’ Lord Derby in reply, after reviewing the whole matter, counselled non- 
interference, the keepmg of a vigilant w