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JULY, 1894. 



NOTES ON THE MS. SOURCES OF THE HISTORY 
OF THE JEWS IN SPAIN. 

In the autumn of 1888 I was entrusted by Mr. F. D. 
Mocatta with a mission to proceed to Spain in order to ascer- 
tain the extent and quality of the manuscript materials 
relating to the History of the Jews of that country. As 
the time at my disposal was not long, it did not enter into 
my plan of campaign to transcribe all or many of the 
documents I should chance to hit upon ; I desired rather to 
bring back with me a list of the documents that existed, 
so far as this could be ascertained from the manuscript 
catalogues of the various archivists who kept charge of 
the documents themselves. By keeping rigidly to this 
self-denying ordinance, I was able to bring back with me 
a list of some 2,500 documents relating to the History of 
the Jews in Spain, and have printed a rough calendar of 
some 1,800 of them with their library press marks 
attached, so that anyone interested in the subject could, 
with little trouble, have any of the documents copied on 
the spot. I propose here drawing attention to the more 
interesting of these, treating of the various archives in the 
alphabetical order of their geographical position, and 
attaching in brackets the number of the item in my 
calendar. 

VOL. VI. Q Q 



598 The Jewish Quarterly Eevietc. 

Alcala de Henakes. 

It was not in my original plan intended to collect 
materials about the History of the Inquisition in Spain, 
or even with regard to that portion of it which related 
more strictly to Jews. But on paying a visit to Alcala de 
Henares I found the only documents among those housed 
in the magnificent palace of Cardinal Ximenes in that 
city which had reference to Jews, dealt with the Inquisi- 
tion. As the railway arrangements of Spain obliged me 
to stay several hours in the town before a return train 
could be taken, I selected from the descriptive slips of the 
Inquisition papers a number of items of Jewish interest. 

There are two sets of Legajos, or packets relating to the 
Inquisition at Alcala, bearing upon the trials of those who 
are accused of " Judaism." Sixty packets (Leg. 130-189) 
contain some 806 trials on this charge held before the 
Inquisition of Toledo, while thirteen other packets (Leg. 
84-46) treat of 280 similar trials at Valencia. Some 900 
descriptive slips give the names and particulars of the 
Toledo cases 1 ; those of Valencia have not yet been calen- 
dared. From the former I selected specimen cases illus- 
trating various aspects of the Inquisition's work, or 
interesting for other reasons. Thus, it was curious to find 
an Indian slave of Don Diego Alvarez de Coto accused of 
Judaism (38). Again, in several instances, the unfortunate 
victims were subjected to the tender mercies of the Holy 
Office several times (6, 35, 45, 46, 58, 61), in one case, 
that of Isabel Nunez (45), no less than six times. In other 
cases, proof of the accused having been subjected to torture 
caused me to select it for description (2, 61). The 
tender age of Inez Gonzalez and Isabel Ortolan (30, 
31), each ten years of age, caused me to include 
them in the list. Some cases included those of mem- 

1 Prom these Don Fidel Fita selected the items relating to the fifteenth 
century in the Boletin for 1889. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 599 

bers of religious orders* as the Licentiate Don Miguel 
Doliz (18), and Friar Juan (37). In one case (52) the 
trial was interesting, as there was attached to it evidence 
that an appeal was lodged against it 150 years after it had 
been decided. This was doubtless in order to settle the 
heraldic pretensions of the descendants of the accused to 
" purity of blood " (limpieza de sangre). In the seventeenth 
century it became quite usual to have trials before the 
Inquisition for this purpose, and we shall see when we 
come to Simancas that large materials exist for ascertain- 
ing the truth of the statement often brought forward that 
a large portion of the nobility of Spain have Jewish blood 
in their veins. In several instances at Alcala a genealogy 
was attached to the trial in order to prove Jewish descent, 
and whenever this was mentioned in the descriptive slip, I 
included this in my selection as likely to be of use to those 
who have, like my friend, Mr. Lucien Wolf, been studying 
the genealogy of Jewish families. Such tables of descent are, 
e.g., attached to Nos. 2, 14, 16. In the same interest it was 
useful to give the many aliases contained in the lists. Nos. 
6, 29, 39, 47, 56, were prominent examples ; above all, it 
was interesting to find in these lists so many names which 
lend a lustre to the early annals of the Sephardic Jews in 
this country, e.g., Brandon (9), Caceres (10), Diaz-Mendez- 
Brito (15), Pereira Enriquez (19), Espinosa (21), Fonseca 
(23), Garcia (24-26), A.ndrade (35), Machado (36), Matos 
(40), Mendez (41-43), Rodrigues de Sesefia (52), Sosa (60, 
61), Cohen Villareal (63). There is obviously here ample 
materials for one of the great desiderata of Jewish literature, 
an adequate history of the Marranos or secret Jews of the 
Peninsula. I know of no subject more fascinating, more 
full of romantic episodes and interesting sidelights on 
international history. 

One set of papers, contained in packet 189 and num- 
bered 889, was of peculiar interest in this connection ; this 
contained some twenty lists of various persons examined 

Q Q 2 



600 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

before the Inquisition at Cordova, Granada, Murcia, Seville, 
Saragossa, and other places ; and it would be highly de- 
sirable that the whole of these lists, numbering some 1,500 
names, should be copied out and published. One of them 
(67) was of peculiar interest, as it contained a reference to 
the wide spread commercial transactions of the Gradis 
family, the Rothschilds of the seventeenth century. 1 This 
" Memoria " even gives some pages from the ledger of the 
Gradis. Other papers (86-91) give evidence of the terrible 
power that might reside in a single person's hands, refer- 
ring to several hundred persons who are suspected on the 
testimony of Amanda Pimentel and her sister. 

In the case of the Valencia denunciations, as there were no 
descriptive slips, I had to have out three of the packets of 
cases and go through them. This brought out one curious 
result, since one case, the process of Galavandrez Adret (94), 
probably a descendant of Solomon Ben Adret, filled a whole 
manuscript volume, which was bound together by a strip 
of parchment from a scroll of the Law. Indeed, most of 
the processes seem to extend to a volume, and it was the 
custom, at Valencia at any rate, to decorate volumes with 
serrated flames like those which covered the robe of a San 
Benito (98). One of these trials, that of Bonorsi Brionda 
is a " cause celebre "; similarly in the Toledo cases, one 
packet is devoted to the celebrated case of El Cristo de la 
Paciencia (13). It was noteworthy how wide was the field 
of employment among these victims of religious intoler- 
ance. In many cases the occupation of the accused was 
mentioned, and I noticed carpenters, tailors, jewellers, 
apothecaries, silk merchants, hatters, tobacco merchants, 
and parchment sellers, among those given. 

It is obvious that there are sufficient materials at AcaM 
alone to occupy one man's lifetime in the study of the 
transactions of the Inquisition; no less than 1,200 cases 

1 See Gxaetz, " Die Familie Gradis " in Monatssch. Neue Folge, 
vii. and viii. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 601 

exist here with full details and testimonies and witnesses 
on the conduct of the Jews ; a maps of information could 
be here obtained as to the traces left of the Hebrew nation, 
as it is so often called, after the more steadfast portion of 
it had been driven forth from Spanish soil. 1 

Barcelona. 

Few European States can possess such a magnificent set 
of archives as those of Aragon, now lodged in one of the 
former palaces of the kings of Aragon in Barcelona. Here 
every deed that issued from the Royal Chancery from 957 
up to the consolidation of the Spanish Monarchy in 1492 
exists in a copy made in one of the seven thousand "Regis- 
tros " dealing with that period. These form practically a 
huge copy letter book, in which all the kings' correspond- 
ence is given in full. I reckon that there could not be 
much less than twenty thousand State papers referring to 
the Jews of Aragon contained in this collection ; but the 
full number could only be ascertained by going through 
page for page each of the Registros, a work which will 
occupy a trained observer at least ten years of his life. To 
copy them all might easily fill up the lifetimes of five en- 
thusiasts. In the scant time at my disposal in the former 
Capital of Aragon I could merely extract from the indices 
of the Registros those items which were stated to refer to 
Jews. Now these indices have been drawn up with various 
degrees of thoroughness, becoming more and more scanty 
as time goes on ; for the first forty Registros, dealing with 
the twenty years, 1257-76, they are very full of abstracts 
of tne contents of almost each page. Then from Registros 
200 to 860— that is, from 1290 to 1340— the entries be- 
come very much more scanty, while for the remaining 150 
years of the stay of the Jews in Aragon, there exists only 

1 The latest and most elaborate History of the Inquisition, that of 
P. C. Lea (New York, 1889, 3 Vols.), does not even touch upon the trials 
for " Judaism," though Mr. Lea repairs the omission in a later work. 



602 Tlie Jewish Quarterly Review. 

an alphabetical index which gives but little clue to the 
contents of the entries indexed. For I feel sure that 
thousands and thousands of documents are not indexed at 
all for that part of Aragonese annals. I have, therefore, 
only been able to give few references, selected almost at 
hazard from the Rubric " Judios" in this last index. But 
for the earlier period, 1257-1340, 1 have a detailed account 
of some eleven hundred documents containing a skeleton 
history of the Jews of Aragon during those eighty years. 
Skeleton is the proper word to employ in such a case, for it 
is but seldom the dry bones of history, as viewed by the 
civil servants of the king, can be clothed with the flesh 
and blood of humanity. 

A large proportion of these documents relate to the fiscal 
contributions of the Jews of the crown of Aragon. As in 
the rest of Europe, Aragonese Jews constituted indirect tax- 
gatherers for their king, for whom they held their wealth 
in trust. By the aid of the documents which I have 
roughly calendared, it will be an easy task for the future 
student of Spanish annals, who will be fortunate enough to 
visit Barcelona, to determine the exact proportion of the 
king's wealth which was sweated out of the Jewish usury. 

I have myself copied and printed in an appendix several 
documents which give part of this information, especially 
one (App. VII.) which gives a sort of budget to the 
kingdom of Aragon for the year 1270. 1 From this it appears 
their direct contributions only amounted to some three per 
cent, of the whole revenue. But it would be impossible 
to accept this as a full statement of the case, as it leaves 
out of account the individual contributions of the richer 
Jews which flowed almost daily into the treasury. 2 Later 

1 The late M. Loeb was especially interested in this class of inquiries, 
and I collected as much as I could on the details relating to the Jewish 
population of Aragon. 

3 Another entry (504) gives the Jewish direct contribution at the 
much higher figure of 8 per cent, in 1270. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 603 

on we shall see some evidence of the extent of this kind of 
tribute. 

The deeds give a certain amount of information as to 
the occupations of the Jews of Aragon, though not so 
much as we should have desired. We hear of a broker 
(122), a dyer (128), a town clerk (258), horse dealers (260), 
money changers (264), moneyers (163, 361), sheep farmers 
(525), ship owners (466). 

A Court doctor is mentioned in Nos. 400 and 1080, while 
on one occasion a Jewess is pardoned for prescribing 
medicines (1082). 

A large number of deeds are merely formal in character, 
dealing mainly with the king's mercantile transactions 
with his Jewish subjects. The list given below contains 
sufficient indication of the character and extension of these 
deeds. 1 

These deeds, like similar ones we shall have to note of 
Pamplona, are of the greatest possible importance in 
studying the mercantile development of Europe and the 
early history of European banking. 

Very few of the deeds deal with criminal offences (234, 

515, 550, 632), though a certain number are connected with 
cases of false evidence (234, 237, 434). 

It is not often that the religious aspect of the Jewish 
question presents itself in these documents, though of 
course it really underlies the whole series. The chief 
entries of interest on this subject relate mainly to the 

1 Balance-sheet : 183, 329, 332, 338, 367, 368, 369, 370, 385, 390, 391, 
465, 468, 469, 498, 513, 519, 520, 562, 564, 569, 574, 577, 579, 600, 617, 618, 
621, 722. Debitorio : 130, 134, 144, 156, 158, 159, 167, et pass. Receipt : 
164a, 208, 221, 224, 297, 326, 3^8, 340, 347, 348, 349, 356, 357, 363, 371, 
372, 376, 378, 406, 415, 420, 434«, 453, 559. Confirmation : 516, 726, 
727, 1716. Consigna : 350, 352, 354, 355, 359, 360, 367, 368, 380, 384, 373, 

516, 623, 702. Donation : 267, 291, 294, 407, 422, 463, 471, 475, 512, 521, 
526, 534, 711, 733, 607. Pledge : 266, 269, 272, 405, 447, 535, 548, 565, 713, 
725. Promissory note : 580, 731,, 738. Pensions : 400, 403, 407, 422, 444, 
605, 651, 659, 1105, 



604 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

preaching of the Friars to the Jews, or their disputations 
with them. The Jews do not appear to have been very- 
willing hearers of sermons — at least, from Christian Friars 
— since it needed the services of the judges to cause them 
to attend either Franciscans (244) or Dominicans (247), 
while the Jews of Barcelona were ultimately freed from 
the infliction altogether (424, 426). 

Full details are given of the celebrated disputation 
between Pablo Christiani and Moses Nachmanides. One 
and one only of these was known to Graetz from Boffarul 
{Qemh. VII., page 418). 1 But besides this deed there are 
several pardoning Nachmanides for his "blasphemies" 
during the disputation (289, 321, 323) ; while other deeds, 
in which he occurs under the name of " Astrugo Ravay," 
show in what favour he was held by the king, who ab- 
solved him from all tribute for the rest of his life (319). 
Obhers show that he was possessed of considerable means 
(313, 314, 320, 322, 430, 490). I have given in an appendix 
to my book the deed in which the king pardons Nach- 
manides for his blasphemy on account of the favour in 
which his majesty held his brother, Benvenist de Porta. 

It was doubtless in connection with this disputation that 
a general order was issued to the Jews not to disturb 
the preaching of Pablo Christiano. Orders were at the 
same time given that passages of blasphemous character 
were to be expunged from Jewish books (248, 278). It was 
on this account doubtless that the writings of Maimonides 
(" Moyses hijo de Maymon Egipnachus," sic) were ordered 
to be burnt; it was stated that these works were en- 
titled "Soffrim" (243). Somewhat later the Jews of 
Aragon got free from the Csnsorship by favour of the 
king, who ordered that their books need not be submitted 
to the Dominicans (325). 

The above-mentioned Benveniste de Porta, brother of 

1 Since my visit Pere Denifle has published others. See Revue des 
Mudes Juives, t. xv. p. 1 seq. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 605 

Nachmanides, was one of several Jews who figure largely 
in the transactions of the time. He was appointed bailiff 
in several towns of Aragon, and a large number of deeds 
exist connected with his transactions with the king. Of 
even greater importance was Jahudan de Cavalleria, who 
was bailiff of Barcelona itself for many years, and was 
undoubtedly the Rothschild of Aragon during his lifetime. 
Materials exist in my collections for determining the part 
played by this merchant prince in the consolidation of 
Aragon under James the Conqueror. A third name of 
almost equal importance is that of Astrugo Jacob Xixon. 

One of the most interesting documents to which I 
obtained access was one relating to the family history of 
Don Chasdai Crescas, Jewish philosopher and contro- 
versialist. The late Dr. Joel has proved conclusively that 
Spinoza owed much that was peculiar and significant in 
his philosophy to the influence of Crescas' philosophical 
work, Or Adonai (Light of the Lord). Any detail relating 
to him must be regarded as of special interest, not alone 
to Jewish history, but in the general history of European 
speculation. It is by a mere chance that I fell upon the 
trail of the document. As I have before mentioned, the 
indexes to the later documents at Barcelona are very defec- 
tive ; so much so that I have not thought it worth while 
even to print the majority of the items I gleaned from 
these later indexes. They are arranged alphabetically, and 
I confined my attention to extracting the one item, 
" Judios " ; but, after I had extracted this, I thought it 
would be worth while giving a cursory glance to the 
remaining letters of the alphabet, and I did not go un- 
rewarded. Under the very first letter there is an entry 
relating to "Azday Cresques," 1 which obviously related to 
the great philosopher. I have given it at length — and it is 
very lengthy — in the appendix to my calendar, and may 

1 In the liste nominative of 1392, this appears as Atzay Cresques. 



606 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

summarise the effect of the long legal terminology in this 
place. It is a confirmation by John of Aragon, dated 
December 5th, 1393, of a privilege granted by his consort 
at Tortosa on the 15th of November of the same year. It 
appears from the document that Chasdai Crescas had been 
one of the executors of the will of his uncle Vitalis Azday, 
that owing to the disappearance of his co-trustees the 
estate of the deceased had got in bad order, and Crescas 
had, the document informs us, applied to the Queen for 
powers to administrate himself. These powers she grants, 
and her grant is confirmed by her royal consort. Crescas 
does not appear to be personally interested in his uncle s 
will, for the property seems to have been all left to 
the Jewish poor. It consisted of five tenements at 
Gerona, the locality and abuttals of each being given. 
These seem to have brought in a modest rental of 
£2. 4s. 6d. in all, though that sum would probably 
have to be multiplied by twenty to represent the cor- 
responding value at the present day in Spain, and pro- 
bably by twenty -five to give some idea of the amount of 
services and commodities which could be obtained for a 
similar sum in the contemporary England of to-day. It is 
obvious, from the terms of the deed and from the result of 
Crescas' petition, that he was in favour with both the 
King and Queen of Aragon. We shall see, when we come 
to Pamplona, that he enjoyed equal favour at the Court of 
Navarre. 

A few miscellaneous items in the Calendar may be here 
referred to before summarising the general aspects of the 
deeds. When the Jews were expelled from France in 1306 
permission was given to those of Aragon to receive their 
persecuted coreligionists (752, 756). It is curious to ob- 
serve that the executioner's fees were in one case con- 
tributed to the protection of Jewish Schools. We find 
Jews acting as guides to Saracens, but the king had his 
account in this, and license had to be obtained from him 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 607 

for that purpose (155). Certain articles of furniture were 
free from seizure for debt (152). 

I will now proceed to sum up, somewhat in the form 
of a Code, various regulations for the Jews of Aragon 
which can be extracted from the Barcelona deeds. 
These of course could be largely supplemented from fueros 
and statutes which exist in print, and many of which are 
referred to simply as Statutos de Judios in my collections. 1 
To these have to be added two charters of privileges 
(149, 414). But statutes may be passed without being 
observed, whereas in the following list of enactments we 
have tolerably certain evidence that they were in actual 
operation. 



BARCELONA. 

Constitution. 

(1.) — King could summon representatives from each Aljama to 
confer with him on communal matters, 500, 505, 1193. 

(2.) — Jewish officers were nominated by the king, 279, 462, 768, 
884, 990, 1066, 1061, 1219. 

(3.)— Rabbis could be elected by the Aljama, 774, 1032. 

(4.) — King could annul excommunication or interdict put upon the 
Jews by the ecclesiastical authorities, 586. 

(5.) — King could remit charges brought by the Inquisition, 764, 
873. 

(6.) — Jews could elect their own notary, 599. 

(7.) — Jewish notaries had special privileges, 779, 858, 867, 879, 
1220. 

(8.) — Town Council could elect Jew representatives to carry out 
Statutes of Jewry, 634. 

(9.) — Safety of Jews was entrusted to bailiffs of towns, 417. 

Restrictions. 

(10.) — Licence was required to build a synagogue, 241, 788, 900. 
(11.) — Synagogue services on days of festival were regulated by 
the king, 440. 

> 195, 198, 210, 254, 255, 256, 261, 265, 271, 306, 310, 311, 316, 550, 
587, 588, 720, 750, 765. 



608 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

(12.)— Licence was required to establish Jewish School, 315. 

(13.)— Beth Hamidrash could not be restored without permit of 
king, 1177. 

(14.) — Licence was required to purchase cemetery, 541, 791, 870, 
930, 1039. 

(15.) — King's permission had to be obtained to erect baths, 386, 
484, 611. 

(16.) — Permission had to be obtained to open gate and city walls, 
482, 510. 

(17.) — Jews had special slaughterhouses, 794. 

(18.) — Licence was required to cover in a lane in front of houses, 
604, 627, 882. 

(19.) — Regulations as to dress, 427. 

(20.) — Jews could be exempted from wearing badge, 771, 1080, 
1088, 1147. 

(21.) — Jews were not permitted to sell on Christian festivals, 
1165. 

(22.) — Licence required for selling meat to Christians, 426. 

(23.) — Jews permitted to sell meat with throat uncut, 1166. 

(24.) — Special permit required to bake Passover bread, 854. 

(25.)— Jews were allowed at times to bake bread in royal ovens, 
452. 

(26.) — Permission had to be obtained to buy meat from the town 
butchers, 476. 

(27.) — Jews could not change place of residence without permis- 
sion, 112, 334, 1038, 1104, 1126, 1142, 1201, 1208, 1209. 

(28.)— Limitation of Jewish Ghetto, 913, 979, 1022. 

(29.) — A Jew changing residence paid one shilling in the pound, 
302. 

(30.) — Jews changing residence did not enjoy the rights of the 
local community without special concession, 270, 530, 736, 1089. 

(31.) — Jews had to obtain special permission and stfeguard to live 
outside the Jewish quarter, 123. 

(32.) — Payment was required for general right of residence, 218, 
235, 302, 421, 639, 751. 

(33.)— Jews had to have passports, 153, 164, 389, 405, 721. 

(34.) — General or individual kafe-conducts to Jews were issued by 
the king, 566, 947, 972, 1049. 

(35.) — King could withdraw concession conferred on one Jew and 
transfer it to another, 638. 

(36.) — Sales and purchases had to be confirmed by the kiog, 177, 
330, 459. 

(37.) — Jews could not rent out property, 1073, 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 609 

(38.) — Jews could not buy treasure-trove, 108, 200. 

(39.) — Jews had to register their possessions, 1036. This order 
could be withdrawn for special Aljamas, 1054, 1057. 

(40.) — Jews had to pay ferry dues, which, however, could be 
remitted, 447. 

(41.) — Guilds could prevent Jews from buying horses, 260. 

(42.) — Jews had to obtain licence to export wheat, 120, 126, 167a ; 
and to buy it, 179, 180, 227 ; and to grow flax, 273, 276, 628, 735, 
829, 830, 831. 

Privileges. 

(43.) — Jews had not to contribute to benevolences for f ueros, 148. 

(44.) — Jews freed from local taxation, 640, 661. 

(45.) — Jews were exempted from lodging the king, 184, 197, 263. 

(46.)— Jews could hold landed property, 176, 232, 238, 240, 459, 
512, 581, 671, 772. 

(47.)— A Jew could hold castles and manors, 250, 338, 342, 385, 
518, 615, 621, 664, 728. 

(48.)— Jews farmed salt-marshes, 171, 298, 336, 346, 351. 

(49.)— Jews could farm royal mills, 166, 173. 

(50.) — Rights of pasturage could be farmed, 352. 

(51.) — The king could grant indemnity for buying property on 
payment of part, 109. 

(52.) — King could grant Jewish houses to his nobles, 1705, 1706, 
1707, 1708, 1709, 1710, 1711, 1712, 1717, 1718, 1719, 1720, 1721, 1722. 

(53.) — King granted nobles permission to have Jews on their 
fiefs, 845, 852, 863, 899, 922, 1003, 1027, 1028, 1046, 1095, 1118, 
1144, 1702, 1703. 

(54.) — Jews could hold licences, 650, 734. 

(55.) — Jews could take interest from one another, 1023. 

(56.)— Jews could be bailiffs of towns, 130, 172, 201, 326a, 517, 
538, 629, 668, 678, 701, 717, 730. 

(57.) — Town dues were often farmed to Jews, 114, 132, 143, 145, 
171a, 202, 205, 252, 274, 298, 300, 339, 387, 389, 404, 571, 576, 
606, 619, 620, 622, 625, 670, 737, 601. 

(58.)— Town dues could be sub-farmed, 275, 331, 619, 626. 

(59.) — Jews could buy Escheats of the crown, 572. 

(60.)— Office of bailiff could be sub-farmed, 142. 

(61.)— Town clerkship could be held by Jews, 258, 268, 745. 

Taxation or Jews. 

(62.) — Congregations could be grouped for purposes of payment, 
169a, 419, 479, 1008. 



610 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

(63.)— Taxation by Jewish representatives had to be confirmed by 
the king, 299. 

(64.) — The distribution of the taxation among the various Aljamas 
was settled by the king in consultation with the representatives of 
each Aljama, 501, 502, 504, 533. 

(65.)— Jews could elect representatives to tax themselves, 151, 281> 
293. 

(66.) — Jews could tax one another, but this tax had to be approved 
by the king, 113. 
(67.) — Taxation of Jews was equal per head, 288. 
(68.) — One Jew could pay another on behalf of the king, 220. 
(69.) — A congregation could be ordered to pay fco a Jew, 168«. 
(70.) — Taxation of Jewry could be farmed by Jews, 249, 281, 
293, 433. 
(71.)— The Jewry could be farmed to a Jew, 337, 341. 
(72.) — Nobody but royal officials could proceed against Jews for 
taxation, 762. 
(73.) — Right of taxing Jews was part of the queen's dowry, 758. 
(74.) — An Aljama could be farmed to the Knights Templars, 663 ; 
and other nobles, 724, 837. 

(75.) — The king drew on Jews for money owed to him, 115, 129, 
136, 137a, 170, 499, 509, 675, 676, 827. 

(76.)— Taxation on Jews could be lowered, 170, 174, 186, 423, 
436, 442, 524, 527, 561, 1070, 1099. 

(77.)— Taxes on Jews could be remitted by the king, 160, 161, 166a, 
186, 196, 213, 226, 227, 239, 296, 304, 358, 379, 397, 398, 399, 402, 
411, 412, 416, 438, 467, 472, 456, 457, 495, 536, 539, 552, 555, 763, 
773, 775, 767, 781, 799, 868, 931, 1004, 1005, 1040. 

(78.) — The king could remit taxation of Jewry on account of their 
poverty, 116, 118, 1011, 1163. 

(79.) — A Jew might be exempted from a tax levied on his congre- 
gation, 203. 

(80.) — The king could grant general remission of claims to a congre- 
gation, 206, 543. 

(81.) — Jews could be paid by a life-long interest in the customs, 
140. 

(82.) — Jews could be credited with debt owed by the king against 
tribute owed to him, 141, 162. 
(83.) — Jews could pay debts to the king in kind, e.g., sheep, 163a. 
(84.) — A Jew could cede property to king in payment of a tax, 437. 
(85.) — Jews could pay in anticipation of future taxation, 441, 596, 
597. 
(86.) — Jews contributed to war expenses, 677, 434a. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 611 

(87.) — Jews had to pay for the king's dinner, 507. 

(88 ) — Jews paid the king's journeys, 538. 

(89.) — Jews contributed to war against Granada, 977, 980, 995, 
996. 

(90.) — Jews were required to provide royal bedding, 1041 ; or 
could be exempted from same, 1062, 1123. 

Jews and Debtors. 

(91.) — The amount of interest to be charged was subject to regula- 
tion, 147 ; in one case 4d. a pound (per week), 199, 306, 311, 316, 
428, 750, 765, 770, 807, 840, 871. 

(92.) — Deeds of indebtedness had to bear the cause of the debt, 449. 

(93.) — Jewish debts were recoverable in the Courts, 154, 303, 308, 
377, 662, 872. 

(94.) — Jews could imprison for debt, 157, 251, 545. 

(95.) — Goods sold to Christians by Jews could be distrained, 749. 

(96.) — Special permit was required for compound interest to run on 
a debt, 207. 

(97.) — The king could abolish indebtedness of his subjects to Jews, 
117, 119, 125, 127, 193, 194. 

(98.) —A prince was permitted to free the king's subjects from their 
debts to the Jews when they had removed from the kingdom, 146. 

(99.) — Jews were not allowed to lend to University students, 1206. 

(100.) — The king could grant an individual or inhabitant of the 
town a moratoria or period of delay, during which interest would not 
run on their debts to the Jews, 107, 110. 

(101.) — The king could promise the Jews that he would not grant 
such a moratoria, 111, 121, 187, 120, 305, 443, 446, 544, 612, 783, 
790, 792, 798, 801, 802, 828, 846, 921, 945, 987, ioOO, 964, 965, 
1031, 1050, 1103. 

(102.) — Moratorias might be made invalid at the king's will, 181. 

(103.) — Moratoria could be granted to a foreign Jew, 214, 217. 

Family. 

(104.) — A Jew could pay for licence to marry a second wife, 148, 
946, 1226, 1227. 

(105.)— Jewess could not marry near relative without special 
permit, 1101. 

(106.) — Wedding settlements of Jews were only legal when 
declared in presence of two witnesses before a public notary, 280. 

(107.) — Marriage settlements of debtors' widows were to be valued 
in settling the debtor's estate, 451. 



612 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

(108.) — Testamentary depositions required the king's confirmation, 
233. 

(109.)— Property inherited had to be confirmed, 195, 285, 286, 
537, 540, 641, 642, 643, 644, 645, 646, 652, 653, 654, 657, 658. 

(110.) — King appointed guardians to heirs, 646, 1076. 

(111.) — Heirs carae of age at eighteen, 654. 

(112.) — King settled alimony of heirs, 653. 

(113.) — An heir could not marry before eighteen without consent 
of his mother, 655. 

(114.) — A. Jew required special permit to transmit farms to his 
heirs, 672. 

(115.) — The inheritance went by primogeniture, 1713. 

(116.) — Property of expelled Jews fell into the hands of the king, 
1734. 

Converts. 

(117.) — King granted special protection to converted Jews, 744. 

(118.) — Baptised children were not allowed to live with their 
Jewish parents, 793. 

(119.) — Converts were allowed to preach to and convert Jews, 
1033. 

(120.) — Converts were not allowed to change residence, 1724. 

Legal. 

(121.)— There was a special judge for the Jews, 128, 198, 237. 

(122.) — Christian administrators were appointed for the Jews, 
1007. 

(123.) — Bailiff of town could hear Jewish cases, 895, 961. 

(124.) — Slander cases between Jews could be decided upon by 
Jewish judges, 450. 

(125.) — Jews could not assemble for judicial proceedings amongst 
themselves in other than their town of residence without special 
permit, 542. 

(126.) — Jews could submit cases amongst themselves to arbitration 
by local judge, 556. 

(127.) — Jews might be allowed to appear before the king's justices, 
573. 

(128.)— Jews could not be tried without king's writ, 1017, 1037. 

(129.) — Law proceedings against Jews required a definite accuser, 
432. 

(130.) — Jews had to agree to appear to answer complaints, 461. 

(131.) — Consultation by ecclesiastical authorities could be pre- 
vented by the king, 821. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain, 613 

(132.) — Jews were sworn to keep the king's peace, 284. 

(133.) — No law proceedings on Jewish festivals, 746, 769. 

(134.) — Jews were freed from torture, 635, 1071. 

(135.) — Sworn evidence of Jewesses could be taken on commission 
in their own houses, 124. 

(136.) — There was a special form of oath for Jews, 210, 458, 523, 
855. 

(137.) — Appeal was granted in murder cases, 529, 967. 

(138.) — Jews were freed from ordinary imprisonment, 748. 

(139.) — Jewish prisoners had to be separated from others, 1134. 

(140.) — Law proceedings against a Jew for criminal offences might 
be stopped, 204, 282, 283. 

(141.)— Punishment of a Jew might be remitted, 236, 292, 301, 
317, 318, 413, 515, 584, 591, 593, 616, 609, 660, 712, 714, 715, 716, 
719, 776, 838, 1045, 1074, 1081, 1167, 602, 603, 632. 

(142.) — Jews were sometimes pardoned for usury, 464, 470, 473, 
631, 647, 648, 1125, 1143. 

I should add that the original deeds known as " Perga- 
minos " run to no less than eighteen thousand numbers, 
and doubtless contain several of Jewish interest, but here, 
as elsewhere, I was dependent upon the indexes of the 
archives and was only successful in unearthing three " She- 
taroth," which are among the earliest known to exist 
among this class of document. One of these (101) I tran- 
scribed, and have added in an appendix ; it is a deed of sale 
of some land in the territory of Barria in the year 1092. 1 

It is possible that I overlooked some better means of 
getting access to the contents of " Pergaminos," since I 
observe that Mr. E. D. Swift, in his recent monograph on 
James I., of Aragon (Olar. Press, 1894), refers to several 
Pergaminos as bearing upon the relations of the Jews of 
Aragon to James I. It is in this direction that I should 
recommend that further inquiry should be made to 
Barcelona with best hopes of supplementing my list. 

Names. — The names of Jews mentioned in the Barcelona 

1 This is earlier than any other Shetar in existence except those noted 
by M. Loeb in "Revue des Etudes Juives." I have to thank Mr. Schechter 
for helping me to decipher my own notes of this Shetar. 
VOL. VI. R R 



614 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

records would deserve a study by themselves. 1 Here I 
can only give a few notes on points that struck me. It is 
at first sight somewhat difficult to recognise the familiar 
forms under their Spanish cloaks. Isaac hides himself 
under the disguise of Acach or Acaz ; Ibn Shaprut becomes 
Abenxaprut (402); Chasdai becomes Azday or Hizde (562). 
The aspirated guttural is indeed a difficulty, being as often 
as not omitted altogether, while sometimes it is represented 
by the aspirated labial / Thus Mordecai becomes 
Mardofay (497), and Abraham Abrafim. Some very 
familiar names in Jewish literature appear for the first 
time in a latinised form. Thus appears, as the late M. 
Loeb pointed out to me, Ibn Giat in my list (161) as Mosse 
Avengayet. Again, Jafre Abenzabarre (153) is probably 
a descendant of Joseph ibn Zabara the satirist, whose work 
has been so admirably described by Mr. Israel Abrahams. 
At times we get hints which may possibly throw light on 
the origin of well-known Jewish family names. It is not 
impossible, I should say, that Benvist Almocatel (269) pre- 
serves the original form of the family name Mocatta. So 
too, Abendanan (237), proves that the family of Abendanas 
are of the same stock as the Ibn Danans. Thus mainly 
from a consideration of the names beginning with Abea, 
a considerable amount of information may be gained as to 
Jewish names. One of these is peculiar as being obviously 
derived from the Spanish. There can be no doubt that 
Abrahim Abenrodrich combines in his surname the Arabic 
Ibn with the Spanish, or rather Visigothic, Roderick. 

Municipal Archives. — The town history of Barcelona is a 
long and distinguished one ; in the history of Commerce its 
annals fill a large place, and the Code of Barcelona is the 
foundation of the Maritime Code of all nations. Under 
these circumstances it is not surprising to find the muni- 

1 An admirable model for such an inquiry ia afforded by the paper 
of the late M. Isidore Loeb on a Liste nominative des juifs e Barcelona 
en 1392, in Revue des Etudes Jwives, t. iv. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jeics in Spain. (515 

cipal records of the city in a very complete state. The 
items of Jewish interests, however, to which I could obtain 
access were not very great in number. They were con- 
tained in an index of the various ordinances of the Town 
Council from 1290-1472, which gave a list of the Jewish 
ordinances passed between those dates. They number 
fourteen, and are of the usual mediaeval kind. A dress of 
the Jews is required, partly for some peculiar reasons, but 
mainly in order to distinguish them from their Christian 
fellow-citizens, to prevent Christian women from acting as 
servants in Jewish houses, or Jews from walking abroad on 
days of Christian festivities. During the fatal year 1300 
the town obtained the right to rid itself from all the Jews. 
Later on, in 1472, the Jews were allowed to reside in the 
city only fifteen days. All these entries are made in the 
archives in old Catalan, and are by no means easy to read. 
If I had had time to refer to the various ordinances them- 
selves it is possible that other information might have been 
obtained. There are doubtless other deeds relating to our 
subject at the Cathedral Library of the city. The cathe- 
dral itself was undergoing repairs at the time of my visit, 
and the librarian had seized the opportunity to take a 
little holiday, I was therefore unable to have access to the 
cartularies and other documents. 

Museo Provinciate. — At the local museum of antiquities 
the only items of Jewish interest were a number of tomb- 
stones containing sepulchral inscriptions. Four of these 
are complete, and have been studied by that indefatigable 
antiquary Don Fidel Fita. He has published them in the 
JRevista de Oiencias Historicas, 254, seq. The remaining five 
are but fragments. All these were derived from the 
cemetery of the Jews, Fossar dels Juheus, near Montjuich 
(the Jew Mount), in the neighbourhood of Barcelona. There 
used to be a very great number of these in existence, but 
they were during the last century ruthlessly applied to the 
construction of the houses and public buildings in 

rr 2 



616 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Barcelona. It may be surmised that many of these may 
come once more to the light when these houses are recon- 
structed. It would be well that the local antiquaries of 
Barcelona should be alive to this possibility. From the 
list of Spanish Rabbis which I have collected it would seem 
that nearly a third of the Jewish talent of the Iberian 
peninsula have been buried at Montjuich, so that the 
tombstones taken thence are of exceptional importance and 
interest. 

The British Museum. 

It often happens that a man goes out searching for 
treasure and finds on his return that, after all, he has left 
the greatest treasure at home. Something like this has 
happened in the present instance. When on my return to 
England, I was curious enough to ascertain the documents 
existing in the British Museum which could throw light on 
the subject of my researches, I was by this means fortunate 
enough to come across a document (1240) which, taken 
altogether, is perhaps the most important single deed which 
I have unearthed. This, so far as I can ascertain, seems to 
be the original decree of expulsion of the Jews from the 
kingdom of the two Sicilies in 1504, for it has the original 
seal attached to it. How it came into the possession of the 
British Museum I have been unable to ascertain, as the 
volume of charters in which it is now bound seems to have 
been bought by auction, and its original provenance cannot 
now be discovered. The document, which I give in the 
appendix to my book, states, as the main reason for the 
expulsion of the Jews from the kingdom of the two Sicilies, 
their perverse ingenuity in reconverting the new Christians 
to their old religion. Ferdinand had just come into possession 
of the kingdom of Naples, in the year 1504, in which this 
document is dated. As a matter of fact, the Jews were not 
actually finally expelled from Naples till 1540 (Graetz, ix. 
316). The Great Captain, then Viceroy of Naples, resisted 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. G17 

successfully the introduction of the Inquisition into that 
kingdom, and it may have been his influence which pre- 
vented the carrying out of the fateful decree. It was 
possibly also the influence of Samuel Abrabanel, afterwards 
finance minister of the Viceroy of Naples, which helped to 
prevent its execution ; possibly also the death of Isabella, in 
November of that year, had something to do with the 
respite. At any rate, the British Museum deed shows with 
what unrelenting resolution the Catholic monarchs pursued 
their policy of freeing Spanish soil from the contamination 
of Jewish belief. The other documents interesting in this 
connection at the great storehouse at Bloomsbury, are 
mainly in Portuguese, and deal chiefly with the New 
Christians. 

The Escurial. 

On my way to Simancas, I thought it worth while to stop 
for the afternoon at the grand but gloomy palace of Philip 
II., known as the Escurial. It was scarcely likely that 
documents of historic interest would be found there, but it 
seemed worth while trying. But seai'ching was rendered 
peculiarly difficult by the chaotic condition of the catalogues 
of the Escurial Library. All, therefore, I was able to obtain 
were the descriptive slips of a few treatises in Latin and 
Castilian relating rather to Spanish Jewish literature than 
to Spanish Jewish history. A Spanish translation of 
Kimchi on Isaiah (1248) and of Ibn Ezra on astrology 
(1251) were perhaps the chief of these, and an interesting 
and long account of the disputation at Tortosa, with a fine 
copy of Raymundus' Pugio Fidei (1249), were the two others 
that deserve most notice. The latter, so far as I can 
ascertain, did not contain the Hebrew quotations which 
give it its chief value. I fear my list adds but little to the 
information about the treatises of the Escurial, already 
contained in De Castro. I may add that I made no attempt 
to look at the Hebrew codices which have already been 



618 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

investigated by the competent hands of Dr. Neubauer and 
Don Fernandez y Gonzalez. 

Madrid. 

Biblioteoa Nationale. — The National Library at Madrid 
contains a fair amount of material for Spanish Jewish 
history, chiefly in the form of transcripts of documents 
now or formerly at Toledo. A certain number of these 
relate to a question which much exercised the minds of 
the Spanish Heralds in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. Purity of blood of Spanish nobles from any 
taint of Judaism was a point to which great attention 
was given, and on which the Spanish archives bore con- 
siderable and curious evidence. In the sacred city of 
Toledo, for example, no New Christian could hold public 
office, and a list of persons thus deprived is given in 
one of the Madrid documents (1264). Three other 
documents deal with similar subjects (1272, 1326, 1327). 
The National Library contains a few Hebrew manuscripts 
of interest, as for example a Hebrew Euclid (1262), and 
a couple of astrological works translated from Arabic into 
Hebrew (1340, 1341). A number of Bulls of Popes on 
Jewish subjects exist in this library (1268, 1269, 1270, 1273, 
1274, 1275, 1277, 1278, 1301, 1319, 1348). One document 
contains a list of fifty-eight writers who have written 
against the Jews. It would be interesting to see if any addi- 
tions to Wolf's list, Bibl Babb., II., could be obtained from 
this list (1267). But the chief treasure of the National 
Library, regarded from the present standpoint, is a volume 
marked D.d. 108. This contains over thirty documents 
relating to the Jews of Spain, mainly to those of Toledo, 
and giving full account of their relations to the archbishop. 
It contains the Padron or list of all the Aljamas of Castile 
and Aragon as given in Amador de los Rios, II., pp. 531-52, 
with some important variations which I have given in a 
supplement. It is curious to find the king nominating as 



MS. Sources of the Hktory of the Jews in Spain. 619 

chief Rabbi of Castile, the physician of the Archbishop of 
Toledo (1293). The archbishop himself nominated the 
Rabbi of Alcala de Henares (1296). Another curious 
document is that which deals with the discussion between 
the Jewry of Seville and the archdeacon of that town. A 
couple of documents relate to the Expulsion of 1492 and 
the measures to be taken by the Jews in settling their 
affairs (1303, 1304). Information is to be found, too, at 
Madrid as to the badge of the Jews (1269, 1270, 1275). 
A very early document deals with the annual payment by 
Jews to the Archbishop of Toledo in 1219 (1265). Prohibi- 
tions against the Talmud also occur here (1278, 1301). Evi- 
dence is given of several synagogues that were dismantled 
in the fateful years, 1395, 1396 (1297, 1317, 1318). One 
of the most precious records retained in this Library is a 
full and illustrated description of the Toledo Synagogue, 
made by Fra Perez Bayer in 1752. This gives the 
inscriptions on the walls, a beautiful elevation and plan 
of " El Transito," and an exquisite drawing of the interior, i.e. 
the altar, wall. The Royal Academy History of Madrid 
has wisely had a copy of the volume made ; but it would 
be highly desirable that the drawings at any rate should be 
permanently reproduced. Altogether, the Madrid collection, 
though small, is very varied in contents, and touches upon 
almost the whole ground of the subject, including even the 
documents relating to the Inquisition (1342). 

El Museo. — One of the Sundays spent in Madrid, when I 
could not have access to any of the libraries, was naturally 
utilised for a visit to the magnificent National Gallery 
of that city, known as " El Museo." This turned out 
to be not without fruit for my special studies, for two 
of the pictures dealt with scenes from the Inquisition. 
The earlier one, attributed to Berruguete, and dated of the 
fifteenth century, gives a curious representation of an 
" Auto-da-fe," presided over by San Domingo de Guzman. 
The picture gave full and realistic details of the actual 



620 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

process adopted in the burning of heretics. One of the 
victims had marked Jewish features. The other picture, 
by Francisco Rizzi (1350), gave an " Auto-da-fe " two hun- 
dred years later, at Madrid, in 1680. It gives, with great 
vigour and full detail, the elaborate ceremonial gone 
through in the condemnation of the San Benitos. Here, 
with greater art, and possibly more feeling of humanity, 
the final act of execution is supposed to be transacted 
behind the scenes. 

Royal Academy of History. — I was unfortunate in not 
being able to obtain anything for my immediate purposes 
among the original manuscript treasures belonging to the 
Royal Academy of History. All the cartularies and deeds 
belonging to the monasteries of Spain have been banded 
over to this august body ; but no full catalogue has yet 
been made of these, and it was impossible, therefore, for 
me to ascertain how far they contained anything relating 
to the transactions of the Jews, which must have been 
considerable, with the various monasteries of the Iberian 
Peninsula. Among the deeds, however, of the Royal 
Academy, there were thirteen Arabic ones, transcribed in 
Hebrew characters, that dealt with various deeds of sale 
at Toledo during the years 1233-1255. We may hope, I 
believe, to have a full account of these from the competent 
hands of Don Fernandez y Gonzales. I may, perhaps, 
here give a few details of which I took rough notes. 

The deeds ranged in date from 5005 to 5043, that 
would be 124*5-93. I took down, in most cases where 
they were legible, the names of the signataries as 
follows : — 

(1.) — Tebeth, 5043 : Moses ben Chainiz, Jacob Chasan 
ben Isaac. 

(2.) — 5009: Don Jucef Abudarhan, Israel ben Isaac, 
Joseph Chasan ben Moses Chasan, Israel ben Isaac, 
Ephraim ben Isaac, Joseph ben Abraham, Abraham ben 
Jehuda, Shoshan ben Shemtob. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 621 

(3.) — Has been published by Don Fernandez y 
Gonzalez. 

(4) — 4993 (?): Joseph ben Moses Chasan, Jehuda ben 
David. 

(5.) — Tebeth, 5043 : Jacob Chasan ben Isaac, Moses ben 
Chinaz, Joseph ben Samuel. 

(6.) — 5005 : Joseph ben Abraham, Solomon Chasan ben 
Chayim, Joseph Chasan ben Moses Chasan, Jacob ben 
Isaac. 

(7.) — 5005 (?) : Jehuda ben Abraham, Moses Chasan ben 
Joseph, Abraham Chasan ben Joseph. 

(8.) — Adar, 5040: Joseph ben Samuel, Jehuda ben 
Abraham, Samuel ben Chaya. 

(9.) — Tebeth, 5043 : Solomon Cohen ben Joseph, Moses 
Chaya, Jacob ben Isaac. 

(10.) — Tebeth, 5015 : Isaac ben Abraham, Abraham ben 
Solomon, Solomon ben Abraham, Abraham ben Isaac, 
Shoshan ben Shemtob. 

(11.) — Shebat, 5032: Jehuda ben Abraham, Samuel ben 
Chaya, Jacob ben Isaac, Abraham ben Moses, Joseph ben 
Samuel. 

(12.) — Tebeth, 5043 : Jacob ben Isaac, Solomon ben 
Yussuf , Yussuf ben Samuel. 

(13.) — Abraham ben Moses, Jehuda ben Abraham, 
Samuel ben Chaiya, Jacob ben Isaac, Shoshan ben Shem- 
tob, Yussuf ben Samuel, Isaac ben Albatiel. 

(14.) — Tebeth, 5043: Jacob ben Isaac, Moses ben 
Chaiya, Yussuf ben Samuel. 

It will be observed that Nos. 1, 5, 9, 12, 14 are of the 
same date, and probably refer to the same transaction or 
series of transactions. 

Maneesa. 

I had been anxious to stop at Manresa, to investigate 
personally the "Libros de Judios" which are known to 



622 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

exist in the municipal archives of that town ; but, unfor- 
tunately, I had not time to spare for this purpose, and, for 
once in a way, determined to depend upon external assist- 
ance. I therefore commissioned Don Eduardo Tamaro, of 
Barcelona, to proceed to Manresa, and report to me on the 
contents of these books. I have appendiced his report to 
my own calendar. This gives a few specimens of the deeds 
given in the " Libros de Judios," and a number of the 
names of the Manresan Jews in the thirteenth and four- 
teenth centuries. 

Pamplona. 

The ancient capital of Spanish Navarre presents many 
anomalies. Itself a mediaeval town surrounded by a wall, 
it was already at the time of my visit entirely lit by 
electricity. The old royal archives of Navarre seem to be 
now in the possession of the Municipality, so that, though 
the Archivario was absent, I was enabled by the courtesy 
of the town clerk to examine the catalogue of the records, and 
here and there to dip into the records themselves. These 
are really splendidly preserved and admirably catalogued, 
so that, much to my surprise and pleasure, I was enabled to 
bring back, as the result of four days' hard work, what was 
practically a complete history of the Jews of Navarre, at 
any rate, in their relation to the royal treasury. I was 
enabled to do this owing to the very thorough way in 
which the Archivos de Comptos had been catalogued by the 
former Archivario. He had given, in twenty-six folio 
volumes, each containing some 500 pages, full and detailed 
accounts of over 60,000 documents ranging from 1042 to 
1498. In the four days at my disposal at Pamplona, I 
managed to go roughly through these twenty-six volumes 
and extract most of the items relating to the Jews. It is 
possible that other sets of documents besides those of the 
Treasury have been equally fully calendared, but owing 
to the absence oi the present Archivario I was unable to 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 623 

come across any such calendar ; as it was, the second 
manuscript volume of the calendar of the Archivos de 
Oomptos was missing, and my collections were so far in- 
complete ; by a lucky chance, however, it turned out that 
most of the documents referred to by Yanguas in his 
Diccionario de Andeguedades de Navarra were those described 
in the missing volume, so that between my list and 
Yanguas's items the expert in Spanish Jewish history has 
before him a key to the whole history of the Jews in 
Navarre. 

Though the deeds calendared at Pamplona were mainly 
concerned with the Treasury, yet they ranged over almost 
all aspects of Jewish life. We may indeed almost draw up 
from the documents, as we did from those of Barcelona, a 
Code of Jewish Law and Custom in Navarre. 

Before proceeding, however, to give such a Code, I may 
draw attention to various matters of special interest, which 
do not admit of being put into such a form. The Pam- 
plona documents give curious and extended information 
as to the wide range of the occupations of the Jews in 
Navarre. The following tabulated list will illustrate this 
statement : — 

Bullion merchants 1564,1623,1630. 

Carriage dealers ... ... ... 1439. 

Clerk of the Treasury , 1669. 

Cloth merchants ... 1415, 1438, 1441, 1498, 

1505, 1560a, 1598, 1562, 1639, 1640, 1647, 1655. 

Corn dealer ... ... ... ... 1405. 

Fur merchants 1567,1571. 

Horse dealers 1437,1548,1549. 

Leather merchant 1498. 

Lion tamer 1502,1512,1529,1594. 

Moneychangers 1483,1485. 

Mule sellers 1507, 1528 (bis), 1586, 1599, 

1619, 1620, 1624 (bis), 1627, 1628, 1685. 



624 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 



Physician 


1495, 


1596, 


1611, 1616, 1617 
1638, 1657 


Silk merchant 


. . . 




1560 6. 


Spice merchants 


. . . 




. . 1473, 1503. 


Surgeon 


.. 


... 


1519. 


Tailor 






... 1527,1560. 


Timber merchant 


i • • 




... 1430,1575. 


Upholsterer . . . 




... 


1556. 


Wine merchant 






... 1667, 1668. 



One of the moat interesting items under this head is 
that relating to Juze Zayel, the keeper of the king's 
lion, of whom Dr. Kayserling has recently given an ac- 
count in the Revue des Etudes Jukes. It seems that he was 
followed in his office by another Jew, Abran Aron (1594). 1 
The many royal physicians will also attract attention, and 
the career of the chief of them, Juze Orabuena, can be 
followed throughout the entries relating to his name. 
Other names of Jewish physicians are : — Sallaman Gatey- 
mos (1596), Maestre Aron (1611), Abraham Oominto (1616), 
Jacob Abozar, Maestre Vidal, and Samuel Alfaqui There 
is much evidence of the great influence of Orabuena at 
Court, and there are many entries referring to his pension. 2 
It was interesting to find him recognised as a Chief Rabbi 
of Aragon, and still more interesting to find him allowed 
to appoint his son as a sort of Delegate Chief Rabbi 
(1605). A modern parallel will doubtless occur to most 
readers. 

The career of Ezmil de Ablitas can also be followed 
through many entries. Dr. Kayserling has already drawn 
attention to the importance of this great merchant prince 
in his Juden in Navarra (pp. 53 seq.). But my calendar con- 
tains much fuller information as to the large windfall 
which came to the Treasury of Navarre by the confisca- 

1 Amador de los Bioa also refers to this subject. Tom. II. 
» 1513, 1519, 1521, 1543, 1547, 1551, 1571, 1581, 1587, 1601. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 625 

tion of his goods. 1 Similarly the financial career of Judas 
Levi, also mentioned by Dr. Kayserling, has full justice 
done to it in my extracts. 

Two very interesting deeds deal with a hitherto un- 
known incident in the life of Chasdai Crescas, the chief 
Jewish master of Spinoza. It was known from Jewish 
sources that Joseph Orabuena was in correspondence with 
Crescas (Kayserling, I.e., page 89). But the two deeds to 
which I refer, show that Crescas actually visited Orabuena, 
1401-2, and what is more, that he did so at the request of 
Charles III. of Navarre. The king paid Orabuena the ex- 
penses he had incurred in entertaining Crescas (1570), and 
another Jew for Crescas's travelling expenses while on the 
king's service to Sanguesa, Egea, and other Navarrene 
towns (1574). In the latter documents he is described as 
" Maestre Azday, Kab de los Judios de Zaragoza." It will 
thus be seen that my researches have shown that Crescas 
enjoyed the favour of the King of Aragon and also that 
of the King of Navarre. 

Several entries were of particular interest to me as con- 
necting together the History of England with that of the 
Jews of Navarre. One of these relates to an after effect of 
the invasion of Castile by John of Gaunt in 1386. His 
troops, by seizing gi*ain on the passage through Navarre, 
caused a great loss to the Jewish farmers of taxes, and the 
king remitted a considerable portion of his dues in con- 
sideration of this loss (1523). 

Another relates to a donation to a Jewish surgeon, 
Samuel Alfaqui, on account of his having cured Sir Thomas 
Trivet (1519). There are many entries which seem to 
show that the Jews had large connections with the wool 
and cloth trade of England. Reference is made to " cloth 
of London" (1565), and of Bristol, spelt " Vristol " (1639, 

1 1409, 1410, 1412, 1414, 1416 (a single indebtedness to the king of 
£53,000), 1417 (£3,000 of the queen), 1422, 1424 (£16,000 of the queen- 
mother), 1427, 1448. 



626 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

1647), while Orabuena, on behalf of the Jews, has to settle 
with Messrs. Cella and Co. for cloth from England (1573). 
It was possibly from this source that Jewish converts were 
clothed at the expense of the king (1539). Reverting to 
the occupations of the Jews, many of the entries give 
details from which the prices of goods sold by the Jews 
can be ascertained. 1 One entry gives full . details for a 
doctor's bill (1608). 

A large number of documents are of course purely 
mercantile in character, but are not the less interesting on 
that account. Owing to their early date they give prac- 
tically the beginnings of commercial book-keeping. Some 
are promissory notes (1404, 1405, 1407, 1411, 1427, 1442) ; 
others are receipts; 3 others drafts on Treasury in favour of 
Jews. 3 Some, again, are credit notes.* Some documents 
contain whole budgets of transactions relating to Jews, 
corresponding to modern ledger accounts. 6 In four in- 
stances (1404, 1471, 1519, 1549) it is explicitly mentioned 
that the documents are accompanied by Starrs in Hebrew ; 
but I have little doubt that this number could be largely 
supplemented by more careful scrutiny of the deeds, and 
even in the few that I had out, there were many Hebrew 
signatures. The entries were remarkably free from refer- 
ences to Jewish criminality ; half a dozen entries would 
exhaust the list (1401, 1408, 1414, 1417a, 1514, 1516, 
1544). One entry suggested Greece or Australia rather 
than Spain. In this, Juan Garcia was condemned for 
seizing Juze Ahaen (Hacohen), the Jew of Pamplona, and 

1 1503 ; 1507 (a mule, £70) ; 1515 (damask, 42 florins a piece) ; 1586 
(black mule, £84) ; 1624 (rouncy, 75 florins) ; 1627; 1639 (crape mantle, 
£3) ; 1640, 1647, 1669. 

* 1437, 1451, 1472, 1475, 1476, 1478, 1540, 1585. 

* 1450, 1504, 1505, 1515, 1516, 1524, 1568, 1586, 1597, 1619, 1641, 1642, 
1644, 1645, 1651, 1656, 1671. 

* 1488, 1497, 1512, 1542, 1560, 1560a, 1565, 1570, 1591, 1598, 1602, 
1615, 1621, 1637, 1643. 

« 1434, 1444. 1452, 1485, 1491, 1494, 1499, 1578, 1631, 1678, 1679. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 627 

holding him to ransom (1589). Many more points of 
interest occur in the documents, but I have perhaps already 
lingered too long over these details. I may now proceed 
to summarise the more general information contained in 
them in the form of a code. 1 



PAMPLONA. 

Constitution. 

(i.) — The Jewries of the kingdom of Navarre were divided into 
five Aljamas, 1525, 1557. 

(ii.) — There was a Grand Rabbi of all the Jews, named Rub, or Ran, 
1568, 1571, 1573 ; he might have a delegate, 1605. 

(iii.) — The chief officiils of the Jews were termed porter and 
bailiff, 1421; or bailiff alone (1460, 1518, 1520, 1663). 

(iv.) — Jews had to carry badge, 1388. 

(v.) — Jews were confined to special quarters of town, 1674, 1675. 

(vi.) — All Jews, except' physicians and surgeons, had to keep 
within the Ghetto on Christian feasts, 1674. 

(vii.) — King could grant general right of residence, 1425. 

Rights and Privileges. 

(viii.) — King could grant to the Jews of one locality fueros of the 
Jews of another, 1382, 1386. 

(ix.) — Jevrs could farm royal mills, 1480, and buy royal houses, 
1440. 

(x.) — Jews could rent vineyards, 1635. 

(xi.) — 'Jew could sell houses to another, 1638. 

(xii.) — Jews were not allowed to sell their property to Christians 
or Moors without licence of the king, 1458, 1459. 

(xiii.) — Property of Jews leaving the kingdom fell into the king's 
hands, 1436, 1461. 

(xiv.) — Jew could give his son power of attorney during his 
absence, 1592. 



1 It will, of course, be understood here, as in the case of Barcelona, 
that such a Code can have no claims to be complete, since many refer- 
ences to the " fueros " and other legal documents (many of which are 
translated by Lindo, in his Hiitory of the Jews in Spain and Portugal), 
would be necessary in order to give a complete picture of the constitu- 
tional position of the Jews in Navarre. 



628 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

(xv.) — King supported alien Jews in his service, 1626. 
(xvi.) — Alien Jews paid two per cent, for right of residence, 1447. 
(xvii.) — Jews could hold castles, 1553. 
(xviii.) — Jews' houses could be razed to build castle, 1658. 
(xix.) — King could give houses iu the Jewry, 1519, 1607, 1652. 
(xx.) — Goods of a Christian who had murdered a Jew under safe- 
guard of king became escheated, 1588. 

Taxation of Jews. 

(xxi.) — Tax on Jewry could be farmed by a Jew, and amounted in 
1385 to £12,000. 1494. 

(xxii.) — Jews of Navarre contributed one thousand florins to the 
coronation of the king, 1526. 

(xxiii.)— Jew tribute reduced to £7,000, 1578, 1580, 1609. 

(xxiv.) — Hearth tax was levied on Jews, 1457. 

(xxv.) — King levied tax on meat bought by Jews, 1547, 1584, 
1629, 1646. 

(xxvi.) — Bread of Jews was taxed, 1629. 

(xxvii.) — Jews had to pay taxes for their houses and lauded 
property, 1387. 

(xxviii.) — Jews contributed to war expenses, 1419, 1439, 1659. 

(xxix.) — Jews' property could be distrained for taxes, 1664. 

(xxx.) — Taxation of a single Jew might be remitted or lowered, 
1516, 1552, 1554, 1555, 1566, 1609, 1619 (bis), 1620 (pass.), 1621 
(bis), 1622, 1658, 1659, 1662, 1665. 

(xxxi.) — Taxation of Jews was sometimes remitted on account of 
their poverty, 1400, 1500, 1550, 1578, 1584, 1634, 1646. 

(xxxii.) — King remitted taxation to help towards rebuilding 
synagogue, 1569. 

(xxxiii.) — Taxation was remitted owing to Black Death, 1420. 

(xxxiv.) — King could pay by draft on Jew tax, 1456, 1462, 1463, 
1464, 1465, 1470, 1471, 1485, 1496, 1501, 1511, 1522, 1568, 1632. 

(xxxv.) — King could grant to Christian ecclesiastical authorities 
taxes due from the Jews, 1395, 1432, 1606, 1676. 

(xxxvi.) — Right of taxing the Jews might be conferred by royal 
gift, 1454. 

Taxation by Jews. 

(xxxvii.)— Jews could be tax-gatherers, 1466, 1479, 1482, 1490, 
1492, 1532, 1545, 1590, 1593, 1618, 1636, 1648. 

(xxxviii.) — Travelling expenses of Jewish tax-gatherers were 
repaid by the king, 1477, 1617. 

(xxxix.) — Pension was granted to Jew tax-gatherers, 1536. 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 629 

(xl.) — King could withdraw part of pension, 1601. 

(xli.) — Customs of Navarre were farmed for £54,000, 1531 ; or 
£72,000, 1533 ; or £60,000, 1541 ; or £50,000, 1561. 

(xlii.) — Jew tax-gatherers taxing Jews higher than the king had, 
ordered were liable to be imprisoned, 1469. 

Jews and Debtors. 

(xliii.) — Interest was granted at the rate of twenty per cent., 1407, 
1427. 

(xliv.) — Debtors of Jews might give them a lien on town dues, 
1406. 

(xlv.) — King could remit debt to Jews, 1535, 1537. 

(xlvi.) — King's writ issued for Jew to recover debt, 1563. 

(xlvii.) — King's debt to others could be taken up by Jews, 1564. 

(xlviii.) — Execution of Christians might be delayed till payment of 
debts to Jews, 1661. 

(xlix.) — The king at the behest of the Pope could restore usury 
extracted from the debtors of the Jews, 1394. 

Fines. 

(1.)— King claimed twenty per cent, from the property of a deceased 
Jew, 1458, 1468, 1474, 1479, 1487. 

(li.) — Punishment could be remitted on payment of fine, 1448, 
1489, 1540, 1544, 1589. 

(lii.)— A fine could be entirely remitted, 1449, 1628. 

(liii.) — King claimed fines for offences against Jewish law, 1429. 

(liv.) — Goods of condemned Jew escheated to king, 1614. 

Libro de Fuegos. — A special volume of the Pamplona 
archives is devoted to a return made of the number of 
houses held by inhabitants of the chief cities in 
1866. It is known as the Libro de Fuegos and was 
doubtless drawn up to facilitate the collection of a 
hearth tax. Under several towns the number of 
Jewish hearths are enumerated as follows: — Estella 75, 
Larraga 1, Falces 18, Peralta 10, Sanguesa 25, Tafalla 25, 
and Tudela 270. This gives important information as to 
the relative Jewish population of these towns at that date. 
In many cases the number of Jewish hearths is given in 
figures, but the actual names of the Jewish inhabitants are 

VOL. vi. s s 



630 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

left unrecorded. But in two cases, Estella and Sanguesa, 
these are given. I have copied out the lists and printed 
them in an appendix. They afford a useful contribution 
to the study of Jewish names, to which the great master, 
Zunz, devoted so much of his attention. We find at Estella 
for instance, the Spanish spelling of the Jewish family 
name Naamias. Immanuel appears under the curious 
form, Amaneiel. The Chasan of the community of Estella, 
one Levi by name, is recorded under the curious title of 
lave Azen. Isaiah is spelt in one place Azaia, in two 
others Azaya. One name, which is rather popular, is of 
somewhat fishy appearance, namely that of Maquerel. A 
good many of the names seem to refer to occupations, 
Zapattero, Alfaquin, Pintor, Oficial, Gabai, Marchant, Azen. 
Others again refer to the place of origin, Castillano, 
Calaorrano, de Langa, Alcalahorri, Alaman, de Torres, de 
Paris, de Niort. 

SlMANCAS. 
The archives at Simancas I found dealt chiefly with the 
national documents of Spain after the consolidation of the 
Spanish Monarchy in 1492. There was therefore very 
little which had direct relation with the immediate objects 
of my search, and my toilsome journey in a jolting 
butcher's cart, my only means of access, was practically 
fruitless. Here again, as at Alcala de Henares, I was 
obliged to touch upon the Inquisition and its works. I 
found evidence of the solicitude with which the monarchs 
of Spain regarded the doings of the Marranos (1683, 1685, 
1687, 1695). Beside these there were a number of 
documents relating to the Expulsion (1687-1694). One of 
these was merely a copy only of the Expulsion Order 
of 1492. I was given to understand that it was actually 
the original, and it can be readily understood with what 
eagerness I had the document out and gazed upon it, 
it soon become clear that it was simply a copy un- 
provided with a seal, and my enthusiasm quickly dis- 



MS. Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain. 631 

appeared on ascertaining this fact. I am sorry, however, 
that the scant time at my disposal prevented my going 
more carefully through the other documents relating to 
the Expulsion, which might possibly contain further 
evidence relating to the causes which led to this fatal 
procedure on the part of the Catholic Monarchies. 

Besides the documents noted in my calendar, Simancas 
possesses a huge collection of materials relating to the In- 
quisition. 449 " secret packets," 1154 packets from twenty- 
three various seats of the Inquisition in Spain, 469 deeds 
connected with the Supreme Council, 1155 packets dealing 
with its correspondence, while no less than 993 cases are 
preserved at Simancas where " purity of blood " of the 
Spanish nobility was decided upon by the Inquisition. It 
is obvious that these pleadings contain a mass of evidence 
relating to the history of the Marranos in Spain. 

An attempt has been made by the officials of Simancas to 
draw up an alphabetical list of the various names men- 
tioned in this huge mass of papers. So far as I can ascer- 
tain, this has only as yet reached the letter B, and in the 
first two letters of the alphabet includes no less than 3450 
names. It seems probable therefore that an enumeration 
dealing merely with the Simancas materials relating to the 
Inquisition, would give about 35,000 individuals as coming 
within the clutches of the Inquisition between the years 
1492 and 1819, which seems the latest date mentioned in 
the papers at Simancas. 

I may perhaps add that I was apparently the first 
professing Jew who had visited Simancas since the ex- 
pulsion of 1492, and was regarded with some curiosity by 
the officials on that account. One of them mentioned with 
an air of mingled pride and secrecy that he was himself 
descended from Jewish ancestors. 

Toledo. 

I was hoping that the Cathedral Archives at Toledo 

s s 2 



632 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

would have added considerably to my store: but after 
making arrangements for investigating them on the spot 
I was prevented from doing so on my arrival at the 
ecclesiastical Metropolis of Spain, by the unfortunate, but 
as I had reason to imagine, not altogether undesigned, 
absence of the librarian of the cathedral. Fortunately, 
however, the majority of the deeds I had calendared 
in Madrid were derived from the cathedral library by the 
great archivist Burriel, so the little plan of the librarian 
was not so successful as he may have wished. My 
journey was not however altogether fruitless, and I 
should have indeed been sorry to have missed the chance 
of visiting the Synagogue, now known as Santa Maria La 
Bianca, in which Jehudah Halevi probably worshipped. 

Of the later and more elaborate synagogue, the finest 
building of its kind in existence, I was fortunate enough to 
obtain a sketch made for me on the spot by an American 
artist, Mr. Edgar Josslyn. This gave a view of the exterior of 
El Transito as it is now called which has never hitherto been 
figured, and I have had it reproduced in my forthcoming 
work. Tn a local museum of antiquities at Toledo, there 
are several tombstones with Hebrew inscriptions, which it 
would be interesting to compare further with those given in 
Rapoport's book f TOt 'OSM. Not having taken the precau- 
tion to bring a copy with me I was unable to do this. The 
inscriptions however, are, I believe to be published by 
that indefatigable antiquary Don Fidel Fita to whom 
Jewish History owes so much. 

Joseph Jacobs.