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fflkt <S< wish (ftrarterlg Jtaitew, 

JANUARY, 1892. 


Following on the fall of the first Napoleon, came a 
period of European reaction in which the sun of Jewish 
favour suffered a temporary eclipse. In many directions 
the emancipation of the Jews was stayed, and their 
hard-won and dearly-prized rights threatened. But there 
was this difference between the old and the new, between 
the mediaeval and the modern trouble. The Jews had 
recovered courage and found voice ; they dared to speak in 
their own behalf, and Europe was ready to give a fair 
hearing to their defence. At the moment when the hour 
sadly needed the man, was born one whose works were 
destined to plead eloquently for the people he loved, to en- 
shrine its past in volumes of enduring value, and to show 
what manner of future its present foreshadowed. 

Hirsch (or Heinrich) Graetz was born at Zerkow, in the 
province of Posen, in 1817. His early life, however, was 
passed at Xions, to which place his parents removed soon 
after the birth of the future historian. 1 His experiences 
at school were not altogether agreeable ones. The principles 
on which the training of the Jewish youths of the district 
was then conducted may be seen from the method of the 
Rabbi of Zerkow, about whose eccentricities so many 

1 For the facts of Graetz's early years, I am indebted in great part to 
the information supplied by Mrs. Graetz, and to Dr. Rippner's articles in 
Brull's Monatsblatter, 1887. 


166 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

anecdotes are current. It is said that on every Friday 
afternoon he would range his pupils in a line and regularly 
proceed to flog them all in order. If any embryo philosopher 
among them, with a sense of what was just, protested 
against his unmerited beating, the teacher would reply, 
" If you have so far done nothing to deserve it, you are 
certain to do something sooner or later." Graetz does not 
seem to have come under a pedagogue of this character at 
first, for his earliest studies were directed by one for whom 
he felt a keen affection. When, however, he had passed 
beyond the elementary stages, he fell into the hands of a 
man who thought that the proper instrument for opening a 
lock was a hammer and not a key. A sensitive child could 
not thrive under such a system, and, as legend says of 
Maimonides, Graetz acquired throughout the town a general 
reputation for stupidity. But a liberator soon appeared on 
the scene. His former teacher, who had a high opinion of 
Graetz's abilities, one day suddenly entered the school- 
room, and without a word to the presiding tyrant, bodily 
carried off his beloved pupil. 

Graetz remained with his parents in Xions for some years, 
but his mother then took her son to the neighbouring town 
of Wollstein, her own birthplace. She was the daughter of a 
dayan, and knew that her son would be thoroughly grounded 
in the Talmud in Wollstein. In that town, too, she had 
relatives, and to their charge she committed the boy, whose 
talents it was by that time impossible to doubt. He passed 
an interval of some duration in Wollstein, where he studied 
the Talmud and also attended the Gymnasium. But the 
methods pursued in the study of the Talmud, and the one- 
sided training of those to whom this instruction was com- 
mitted, could not fail to dissatisfy a clever lad who had 
imbibed the new together with the old. The time had come 
for Graetz, now growing to manhood, to find a teacher who 
would combine a reverence for the Talmud with an 
appreciation for modern culture and scientific method. 
Such a teacher he thought he had found in Samson Baphael 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 167 

Hirsch. Hirsch had unfurled the banner of enlightened 
conservatism in Oldenburg, and was attracting to himself a 
number of young and gifted Jews who were eager to 
reconcile the old and the new; who were devotedly attached 
to traditional Judaism, and yet could not regard without 
loathing the narrow policy that would shut off Talmud 
students from a knowledge of the world and of its 
literature. Graetz remained in Oldenburg for some years, 
and the love for Judaism which already animated him was 
strengthened by contact with Hirsch's vigorous enthusiasm. 
Later on, the teacher became his pupil's critic ; but that 
was when the cleavage between parties had become more 
pronounced. In Oldenburg Graetz completed his prepa- 
ration for the University, and then proceeded to Breslau, 
in 1840, where he graduated and for a time settled. He 
had in the interim become acquainted with the lady whom 
he afterwards so happily married. 

Graetz's first appearance as a writer occurred in 1844-5. 
Chiefly in the latter year he contributed to Fiirst's Orient, 
a periodical which contains much of permanent literary 
value, two series of critical.articles directed against Geiger's 
Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mishna. These essays at once 
brought the writer into prominence. The learning, the 
style, and the control over large masses of material, which 
distinguished his later work, are already displayed in his 
earliest production. The verdict pronounced on Geiger's 
work was immoderately severe, and this is not surprising. 
To Graetz, the suggestion of Geiger that the language of 
the Mishnah was an exotic, the product of the schools, was 
intolerable. This language was a natural growth, and so 
far from embodying an ossified, artificial, and merely 
learned terminology, responded to the thoughts and con- 
sciousness of the people. Even at this early stage of his 
literary activity, Graetz gave evidence of his appreciation 
of the crying need for a comprehensive grasp in the treat- 
ment of the history of Jewish tradition. The settlement 
of every special point in that history, he maintained, pre- 


168 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

supposed the capacity to deal with all points. In his 
defence of the Rabbinical writings, Graetz offered, too, the 
acute remark that the Talmud wreaked its revenge on 
those who scoffed at it by remaining a sealed literature to 
them. Two points call for notice in this first essay of 
Graetz. It is a striking fact that Graetz made his debut 
practically as the champion of orthodoxy. This attitude, 
when contrasted with the view presented in the fourth 
volume of his history (1853), seems to betray a glaring 
contradiction. But it must be remembered that the real 
and fundamental divergence which existed ab initio be- 
tween the schools of Frankel and Hirsch only gradually 
revealed itself. At first, all who felt an attraction towards 
traditional Judaism, were ranged together on one side. In 
the presence of the common enemy, their private differ- 
ences were ignored, or rather, were overlooked, for reform 
was laying the axe at the very root of the tree. But it 
was not long before the allies settled in separate camps. 
" Orthodoxy " and " Historical Judaism," which had at the 
outset seemed synonymous, were found to constitute very 
different things, for while the one party became ever more 
orthodox, the other became ever more historical. On the 
theoretical side, the historical school recognised no fixed 
dogmas ; on the practical side, the oral law consisted of a 
series of customs or minhagim. This attitude became very 
clear when Frankel, in his Darke Hammishnah (1859), ex- 
plained halachah le-Moshe Missinai to mean old halachoth 
dating from immemorial times. Hirsch, Auerbach, and 
others of his party instantly proclaimed Frankel a heretic, 
for with them these halachoth were actually revealed to 
Moses on Mount Sinai, and were as divine as the Decalogue 

In the second place, Graetz's hostile judgment on Geiger's 
book led to reprisals. Graetz was himself the object of a 
strong attack in an organ of the Liberal party, Der Israelii, 
in which a clever, but bitter attempt was made to cast 
ridicule on the youthful critic. Whether this article was 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian, 169 

actually written by Geiger may be doubted ; Graetz him- 
self thought so, and indignantly resented the personalities 
with which he was assailed. But like the subsequent in- 
vective of Hirsch (1855-6) from the opposite side, this 
attack was far from proving detrimental to Graetz- 
Surely, one whom it was thought worth while to assail in 
this manner must be a man worthy of note ; personalities 
are not usually hurled except against personages. The 
relations between Graetz and Geiger were never cordial in 
after years, but this early passage of arms prepared the 
learned Jewish world to receive with attention Graetz's 
first independent work, Onosticismus und Judenthum, which 
appeared in 1846, and established his reputation as a 
historian from whom much was expected. Previously, his 
progress had interested the community of Wollstein ; the 
hopes in him had now ceased to be local. In his work on 
Gnosticism, Graetz showed how the influence of the gnosis 
had found its way into Jewish circles, and how even the 
Tanaim had either accepted or combated it. To the 
former category belonged Acher, and in a more limited 
sense, Ben Azai and Ben Zoma ; to the latter, Akiba, who 
alone of the four came safely through the hazards of a 
journey through the " Paradise " of Gnosticism. The Sefer 
Yetsira was, according to Graetz, the work of Akiba ; but 
he subsequently abandoned this opinion. With charac- 
teristic honesty he calls attention to this change of view 
in the fifth volume of his History (p. 281). 

Graetz soon afterwards removed from Breslau to the 
small Austrian town Lundenburg, in Moravia, where he 
filled an unimportant post as director of a school. Here 
he was free from the turmoil of party conflict, and, like 
Saadiah in his desert exile, steadily amassed materials and 
made preliminary studies to serve the great purpose which 
he had already planned. These six years were not, how- 
ever, unproductive, and the essays that he published during 
this period of retirement indicate the direction of his 
thought. An essay on the " Septuagint " (1845), with 

170 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

special reference to its religious interest, had preceded , but 
papers on " Jewish History " (1846 ), the " Current Methods 
of treating the Talmud," " Studies in Jewish History " 
(1852), " Talmudic Chronology and Topography " (1852-3), 
are among his contributions to Frankel's periodical publica- 
tions subsequent to the appearance of his Gnosticism. It 
was expected by many that Graetz would become a 
" Rabbiner," but this was not his destiny. It has been 
argued that the world gained by this fact, in that the 
Kabbinical office to a certain extent robs a man of his 
independence, and may compel him to withhold from the 
world part at least of the truth. This would be a valid 
enough argument had Graetz remained unattached ; but it 
is hard to see how he enjoyed as teacher at the Breslau 
Seminary greater freedom than he would have possessed as 
Rabbi. In fact he was somewhat trammelled by his official 
position in after years, though he but hinted at his discon- 
tent. In his lecture before an English audience in 1887 he 
used these words : " There are at present, thank God, 
seminaries for Jewish theology, in which these studies [viz., 
'Biblical Exegesis,' 'Talmud,' 'Philosophy and Ethics/ 
' History and Archaeology '] are pursued, in London, Paris, 
Berlin, Breslau, Amsterdam, Buda-Pesth, and recently also 
in Rome. But, for various reasons, the teachers at these 
institutions cannot deal with these studies with that 
thoroughness which modern science demands. Even the 
teachers would be glad to have the results worked out for 
the purposes of their own teaching. Only such scientific 
workers as are entirely free from every yoke can produce 
really academic results." This was Graetz's feeling when 
he had long earned the right of free speech, and he was too 
clear-headed to fail to see that his position in the seminary 
was not one that permitted him the luxury of complete 
independence. If he was not himself a Rabbi he was the 
producer of Rabbis, and the deference which he was spared 
from owing to a congregation of his own, he felt constrained 
to show to the prejudices and sentiments of congregations 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 171 

over which his pupils would preside. There is some in- 
justice, therefore, in the charge of reticence that is levelled 
against Graetz. He could not forget that the seminary 
would suffer for his sins if -he offended by speaking out his 
whole heart. He was too chivalrous to willingly force 
others to fight his battle with him ; and whether that battle 
was against anti-Semitic professors from the outside, or 
against discontented co-religionists from the inside, Graetz 
asked to stand alone, so that if he fell, on his head would 
come the disastrous consequences. How victoriously he 
passed through the ordeal, how he single-handed maintained 
his position, his whole later career proves. Genius always 
implies a certain element of solitude. Graetz was indeed 
no recluse, and his ideas were not those of a bookish 
student. His marriage was a very happy one, and his 
beloved wife shared his aspirations and his triumphs. But 
outside his family circle, Graetz made none of those intense 
friendships which have given completeness to the lives of 
lesser men. Graetz won the admiring regard of the many 
rather than the love of the few, and this isolation, due in 
part to the unapproachable height to which his fame raised 
him, in part to his regard for the interests of others, was 
easily mistaken for mental reserve. 

But the Breslau seminary was only a dream when Graetz 
settled in Lundenburg. In the interim he was working at 
the fourth volume of his history, the volume which was the 
first to see the light. With thi3 MS. he went to Berlin 
in 1853, and readily found a publisher in Veit. Scholars 
and " general readers " agreed in hailing the new history 
as a work of genius. It brought the Talmudic heroes to 
life again, and it promised to perform the same service for 
the even more dimly seen and imperfectly understood 
Jewish worthies of later times. 

Throughout the twelve (or rather thirteen) volumes of 
his history, Graetz's astounding mastery over his materials, 
his lucidity, his vigorous style, his power of vivid descrip- 
tion, are as remarkable as his minute learning, his pains- 

172 The Jewish Quarterly Review 

taking quotation of authorities, his ingenious and compli- 
cated yet sound combination of apparently disconnected 
facts. He worked on a gigantic scale, yet there was no 
scamping of detail. But this conscientious accuracy alone 
would hardly have saved his work from becoming obsolete. 
He added and altered in later editions it is true, he ex- 
panded and withdrew, though in the latter process he was 
more sparing than in the former. But his work has re- 
mained on the whole unaffected by the course of time, for 
he had given it immortality by his living imagination. 
The time has gone by when to attribute imaginative power 
to a historian would be tantamount to attempting to dis- 
credit him and his work. Graetz was himself the wander- 
ing Jew, whom he himself so well described. 1 " You might 
call him the youngest brother of Time. This wandering 
Jew understood all languages, knew all Christian and 
Moslem dynasties, their rise and fall, their follies, and their 
aimless actions. He had been at the Court of Vespasian, 
and spoke of the catastrophe that brought about the de- 
struction of the Temple of Jerusalem. This wandering 
Jew had passed through the tortures and horrors of the 
Inquisition in Spain, Portugal and Rome, and at this his 
auditor is astounded, as at a miracle." But Graetz's past 
had been even more of a miracle than this. 2 He had been 
redeemed amid marvellous signs of God's love and his 
anger from Egyptian bondage, he had wept by Babel's 
streams when in a second exile he thought of Jerusalem ; 
with the heroic Hasmonean brothers he had fought and 
won his people's liberty, he had been led in chains to grace 
the triumph of his Roman conqueror. With the martyrs 
of all ages he suffered ; he was assaulted by the soldiers of 
the Cross, and well-nigh perished by the hand of those 
whom the Black Death had spared ; he stood by while his 
brethren were driven from England and exiled from Spain ; 

1 Lecture before Anglo-Jewish Exhibition, 1887. 

2 Cf. Prof. Kaufmann in the Pester Lloyd, September 12th, 1891. 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 173 

he saw them fall hefore the Cossacks' unbridled violence ; 
when the new Jerusalem opened its doors to his race he 
too took ship to Holland with them ; when England's shores 
were no longer forbidden soil he trod them too. He was at 
Sinai when the law was given ; he sang psalms with David ; 
became a Hellenist in Alexandria and a Tanaite in 
Babylon, a poet in Spain and a philosopher in Cairo ; 
shared the enthusiasm of Jehuda Halevi and the troubled 
wanderings of an Ibn Ezra in search of a home and of 
truth ; with Spinoza he merged his being into the All-being, 
with Mendelssohn he craved free air and found it, with 
Heine he laughed and cried by turns. 

It has become almost a commonplace to speak of Graetz's 
History in this way; and if he so affects his Jewish 
readers it was because he felt deeply what he expressed so 
strongly. Graetz's " History of the Jews " itself belongs to 
Jewish History ; it is no longer possible to dissociate the 
the facts from the narrative. Some of his critics were un- 
able to appreciate the truth of Graetz's reconstruction of 
the past ; they thought him arbitrary and, slow of percep- 
tion themselves, maintained that he seized upon incidental 
points and converted them into characteristics. " What does 
Graetz know of the character of Jochanan ben Zakkai ? 
What can Graetz know ? " naively asked Hirsch, in 1856. 
Ten years before Graetz had dedicated his work on 
Gnosticism to Hirsch, " the high-minded champion of His- 
torical Judaism, the unforgettable teacher, the fatherly 
friend." But now Hirsch discards his pupil and will have 
none of him, for he had sought to write the history of 
Jewish tradition. With Hirsch the Rabbis were simply the 
bearers of tradition, with Graetz they were in a sense its 
creators also; or rather they developed the tradition as 
they bore it on. Here we see the rift between Orthodoxy 
and Historical Judaism betraying its presence ; hence the 
discord between master and pupil. As Graetz proceeded 
with his history, volume by volume, he was attacked from 
other sides. He was supposed to have slighted his prede- 

174 The Jeimh Quarterly Review. 

cessor, Jost, and be certainly spoke with some disrespect 
of Zunz in the original preface to his fifth volume. But 
in the preface to Volume I. Graetz described Zunz as a 
" Genialer Kritiker," and he had some ground for resent- 
ment if it be true that Zunz, when asked for his opinion 
on the merits of Graetz's early volumes, remarked that Jost 
had already done the work as well. In 1870, when pub- 
lishing a second edition of Volume V., Graetz omitted the 
reference to Zunz which had aroused so much animosity, 
and in his eleventh volume he did posthumous justice to 
Jost, as he had done to Basnage in Volume X. It was 
hardly Graetz's fault that his own " History " so entirely 
superseded those of his predecessors that they are now 
practically unread. That Geiger should prove a severe 
and unfriendly critic was only to be expected, but it is 
rather hard to understand why so loud a charge of pla- 
giarism was raised against Graetz. There never was less of 
a plagiarist than Graetz. The truth is, that the specialists 
thought themselves plundered if the historian seized upon 
one of the minute facts that they toilfully collected, fitted 
it in a proper setting, and gave a place in history to what 
had before been an item entered in a bibliographical index. 
Though Graetz was as sound a specialist in every field as 
any of them in one particular domain, facts were not of 
value to him just because they were facts ; they only be- 
came truly important when they had been classified and 
placed. When in the course of his 6,600 pages he did occa- 
sionally use chips from other people's workshops to give 
completeness to his own mosaic, he was sharply called to 
account, while his own creations were pilfered by others to 
an almost incredible extent, and yet he never uttered one 
word of protest. 

If Graetz had a weakness in this matter it was that he 
systematically refrained from quoting, at least by name, 
those who had treated him ill or whom he thought his foes. 
There are, as Carlyle pointed out, Artists in History and 
Artisans, men who work mechanically in a definite depart- 

H. Oraetz, the Jewish Historian. 175 

merit without eye for the whole, " not feeling that there is 
a whole ; and men who inform and ennoble the humblest 
department with an idea of the whole, and habitually 
know that only in the Whole is the Partial to be discerned." 
But Carlyle, wrong in supposing that it was impossible to 
find the two functions combined, was absolutely right in 
distinguishing between them. Graetz, it may be soberly 
said, was at once Artist and Artisan ; he had acquired a 
manual dexterity for parts, yet retained his control over the 

What Graetz perceived was that History included " the 
art of interesting the affections and presenting pictures to 
the imagination." How else should its philosophy teach 
than by examples ? Hence the efforts that Graetz put 
forward were turned in this direction ; to interest his 
readers in his heroes, to make them realise who they were, 
and what they did. There is nothing more brilliant in the 
pages of secular history than Graetz's character sketches ; 
his Solomon Molcho, his Moses Chayim Luzzatto, his 
Samuel the Prince, Immanuel of Rome, John Pfefferkorn, 
Gracia Mendesia Nasi, Pablo Christiani, Saad-Addaula, 
Don Pedro (whom Graetz refuses to nickname "the 
Cruel "), Dunash ben Labrat, and the " burrowers " 
Uriel da Costa, Leon Modena, and Joseph Del-Medigo — 
to mention a few of his dramatis personm who played 
lower than leading parts. Graetz always maintained 
that, though it was the duty of the historian to trace 
identities in the course of events, so as to enable him to 
explain their current logically, it was as clear a part 
of his function to detect contrasts, and to set these 
contrasts in a prominent light. In both these direc- 
tions, the life-like portraiture of persons and the due 
admixture of light and shade, Graetz succeeded admir- 
ably, and almost universally. Where he somewhat 
erred was, on the one hand, in his habit of making a 
striking epithet do the duty of a more humdrum, but, 
perhaps, more complete verbal picture ; on the other hand, 

176 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

in what looks like a conscious aim at discovering contrasts 
beyond the mere duty of describing them when found. 
There is something a little irritating in Graetz's constant 
harping upon his epithets ; scarcely a man in his pages but 
has his character labelled on to him, and the label never by 
any chance slips off. In the eleventh volume of his history 
this labelling of men who had lived near enough to our 
own times to still belong to the realm of party politics, 
naturally excited violent attack. But the habit runs 
through the whole work, like a golden thread that has be- 
come here and there frayed, and has been bound together 
with less valuable material. Graetz's love of contrast is 
also shown throughout ; whether he is setting the Kabba- 
lists against the philosophers, or a Holdheim against a 
Zacharias Frankel. One cannot refuse a meed of admira- 
tion to the audacious and grotesque originality that could 
dare to set the names of Spinoza and Sabbatai Zevi 
together in the headings of two successive chapters— a 
rather extreme instance, which, however, the author bravely 
justified. Did it not arrest the reader's attention ; did it not 
fix in his mind most securely the directions of the very 
sharply opposed dangers that threatened at one and the same 
time to engulph Judaism ? Graetz's style is florid to excess, 
and is marred by the use of inappropriate and confused 
metaphors. But his vigour, his sureness of touch, and his 
eloquence are far more noticeable than his faults ; and if a 
certain sense of disproportion is felt in his treatment of 
successive epochs, this is rather due to the inequalities of 
the style than of the actual handling of the material. " His 
work," said Geiger, speaking of the earlier volumes, 
" contains Geschichten, which are loosely strung together, 
but are not Geschichte." Like many of Geiger's judgments, 
this utterance, prejudiced though it be, is at least partially 
true. But only partially. For it is but necessary to read the 
eighth and ninth chapters of Vol. VI., in which Graetz takes 
a wide and comprehensive survey of the pre-Maimunist 
condition of the Jews, in which the threads are gathered 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 177 

from every land of East and West, and woven together 
into a brilliant many -coloured web, stretching wide as 
Jewry's own contemporary horizon — if these and similar 
chapters be read in the light of Geiger's criticism, it will 
be seen how little truth there is in it after all. Sir G. 
Trevelyan, in speaking of Macaulay's painstaking industry, 
recalls how Leonardo da Vinci would walk the whole length 
of Milan that he might alter a single tint in his picture of 
the Last Supper. Graetz would travel amid his books far 
greater distances than this to write a sentence ; nay, to fix 
an epithet in those general summaries, the merits of which 
a child can appreciate and a learned scholar might envy. 
Like Macaulay, Graetz drew no pedantic distinction between 
the learned and unlearned; and this both historians 
accomplished by the " downrightness " and unequivocal 
tendency of their judgments on men and things. No one 
but a partisan can write impartial history ; if by a 
partisan is meant one who judges careers by their con- 
sequences, and who refuses to accept the dictum that truth 
must necessarily be on the neutral border- line between 
parties — a border-line which, in many cases, has no more 
real existence than the Equator. Impartial history does 
not mean history that must please all parties, or remain 
indifferent to each. 

In a word, Graetz wrote, not merely the History of the 
Jews, but the Philosophy of that History. " Why does he 
not narrate the facts ; why must he always pass sentence 
on them ? " These questions are often asked by readers 
in disparagement of Graetz, but the answer is not so hard 
to find as the questioners suppose. He cannot omit the 
verdict, because the present and the future of Judaism are 
conditioned wholly and absolutely by the past ; because 
that past is never dead, but locks the present in its eternal 
embrace. A Christian historian might deal with Christian 
mysticism in a calmly scientific spirit ; not so a Jewish 
writer with the Kabbala. The Kabbala holds sway still ; 
its influences ramify throughout the Jewish ceremonv and 

178 Tlie Jewish Quarterly Review. 

belief of to-day ; it is yet a strong practical force for good or 
evil. Must not the Jewish historian unhesitatingly pro- 
nounce whether it be good or evil ? Can he contemplate what 
its effects have been without condemning it too, without 
warning the future to steer clear of the follies of the past ? 
Graetz had too little sympathy with the spiritual elevation 
produced by what he slightingly designated schwarmerei ; he 
slurred over the fact that the Kabbala itself was in some 
of its phases a mystic protest of pure religion against 
formalism, that neo-Chassidism was an ennobling enthu- 
siasm, seeking direct communion with God, that many an 
imposter must have had fascinating elements of greatness 
in his character. To the glance of the philosopher of his- 
tory, the excesses of the Kabbala leading to tyrannous 
slavery over the intellect, the speedy degeneration of 
Chassidism into the worst of formalisms, the cruel injuries 
inflicted on Jews and Judaism by these imposters, coloured 
the initiation of the one and the motives of the others, 
and in very sooth deserve the condemnation which Graetz 
meted out to them. Besides, Graetz would not allow 
Jewish history to repeat itself. A simple and naive 
Rabbi was in place in the fifth century, but Graetz re- 
sented the recurrence of the type in the thirteenth. At 
the earlier date, Graetz found much to praise in the very 
class of men who, in their later guise of anti-Maimunists, 
were scornfully branded by him as " Stock-Talmudisten." 
The future will show that very few of his judgments 
will be reversed by the court of appeal of posterity. 
With his eleventh volume the matter stands otherwise. 
Here Graetz was a prophet rather than an historian; 
here he had to deal with causes which had not yet 
worked out their full effects. If this section of his work 
be not quite worthy of the rest, it is because, as he himself 
so often says in the book itself, when discussing the growth 
of controversies which still rage within Judaism, " Wie ea 
steht . . gebiihrt nicht mehr der Geschichte zu 
erzahlen ; es gehbrt der unmittelbaren Gegenwart an." 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 179 

Alas, that he should have to conclude the fifth volume of 
the forthcoming English edition of his History, with a 
similar statement regarding German anti-Semitism. 

The publication of Graetz's History occupied the author 
for many years; indeed, between the issue of the first 
edition of Volume IV. to the issue of the third edition of 
Volume VIII., there extends an interval of nearly forty 
years (1853-1890). Excepting the fourth volume, all the 
early parts of the first edition were produced under the 
auspices of Philipssohn's "Institut zur Forderung der 
israelitischen Literature," which has a glorious record of 
useful and brilliant work. In the meantime, however, the 
author had done much in other fields ; and it is time that 
we resumed the thread of his career. 

A most important incident in directing the current of 
Graetz's activity was the foundation of the Breslau 
Seminary in 1854. The need for such an institution was 
pressing. After a sleep lasting for three centuries the 
awakening had come, and with it an inevitable period of 
bewilderment. A strong feature in the Mendelssohnian 
movement was the effort to arouse once more among the 
Jews that love for secular learning, that refined desire to 
speak the literary languages of Europe, which had distin- 
guished the Jews before the period of dismal desolation 
that followed in the wake of the Black Death. Civil rights 
were in part gained, a wave of enlightenment spread over 
the Jewries of the West, and for the moment blinded their 
denizens with excess of light. Jewish learning was pur- 
sued by a few scattered enthusiasts, such as Rapoport and 
Zunz, but serious internal divisions threatened to wreck 
Judaism when the ship which had weathered so many 
storms was well within sight of port. How fallen was the 
state of Jewish learning may be seen from the preface of 
Graetz's Gnosticism, in which the author actually apologised 
for offering a volume which did not deal with any of the 
controversies raging at the moment between Jewish parties. 
The Cheder and the Yeshiba had lost their hold on the 

180 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

eager youth of Germany. 1 Prague, Frankfort, Furth, 
Metz, and Hamburg, which had attracted bachurim by the 
hundred, could now count their Talmud students by units. 
Great Rabbis like Jacob Lissa, Akiba Eger, and Moses Sof er 
still found many disciples, but the latest of these died in 
1840, and left none of the same calibre to supply their 
places. At length leaders of all the Jewish parties in 
Germany realised the danger ; Judaism needed a rallying- 
point, a Zion from which might go forth teachers of the 
Law. It was no longer possible to ignore the new condi- 
tions under which Judaism existed. There was but one 
alternative. Either the Rabbinical and other Jewish litera- 
ture must be subjected to scientific treatment, or it must be 
allowed to fall into lasting neglect. It was no easy task to 
convert the Melammed into a Lehrer and the Rav into a 
Rabbiner ; yet the former feat was successfully attempted 
by Mendelssohn's immediate disciples, the latter was the 
work of the new Jewish Rabbinical Seminaries. 

Seminaries had been already established outside Germany, 
and the one in Padua, the first of its kind, had, since its 
foundation in 1827, produced good fruits. But the Breslau 
Seminary far surpassed its predecessors in importance and 
in the width of its aims. In Jonas Franckel, Judaism 
found a noble benefactor, who, under the guidance of 
enlightened advisers, rendered an inestimable service to 
his religion. It is needless to recount the difficulties that 
delayed the accomplishment of his design, nay, threatened 
its very inception. Suffice it to say that conferences 
between recognised Jewish scholars and men of communal 
experience were held, formally and informally, during the 
years 1847-1854, and resulted in the inauguration of the 
Seminary in Breslau on August 10th in the latter year. 
Graetz was not the Director of the new institution ; for 
that post there was but one fitting claimant, viz., Zacharias 

1 Strassburger, Geschichte der Erziehung ■and des UnterrichU bei den 
Israelite*. (Stuttgart, 1885), p. 231. 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 181 

Frankel. But Graetz took part in the Dresden conference 
of March, 1853, at which the organisation and programme 
of the Seminary were settled. He never filled the position 
of Director, for the post was, I think, invariably conferred 
only on those who had already served as Rabbiner. But 
to the end of his life Graetz was the man who, in an 
especial sense, was identified with the high reputation that 
the Seminary gained. Of all the original staff of the 
Seminary, he remained longest at his post. Death claimed 
Frankel in 1874?, and between that time and the present 
year several distinguished men have provisionally or 
regularly occupied the vacant headship. It was Graetz's 
presence, his name and fame, that secured the continuity 
which was so essential to the growth and development of 
the institution. Sad is it to think of the irreparable loss 
that the Seminary has now suffered. It is generally 
asserted that no man is indispensable. Let us hope that 
the Breslau Seminary will not be fated to speedily dis- 
prove this comfortable optimism. 

As a teacher, Graetz possessed many merits. His 
lectures stimulated his pupils ; he not only gave them a 
helping hand, but he taught them how to go alone. He 
was not dogmatic in the class-room ; he encouraged his 
pupils to criticise his views in their periodical exercises, 
and he would smilingly listen while he heard his own 
published statements questioned. He would stimulate 
original research by the best of all means, for he would set 
for his pupils' treatment subjects on which the last word 
had not already been spoken. Or, again, he would select 
points that Jewish historians had already discussed; he 
would clearly indicate how far previous research had gone, 
and would suggest the directions in which fresh inquiry 
might be profitably pushed. 1 Teaching such as this goes 
far to account for the brilliant array of original work to 
which the Breslau Seminarists may proudly point. If one 

1 See Dr. Kippner's remarks in Briill's AfonatMattcr, 1837, p. 246. 

182 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

had nothing more to point to than the hooks written by 
the pupils of Graetz and of his colleagues, one would 
still have to assign the teachers a high place among the 
benefactors of Jewish learning. 

The best justification of the Breslau Seminary lies in 
the scholars that it has produced during the past forty 
years. It has recently been said that a Rabbinical train- 
ing college must produce men of character. This, it seems 
to me, is a fatal error. A college can produce scholars, it 
cannot manufacture saints. If it tries to accomplish the 
latter feat, it will gather in a fine harvest of hypocrites. 
Frankel and Graetz were under no such absurd delusion; 
their duty was to turn out Rabbis who knew something of 
Judaism, who knew a good deal of Jewish literature and 
philosophy, and this they did. Geiger certainly looked 
askance on the work of the Seminary, and he had some just 
cause for bitterness. He and Philippson more than any 
others were instrumental in persuading Jonas Franckel to 
endow the new institution, yet he was excluded from the 
management. Not long after its inauguration Geiger 
resigned the Breslau Rabbinate, and transferred his 
enlightened activity to Frankfort. He described the 
Seminary as a cram-shop for Rabbis ; but surely it was 
better that it should succeed in that than that it should 
try to become a cram-shop for cant. The "Breslau 
Judaism " was, indeed, a curious product of compromise ; 
it would examine Jewish tradition, piece it out into its 
component parts, show how it developed, date it, but still 
loyally go on observing all that it enjoined as though 
Jewish science had never applied the crucible. In 
religious matters Graetz was fond of talking of the juste 
milieu; and for the Judaism of to-day extremes are no 
doubt dangerous. But to some of us it seemed as though 
Graetz, while equally condemning unbending conservatism 
and extravagant liberalism, found his juste milieu forsooth 
in both extremes, binding his conduct to the one and 
abandoning his thought to the other. There was origin- 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 183 

ality no doubt in this species of compromise, but it need 
hardly be added it had no elements of permanency. It 
served its purpose of reconciling the old with the new for 
nearly half a century. But new phases of spiritual 
vacillation need ever new varieties of practical com- 
promise, and these saving waters will be drawn by future 
generations of Jews from the deep unfailing well of truth 
that Graetz dug out, though it may be necessary to first 
remove the stone with which he himself covered its 

The labour connected with the revision of his History, 
and his duties as teacher at Breslau, did not absorb the 
whole of Graetz's energies. He never ceased to correct 
and expand his great work, and lived to enjoy the unique 
gratification of publishing a fourth edition of one volume 
and a third edition of several others. But in the mean- 
time he took some interest in the affairs of the Breslau 
community, and added to his other functions two important 
offices, the " extraordinary " professorship of history in the 
Breslau University (1870), and the editorship of the 
Monatssehrift (1869). The latter monthly was founded by 
Frankel, and at the time of its discontinuance, in 1887, had 
been in existence for thirty-six years. This was a very 
long life for a literary journal, and for the last twenty years 
of its existence it owed its vitality almost entirely to the 
contributions of Graetz himself and of his colleagues and 

A complete list of Graetz's essays is given at the end 
of these pages, and a striking list it is. In one direction a 
certain poverty may be noted, even amid so much massive 
wealth. Few of Graetz's essays deal with the history of 
the Halacha, and the same omission may be charged against 
some portions of his History. The progress of the 
Halacha in Judaism after the era of the first codifiers was 
but lightly treated; yet the Talmudic Halacha received 
very adequate discussion in Graetz's volumes. The reason 
for this difference is easily found. The Halacha, after 

N 2 

184 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

the time of Alfasi, became more and more objective, while 
Graetz's glance, keen to detect every subjective trait that 
marked the characters of his heroes, somewhat turned aside 
from their objective religious life. There is the less ground 
for regret that Graetz pursued the course he did, for Weiss' 
Dor dor Vedoreshov, or History of the Jewish Tradition, 
might otherwise have remained unwritten. It is pleasing 
to tind in Weiss' fifth and last volume, which was printed 
before the death of Graetz, so frequent a reference to the 
services rendered, even on the Halachic side, by the great 
Jewish historian. 

Of the essays that Graetz contributed to the Monatsschrift, 
some were preparatory studies for portions of the History, 
but most were independent treatises, and some attained to 
the size and importance of set volumes. The topics treated 
are mainly historical or grammatical subjects, and points of 
Biblical exegesis. Some were quite popular in character, 
such as his " Shylock in der Sage" (1880) and "Die 
Schicksale der Talmud" (1885); for in the last decade of 
his life Graetz felt a strong impulse to reach the general 
community. One of Graetz's most meritorious perform- 
ances was that he rescued Jewish science from becoming 
the property of the few. Hence his own " popular " edition 
of his History in three volumes, and the eagerness with 
which he lent his countenance to the translation of his 
work in an abridged form into English and French. These 
translations were not mere abridgments ; he carefully re- 
read the chapters, and made frequent additions and emen- 
dations, sometimes of considerable moment. A work of 
his — the title of which would lead one to anticipate a book 
for the recreation of an idle hour — " Blumenlese neu- 
hebraischer Dichtungen" (1862), consists, however, entirely 
of Hebrew texts. In one of the poems occurring in this 
volume a printer's error disarranged the half lines, so that, 
as published, the verses make nonsense. It was amusing 
to find how this slip was pounced upon by Graetz's 
keen-eyed critics, who made very merry over the pro- 

H. Qraetz, the Jewish Historian. 185 

digious blunder ! Referring to this poetry, Graetz well 
remarked in the preface : — " A people that was able to 
lament, to sing, and to laugh in rhythmic measures ; that, 
moreover, possessed the faculty of pouring forth its feel- 
ings and thoughts in beautiful forms, is not spiritually 
dead. And these poets did not sing in solitudes, but found 
a numerous audience." These lines prepare us for the 
space devoted by Graetz in his History to the birth and 
development of Jewish poetry. Jewish history, he main- 
tained, was a Culturgeschichte, and it may be safely pre- 
dicted that this will be the direction in which most advance 
will occur in the near future. The social and " cultural " 
history of the J ews is far obscurer than their literary his- 
tory, and the work of the future will be to light up fully, 
as one of Graetz's own disciples 1 has so ably done in part, 
the pages which even the master himself left dark. 

Of the tourists who go to Palestine but few are Germans ; 
and twenty years ago their number was even smaller than 
it is at the present time. To make a pilgrimage to the 
Holy Land was one of Graetz's most cherished longings ; 
but it was not till 1872 that this hope was fulfilled. Popu- 
larity had not brought with it large pecuniary gains. His 
History was in every Jewish library, and in many a non- 
Jewish one; in George Eliot's, for instance. Yet the author 
of the work that rapidly earned a European fame was 
only in a position to visit Palestine after several years' 
careful saving. One often hears lamented the decay in 
the modern student- world of the devotees to letters who 
once made learning an end in and for itself, who served 
their master without thought of material recompense. Yet 
Jewish scholarship remains and must needs remain its own 
and only reward. In the spring of 1872 Graetz, with two 
companions, trod the soil sacred to a great memory. In 
Palestine the pilgrim sees what he is worthy of seeing. To 

1 Giidemann : Oeschiohte des Erzwhungswesenn, etc. See also hia 
Obituary of Graetz in the Nette Freie Preme, October 20th. 

186 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

one it looks a desert dotted with poverty-stricken hovels; 
to another's eyes it is so many thousands of acres of soil 
needing scientific farming ; to one a hope, to another a 
misfortune ; to most of those who visit it, a place to die in. 
Graetz did not go to spy out the land, to make dis- 
coveries, or to identify sites. He went there to find 
courage. He went there to come into real contact with the 
scenes he had not yet dared to describe. With the Hebrew 
text in his hand to serve as guide-book, he fixed his gaze 
on the changeless hills, the eternal valleys ; he heard the 
murmur of the streams, saw the bright sky reflected in its 
lakes, and as he looked he saw Joshua crossing the Jordan, 
he saw all the rush of incident that showed Providence 
working out its purposes through the chosen race as its 
instrument. " Love for the people to which I belong by 
birth and training, accompanied me on my journey; but I 
hope that the reader will not find that this love has misled 
me into partiality and disingenuousness." The desire to 
see Palestine with loving eyes was the author's own justi- 
fication for commencing his History in the middle. Less 
honourable explanations have been suggested for this 
deferment by Graetz of volumes I. and II. It has been said 
that he felt constrained to wait until after Frankel's death 
before giving to the world his heretical views on the Bible. 
But his conduct needs no defence. The early history of 
Israel is interpreted in part by its later history; and 
moreover, the historian might be pardoned for relegating 
to the end the treatment of that portion of his work 
which demanded the most delicate touch, the most matured 

Graetz's visit to Palestine was not without its humorous 
side. While at Jerusalem he received a formal certificate 
of merit : he was promptly excommunicated by some local 
Rabbi. Twenty years ago these bulls were still plentiful, 
but no one took them seriously. Graetz would tell the 
story with keen enjoyment, and with a genial smile would 
relate how once, in a German watering-place, he went to 

H. Graets, (he Jewish Historian. 187 

the Jewish restaurant to get his dinner. " 0, 1 know you," 
said the good-natured landlady, " you are welcome, but you 
are a wicked man !" " How do you know that ?" asked 
Graetz, with a smile. " I read it in Der Israelii," was the 
answer; but she gave him an excellent dinner. What 
might have proved a more serious conflict arose at an 
earlier date in Vienna, where an effort was made to 
suppress by aid of the law an essay in which Graetz 
called the doctrine of a personal Messiah into question. 

The attempt to appraise Graetz's position as a Bible critic 
must be left to a future number of this Review, and to a 
more competent judge. Graetz's editions of the Psalms, 
Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs, the essays on other Scrip- 
tural passages which he contributed to his own and to 
other periodicals, and, above all, the forthcoming critical 
edition of part of the Hebrew text will, for a long time 
to come, form the theme for discussion. Day by day for 
many years Graetz was engaged on this last work, and our 
readers will be glad to learn that, so far as chapter xxiv. 
of the Book of Proverbs, the edition was left ready for 

The omission of all reference to the history of early 
Christianity in the first two editions of his famous third 
volume was explained by Graetz in the preface to edition 
three. The fifteen years that had elapsed had opened up a 
new field, and had clearly shown the importance of New 
Testament times as a page in Jewish history. Renan's 
Mistoire des Origines du Christianisme had turned general 
attention to that period, and the critical problems connected 
with it had been more sharply defined and in part solved. 
In 1867 Graetz had published his Sinai et Golgotha, and two 
years earlier he expressed his hope that the time was near 
when no one would be permitted to write on the origins 
of Christianity who was unacquainted with the Jewish 
Hagadic literature of the first and second centuries, and 
who did not appreciate the Hagadic character of certain 
parts of the early Christian writings. It is no ex- 

188 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

aggeration to say that the fourth edition of Graetz's 
third volume (1888), contains the best account of the 
material that Jewish scholarship has so far contributed to 
the subject. 

Graetz was very little affected by personal abuse; he 
used strong language himself, and was not weak enough to 
cry out when others used the same instrument against him. 
But in 1879 he did reply to an attack that was levelled 
with equal violence and venom. He broke silence because 
the blow was aimed through him at the general body of 
the Jews of Germany. At the time of which we speak, 
German patriotism was in a very sensitive condition. Anti- 
Semitism had reached an acute stage, and the two weapons 
were hurled simultaneously against the Jews. Professor 
Heinrich von Treitschke wielded considerable influence in 
learned circles, and his anti- Jewish articles in the Preussinche 
Jahrbiicher attracted the more attention from the author's 
assumption of studied moderation. Graetz was singled 
out for attack. He was declared anti-German and anti- 
Christian ; he was at once unpatriotic and filled with an 
insatiable hatred to Christianity, which he had described as 
the " Erbfeind." It was noteworthy that Graetz found few 
Jewish champions to plead his cause ; but there was only 
one who in set terms discarded him, and weakly sought to 
shelter himself and other Jews behind the absurd argument 
that Treitschke had erred in calling Graetz's History " a 
standard work." Graetz, however, was fully able to defend 
himself, and his two articles in the Schlesische Presse (7th 
and 28th December, 1879) were as brilliant as they were 
triumphantly successful. His dignified tone, his protest 
against Treitschke's sin towards humanity, his brave justi- 
fication of his own strong condemnation of mediaeval perse- 
cution, were worthy of the great historian. He challenged 
his detractor to quote the passage in which he had applied 
the term " Erbfeind " to Christianity. He protested that 
he had uttered no word of disrespect against primitive or 
modern Christianity. " I had to deal with the past, I had 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 189 

to relate the thousand-fold bloody and merciless persecu- 
tions which my brethren in race and religion suffered, and 
I sought to tell the story truly. Was I to falsify history ? 
If you have read my history, can you point to an irreverent 
word in my account of early Christianity ? I had to speak 
of later, of false Christianity, which had become loveless, 
hard-hearted and oppressive, which had given the lie to its 
Master's word of sympathy, love and humility. I had to 
describe the long drawn-out sufferings which this Chris- 
tianity had inflicted on the Jews ; I described them with a 
warm heart, and I spoke my thoughts freely." Indirectly 
Treitschke's charge of hatred to Christianity was shown to 
be ridiculous by the conduct of the Spanish Academy of 
History, which elected Graetz an honorary member. 1 The 
third edition of volume VIII. (1890) contains, in augmented 
form, the history of the Jews from 1205-1492, and deals 
largely with the martyrdom of the Jews in Spain and their 
final expulsion from both parts of the Peninsula. This 
volume Graetz, "observantissimus ac grato animo," dedicated 
to the Madrid Academy. 

Treitschke could not fail to be keenly stung by an his- 
torian's appeal to an historian ; a reply to Graetz's " open 
letter " was inevitable. He admitted that he was in error 
as regarded the " Erbfeind " incident ; he could not point 
to the passage in which the term occurred. But he care- 
fully picked out some expressions from Graetz's eleventh 
volume, in which Germany was roughly handled, and quoted 
a sentence in which Graetz actually said of a Jew con- 
verted to Christianity that " he went over to the enemy's 
camp " ! On grounds so flimsy as these, Treitschke re- 
iterated his charge against the German Jews in general, and 
Graetz in particular, of hatred towards their country and 
towards Christianity. " Herr Graetz is a stranger in the 
land in which it was his accident to be born; he is an 
Oriental who neither understands nor wishes to understand 

1 Cf. Griidemann : Neiie Freie Presse. Ibid. 

190 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

our people ; he has nothing in common with us except that 
he possesses our rights of citizenship and uses our mother- 
tongue — for the purpose of calumniating us." 

Graetz, in his final rejoinder, exposed the weakness of 
Treitschke's Chauvinistic logic. He reminded his opponent 
that converted Jews did mostly " go over to the enemy's 
camp," for the Jews had suffered cruel hurt from the per- 
secution often instigated by their former co-religionists. 
And so he met Treitschke point by point, vindicating him- 
self with combined dexterity and boldness. The paragraph 
with which Graetz concluded his unanswered and un- 
answerable defence, charmed all who had followed the 
controversy by its simple manliness. " I have now done. 
If the fancy suggests itself to you to return to the attack, 
you may slander and abuse me right soundly, for I will 
utter no further word of reply. One request I make of 
you. If you have a spark of conscience, do not hold my 
brethren in religion and race answerable for anything that 
I have written. If I have offended, I will alone pay the 

The manifold occupations of his later years left Prof. 
Graetz but little leisure for travel. Yet in June, 1887, he 
accepted the pressing invitation of the Committee of the 
Anglo-Jewish Exhibition to pay a visit to England. The 
year was a memorable one in Graetz's life. In 1887 he 
celebrated his seventieth birthday, and the congratulations 
that flowed in from all parts of the world proved that his 
fame was wide as well as deep. In his honour, a large 
number of the most distinguished Jewish scholars compiled 
a Jubelschrift (a form of publication that bids fair to 
become fashionable), in which they brought some of the 
fruits of their talent and industry to lay before Graetz as 
an offerinor The volume, said its authors, was at once an 
act of a homage and a testimony ; homage to the great 
Heaven-blessed historian, and a testimony that his con- 
temporaries had not relegated to posterity the proclamation 
of his fame. " Of those who have contributed essays to 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 191 

this volume, many are in a special sense pupils of Graetz ; 
but there is none on the list but is ready to acknowledge 
in Graetz his master." Though Graetz never sought 
applause, yet it was sweet to him when it came. His was 
that finest form of vanity that is too conscious of its own 
supreme claims to find praise needful or even fitting. But 
he was as warm-hearted as the genius of his race; his 
sympathies were quick, his interests wide. He did not 
need to unbend in society with ordinary folk as some 
scholars condescend to do ; he was unbent by nature, he was 
as genial a companion as he was a painstaking student. His 
accomplished wife, who acted as her husband's secretary, 
and spurred on his ambition, was an amiable hostess, and 
Graetz's home was one of the most frequented in Breslau. 
His keen sense of humour made him an admirable society 
man ; he was very ready with witty epigrams, while his 
fund of flowing anecdote was apparently inexhaustible. He 
thoroughly enjoyed telling a good story if the point was 
directed against himself, but he disliked scandal. He took 
a part in the local affairs of the Breslau Jewish community, 
unlike some other Jewish scholars who give up to their 
books what was meant for mankind. Thus Graetz was as 
ready to visit the Albert Hall in 1887 as he had been to 
go to Buda-Pesth with Dr. D. Rosin ten years before to 
represent Breslau on the inauguration of the new Jewish 
Seminary in Hungary. 

Graetz was received in England with an extraordinary 
degree of cordiality. All were as amazed at his youthful 
elasticity of body and mind as they were charmed by 
his manner and his conversation. His presence gave 
the Exhibition completeness, and his lecture will, it may 
be hoped, become an inspiration for English-speaking 
Jews. Graetz had formed a strangely high estimate 
of the work that the Jews of England are destined to 
do for Judaism. Some have felt inclined to explain 
this by assuming that the magnificence of his recep- 
tion in London coloured all that he saw, and led him 

192 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

to an unduly flattering prophecy. But Graetz's lecture, as 
I have reason to know, was written before he left Germany, 
and a passage that he cancelled was perhaps more glowing 
in its hopeful tones than any that he uttered. Recently 
Graetz's prediction has been echoed by Mr. Schechter, and 
it will remain for the future to decide whether Graetz read 
aright the signs of the time when he fancied that they 
foretold how with the English-speaking Jews the future 
of Judaism lies. The last essays of the great historian were 
all written for England. 

Graetz's visit to England coincided with the cessation of 
the Monatsschrift, but he himself suggested that the conti- 
nuity was not long broken, for the Jewish Quarterly 
Review would take its place. The editors hardly aspired 
to so ambitious a success, but Graetz's hearty approval and 
his promise of active co-operation were strong factors in 
encouraging us to proceed. On two points he had long 
discussions with us. He applauded our intention to admit 
into our pages articles dealing with current religious con- 
troversies, but he was somewhat doubtful as to the practical 
consequences. His and our pains might have been spared, 
for we have not found ourselves exactly overwhelmed by 
the mass of controversial contributions offered to us. Graetz 
suggested that the new Review should be international, 
that the articles should be printed in the various languages 
in which their authors wrote them. But it was felt that 
the Review would look too grotesque with its contributors 
writing in English, German, French, Italian, and Hebrew. 
Graetz himself had a sufficient knowledge of English to 
read the language easily, and so have many Continental 
Jewish scholars. The example of the Letterbode was not 
one that suggested itself for imitation. 

Another of the proposals that Graetz made during his 
English journey was one for the formation of a Jewish 
Academy. Two years before, he had written in his Monats- 
schrift of the need for an Encyclopaedia of the Talmud to 
be undertaken jointly by a band of scholars. This pro- 

JET. Graetz, the Jeicish Historian. 193 

posal he repeated at the Albert Hall, and he expanded it 
until it became a matured plan for a Jewish Academy. It 
is unnecessary to give the details of his scheme, for the 
time is not yet ripe to discuss them. Whether the proposal 
will ever take practical shape it is hazardous to predict. 

The last years of Graetz's life were perhaps the most 
productive. His intellect betrayed no mark of decrepitude, 
and his latest work was also among his best. His Biblical 
researches were prosecuted with youthful vigour. His 
" History " received its finishing touches, and was in part 
rewritten. He saw his " Popular Edition " in German 
through the press, and he regularly revised the proof sheets 
of the English translation of his Oeschichte. For this transla- 
tion he composed a Retrospect, which contains the last lines 
that he wrote, and forms a testament bright with sure 
confidence in the permanency of the Mission of Israel. 
The pure rationalism that seeks to distinguish between the 
ethical and the mystical elements of religion can, accord- 
ing to Graetz, find no home outside Judaism. Judaism 
proclaimed the holiness of life, and made for all that may 
be summed up in the term humanity. Graetz never 
wearied of insisting on the moral influence of the mono- 
theistic idea, but nowhere has he done this more powerfully 
than in the last Retrospect that he took of the history of 
his race. In its very poetry he saw a lever for the attain- 
ment of ethical culture, in its career an eternal token of 
the Divine Providence. Though in his later years he came 
to see more and more clearly that all religious traditions 
must be made the subject of strict scientific examination, 
though he came to think that the Bible itself was in a 
large sense the faulty work of man, he never ceased to 
believe in its inspiration, he never doubted that its under- 
lying impulses to moral progress came direct from God. 
He saw the finger of God in the latest as in the earliest 
phases of Jewish history ; in the events of the nineteenth 
century after, as in those of the nineteenth century before 
the Christian era. No one who fails to detect in it the 

194< The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

handiwork of Providence can write the history of the Jews ; 
and it is because the future will hardly give us again the 
same combination of religious love and scientific truth- 
seeking that Graetz's " History " will never be superseded. 
Graetz's own attitude towards contemporary Judaism was 
not that of a constructive thinker ; he will not be num- 
bered among the great religious forces that have made 
Judaism what it is. He stood at the parting of the ways, 
and told the passers-by in each direction that they were 
all going on the wrong path ! But he will always remain 
an inspiration ; from his quarries will be dug the founda- 
tion stones on which the future of Judaism may be built. 
He wrote a History for the Jews — and the world at large 
has accepted it. He will be remembered as one to whom 
universal praise was but a new stimulus to higher effort, 
who, when at the summit of his unique repute, bestowed 
the same diligent and tireless care on his work as when his 
spurs were yet to win. His last essay was a protest against 
the verdict that " Judaism is a wandering secret." Graetz 
will stand foremost among those who made Judaism what 
he himself called it, " a wandering revelation." 

I. Abrahams. 


Separate Works (including translations of the "History"). 

Gnosticismus und Judenthum. Krotoschin, 1846. 

Geschichte der Juden von den altesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegen- 
wart. 11 (=13) Bande, Ed. 1, 1853-1875; Ed. 2 (Bande III-X) 

1 A list of Professor Graetz's works up to 1879, was given in the 
official report published in Breslau on the twenty -fifth anniversary of the 
opening of the Seminary (August 10th, 1879). The present list supplies 
some omissions and corrections, and continues it from 1879. Prof- 
Graetz's critical edition of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament will, 
it may be hoped, be soon issued. My thanks are due to M. Isidore Loeb, 
Dr. Neubauer and Prof. Kaufmann for kind assistance in completing this 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 195 

1863-91 ; Ed. 3, Band III., 1878,' VIII., 1890, IX., 1891 ; Ed. 4, 
Band III., 1888. 

Blumenlese neuhebraischer Dichtungen Q^KMC? Op?. Breslau, 

Influence of Judaism on the Protestant Reformation. Translation 
by S. Tuska of Chs. iii.-vi. of Vol. IX. of the Gesckichte. Cincinnati, 

Talmud Jerushalmi, nebst einer Einleitung, einem Glossar, 
Namen und geographischen Register, alphabetisch geordnet von Dr. 
H. Graetz. Krotoschin, 1866. 

Sinai et Golgotha. Paris, 1867. 

WD p VpV nb ••• 11c6rin NUO Einleitung in den Talmud von 
Joseph Ibn-Aknin, zu Ehren des Oberrabbiners Dr. Z. Frankel, als 
Jubelschrift herausgegeben. Breslau, 1871. 

Les Juifs d'Espagne. Paris, 1872. 

History of the Jews from the Downfall of the Jewish State to 
the conclusion of the Talmud. (American Jewish Publication Society, 
translation of Vol. IV. of the Geschichte, by J. K. Gutheim.) New 
York, 1873. 

DHirVfl W nn (translation of Vol. III. of the Geschichte). 
Vienna, 1875. 

Kohelet, oder der salomouische Prediger, ubersetzt und kritisch 
erlautert, 1871. 

Schir-ha-Schirim, oder das salomonische Hohelied ubersetzt und 
kritisch erlautert, 1871. 

Kritisch* r Commentar zu den Psalmen, nebst Text und Ueber- 
setzung. Breslau, Band I, 1882 ; Band II, 1883. 

Histoire des Juifs (traduit par M. Wogue, Moi'se Bloch). Paris, 
Vol. III. (the last published), appeared in 1888. 

Yolkstiimliche Geschichte der Juden in drei Banden. Leipzig, 

^>KX» '■nb D'D'H naT Geschichte der Juden von Dr. H. Graetz, 
ins hebr. ubersetzt von P. Rabinowitz : erster Band. Warschau, 1890. 

History of the Jews, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day 
(continued to 1870, with new Preface and Retrospect). Edited and 
in part translated by Bella Lowy, London. Vols. I , II., 1891 ; 
Vols. 1II.-V. (completing the w. rk), 1892. 

History of the Jews, Vol. I. (The Jewish Publication Society 
of America ; reprint of Vol. L of previous entry, with some altera- 
tions.) Philadelphia, 1391. 

Essays in the Seminary Annual (Progbammaebeiten). 
Die westgothische Gesetzgebung in Betreff der Juden, 1858. 

196 The Jewish Quarterly JRevieu. 

Dauer der gewaltsamen Hellenisirungder Juden und der Tempel- 
Entweihung durch Antiochus Epiphanes, 1864. 

Frank und die Frankisten, 1868. 

Der einheitliche Character der Prophetie Joels und die kiinstliche 
Gliederung ihrer Tbeile, 1873. 

Das Konigreich Mesene und seine jiidische Bevolkerung, 1879. 

Die jiidischen Proselyten im Romerreiche unter den Kaisern 
Domitian, Nerva, Trajan und Hadrian, 1884. 

Uber das Sikarikon-Gesetz, 1892. 

Contributions to Periodicals. 

Geiger's " Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischna," Literaturblatt des 
Orients, Leipzig, 1844-5. 

Die Septuaginta im Talmud, Z. Frankel's ZeitschriJ't fur die 
religiosen Interessen des Judenthums. Berlin, etc , 1845. 

Die Construction der jiidischen Gepchichte. Ibid., 1846. 

Einleitungsschriften in den Talmud. Ibid., 1846. 

Die angebliche Fortdauer des jiidischen Opferkultus nach der 
Zerstorung des zweiten Tempels. (In collaboration with B. Fried- 
mann.) Zeller's Theolog. Jahrbiicher, 1848. 

Jiidisch-geschichtliche Studien (1) Die Sohne Bethyra, (2) 
Hillel's Interpretationsregeln, (3) Die Reise der vier Tannaiten nach 
Rom, (4) Die Zehn Martyrer. Frankel's Monatsschrift fur Ge- 
schichte und Wissenschaft des Jvdenthums . (Ed. Graeiz, after 1869.) 

Die talmudische Chronologie und Topographie. Ibi<)., 1852-3. 

Die absetzbaren Hohenpriester wahrend des zweiten Tempels. 
Ibid., 1852. 

Falschungen in dem Texte der LXX von chnstlicher Hand zu 
dogmatiscben Zwecken. Ibid., 1853. 

Hagadische Elemente bei den Kirchenvatern. Ibid., 1854-5. 

Die hebraische Inschrift in der Kirche San Benito. Monatsschrift, 

Salomon Molcho und David Reubini. Ibid., 1856. 

Don Joseph Nassi, Herzog von Naxos. Wertheimers Wiener 
Jahrbuch fur Israeliten. Vienna, 1857. 

Simon der Gerechte und seine Zeit. Monatsschrift, 1857. 

Die grosse Versammlung (Kenesetha gedola) ihre Geschichtlich- 
keit, Zahl, Bedeutung und Leistung, Ibid. 

Zur Chronologie der gaonaischen Epoche vom Beginn des zweiten 
Jahrtausend der seleucidischen Aera 689 C.E., bis Saadia. Ibid. 

Der Prophet Jeremias, eine biographische Skizze. Wertheimer's 
Wiener Jahrbuch J'iir Israeliten. Vienna, 1858. 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 197 

Autorschaft, Abfassungszeit und Composition der Halachot 
Gedolot. Monatsschrift, 1858. 

Jekutiel und Joseph ibn Migasch. Ibid. 

Die mystische Literatur in der gaonaischen Epoche. Monats- 
schrift, 1859. 

Die Anfange der neuhebraischen Poesie. Ibid., 1859-60. 

Der Minister-Rabbi Samuel Ibn-Nagrela. Wertheimer's Wiener 
Jahrbuchfur lsraeliten. Vienna, 1860. 

The Minister-Rabbi Samuel Ibn-Nagrela. Same article trans- 
lated. Miscellany of Hebrew Literature, Vol. I. London, 1872. 

Zur hebraischen Sprachkunde und Bibelexegese. (Buchstaben- 
Transposition). Monatsschrift, 1861. 

Der jiidische Staatsmann Saad Abdaula und der Rabbiner Meir 
von Rothenburg. Werthei iter's Wiener Jahrbuch fur lsraeliten, 
Vienna, 1863. 

Die Verjiingung des jiidischen Stammes. Ibid., 1864. 

Mose Almosnino. Monatsschrift, 1864. 

Voltaire und die Juden. Ibid., 1868. 

Die Ebioniten des alten Testaments. Ibid., 1869. 

Die erste Meinungsverschiedeuheit in der halacbischen Gesetz- 
gebung. Ibid. 

Der Vers im Matthaus-Evangelium " einen Proselyten machen." 

Die Synode, Sendschreiben an einen Freund. Ibid. 

Der Auszag aus Babylonien und der Dualismus in der Ober- 
leitung des nachexilischen Gemeinwesens in Judaa. Ibid. 

Ueber Entwickelung der Pentateuch-Perikopen-Verlesung. Ibid. 

Das Buch Kohelet, seine Entstehungszeit und sein Character. 

Die Zeit des Konigs Chiski ja und der zeitgenossischen Propheten. 
Monatsschrift, 1870. 

Eine historisch- Kleinigkeit (oWlH NB>np vbnp). Ibid. 

Das Wort DITDfl iu der talmudischen Literatur. Ibid. 

Zwei Conjekturen, das biblische D'JDtPK und das talmudische 
D31p. Ibid. 

Gedalja, Sohn Achikams, Daner seiner Statthalterschaf t. Ibid. 

Beleuchtungeiner angeblich inhumanen Lehre im Talmud (Aboda 
Zara. 26 a-b). Ibid. 

Zur. Top>>graphie von Palastina : (1) Herodium, (2) Ammaus, 
Emaus, und Gimso. Ibid. 

Die beiden Ben-Ascher und die Masora. Monatsschrift, 1871. 

Der erweiterte Gebrauch der Causativ-Formen im Hebraischen. 

Die weitere Ausdehnung des Gebietes der Pual-Form. Ibid. 


198 ± he Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Das Thier Reem (OKI) in der Bibel. Monatsschrift, 1871. 

Eine eigenthiitnliche Volkszahlung 'wahrend de3 zweiten Tempel- 
bestandes. Ibid. 

Beitrage zur Wort- und Sacherklarung der Mischnah. Ibid. 

Das Clientelverhaltniss im hebraischen Alterthume. Ibid. 

Beitrage zur Sach- und WorterklHrung des Buches Daniel. Ibid. 

Die Kanonicitat des Buches Esther in der alteren synagogalen 
und kirchlichen Literatur. Ibid. (See also entry for 1886 below.) 

Eine masoretisch-grammatische Kleinigkeit bezuglich der Silbe 
?H. Monatsschrift, 1872. 

Eine historische Notiz (Elsass-Lothringen). Ibid. 

Die Sonne des Tobias, die Hellenisten und der Spruchdichter 
Sirach. Ibid. 

Kritische Beleuchtung einer Stelle vom Purpurstreif en am Ver- 
sohnungstage. Ibid. 

Der Prophet Jeremia in Rama. Ibid. 

Ursprung der zwei Verlaumdungen gegen das Judenthum vom 
Eselskultus und von der Lieblosigkeit gegen Andersglaubige. Ibid. 

Die Integritat der Kap. 27 und 28 in Hiob. Ibid. 

Die zweifache Ausprache des hebraischen Reach. Ibid. 

Die Palmenstadt Zoar und der Salzberg am todten See. Ibid. 

Gibea und Geba, Gibeat Saul und Gibeat Benjamin. Ibid. 

Die Doxologien in den Psalmen. Ibid. 

Der sogenannte kleine Hermon oder der Jebel-ed-Duhy. Ibid. 

Die Mischnah in miindlicher Ueberlief erung enthalten. Monats- 
schrift, 1873. 

Der mons offensionis auf dem Oelberge. Ibid. 

Ein Wink zur Mischna-Kritik. Ibid. 

Ueber die Bedeutung des Wortes D'DJ? in der biblischen Literatur. 
Monatsschrift, 1874. 

Missverstandene Stellen in der Genesis. Ibid. 

Das Verbum "|DO und die Substantive '•{DDt? und 'SJDO in der 
hebraischen Literatur. Ibid. 

Eigenthumlichkeit des 3 comparationis im Hebraischen. Ibid. 

Das Datum der Schlacht bei Kharkhemisch und der Beginn der 
chaldiiischen Herrschaft iiber Judaa. Ibid. 

Der Beginn der chaldaischen Herrschaft iiber Judaa und die 
chronologische Fixirung der jeremianischen Prophezeiungen. Ibid. 

Die agyptische Vasallenschaft Judas unter Jojakim. Ibid. 

Die Echtheit des Buches des Propheten Ezechiel. Ibid. 

Die assyrischen Invasionen und Eroberungen in Palastina, im 
samaritanischen und judaischen Reiche. Ibid. 

Ein dunkler Vers in Esra (III., 3) bezuglich des nachexilischen 

M. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 199 

Alters durch eine echte talmudische Tradition erlauterfc. Monats- 
sckrift, 1875. 

Die Aufange der Nabataerherrschaft. Ibid. 

Aktenstiicke zur Confiscation der jiiduchen Scbriften in Frank- 
furt a. M. unter Kaiser Maximilian durch Pfefferkorn's Angeberei. 

Die Familie Gradis. Ibid., 1875-1876. 

Zur Geschichte der Juden von Bordeaux. Ibid. 

Ueber die Bedeutung des Wortes "UBS im Hebriiischen. Ibid. 

Die Bedingungspartikeln im Hebraischen, eiu Beitrag zur Bibel- 
exegese. Ibid. 

Die politische Geographie Palastinas im vierten und f iinften Jahr- 
hundert. Monatsschrift, 1876. 

Zur Erklarung eiuiger dunklen Stellen im Propbeien Ezechiel 

Die sabbatianisch-messianische Schwiirmerei in Amsterdam. Ibid. 

Die Lage der Burg Akra in Jerusalem. Ibid. 

Die judaischen Ethnarcheu oder Alabarcben in Alexandria. 
(Later Graetz adopted the form Arabarcb.) Ibid. 

Die Abfassungszeit des Pseudo-Aristeas. Ibid. 

Die Hofe und Thore des zweiien Tempels, eine archaologische 
Untersuchung. Ibid. 

Die Kalubaiten oder Kalebiten in der Chronik. Ibid. 

Erklarung einiger schwierigen Stellen in der beiligen Schrift. 
Dm und Dm. Ibid. 

Das Sendschreiben der Palastinenser an die agyptisch- judaischen 
Gemeinden wegen der Feier der Tempelweihe. Monatsschrift, 1877. 

Ezekiel Landau's Gesuch an Maria Theresia gegen Jonathan 
Eibeschiitz. Ibid. 

Das Zeitalter der griechischen Uebersetzung des Buches Hiob. 

Precision der Zeit fur die die Judaer betreffenden Vorgange 
unter dem Kaiser Kaligula. Ibid. 

Ueberbleibsel der Sabbatianer in Salonichi. Ibid. (Another 
article on same subject in Monatsschrift, 1884.) 

Zeit der Anwesenheit der adiabenischen Konigin in Jerusalem 
und des Apostel Paulus. Ibid. 

Zur Geschichte und Chronologie Agrippa's II., der Procuratoren 
und Hohenpriester seiner Zeit. Ibid. 

Ein iibersehenes Verbum (nnE>) im althebraischen Sprachgut. 

Das Korbfest der Erstlinge bei Philo. Ibid. 

Die Vorstadt Bezetha. Ibid. 


200 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Der angebliche judaische Peripatetiker Aristobul und seine 
Schriften. Monatsschrift, 1878. 

Die Tempelpsalmen. Ibid. 

Astaroth Karnaim und Bostra. Ibid. 

Die Lage des Sinai oder Horeb. Ibid. 

Bine Lokalitat Lod bei Jerusalem. Ibid. 

Ueber die Bedeutung der masoretischen Bezeichnung " TJnter- 
brechung in der Mitte des Satzes." Ibid. (See below, entry in year 

Der Wechsel des V und D im hebraischen. Ibid. 

Zur romischen Kaisergeschichte aus talmudischen Quellen. Mo- 
natsschrift, 1879. 

Die hebraische Praposition 1JD. Ibid. 

Ein Pseudo-Messias im 14. Jahrhundert. Ibid. 

Das Buch Tobias oder Tobit, seine Ursprache, Abf assungszeit und 
Tendenz. (75 pages.) Ibid. 

Die Halleluja-und Hallel-Psalmen. Ibid. 

Auslegung der P.ialmen 16 (1877), 29 (1873), 36 (1881), 49 (1875), 
50 (1878), 58 (1872), 68 (1875), 109 (1878), 119 (1871). 

Illegitimo Mischehen in Judaa. Monatsschrift, 1879. 

Erwiderung an Herrn von Treitschke. Schlesische Presse 
(Breslau), 7th December, 1879. 

Mein letztes Wort an Professor von Treitschke. Ibid., 28th 
December, 1879. 

Eine babylonische Unsitte im Buche Hiob angedeutet (Oh. 
XXXI.). Ibid. 

Der Wechsel von ?iOB>* und ffiWV. Monatsschrift, 1880. 

Die Verwechselung von nriK und nny. Ibid. 

Bekannte fragende und kategorische Verse in der heiligen 
Schrift. Ibid. 

Eine dunkle Stelle in der Beschreibung der Tempeleinrichtung 
(Tamid HI, 6). Ibid. 

Shylock in der Sage, im Drama und in der Geschichte. Ibid. 
(Also published separately.) 

Die alten jiidischen Katakomben-Inschriften in Siiditalien, nach 
Professor Ascoli. Ibid. 

Notizen zur Topographie Palastina's : (Nazaret, Magdala-Ta- 
richaa. Migdal-Gadara). Ibid. 

Spuren des deuterojesaianischen Ideenganges in der zeitgenos- 
siscben und spateren Literatur. Monatsschrift, 1881. 

Zur Geschichte der nachexilischen Hohenpriester. Ibid. 

Ein Arabarch Nikanor in der eraten Kaiserzeit. Ibid. 

Verwechselung der Partikeln ?y mit ~ty, f erner ?V ( ?M ) mit 
^N und ny mit i)V. Ibid. 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 201 

Die tnusikalischen Instrumente im jerusalemischen Tempel uod 
der musikalische Chor der Leviten. Ibid. 

Eine angesehene Proselyten-Familie Agathobulos in Jerusalem. 

Eine masoretische Studie : Die Anfange der Vocalzeichen im 
Hebraischen. Ibid. 

Hillel, der Patriarchensohn. Ibid. 

Agrippa II. und der Zustand Judaa's nach dem Untergange Je- 
salems. Ibid. 

Die jfidischen Steinsarkophage in Paliistina. Ibid. 

Die urspriingliche Aussprache des S Lautes im hebraischen. 

Zur Topographie Palastinas : (KoreaY, Sartaba, Alexandrion, 
Konigsberg, Hyrkanion, Cendevia). Monatsschrift, 1882. 

Jonas Frankel. Ibid. 

Das Deborah-Lied. Ibid. 

Eine masoretische Studie, Ursprung der Accentzeichen im He- 
braischen. Ibid. 

Der legitime Ursprung der Hohenpriesterwfirde der Makkabaer. 
Monatsschrift, 1883. 

Exegetische Studien zum Propheten Jeremia (110 pages). Ibid. 

Antiochos Epiphanes Untergang. Ibid. 

Exegetische Studien zu den salomonischen Spruchen (100 pages). 
Monatsschrift, 1884. 

Die kriegerische Bevegung in Palastina am Ausgange des 
zweiten Jahrhunderts. Ibid. 

Historische und topographische Streifziige : (1) Jamaia 
(2) Todesjahr des R. Jehuda ben Baba, (3) En-Tab, die Kalender- 
stadt. Ibid. 

Sendschreiben fiber die Austreibung der prager und bohmischen 
Juden under Maria Theresia. Muuatsschrift, 1885. 

Schreiben an Master Th. . . in Triest fiber Kohelet. Ibid. 

Eine masoretische Studie. (Versabteilung). Ibid. 

Topographische und historische Streifziige: (1) Dieletzten Tem- 
pelbeamten vor der Tempelzerstorung und die Tempelamter ; (2) 
Eine mit den Herodianern verschwagerte Familie ; (3) Der Oster- 
streit in der Kirche der ersten Jahrhunderte uud seiue Bsziehung 
zum Judenthum ; (4) Zur Chronologie der talmudischen Zeit. Ibid. 

Die Schicksale des Talmuds im Verlaufe der Geschichte. Ibid. 

Die Auslegung und der historische Hintergrund in Jesaia, Kapitel 
24-27. Monatsschrift, 1886. 

Eine eigenthumliche alte griechische Pentateuch-Uebersetzung 
mit langern Zusatzen. Ibid. 

202 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Eine Strafmaassregel gegen die Leviten. Monatsschrift, 1886. 

Zur Bibelexegese (nearly 200 passages annotated). Ibid. 

Der Abschluss des Kanons dea alten Testaments und die Diffe- 
renz von kanonisehen und extra-kanonischea Biichern nach Josephus 
und Talmud. Ibid. 

Die Stellung der kleinasiatischen Juden unter der Romerherr- 

Grammatische und masoretische Studien zur heiligen Schrift. 

Der historische Hintergrund und die Abf assungszeit des Buches 
Esther und der Ursprung des Purim-Feste* (70 pages). Ibid. 

Der Autor des masoretischen Sammelwerkes Ochlah w' Ochlah 
(n"?DK1 H^DK). Monatsschrift, 1887. 

Ein Eheproeess in der Familie Ibn-Tibbon. Ibid. 

Die Bedeutung der Priesterschaft fiir die Gesetzgebung wahrend 
des zweiten Tempelbestandes. Ibid. 

Bedeutung der jiidischen Miinzen, mit dem Feststrauss (Lulab) 
und dem Portale. Ibid. 

On the Jewish " Lulab " and " Portal Coins." (The previous 
translated into English by H. Montagu.) London, 1888. 

Nachtrag zu den liickenhaf ten Versen in der Bibel (J7XDK3 NpDD 
plDD). Monatsschrift, 1887. 

Lehrinhalt der Weisheit in den biblischen Schriften. Ibid. 

Abfassungszeit und Bedeutung des Buches Baruch. Ibid. 

Grammatische und masoretische Studie (Dagesh). Ibid. 

Der Ritus mit den Weidenzweigen am Hiittenfeste, sein Alter 
und seine Bedeutung. Ibid. 

Notiz fiber Gottesnamen in der heiligen Schrift. Ibid. 

Einige Beispiele von ausgesucht tiickischem Bekehrungseifer im 
byzantischen Reiche. Ibid. 

Historic Parallels in Jewish History. (Translated by J. Jacobs.) 
Publications of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, Vol. I., 
1888. (Printed, June 1887.) 

German original of the same : Parallelen aus der jiidischen 
Geschichte. Monatsschrift, 1887. 

A Jewish Academy. Jewish Chronicle, London, July 22nd, 1887. 

Judaism and Biblical Criticism. Ibid., August 5th. 

Les monnaies de Simon. Revue des Etudes Juives, t. xvi., 1888. 

The significance of Judaism for the Present and the Future. 
Jewish Quarterly lie view, London, October, 1888. (Vol. I.). 

Second Article on the same subject. Ibid. April, 1890 (Vol. II.). 

Des pr^tendues monnaies de Simon et de Bar Coziba. Revue des 
Etudes Juives, t. xviii., 1889. 

H. Graetz, the Jewish Historian. 203 

But r6el de la correspondance e'change'e vers la fin da XV, siecle 
entre ]es Juifs espagnols etprovencaux et les Juifs de Constantinople. 
Revue des Etudes Juives, t. xix., 1889. 

Un mot sur la dogmatique du Christiaaisme primitif. Ibid., 
t. xx., 1890. 

La police de l'inquisition d'Espagne a ses debuts. Ibid., t. xx., 

Un point de repere dans l'histoire du roi David. Ibid, t. xxi., 

Alexander (=Arabarch Alexander Lysimachus) and his gold- 
lettered scroll. Jewish Quarterly Review, October, 1889 (Vol. II.). 

Burning the Talmud in 1322. Ibid. (Vol. II.). 

Biblical Studies : (1) The last chapter of Zechariah, (2) The 
Central Sanctuary of Deuteronomy, Jewish Quarterly Review, 1891. 
(Vol. III.). 

The Genesis of the so-called Septuagint, the first Greek version 
of the Pentateuch. Ibid., 1890. (Vol. III.) 

Reply to Professor Swete's Remarks on the preceding. The 
Expository Times. Edinburgh, 1891. 

Isaiah XXXIV. and XXXV. Jewish Quarterly Review, 1891, 
(Vol. IV.). 

A Fifty Years' Retrospect. The Jewish Chronicle, Jubilee Sup- 
plement. London, November 13th, 1891. 

Das letzte schriftstellerische Unternehmen des sel. Prof. Dr. 
H. Graetz nach seiner eigenen Darlegung. BriiU's Monatsbldtter, 
Frankfurt a/M., December, 1891. 

Hebrew Letters in Ch. N. Dembitzer's mp3 '31130. Krakau.