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Philologus, XLIII, i. 


Pp. 1-31. The Aeolisms of Homer, by Karl Sittl. Until a recent date the 
language of Homer was regarded as a mixture of different dialects, Some 
held that in Homeric times the Greek language had not yet split up into 
dialects, while others believed that Homer had, on his rhapsodic tours, appro- 
priated the peculiarities of various tribes. Zenodotus applied the latter 
hypothesis to the criticism of the text, and Trypho developed it at length in 
his large work llepl tuv Trap' 'O/ir/pu dialmruv /ecu TlivSapu /cat 'Aljcpavi <[ /cat 
~2,Trjaix6p<t> nal 'I/3t«cj ^> ml rot; aXhoic. Xvpmolc. It was probably from this work 
that the scholiasts and Herodian drew their remarks on the Homeric dialect. 
To Trypho was due also the fact that, when a word occurs, for instance, only 
in Homer and Ibycus, the ancients did not assume that Ibycus took it from 
Homer, but that Homer used a Rheginian word. These hypotheses, of course, 
have been replaced by sounder views ; but the "Aeolisms " still remain, though 
they are ascribed to a different cause. The ancients, for the most part, believed 
the language of Homer to be a mixture of Ionic and Aeolic. This resulted 
from the assumption that the Homeric archaisms, which in later times were 
found only among the Aeolians, must be Aeolisms. This name was extended 
even to archaisms which were unknown to the Aeolians, such as the genitive 
endings -010, -ao, -cum, the dative plural -taai, the forms in -<pi, the dual dace, the 
reduplicated aorist and future, verbal forms without a connecting vowel, etc. 
"Aeolic " with them was often equivalent to " archaic " and sometimes merely 
" unusual," as, for instance, forms in -tv(, Qi/uaroc, <papvyo{, akai, tcj/ca, ffvyarpa, 
the suffix -8ev, and the apocope of prepositions. The errors of the ancients on 
these points can often be detected from their own remarks. The grammarians, 
for instance, draw conclusions from false analogies, or they cite only Homeric 
examples, giving no Aeolic parallels. The statements ascribed to Herodian, 
whether the mistakes were his, or resulted from his being misunderstood, are 
little to be trusted. He is said, among other things, to have inferred from 
ixaprvp that rhotacism (pvrop, "imrop, etc.) was Aeolic. 

The mass of these false Aeolisms was greatly reduced by Hinrichs, in his 
dissertation De Homericae elocutionis vestigiis Aeolicis (Jena 1875); but he left 
a considerable number which he explained as relics of pre-Homeric poetry 
of the Aeolians. The present article is the result of a study of the "Aeolisms " 
which Hinrichs has not explained away; and the conclusion arrived at is that 
in the language of Homer there are mixed together, not the dialects of different 
tribes, but the varieties of speech of one and the same tribe at different epochs. 

First must be eliminated from the so-called Aeolisms all phenomena which, 
so far from deserving the name of Aeolisms, do not so much as occur in Aeolic. 
To begin with i A'wTukov : it is true that the Aeolians often used u for d, but 


the grammarians have greatly exaggerated the extent of this peculiarity. 
'~E,TTaaavTepot, alAvdiQ, and ajivSig (in which v has nothing to do with the instru- 
mental suffix of d/j.a), are not of Aeolic origin. This dialect never changes o 
into v except in vi=oi of the locative, which is not unknown to Doric, as shown 
by vt(. Only Arcadians and Pamphylians change the characteristic of o-stems 
into ». But how did these forms get into Homer? Sengebusch would probably 
answer: " Here we have the Arcadians, the benefactors of Homer" ; but we 
should bear in mind rather that the Pamphylians were descended from 
Achaeans. Besides, it may reasonably be suspected that aXkoSif and afioSu; are 
the true Homeric forms. As -<S(f was considered Aeolic, the grammarians may 
have changed the thematic vowel after the analogy of aXkvi, just as they Aeolired 
the breathing of ajivdig. In eiraoovrspoi the v may be original as in Ttj'kvyeTos, 

With regard to the masculine nominatives in -a {l-jmora, and the like), the 
grammarians were totally at a loss for an explanation. Inscriptions do not 
help to a solution (for all Boeotian parallels are doubtful). These forms may 
have been misunderstood vocatives. 

When F preceded by another consonant begins a word, all Greeks sometimes 
prefixed i as in iSFiiaoat, The Homeric poets, misled by words of this sort, 
which had lost the first consonant, placed i before simple F. But Fick sees an 
Aeolism here, and thinks the original forms were vs'iKoai, vedva, ve'Adup, etc. ; 
and yet the Aeolians never vocalized initial F. The apparent examples cited 
by Curtius, and 'YeA^, are all aspirated and are not Aeolic words. In E 487 
(which is corrupt), Hartel's conjecture vaKAvrt may be disregarded. Probably 
we should read Xlvou) FaXovre. 

Further, some "Aeolisms " are to be removed which are not critically authen- 
ticated. Neither the accent nor the breathing can prove anything. The 
accentuation is that of the Alexandrine period, as is shown by eralpoi, p.ikusaa.1, 
etc. There could be no ancient tradition, because the accent did not make itself 
felt in the recitation of the hexameters. The breathing is still more uncertain. 
The Asiatic Ionians, like the Aeolians, appear to have dropped the aspirate, as 
is shown by the well-known peculiarities of Herodotus. 

When the reading is doubtful the "Aeolisms " should be rejected, lafjv, /j. 
313 is a needless invention. KeK?,yyovTcc, and the like, for various reasons 
cannot be counted as Aeolisms. Present forms in the perfect are not restricted 
to Aeolic ; and besides, the ancients themselves derived this from a second 
aorist; hence /cc/c^ywrec in Cod. Harl., and ireff%>ryav, B 264 (cf. kireirltfyov, E 
504). 'Axei/ir/Tr/v, 1 313, and dop-nt/Tr/v, 302, are incredible. 

Among the "Aeolisms" we find forms which were not unknown to Ionic; 
and even when Ionic examples are not found, but parallels occur in other 
dialects, we may plausibly assume that the absence of examples in Ionic is due 
to accident. 

The change of thematic to v has been discussed. The same change within 
the stem is not confined to Aeolic, and is sometimes found in Ionic, as Hip- 
ponax, frag. 132, jnxpeiv and frag. 4, 3, 6vo6vvyo(. ' Afityiyvf)u<- has nothing to do 
with 700c, and emofivyepus and dianpvoiof are of doubtful etymology. "Ayvpi( 
has its parallel in iravi/yvpig, and Trvfiarog (epic only) may be compared with 
itpvTawg. In ncavpe{ ti is original, and the Aeolic is ncovpe; or iriavps(. Still 


the Aeolic numeral may have been introduced by commercial interchange into 
north Ionia just as the declined decades came from Aeolia to Chios. In hfivfiuv 
the v comes, not from w, but from of direct. 

It is usually assumed that representing a must be Aeolic ; but iropSaXig is 
not Hellenic, and was not regarded as an Aeolic word by the ancients. 

There is no reason to regard /3ipe6pov as Aeolic, for the form j3dpaf)pov never 
occurs in Ionic. In Hdt. VII 33 it is an Attic proper name. 

The prefix ipt- does not occur in the Lesbian poets. A citizen of Mitylene 
was called Erigyios ; but then an Ionian of Styra calls himself 'EptnAcrft on a 
lead plate. 

Such names as Bepah/K have abundant parallels in proper names, although 
depo- otherwise became Oapa- in Ionian and Attic of the historic period. 

Semivocalic F, as in ra?iavpivo{, anovpag, etc., occurs also in prose, and besides 
we are at liberty to write TakdPpivos or rcAappivog. Blass notes that v is often 
inserted by copyists. 

It is doubtful whether fa- is identical with did. It is never local, but only 
serves to strengthen adjectives. It occurs once in Alcaeus (fd(%/loc, 18, 7), 
once in Sappho (fd/?oroc, frag. 158), once in Hdt. (C,cm%ovTos, I 32), and in 
fd/copoc (in the Attic and Ionic mysteries of Demeter). But granted that it is 
identical with did : this became fd only in late Aeolic. In Sappho, frag. 87, we 
should read 61a, i. e. dja. 

Even if the Aeolians substituted <f> for B (which is not certain), the >Mjpee of 
Homer is a proper name. If ijAtyerai, a reading of Zenodotus followed by 
Theocritus (15, 76), is correct, still <p may be archaic (cf. Jligo, Goth, bliggvan) 
and has analogies in Attic. 

With £/joc, }e/loc compare Ionic /laydc, ttako(. So the "Aeolic" forms in -i( 
are not confined to Aeolic. "Ayvpi<; = ayopa occurs in Attic. For the v 
compare dyvprtjg, ayvppa. 

When a form is found in Homer alone it is called archaic : but if it occurs 
also in Aeolic, then it is an "Aeolism." But why should it be assumed that 
such words did not belong to old Ionic too ? The history of the digamma, now 
no longer "Aeolic," should be a warning. 

We now take up a. It can be shown that the Homeric writers used S incon- 
sistently with Ionic laws only in proper names ('EpjUei'ac, Aivekc, Aiyei'ac) and 
in fed. These were all taken from older poems. In Homeric times 'Ep/itac 
was the current form ; but metrical necessity led to the older form, or to syni- 
zesis. 'Ep/iijc should not be written in Homer. The last syllable of Navomaa 
may have been lengthened metri gratia, or 1 may have stood before -a, cf. 
'Adrjvda, CIA I, 351). Bei) was formed by the Alexandrians, and (tejc was 
smuggled into the Hymn to Demeter, 183, 279, whereas Bed stands in 210. 
The av of Navacuda has analogies in Hdt., etc. 

In other cases a genuine ii does not occur at all. In all apparent instances 
that are genuine the a is mesochronous (mittelzeitig). For dpiarov, S2 124, tt 2, 
we should read dFepiorov, like dfinovTe ; so SaFel&s for <5a/l<5c, N 320. In 
Sophron occurs <5ae/loc, and Hesychius has SajieMc, , 6aU( Aduaves. Instead of 
dn? Nauck has restored dfdrrj ; of the three places where this is impossible, 
two (Z 356 = £2 28) should have dpxvs with several MSS, and in the other 
(T 88) we may read aFdrr/v tppealv e/i(3a?Mv a'lvfjv. For Aapoc, whose a is always 


in the thesis (dpoic), we should read Xtapdg, as is shown by a comparison of 
P 572 with A 477. In place of Savd, 322, perhaps davva should be written. 
In A 433, iroXvirdfiftovo; (for TroXmrarpovoc) is necessary and is supported by some 
MSS and by Hesychius. So Hdppav, Q 250, and dppdq. For ^a^dCc write 
Xa/idCe (cf. ^a//d(?(f). Instead of dXao, aXro write aXao, aXro (dXro often in Ven. 
A), or ifXao, t/Xto (for the grammarians who changed the breathing may have 
changed the vowel also). 

We now take up genuine cases of a with middle quantity. It is treated as 
a long vowel in the Homeric poems under the following conditions : 

I. In the arsis (#««c). 1. Before digamma and semivocalic c (/). (a) Before 
digamma: in dFaadp-qv, I 116, and in the words which are written in MSS as fol- 
lows : daaaav, daa', deldei, deoa, akaapev, arjp, anpah, dXtakes, Svoar^, etc. 'A«5oc, 
diaaa, difaf, etc., diov, die, aopi, xpvadopoc, rerpdopof, fiovydie, 'Idnveg,' IXaog (cf. I 
639, "tXdoc), Xa6( and its compounds, pe/jauc; and the like, (j>do( (in fdea icaXd). In 
dyavde and aiiiaxoi the diphthong is written. In inTja r/ is written for af , 
although i.x& « was written ixeva. It is probable that ;/ or rather i]F actually re- 
placed aF only when there was a succession of several short syllables, as in ijiXw^, 
rjepioQ, etc. The Homeric composers probably said HaFa. In the case of cF 
sometimes rjv is written, sometimes n. For oF we find a except in HFteg (Aris- 
tarch. ohei). (6) Before semivocalic c : in dajiZov? A 497 (cf. H 247, ddi&v), and 
in the words written as follows : eXdtvoc, eXaiveof;, birduv, SiSvp-dovt, 'AXtc/idov, 
(0 249 v. 1. ' ' AXupaiuv), 'Apoirdov, 'Apvtidav, 'ATrwduv, 'EXimuv, 'I/ceTdov, 
Avk&ov, M.axd<Jv, 'A/xpidpaoQ. In devdovra the diphthong should be written. 
The genitive ending -ao forms the majority of examples. This ending was 
contracted into -a; but the effect of a continued in the later Ionic -eu. No 
instance of -ajo happens to occur; but we should probably read "AXrSo 
in $ 86 and avB&rdo in 304. It would seem proper, therefore, to remove 
-ea from Homer, except, possibly, from the later portions of the Odyssey. 
Uatrjuv is a euphonic modification of Ilaidjav. Semivocalic 1 has a similar 
effect on 1 (the 1 of cri/u, for instance, varies in quantity). 2. Before a conso- 
nant which originally had F or / after it. (a) Digamma : dvFerat (dvverai), 
K 251, but dvoiro, 2 470. So d(5A% (cf. adsife, H 117, changed by Ahrens), 
atiFtjv, ddFfiouev. When the syllable is long the consonant should be written 
double. The ancients vacillated, and wrote ijtivos (HtvFoc), Sovpi, etc., but 
ivvoaiyauoc, iwijfov, etc. (£) Semivocalic 1 : Feavjdf, Kixdvju, ttaXjdq, which for 
a long time was /ca/ttdc, as in Alcman, frag. 98. 

II. In the thesis a vowel before F or/ is treated as being long only when the 
metrical form of the word renders this necessary, as in Jloauddjav, diipdjuvj* 
Here belong some assimilated forms, such as rjydaath, fip&ovra. To avoid the 
succession of too many short syllables aj became n in IIoer«%oc. 4 - The proce- 
dure with ej, if, oF, oj, etc. was analogous to that with aj, aF. When the vowel 
was followed by another consonant and F or j, the consonant was doubled in 
Homeric times, so that the syllable is regularly long, as in uaXXdg, (jfidvvei, 
dSSr/noTei. We should also write iKdvva, dwerai, etc. (see above). 

> 'HF"" does really begin to look like lavan. 

» Aa(f )ijp is inserted here and compared with Saijp, li 769 ; he must mean Sa/ijp. 

3 In this and some other instances the metrical necessity is not absolute. 

* Why classed here ? 


Ao<5f (not counting derivatives) has a 241 times in the arsis and only 29 times 
in the thesis. Some of these 29 examples may be removed by easy emenda- 
tions. 1 Those in the late portions of the Iliad and the Odyssey need not be 
disturbed. Analogous irregularities affecting other vowels can be similarly 
removed : Beiij, for instance, should be 6eF ii), and elapyei, efefopyei. In Homeric 
days f between vowels was wellnigh intact. 

When a word will not otherwise enter a hexameter, any vowel may be 
lengthened in the arsis. In this way 3. sometimes originates : dOdvaroc, 
anweeoBai, etc. The ictus can lengthen, and when two long syllables follow, 
as 'Atto'aXuvi, or precede, as Tlepsqa. But be fore a liquid a is sometimes lengthened 
(without metrical necessity) in the arsis, never in the thesis, except in a few 
cases " readily emended." 

Only a few sporadic cases remain. 'EaSdra, idyq, dayic. claaa, edau can be 
old Ionic. In the last two q never occurs, ^apuv, P 755, is an Atticism that 
has crept in (cf. ipypas, II 583). Mdv originated in the following way : the 
ancients, misled by the usage of Herodotus, regarded pkv as the only Ionic 
form, so that when it had to be long they wrote the Doric and Aeolic pdv rather 
than the Attic and old Ionic pijv. 

In vvpfa fiTi?], which has been called an Aeolism, we probably have an isolated 
instance of a feminine vocative formed after the analogy of the masculine. 
Whatever it be, it is not Aeolic. In Sappho, frag. 105, vvptya, according to 
Bergk, stands at the end of the verse. 

It has already been remarked that when a consonant was originally followed 
by F or j, the consonant was doubled in Homeric times. If, now, we take the 
development evF, ew, rjv, eiv, the Homeric authors were at the second stage, 
but the ptTaxapatcrripi^ovTzs at the fourth. This latter became general in new 
Ionic, while Aeolic remained at the second stage. This, however, does not 
prove (as is sometimes assumed) that the old Ionic was not also at the second 
stage. This principle applies also to op, av, va, in which the double consonant 
held its ground more firmly. Analogies are found in Attic, as ivvvpi. In some 
words one of the consonants is dropped in Attic, as in 56para, which comes 
rather from fidppara than from Sovpara. 

The way is now prepared for an attack upon the citadel of the Aeolisms, — 
the personal pronouns. All agree that toi, reiv Tvvr), tc6$, dpp6$ are archaisms. 
May this not be true of those forms which are considered Aeolic ? We must first, 
indeed, remove their Aeolic mask, and change dppeg, vpueg back into dppeg or dppec 
(= dapiq) and vppiq (=jvape£), whence by suppression and compensation came 
-quig vpec, and by analogy rjpee^ Vf £ k, vpeeg ipelc. A scrutiny of all the Homeric 
examples, with "a few emendations," yields the following results: (1) In the 
nominative dppes, vppes before a vowel, before a consonant rjpeq, vpis • later 
t}pee<;, vpeec (before a vowel). (2) In the genitive ijpiuv, i}p'eiM> (metri gratia 

sometimes ). (3) In the dative dppi(v), vppi(y) and rjpiv, vpiv (all with 

short ultima) ; later riplv, vplv. (4) In the accusative dppi, ippe, probably old 
dual forms used as plurals, so certainly not Aeolic ; later (or doubtful) rjpiag, 
while bpias does not occur at all. 

[What gives us the right to pronounce a form or a word Ionic or non- 

1 These are given by Sittl. They imply, according to the laws of probabilities, that some 
twenty per cent, of the verses of Homer are corrupt. 


Ionic ? The text of Herodotus and that of Hippocrates are too uncertain, 
and the inscriptions are too few and also too recent to be used in questions 
relating to Homer. The old Ionic probably differed much from the new.] 

But how about the very ancient heroic poems of the Aeolians, which are 
supposed to have had their influence upon the Homeric authors ? They are 
fictions constructed out of the supposed Aeolisms of Homer. [The Aeolians 
emigrated from Boeotia. That their leader was represented as having been 
a descendant of Agamemnon, resulted from a desire to seem to have a right 
to the land occupied similar to that of the Dorians to Peloponnesus — the 
right growing out of the leadership of a Hero. The colonists themselves 
are spoken of only as Aeolians. The Trojan war cannot, therefore, relate 
to the Aeolian migration, even if we disregard chronological difficulties. 
The chieftains of the Iliad, on the contrary, stand in close relation to the 
Ionians, who would not have borrowed traditions from the Aeolians. 
Moreover, in an Aeolian epos Agamemnon would have been presented more 
favorably. No doubt there were pre-Homeric popular songs among the 
Lesbians; but these could not have influenced the Homeric poems to any 
considerable extent.] 

[I have given the substance of this article without inserting any views of my 
own into the abstract. The author discusses at length several interesting 
questions and adds many references and foot-notes, which I have ignored, as 
those desiring to study the subject thoroughly will consult the original article. 
This article, and the discussion of this subject in the author's Greek 
Literature, have been reviewed by Gustav Hinrichs in a work entitled Herr 
Dr. Karl Sittl und die homerischen Aeolismen (Berlin, 1884), in which the 
other side of the question is presented ably though not courteously.] 


Pp. 32-78. The Dative Plural in Greek, by Ferdinand Week. After some 
general remarks on movable v, the author proceeds to the dative plural, and 
announces the theory that -aiv is the suffix which appears in Latin in the form 
of -tim (sipi), and that in both languages it is added to the nominative plural. 
Cf. viri-tim, membra-tim, agmina-tim (apparent exceptions are explained away) ; 
Simi (originally Siaij) Skyaiv, Ifryoi 7,6yotmv, KTjpvmg Krjpvueociv. In the course 
of time the -v was often dropped,' and in the first and second declensions the 
« was finally suppressed. Neuter nouns of the o-declension followed the 
analogy of the masculine, whence S&pounv, not iapaoiv ; but there are traces of 
the original -aatv, as in darpaat (for so it was formerly accented, and still should 
be ; warpam is a very different thing). Mvdpcai is corrupted from Stvipaoi, and 
■Kpoc&iraoi is from Trpdaaira, not irpooairara, the only example of which (<7 192) 
can readily be removed by writing Trpdaana to. Finally, avipa^odeaac is an 
error for avdpairdfiacn with its a lengthened metri gratia. In the third declen- 
sion the ending -m could not be reduced to -f (KqpvKeoc;), but an abbreviation 
of another sort took place. In the case of vowel-stems the steps were as 
follows : vkuveoat, vsaveai, vevacm (possible because the syllable is long by posi- 
tion), viicvoi. For the consonant-stems the procedure was ttASea-ai, Trod(e)<jci, 

> It would seem natural here to assume that the original form was -tim as in Latin, and that 
final m was either changed into v or dropped. 


•KOC-CCI, iroaoi, vooi. This accounts for the absence of compensation, which 
would have to be made if -ai were added directly to the stem. [I have given 
the most general outline of the theory. The article contains discussions of 
many questions, such as the relation or want of relation of the Greek dative 
plural to the Skt. -ais, the origin of avSpaoiv (Svarabhakti), roiadeaaiv (ro<f deaoiv, 
dat. of ol Selves, cf. X ei P X e P e 'v), providing for all the datives plural in the Iliad 
and the Odyssey, of which a complete list is given with verses indicated.] 

III. Pp. 78-85. On the Aegidae, the reputed ancestors of Pindar, by L. 

IV. Pp. 86-105. Contributions to the criticism and interpretation of Ennius, 
by Lucian Mtiller. 

V. Pp. 106-136. Greek Manuscripts from Fayyflm (with a photo-litho- 
graph), by Hugo Landwehr. 

VI. P. 136. Note on Rhet. Lat. ed. Halm, p. 65, by A. Eussner. 

VII. Pp. 137-194. Report of works bearing on the Scriplores Historiae 
Augustae for the years 1865-82, by Hermann Peter. 

VIII. Pp. 195-207. Miscellaneous. I. Supplement to article on Greek 
dative plural, by F. Week. 2. On the Hymn to Apol. Del., by R. Peppmliller. 

3. The number of zones according to Eratosthenes, by Max C. P. Schmidt. 

4. On Cicero's Orations, by G. Landgraf. 5. On Quintil. Inst. Or. X 3, 25, by 
Ferd. Becher. 6. Pyrrhus and the Acarnanians, by C. G. Unger. 

IX. P. 208. Extracts from journals, transactions of societies, etc. 

M. W. Humphreys. 

Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlAndischen Geseixschaft. XXXVII 
Band. 1883. 

Ill Heft. 

The study of modern Syriac, now being carried on with so much vigor, is 
hardly more than half a century old. Hoffmann, in 1827, denied the existence 
of spoken Syriac, against the testimony of Niebuhr. The first attempt to 
reduce it to writing was made in Urmia about fifty years ago; now we have the 
works of Socin, on the dialects spoken from Urmia to Mosul, of Prym and 
Socin on the dialect of Tur 'Abdin, of Duval on the dialects of Salamas, the 
modern Syriac grammars of Stoddard and NSldeke, and in this number of the 
Zeitschrift, a paper by Professor Guidi, of Rome, on the Fellihi dialect. This, 
which is spoken near Mosul and elsewhere by a population of over fifty 
thousand, he describes as being nearer to the language of Urmia than to that 
of Tiir. Zekafa is a, a, and not 0; Pe is commonly/ and not/ ; 'E (Ayin) is 
sounded like Alef, and 7* is frequent. It has the infin., which is used in the 
expression of the present, the verb has no object-suffixes, and the article, a, i, 
an, found in Tiir, is here wanting. In contrast with the Urmi, it retains many 
letters or syllables which have disappeared in the former ; in pronominal, verbal 
and nominal inflections, and in syntax, the two dialects closely resemble each 
other. Guidi gives several long prose and poetical pieces of Fellihi in Roman 


transliteration. The material for his paper he obtained from Pater Audo and 
the student Manni, of the Propaganda, and he had the aid of Pater Rihmanl, of 

D. H. Miiller, of Vienna, publishes and explains the Sabean inscriptions 
recently discovered and collected by Siegfried Langer, whose brief career and 
tragic end he relates. After an uncommonly full and promising course of 
study and preparatory work, Langer left Vienna in June, 1881, for the East, 
going first to Syria, and thence to Hodaida, on the west coast of Arabia, not 
far north of Mocha, which he reached in February, 1882. Here he made an 
expedition into the interior to San'a, and obtained several valuable inscrip- 
tions ; an account of this journey he published in "Ausland," 1882, No. 39. 
After vexatious delays in San'a, he was sent back to Hodaida by the governor, 
whence he sailed to Aden. From Aden he sent his inscriptions and reports to 
Europe, and, May 20, began a very dangerous journey to Yafa-land, intending 
to go thence to Hadramaut. May 29 he wrote from El-Hautha, and June 19 
the news of his murder was received in Aden. He was killed by his atten- 
dants for the sake of plunder — another costly victim to Arab cupidity ! He 
was not quite twenty-five years old. The inscriptions collected by Langer, 
the most of them new, are taken from buildings and tombstones ; in the former 
case they run according to an established formula : "A and B have built, 
levelled, and roofed this structure, with the aid of such and such gods, and such 
and such princes." MUller's commentary contains a rich mass of grammatical, 
geographical, historical, and theological observations. He finds that the Sabean 
dual ended in ayn in the absolute state, and ay in the construct, that the 
Minaean construct dual-ending ay could be added to the singular, and, what 
seems strange, in the demonstrative state could be added also to the demonst. 
n (p. 330). He discovers a trace of nom. plu. ending un in Sabean (p. 380), and 
discusses the formation of the nisbat or relative adjectives (p. 334 f.) A Had- 
ramautic inscription gives him occasion to discuss the character of this dialect 
and its relation to the Minaean (p. 392 ff.). The question of the use of El 
" god " as appellative he considers solved by the occurrence of the word in 
this sense in one of the inscriptions (p. 366). Several new deities make their 
appearance: a Halam or Halla, Raham, and a Basar, of none of which names 
Miiller ventures on a decided explanation ; Sarkon, he suggests, is a male god 
of the dawn ; and of the numerous 'Attars mentioned in the inscriptions he 
thinks that Attar Sarkan occupies this peculiar position that, while no monu- 
ments are consecrated or sacrifices offered to him, he is the guardian of sanctu- 
aries. It may be noted that as " Baal " is used in Sabaean divine names just 
as in Phenician, almost as a simple appellative " lord," so the "Attar " is 
employed somewhat as the Assyrian " 'Istar," which is also an appellative = 
"goddess." MUller gives a number of new names of kings which he has col- 
lected from various sources, of which eleven belong to the latest period of the 
history, the Sabaeo-Himyaritic. In an appendix, Dr. J. H. Mordtmann dis- 
cusses the inscription of Nakb'1-Hajr. There are added three indexes, of 
topics, of Sabaean words, and of passages from other inscriptions here dis- 

Dr. Stickel communicates the legends of a talisman and a number of seals, 
Arabic, Persian and Turkish, now in the Royal Museum at Cassel. The chief 


difficulty in deciphering the legends arises from the fact that the engraver, 
having usually to insert, besides the owner's name, some sentence or title or 
other matter, and it being hard to find room, scatters his syllables and letters 
over the surface as vacant spaces offer themselves. The inscriptions are usually 
prayers; the talisman has the names of the four angels, Gabriel, Michael, 
Azrael, Asrafel. 

Nestle's question in Vol. 37 of the Zeitschrift (see the Report in this Journal, 
Vol. IV, No. 4) as to whence Jacob of Edessa got his derivation of ffcoc from 
alfisiv is referred to by Dr. J. Lobe, who says that this etymology was known to 
G. J. Vossius, Etymologicon linguae latinae, Naples, 1762, I, p. 241. Vossius 
quotes from Festus that deus is derived from feoc, and then asks from what 
dsog comes, to which he answers that Johannes Damascenus thinks it is from 
aWeiv, because God is said in the Scriptures to be a consuming fire. Lobe 
refers to Macrobius, who is cited by the editor of the Journal, along with Plato, 
in the number above-mentioned. Lobe adds that, according to the Etymol- 
ogicum Magnum, aldsiv is derived from Saiuv, thus : by metathesis Salu 
becomes aidu, and this, by change of 6 to 0, aWu. 

The Acoka-inscriptions are discussed by G. Buhler. 

A. Ei-man describes an Egyptian statuette found at Adana in Cilicia, taken 
from the tomb of a lady in Egypt, and carried thence to Cilicia at some 
unknown time by some unknown chance. 

A number of Tigriiia proverbs are communicated by Franz Praetorius. 

E. Mayer, engineer in Posen, points out how the days of the week have been 
named after the several planets, namely, the 24 hours of the day were named 
after the seven planets, which would go round three times,with three over, so that, 
each day receiving the name of the planet of its first hour, the planet of any 
given day will be fourth in order from that of the preceding day, whence 
comes our order, Sun, Moon, Mars, etc., to which the editors of the Zeitschrift 
append a note from Professor W. R. Smith, Cambridge, England, showing 
that the explanation, though probably correct, is not new, having been stated 
by Bacon from Dio Cassius, 37, 1 8. [See my Justin Martyr, Apol. 1 67. — B. "L. G.] 

W. Bacher gives some striking examples of how Heb. k used for the tran- 
scription of Arab, h was confounded by David Kimchi and others with Arab. k. 

Book Notices: There are favorable notices of Pavet de Courteille's "Miradj- 
Nameh," by H. Vambery, and of Zuckermandel's edition of the Tosefta, by 
Immanuel Low. Low points out a number of errors in the sixth fasciculus 
(containing the letters Lamed and Mim) of Payne Smith's Thesaurus Syriacus. 

E. Kautzsch finishes his survey of Hebrew and Old Test, literature for 1881, 
and H. Ethe gives the modern Persian. 

IV Heft. 

In regard to the use of Aristotle's Parva Naturalia among the Arabians, M. 
Steinschneider concludes that the name of the Arabic translator cannot be 
determined, that the translation does not appear in the tenth century, but cer- 
tainly existed in the eleventh, and that it was widely used. 


Theodor Noldeke, by the examination of a large number of stems, shows 
that verbs middle Jod exist in Hebrew, in accordance with the view of Schul- 
tens, Gesenius, Olshausen, Aug. Miiller and others, and against that of Ewald, 
Stade and others. 

Julius Euting gives translations of the Phenician inscription on the statue of 
Harpocrates in the Museum at Madrid, and one or two others, and of several 
Aramaic inscriptions. 

The remarkable Palmyrene inscription of the time of Hadrian, containing 
a decree of the Senate of Palmyra respecting duties on imports and exports, 
was published, with translation and commentary, by Count de Vogue in the 
Journal Asiatique, 8th Series, Vols. I and II. Ed. Sachau now points out its 
great linguistic value. The language in which it is written stands nearest of 
all Aramaean writings to the Biblical Aramaic. It has, for example, a number 
of passive forms (classic Syriac has entirely lost the passive), and such forms 
in Biblical Aramaic must therefore be regarded, not as a loan from Hebrew, 
for there is no reason to suppose Hebrew influence at Palmyra, but as a pecu- 
liarity of that Aramaic dialect of the first century which was spoken by 
Aramaeans in the West and by Jews in Palestine, the dialect consequently 
of Christ and his contemporaries. 

Ernst Leumann gives text, with glossary, of two Kalaka-legends, to which 
he prefixes a discussion of the chronological questions involved. 

Th. Aufrecht has a note on the Padyamirtataranginl. 

The remains of the Buddhistic Amaravati Stupe, collected by Dr. Burgess, 
contained inscriptions which were sent by him to Professor Buhler, by whom 
they were turned over to E. Hultzsch, and the latter now publishes them in 
transcription and with remarks. Most of them are also printed in Burgess's 
Archaeological Survey. 

G. Buhler continues his investigation of the Acoka-inscriptions, following 
the works of Senart and Kern with critical additions. 

Book Notices ; W. Ahlwardt awards high praise to Dieterici's edition of the 
so-called Theology of Aristotle, a Neo-Platonic work, made under the influence 
of Plotinus. Duval's description of the modern Aramaic dialects of Salamas 
is said by Ndldeke to be a welcome addition to the work of Socin. H. Thor- 
becke highly commends Jahn's edition of Ibn Ya'is's commentary on Zamach- 
sarl's Mufassal, for which the German Oriental Society has supplied the funds. 
H. Jacobi describes the effort of the Bengalese Protap Chundra Roy to circu- 
late the old Indian Epics. The fourth issue of the Mahabharata has been 
printed, text and translation, an edition of the Ramayana, and an English 
translation of the former. Those who wish to obtain copies of these works 
(for which no charge is made) may address Protap Chundra Roy, Datavya 
Bharat Karyala, Jorosanki, Calcutta. 

XXXVIII Band. I Heft. 1884. 

As a contribution to the explanation of the origin of the Jaini Cvetambara 
and Digambara sects (already partly treated by Lewis Rice in the Indian 


Antiquary, Vol. 3), H. Jacobi gives text and translation of the legends con- 
tained in the Vritti to the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, and text and full description 
of the Bhadrabahucarita of Ratnanandin. Jacobi thinks it probable that the 
division of the Jina church into these sects was accomplished gradually — that 
under Bhadrabahu, c. B. C. 350 — a portion of the monks migrated to the south, 
and there adopted stricter ascetic rules of life ; that the distinction between 
the northern and southern divisions of the church was developed some centu- 
ries later, about the beginning of our era ; and that neither sect represents 
exactly the primitive Jaina life, each having grown in its own direction. 

An important addition to the Dictionnaire Kurde-Francais, par M. Auguste 
Jaba, edited in 1879 by Professor F. Justi, is made by General A. Houtum- 
Schindler, who has collected a number of Kurdish words not found in this 
dictionary, and gives besides paradigms and phrases. Professor Justi adds the 
references to his dictionary. 

Chr. Bartholomae has a study of a number of Gathas, giving transcribed 
text, translation, and grammatical and other remarks. 

C. de Harlez remarks that the Persian tradition does not give the meaning 
" wisdom " (though Neriosengh so renders) to the Avestan word mada, but 
rather (so the Pahlvi version) explains it by a term meaning " fermented 
liquors " ; and the Gatha word mada is explained by the Persian translators by 
a word which seems to mean " magic." 

R. Roth suggests that an effective way of determining the cradle of the 
Indo-European race, and thus settling the present controversy as to whether 
it was in Asia or in Europe, would be to discover the home of the Soma-plant, 
for where this plant grew, there the two Aryan peoples must have lived. He 
believes it possible to discover the plant, and has been in correspondence with 
the Russian botanist, Dr. Albert Regel, who has recently explored the regions 
of the upper Sir and Amu Darja, but without finding the Soma. Roth hopes 
that a thorough exploration of the Hindukush may yield valuable results, and 
that it will not require a botanist to find the plant. 

J. Gildemeister rejects the Arabic derivation of the word "amulet," and 
thinks that, as it is an Old Latin word, mentioned by Varro (ap. Charisius 105, 
9 Keil), and often used by Pliny, its origin must be sought in Latin sources. 

In their Sabaische Denkmaler, p. to, Mordtmann and Muller find mention 
of an Arabic votive offering of two golden camels, and NSIdeke reports a com- 
plete confirmation of this interpretation, sent him by Mordtmann, in the Puteoli 
Nabatean inscription (see the Zeitschrift XXIII, p. 150), which likewise has 
two camels offered to a deity. 

Eilhard Wiedmann offers some corrective linguistic remarks on J. Baarman's 
essay on Ibn al Haitam's dissertation on light. 

E. Reyer maintains that the old Egyptians had no iron tools, and imported 
their best bronze, and that in general the civilized peoples of pre-classical 
antiquity were not inventors of metallurgy, but were in this regard dependent 
on their less advanced neighbors. On this Professor W. Robertson Smith 
refers, Zeitschrift XXXVIII, p. 487, to Petrie's " Pyramids and Temples of 


Gizeh," London, 1883, where it is maintained that the builders of the Great 
Pyramid used saws of bronze, and that they also employed sheet-iron. 

Book Notices : Noldeke gives critical remarks on Th. Houtsma's edition of 
the histories of Ibn Wadih, called al Ya'kubi, Leyden, 1883, and says that the 
editor has in general done his work well, duel's Sprachen und Volker 
Europas vor der arischen Einwanderung, Detmold, 1883, is an attempt to 
reconstruct the Ural-Altaic and Basque people before its division. His theory 
is that the original population of Europe was American Indian and Eskimo, 
on whom followed the Turanian or Ural-Altaic from Asia, and then the Aryan 
from the same region, and that the Turanians were scattered by the Aryans, 
leaving a trace of themselves in the Basque. The author's assumptions and 
comparisons of words are sharply criticized by Winkler, who, however, while 
pronouncing his wider attempt a failure, thinks that his work on the Basque is 
not without value. Dr. J. Hamburger's Real-Encyclopadie fur Bibel und Tal- 
mud, Strelitz, 1883, is commended by Dr. J. J. Unger. 

II and III Heft. 

Adolf Holzmann depicts the epic Brahman, the Brahman of the Mahabha- 
rata, as the embodiment of fate, the determiner of the fortunes of men, the 
oracle and the teacher of the gods, the lord of the gods, the dispenser of gifts, 
the creator of the world directly or through another person or by command of 
other gods, the governor of the world, the former of each individual human 
being, the founder of social duties and arrangements, of marriage, royalty, 
castes, offerings, penance, pilgrimage, the Veda, science and art, and chronology, 
and also the destroyer of the world, the holy one, himself the world, unpartisan 
in his relations to the gods and their enemies, sometimes above sometimes 
below Civa and Vishnu, finally united with them in a trinity, etc. To the 
various statements explanatory and confirmatory remarks are appended. 

A large part of this double number of this Zeitschrift is given to the late F. 
Teufel's studies of the sources of the more recent history of the Khanate, a 
little known and difficult field, which he illustrates by a great mass of facts. 
The author's revision of the printed proof of his manuscript was interrupted 
by his death; the revision was continued by August Muller, to whom also 
Teufel's literary remains have been given in charge ; these he promises to 
publish as soon as his engagements permit. 

That the anonymous Arabian chronicle discovered by Ahlwardt belongs, as 
he suspected, to Al-Beladhorl's 'Ansab al-'a?raf, or history of Muhammad's 
descendants, was made probable by Noldeke, and is now proved by de Goeje 
by a comparison between the chronicle and the first volume of B.'s history. 
After giving an account of the style and contents of the work (among other 
things he finds that Ali's married life with Fatima was by no means perfect 
happiness), he makes some corrections in Ahlwardt's edition of the eleventh 

Noldeke continues his investigations of Semitic grammar, here taking the 
terminations of the perfect, which he writes as follows : katala, katalat, katalta, 
kataltl, katalku, katalu katala kataltumu kataltinna katalna. The discus- 


sion is very instructive, though in so obscure a subject much must remain 
doubtful ; two important sources, the Assyrian and the Hamitic, are yet insuffi- 
ciently worked up, and conclusions now reached must be held provisionally. 

Other articles are : Explanations of various Iranian words, by Hubschmann. 
On the history of the Avesta-calendar, by Spiegel. Rigveda-Samhita and 
Samavedarcika, with remarks on the analysis of the Rigveda hymns into 
smaller hymns and strophes, and on some related questions, by Oldenberg. 
Tigrifia proverbs, by Praetorius. Jagna 36 as specimen of text and translation 
from the seven-part or thousand-syllable prayer of the Parsls. 

In his notice of C. de Harlez's De 1'exegese et de la correction des textes 
avestiques, Leipzig, 1883, Spiegel, after remarking that the author's method of 
exegesis agrees in most cases with his own, declares that the conflict between 
the two existing methods of Avesta-interpretation is a struggle between philo- 
logy and linguistics, and briefly states his objections to the second of these 
methods. The contrast is seen most prominently in the dictionary. The 
advocates of the linguistic method consider only what is against the tradition, 
and not what is for it. Secondly, in the linguistic comparisons only Sanskrit 
is used, and not the Iranian dialects, for example, modern Persian. And 
thirdly, this comparison of words is put not merely alongside of the tradition, 
but over it and against it. He adds some illustrations from the book under 
review. C. H. Toy. 

Vol. XI, Part 4. 

We have first in this part (pp. 337-50) a continuation of Herwerden's notes 
on the Republic of Plato. Very many of these are devoted to the detection 
and expulsion of interpretamenta and emblemata, and of the others there are not 
many of general interest. P. 37id: tovq de irXav7/ra<; eirl rag 7rd^etc kfiTropovq 
(sc. mlovfiev). " Correcto accentu rescribatur jrAdwyrac, a voce jr/lai^c, qua in 
pedestri oratione veteres uti solent." P. 375e : ap 1 ovv 001 Soaei en ml roiiSe 
■KpoaSeladai 6 ifivTuiKimg eadfievog, irpbg t£> dvfioeiSei ert irpoayeveadai /cat fAaaoipog 
rr/v <pi><nv. " Numquam verbum npoayiyveaSai sic vidi usurpatum, ut significet 
praeterea fieri. Eo verbo si uti voluisset Plato, scripsisset to irpog T<f d. e. 
irpoayeveo-dai ml to fyikoaotyov tij </>v<yei. Sed scribere fortasse potuit, irpoc ru" 
BvpoeiSel irpoaeTC yeveodai ml (pMaoijiog rf/v </>uoiv, Malim tamen : wpdc tu 6. ert 
yeveodai deleta praepositione, quae facile adhaesit e praegressis." P. 391b : 
/cat <ic irpbg tov noTa/iov (Xanthum), deov ovra, airei6u£ elxe /cat fiaxeaSai iroifioq 
f/v /cat av rac [roi)] iripov irorafiov [S7rEp^£ioti] lepag rptxag Ilarpci/cAcj ijipGit, efJi t 
KOfiTjv biraaaifu fepeodai are. " Absonum est prioris fluvii nomen omittentem 
posterioris apponere. Sed praeterea articulus delendus est, nam, si additur, 
nemo non de Simoente potius cogitabit quam de Sperchio. In sequentibus 
operae pretium est videre quam egregie Plato iudicarit Achillis Homerici 
indolem ei tribuens ave/ievffepiav /jera QiXoxplP-aTtai; /cat av imepi/Qaviav 6eav re 
ml avdpatrav. Quanta sunt igitur verae poesis lenocinia, ut tamen Homerum 
legentes Achillem admiremur. Quippe nil est in illo charactere pusilli, sed 
aere, ut ita dicam, hominem poeta statuit et adamante, magnaque vitia fero- 
cissimus heros magnis compensat virtutibus." 


In pp. 351-73, Cobet continues, from volume X, his notes on Julian, ed. F. 
Hertlein, 1875-76. On p. 395a: Trjv eicaTovTaBvoavov aiyida to> Ail irepiBetvai, 
he writes : " apud veteres et probatos scriptores numeralia nevre, ef, oktu et 
warov in compositione non mutant formam. Dicebant ttcvtcttovc, efirovc, oktu- 
Tvovq et eKardfiwovc, quibus sequiores substituebant nevTcmovs, e^dnovc, bn-dirovQ, 
et sKaTovT&Trovg . Titubant igitur scribae qui in hac epistola dederunt enaTOVTa- 
Ovoavov, emTOVTaxeipa, harovTcne^a^ov, enaTovTanvlovq, maTovTairedovg, knaTovra- 
Kpfyjndas, snaTovraioxovg, maTovTairMBpovi; , pro enaTovBuoavov, eKardyxeipa, enaToy- 
KfyaMv, £KaTOfnri)h>vg cett. Aelius Dionysius apud Photium : irevrimixv nal irevre- 
i&ivov ml iTEVTEX a '^ liOV Ka ' TtEVTepjjvov ml ndvra rd b/ioia ovra Myovai (lid tov E." On 
p.4i4c,where he substitutes noXixvrj for iro?axviov, he writes : "Appellatur noXixvn 
oppidulum p. 340d civitas Parisiorum Lucetia : hvyxavov xeipdi^uv irspl rijv fiXqv 
AovKSTiav • bvofid^omi Se ovtuc 01 Kelroi tijv Hapwioyv rfpt iroVixvrp>. ion 6e ov ptyd'Ar] 
viiaog iynupkvri t& worapu nal avrrjv kvkau irdoav relxoc KaTa?.ap/}dvei (leg. irepi- 
?.ap/3dvei), gvAivai 61 ct' avTip> dpforepoBev eiadyovai yityvpai. Quam sunt mutata 
tempora ! rj Tore m>?.ixi"l vvv yeyovsv emTopr) rrjg o'movph'ijc, ut olim Roma." 
He loses no opportunity of reprobating Julian's superstition. On the " taediosa 
oratio «c T 'ov paoiAea "Haiov," he writes : " Sumsit has ineptias fanaticus prin- 
ceps ab Iamblicho, ut ipse testatur p. I50d : 'Id/i/3/uxoc nap' oi ml rd?.?M navra 
eK ttoaawv fUKpd eAafiopev. Hunc igitur praeceptorem suum Julianus, qui in 
nulla re modum servare solet, summis laudibus effert in coelum. Ad Sallus- 
tium scribens p. 157c ita dicit : si vis reAsarepa nal fivariKuTepa audire, evTVx£>v 
roig . . . 'Iafi./3?,ixov . . . avyypdppaai to teaoq SKelas rrjg dv8pu7rivr/g cvpr/eeic 
ao<j>ia(. Ergo Iamblichus iudice luliano ad summum sapientiae humanae fasti- 
gium pervenit, Iamblichus, a Movaai (f>l%ai ! quem scimus omnes futilem 
nugatorem et impudentem impostorem fuisse. Lepidum est videre Julianum 
acceptis ab Iamblicho litteris laetitia gestientem, p. 437d: beanie; piv r£> orb- 
pan rrjv eKiaroAffv npocyyayvv uoirsp al prjTeptq rd naiSia irpooirAeKOvrai, badiuc 6s 
ivs<jwv T<f arbpari aaBdnep hpupkvrp) epavrov tjuXrarriv donatio pevog, beams 6i ttjv 
eTuypaQijv avryv, fj %eipl orf xaftdirep svapyei ofpayidi koeoi/pavTO, it porrenroyv nal 
(fnkt/aag slra hirkjiaAov roZc b</>daApolg. Nee mirum : febri enim laborabat 
Julianus et accepta Iamblichi epistola statim febris decessit. Audi ipsum, p. 
447a : hnel 6k Vhafiov eic x st P a S T V V tTnoroATpi povov . . . apa rs e<j>vyov 01 tt&voi 
nal pe 6 -rrvperdc dvijKsv svffvg. Apparet ex hac absurda epistola quam recte de 
luliano iudicet Ammianus Marcellinus, qui ex Iuliani aequalibus solus sapiebat, 
XXV 4: (erat Iulianus) praesagiorum sciscitationi nimiae deditus . . . super- 
stitiosus magis quam sacrorum legitimus observator. Sanum et sobrium iudicium 
Ammiani, qui non erat Christianus, spectatur in iis, quae de Constantio scribit 
XXI 16: Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem anili superstitione 
confundens ; in qua scrutanda perpkxius quam componenda gravius excitavit 
discidia plurima ; quae progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum : ut catervis 
antistitum iumentis publicis ultro citroque discurrentibus per synodos quas appellant, 
dttm ritum omnem ad suum trahere conantur arbitrium, rei vehiculariae succiderit 
nervos. Quantum mutata illis temporibus religio Christiana fuerit ab ea quae 
olim absoluta et simplex fuisset, Ammianus declarat XXII 5 : (Iulianus) dissi- 
dentes Christianorum antistites cum plebe discissa in palatium intromissos monebat 
ut civilibus discordiis consopitis quisque nullo vetante religioni suae serviret intre- 
pidus. Praeclarum hoc quidem,sed erat haec Iuliani calliditas. Addit autem 


Ammianus : quod agebat adeo obstinate ut dissentionts augente licentia non timeret 
unanimantem postea plebem : nuixas infestas hominibus bestias, ut sunt sibi 


In pp. 374-86, C. M. Francken writes ' Ad Ciceronis Palimpsestos.' He 
begins by saying that ' Si Birtius de aetate librorura pergamenorum vere 
exposuit, corruunt ea quae de veneranda antiquitate codicum ante mille quin- 
gentos et amplius annos scriptorum Maius aliique ' palaeographe ' praedicare 
solebant ; Birtius enim satis probabiliter disputat ante saeculum quartum vel 
quintum sola volumina papyracea, non item libros pergamenos, usurpata esse. 
Constat aetatem codicum, qui saeculum sextum superent, certo et accurate non 
posse defiuiri . . . fieri enim posse, ut librarii calligraphi antiquas litterarum 
formas studio expresserint, id quod ad Vergilii Palatinum et Romanum potissi- 
mum pertineat." F.'s business in this article is to emend portions of the oratio 
pro Scauro, which, happily, occur alike in the Turin palimpsest, published, in 
1824, by Peyron, and the Ambrosian, edited by Mai. Only the shortest of 
these notes can be quoted as a specimen. §40, " Scribendum : ' pateat hoc 
perfugium vero dolori, pateat iustis querellis, coniurationi via intercludatur, 
obsepiatur (A: obsediatur) insidiis' pro 'pateat vero h. p. dolori.' In obsediatur 
pro obsepiatur D et P confunduntur, quod genus corruptelae cadit tantum in 
scripturam q. d. capitalem. Via retineo etsi impugnatum a Madvigio cum 
Wolffio legente : coniurationi int.; nam Ambr. habet CONIURA | TIOVIINTERCLU ; 
n et v in hoc genere codicum non ita facile confunduntur." 

We have next (pp. 387-410) an " Epistula Critica ad Allardum Piersonum 
de Iuliano," by S. A. Naber. He says that he and his friend agreed, in the 
winter of 1882-83, to read together the letters of Julian; and now " in dulci 
otio feriarum Paschalium," he has reduced to order the notes he made; and 
he hopes that the form in which he issues them " alii sic interpretentur, si 
quid boni afferre potuerim, Tuum id esse, qui vel ipse inveneris vel docte 
dubitando auctor mihi fueris ut investigarem quae pertinaci cura indagari posse 
viderentur. Meum autem id omne erit, in quo a vero aberravero. Nee certe 
Te in communionem meorum wapopa/j-aruv assumere volui, sed cum Te palam 
alloquor et coram Musarum matre, apud omnes qui haec legent, profiteri mihi 
videor quanti Te faciam, cuius singulares animi ingeniique dotes statim 
suspicere coepi, postquam fors nos una in hanc almam Musarum sedem detulit, 
ubi post varios casus et tot discrimina rerum, quae uterque nostrum expertus 
est, lassis maris viaeque tandem ab illis malis otium conceditur." The former 
portion of this article is devoted chiefly to the determination of the probable 
dates of the letters, the earliest of them being No. 53, ' Ad Iamblichum.' 
Naber makes no sarcastic remarks on the reverence of Julian for this man. 
" Hunc philosophum quanti Imperator fecerit, ubique apparet. Hie est 6 
daiftoviog 'l&fiplixoc, qui eum rd wepl tt)v (piAooofiav <5<d tuv Aoywv ifiiiriaev," and 
of whom " profitetur se sequi via ix»V avdpic, ov fiera rove Oeoiig if larjc 'Aptaro- 
-eAei Kal TlAaruvi ayaral ~e Tedrjwi re." The ecstatic passage which Cobet 
quotes is cited also here. The letter which excited such enthusiasm was the 
reply of Iamblichus to one in which Julian described the difficulties of his 
journey from Milan to Nicomedia, en de xeifi&vuv v-irep(3oAa<; Kal vdcov Ktvdvvovc 
mi -de £K Ilavvovias rijg avu fie%pi tov Kara rbv KuAxqdovtov iropdjibv didirAov 


Iivpiac 6ij Kai iro%vrp6irovc av/x<popac. There are many interesting remarks in 
this part of the paper in regard to Julian's decree, by which, as Gibbon says, 
' the Christians were directly forbidden to teach ; they were indirectly forbidden 
to learn; since they would not frequent the schools of the Pagans '; of George, of 
Cappadocia, " Episcopum Arianum et nequam, in cuius tutela hodie Anglia 
est," and of Athanasius. But the whole is rather confused, perhaps unavoid- 
ably. The latter part of the paper contains conjectural emendations of the 
text, of which some are very probable. " In edicto 42 Imperator Christianos 
rhetores et sophistas comparat cum perfidis cauponibus 01 fiakwra iraidevovoiv 
baa paktora (pav?.a vopi^ovoiv. Itane Traidevovotv ? Equidem intelligam : eirai- 
vovaiv. Laitdat venales qui vult extrudere merces." " Meministine, mi Pier- 
sone, quum legebamus Epist. 57? Scribit Julianus ad Elpidium : rij pev rov 
ypapparoc {ipaxvTrjTi avyyviipjv vipe, toic laoir Si ijpac apeifieadai pi/ Karonvei. 
Nemo pro brevi epistula brevem epistolam postulat, sed rogare solemus ut 
amicus dummodo possit cumulate gratiam rependat. Etiam Julianus contentus 
erit, si Elpidius tribus verbis rescripserit, sed literae quo longiores eo gratiores 
erunt . . . Itaque satis apud nos constabat corruptum esse role iaoie, et quae- 
rebamus remedium. Turn Tu, Quin legimus, inquis, role aolc 6e dpeipecrOai pij 
KaroKvei, Atavus tuus non melius collimasset." " Meminit Imperator se olim 
cum Themistio una Athenis fuisse, p. 253" b: tuv 'Arrixav diTjyqparuv ijcUuc 
ipepvi/pijv, sed oirfyripara fabellae sunt et recordabatur ' 'Attikuv diairiipdruv." 
The conjecture of ip' supciKei for hireirpaxei, p. 273 a, and of viroyaioic napivoig 
for mb rale napivoic, p. 341 c, seem very happy. 

Pp. 411-420 contain notes by J. J. Cornelissen on Halm's edition of Vel- 
leius Paterculus. Some thirty passages are commented on and corrected with 
greater or less probability. The first note is on i. 11, 6, where it is said that 
among other elements of felicity Metellus enjoyed principale in republica fasti- 
gium extentumque vitae spatium et acres innocentesque pro republica cum inimicis 
contentiones : " fieri non potest, ut Velleius contentiones, a Metello pro repub- 
lica habitas, uno tenore acres appellant et innocentes, quorum nominum alte- 
ram reprehensionem, laudem alteram continet. Ideo autem beatum Metellum 
praedicavit quod religioso animo et integro cum adversariis contendisset ; quam 
ob rem corrigendum est sanctas innocentesque, quibus utrisque adiectivis quae 
ad hominis naturam et ingenium proprie pertinent, usitato more in rem ab eo 
peractam transferuntur." The following is more probable : 24, 3. Sulla com- 
posilis transmarinis rebus, cum ad eum . . . legati Parthorum venissent et in Us 
quidam magi ex notis corporis respondissent caelestem eius vitam et memoriam 
futuram ..." inepte scriptum est Sullae vitam caelestem futuram. Vera 
et genuina lectio est caelestem et divinam eius memoriam futuram. Cf. 
Cic. Phil. v. 28 : illas caelestes divinasque legiones comprobastis ; ibid. xii. 8, 
ipsa ilia Martia, caelestis et divina legio." 

Cobet next gives some notes (pp. 421-432), de locis nonnullis apud Porphy- 
1-ium 7repl inroxvi ™» sp^nixuv P. 1 5. Zij/iia; fral-av 01 ■Kparoi tuvto gwIZIAOtsc 
" Reiskius, quo nemo est in indagandis et corrigendis librorum mendis perspi- 
cacior, in re grammatica, ut saepe vidimus, plumbeus est. Optime sciebat per- 
spicere Graece dici owopav, sed serio credebat ' consuesse veteres avveidac pro avv- 
iSav tisurpare.' Noli credere, sed restitue <ti>i>IAON-£c. Perfrequens in libris 


MSS haec confusio." P. 35. vivo re b<p£ov naTaXijiperai iraaa f/ yrj ml izereivav. 
" Nemo bonus et probatus scriptor KaTalrjiperai passivo sensu accipit, ut sit 
occupabitur, non occupabit. Est in usu futuri passivi forma brevior ripijadficu, 
^nTiiao/iai, ^piaaopai, oxpeXr/uo/j-ai, in quibus verbis forma eadem non habet activam 
notionem. ' AKovodr/oofiai igitur dicendum, non aaovaopai, quoniam anovoo/itu est 
audiam. Eadem de causa cKpaipedqaopai dicebant, non cu/xupqao/wt, et yzkacQiiao- 
jiai non yeAaaofiai, et naraTiTjipdr/co/zai non KaraJir/ipo/jai, In talibus veteres non pec- 
cant, sed veterum sero nati imitatores etiam in his impingere solent." One long 
note is on Porphyry's fondness for etymology: " saepe videbis Porphyrium etymo- 
logiarum morbo et insania laborare, et quidquid in buccam venerit pro certo 
ponere . . . Spaaelv igitur neque /3/U?7rra> significat et multo minus of v /iXe7T£iv,et 
nihil interest inter dpanelv et \Selv, quamobrem alia quaerenda est etymologia, 
quam indagabunt alii, namque equidem omnem hanc venationem esse arbitror 
/aoxOov irepccrabv mvQdvow t' evydtav" 

Pp- 433~448 contain notes by Cobet de locis quibusdam in Aeliani Varia 
Historia. He begins : aut incredibilis inscitia aut turpissima adulatio Philos- 
trati fuit qui . . . de Aeliano haec sustinuit scribere : AlMavbg 'Yupxiiog pb> f/v, 
i/TTtKi^e 6e aavrep ol iv tt) peaoyeia 'ABr/valoi . . . Nihil est Atticae dialecto dis- 
similius quam Aeliani oratio, indigesta farrago ex verbis et locutionibus modo 
Homericis, modo Tragicis, modo Atticis, modo Ionicis, modo vulgaribus et 
e trivio sumtis consarcinata . . . Aelianus ipse credebat se admirabili ora- 
tione ac stilo uti, sed quia non omnes ea admirabantur ita se consolatus est 
ut diceret sua scripta non nisi eruditis auribus placere posse . . . Aeliani 
sermo utpote omni genere ornamentorum distinctus ab ipso dicebatur rj 'Acwrftqs 
2if(f, id est davfiaoTt/ mi ptyaXoitpe-Ki^ quemadmodum to ovvrfiet; est /UKpo- 
Trpenec ml adavpaaTov ml evmTaifip6v7/Tov." Many illustrations of all this 
are given, i 21. dogav piv aireaTuAe TuTltpcy irpoaKwrjosos. " Boni scriptores 
pro adorantis speciem praebere dicebant ir poanwovvTOf 66gav Trapex^iv, sed Aeliano, 
qui aovvrflrj sectatur, suus error relinquendus est." ii 11 : ptj H not pera/i&et 
bn jieya ml aepvbv vvciev kyevbpeBa ev tu fliu ; " Latinum est, non Graecum ; 
num. quid te poenitet? Graece eo sensu usurpatur fi£fuj>eaBai." iii 3 : -iraliv o 
Sevo(j>av eirW/iice tij KsipaAy roi> CTtyavov. Bis 6 o.ttlk'l^uv erravit : qui coronam im- 
ponit capiti alterius dicitur aiityavov TlEFlTtBevai tivi, qui suo are/pav/iv irepiTiQE'Z- 
6 AI. In his Graeci numquam peccant, Graeculi semper." iii 40 : eaxov Se to bvopa 
(01 TiTvpoi) ck Tuv Teperia/iaTov, olg x al P oval < ^drvpoi di~ curb tov aecr/pevat, ~Likrp>ol 
tie awb tov oiXkaivuv. •' Satis ferax est nostra aetas etymologiarum, quae nee 
coelum nee terram tangunt, sed nemo in hoc genere stoliditatis palmam Graeculis 
praeripit. Quid est absurdius quam Tirvpoi in tuv TEpETtapaTuv?" 

This part ends with a note by Mr. Postgate on Sail. Jug. 53, 4, in which he 
proposes to emend ' at Romani quamquam itinere atque opere castrorum et 
proelio fessi LAETIQUE erant,' which the best MSS give, by reading /««', laeti 
quierant. C. D. MORRIS. 

Rheinisches Museum, XXXVII 3. 

I. pp. 321-42. F. Biicheler. Coniectanea. A series of condensed paragraphs. 
The first treats of Scribonius Largus, to whom the further name of Designatianus 
is sometimes falsely given, especially of his relations to Callistus, the freedman 


and secretary of Claudius Caesar. Scribonius was, perhaps, of Sicilian birth, 
was a pupil of the younger Trypho, and his book was published in the year 
47 or 48. The second note treats a couple of epigrams by Sophronius of 
Damascus, Archbishop of Jerusalem, who died A. D. 638. In a third note B. 
retracts the view expressed NRM. XXXV, p. 69, touching the date of Martyrius, 
author of the tract " de B et V," in the seventh volume of Keil's Gramm. 
Latini. This Martyrius quotes a certain Memnonius, omnis hcminem facundiae 
iudicem ; and probably Memnonius is no other than the father of Agathias 
(Anth. Pal. VII 552). Martyrius, then, is a writer of the sixth century. The 
next paragraph restores the record of a terrible earthquake by which the town 
of Tralles was destroyed, a. u. c. 727. Augustus was called upon for aid and 
gave it freely. The event seems to have made a great impression upon 
Horace. See Carm. Ill 3, 7, and I 34. The fifth group of notes deals with 
Phaedrus; the sixth with Columella and his kinsman Moderatus, the Pythagorean 
philosopher. In the seventh the Greek inscription quoted by Pliny (H. N. 
VII 210), is restored thus : 

NavaiKp&Tijc; aveBero rfjc Aibg icdpqi. 
tj 6' 'Epyavrj degairo dtS6/tevm> t68e. 

In the eighth paragraph B. gives his readings of the Greek verses quoted in the 
metrical epitome of Marius Plotius Sacerdos. Finally he discusses a joke in 
the accounts of the Delphian priests. An inscription, of about 180 B. C, 
records among the temple records a <f>iakr) Kapvarr/. The same vessel is recorded 
later, about A. D. 300, as a §iakq mrvira lx nvaa ^epaav irpoaoira, a strange 
discrepancy, to be thus explained. The napva was a kind of nut-tree introduced 
into Greece from Persia and sometimes called Uepam^. At some time a priest 
or a scribe, ignorant of this sort of nuts, hearing or reading of the vessel as 
exovaav Kepaina, amplified the YlepaiKii into llepadv irp6aurra. These same nuts 
were called ftaoCkiKa. The verses quoted by Macrobius Sat. Ill 18, 12, are 
to be corrected as follows : admiscet bacam : [iaaOitas haec nomine partim, partim 
Persica, quod nomen fit denique, fertur propterea. 

2. pp. 343-54. P. J. Meier. The Arrangement of Figures in the Repre- 
sentations of Single Combat on the Older Greek Vases. A discussion of 
archaeological details. 

3- PP- 355-72- Th. Bergk. The Chronology of Artaxerxes Ochos. Com- 
municated by A. Schaefer. A discussion of the disputed dates of this difficult 
period. Of the three fragmentary Athenian inscriptions relating to Orontes 
(CIA, II 108), B. thinks that those designated by Kohler as B and C indicate 
a state of political relations quite different from that of the year to which A 
belongs (OI. 107, 3). He fixes upon Ol. 104, 4, as the date of B. Of a good 
deal of interest is the view taken of an episode in the life of Aristotle. It is 
well known that after the downfall of Hermeias, Aristotle took refuge in 
Lesbos. B. thinks that his stay there was short ; that he soon went to Athens 
and began lectures on rhetoric and other subjects; that it was the reputation 
thus acquired in Athens which led Philip to select Aristotle as tutor for the 
young Alexander ; that Isocrates was unpleasantly affected by this rivalry of a 
younger man, and gave vent to his feeling, though without naming names, in 
Panath. §§ 16-34. 


4. pp 373-96. W. Deecke. Notes on the Interpretation of the Messapian 
Inscriptions. Continued from XXXVI 576 ff. In this number forms of the 
genitive case are examined. 

5. pp. 397-416. A. Kalkmann. On the hutypaaui, of the elder Philostratos. 
It has been proved that Philostratos, in his descriptions, often followed the 
earlier poets. But he did not confine himself to materials upon which the 
poets had worked. K.'s analysis reveals extensive use of various sorts of 
learned literature. Is it then to be assumed that the painters, whose pictures 
Philostratos assumes to describe, went in search of subjects to those same 
various sorts of literature ? That is highly improbable. " It is incredible that 
the sophist trusted his powers of invention so little as to confine himself to 
existing pictures, as incredible as that he would, had he attempted a collection 
of love-letters, have based the work on existing letters. He must have known 
very well how much harder it is to describe pictures than to imagine them, 
especially if he were disposed to make the latter operation easy by borrowing 
from many books." Such correspondences with actual works of art as may 
occur prove only what might be assumed without proof, viz. that Philostratos 
used his reminiscences of such works as freely as he used whatever else he 
found useful, much as a rhetorician, in composing controversiae, might use his 
recollections of actual cases in the courts. The story of the gallery at Naples 
is all a fiction of the study, an invention of the rhetorical fancy. But in 
publishing such inventions, Philostratos only followed the well-understood 
custom of his time : so far was he from any intention to deceive that he 
omitted to invent painters' names and other like details. 

6. pp. 417-24. O. Ribbeck. Marginalia to the Truculentus. A series of 
peculiarly taking corrections. R. begins by remarking that in a text so sadly 
out of order as that of the Truculentus, too much must not be expected from 
minute study of the letters ; that the thought, the grammar, the metre, often 
furnish the only possible clew to the reading. But still there are indications 
in the MSS of genuine readings which Schoell (the general character of whose 
work is praised) has passed over. R. writes in 172, tarn enim optumust amicus. 
In 313, iam quidem enim hercle ibo. And in 733 he does not like to give up the 
repeated enim, in which the MSS agree. The case of 300 is peculiar: here 
the hominem of the Palatini is a corruption of enim, and the homo of the 
Ambrosianus is a correction of hominem. In all these, and many other cases, enim 
is a particle which demands the assent of the person addressed — an ' of course,' 
or a ' you know.' In 257 R. writes, numne ego videor tu tibi? In 266, quia enim 
trucu (i. e. truncum) me lentum nominas. In 330 (this time acting upon the 
supposition of deeper corruptions), properet, tandem satis ut laverit. In 363 
zelim, si possit. DIN. puere,soleas cedo mihi. In 521, celebrandam ob rem. In 
565, misere pessum it, regarding/m/ as a gloss. In 583, lubet auferri intro hue, 
mi Cuame. In 584, ecquid auditis ? haec facite quae imperat, the rhythm being 
necessarily Cretic. In 890, sicin eum ipsa adire cupis? at recta adnos (or med) 
itiner tenet. In 926, mortuam hercle medi satiust. The restoration of 939-40 is 
at once peculiarly ingenious and peculiarly convincing: verum nunc saltern a 
labro, si amas, dan tu mihi de tuis deliciis psomi aliquid pausillulum? PHR. 
Quidid ita a labrost quod dem die. In 951, age prior ireipa tc. In 958, the cum 
of the MSS only needs to be changed to turn, and in the following verse the 


proper remedy is to supply missing words thus : ego posterior ? tantum qui dedi ? 
R. agrees with Scholl (and Biicheler) in bracketing 280-90, but thinks the 
interpolation extends through 294. This group of verses falls into three parts : 
280-85 were designed for insertion after 269 ; 286-90 and 291-94 are both 
abbreviations of the passage following 268. It must be inferred from the name 
of the play that the role of the Truculentus had more importance than appears 
from our texts. But even in dealing with our texts we must see that something 
is wrong with the beginning of Act III, Sc. 2. Stratu-lax would hardly declare 
as he does (672-73), the change that has come over him, had not Phronesium 
in some way reminded him of his earlier behavior. Such a reminder may be 
found in 675, where tuam exspecto, rus, truculentiam should be read. The order 
of the verses will be 672, 675, 673, 674, 676. Another transposition is proposed 
in the final scene, as follows: 029, 935-38, 933, 934, 930-32, 939. And 937 
belongs to Strabax, not Stratophanes. 

7. pp. 425-33. L. Jeep. A Determination of the Period at which Zosimos 
lived. The time fixed upon is the beginning of the fifth century, the date of 
death about 425. 

8. pp. 434-47. A. Ludwich. Notes on the Homeric Allegories of Herakleitos. 
Several pages are given to the important various readings of an Oxford MS, 
No. 298, of the Library of New College. This MS has supplied the means of 
correcting the text of a number of fragments of Greek poets. Archil, fr. 54 
is quoted with the words dupa yvpal bp06v. The true reading is doubtless 
TvpaV. Archil, fr. 136 is quoted in the form (pvfia fir/pav ftera^v, not prjpiuv. 
Alkaios fr. 19 begins to 6' aire kv/m ™ rcporipa vofia arelx^i, a text which seems 
only to need an infinitesimal correction, thus : tu irpoTepy vdua. Alkaios fr. 
79, naiuTr/Mvaic Find. fr. 245 (Bergk), irpotpaaiv jihrixpov yiveaOai veiiceog, not 
ylvETai. Sophokles fr. 359 (Nauck), the MS has Kcic?,qp.evqv, the subscript iota 
being here, as elsewhere, omitted. A few other points treated in this paper 
seem too minute for a report. 

9. pp. 448-64. L. Holzapfel. The Athenian Treatment of Mytilene after 
the Revolt of 428-7. Muller-Striibing, in his Studies of Thucydides, argued 
that the story of the execution of more than a thousand leaders in the revolt 
at Mytilene (Thuc. Ill 50) could not possibly be true ; that the little paren- 
thetical statement of the number in that passage must be an interpolation 
inserted by some " bloodthirsty grammarian." In a review of Muller-Striibing' s 
book, H. Schtitz has proposed to avoid the difficulties by assuming that the 
number given in the text of Thucydides is due to a corruption of A' into A. 
Holzapfel treats Muller-Striibing with great respect, but attempts a detailed 
refutation of both the views stated. Miiller-Striibing lays great stress upon 
the fact that this wholesale butchery is not mentioned anywhere in ancient 
literature save in the one passage of Thucydides, although it is easy to find 
many passages in which much is made of Athenian cruelty, and the striking 
instances — all or nearly all less striking than this— are quoted. This argument, 
in H.'s view, loses all its force, if we examine the speech of Gylippos at 
Syracuse, during the discussion about the treatment of the Athenian prisoners, 
reported by Diodoros, XIII 30, 4 ff. In the report of this speech it is very 
probable that Diodoros borrowed from Ephoros. The words i^iimvTo rovg 


kv ry ndAei naraiy^a^ac may be an abridgment of something like MvT/,/\,?!vaiav 
ovc d%ov ev t§ Trolet alx/ta^MTovQ kip?/<l>iGavTo Karaa^d^ai in Ephoros. But why 
is it not at least quite as probable that the words rovg iv ttj ■koKu point to a 
distinction made in the original Athenian decree between those concerned in 
or connected with the defence of Mytilene on the one hand, and the outside 
Lesbians who had kept clear of the revolt on the other ? In general I cannot 
think that H. succeeds in seriously diminishing the very great force of Muller- 
Strubing's argument. It must be remembered that Gylippos was making an 
appeal to the ignorance and prejudice and passion of a multitude remote from 
Athens; that he speaks of an event long past; and that his statement, as it 
stands in Diodoros, is literally true. That he concealed an important part of 
the truth is not surprising : to say things precisely true so far as the letter goes 
with the deliberate intention of producing an impression flatly and entirely 
false, is a trick not even yet entirely disused by those who have occasion to 
delude the uninstructed. H. discusses the history of the whole transaction, 
and all his views and remarks certainly deserve careful consideration. 

10. pp. 465-84. Miscellany. E. Rohde adds a note to his paper on the 
Sardinian Sleepers, XXXV 157 ff., reported in this Journal, II 123. K, Fuhr 
communicates certain facts hitherto unnoticed, touching the stichometric marks 
in the Cod. Urbinas of Isocrates. J. Baunack writes of glosses in Hesychios, 
which are of linguistic importance, and of the formation of Greek proper 
names. Under the first head he examines particularly the thematic forms of 
elfuas they occur in Byzantine dictionaries and in the inscriptions. He collects 
the following, which belong to two different forms of the root : Pres. ind. act. 
ei(j, (« ; eiaieic. ; inzlei, npoaiei, aviei, vne^lei, vnan'iu ; elalovaiv. Pres. mid. 
irpoio/jai • lerai duerai ; ioiro. Imperative, le, el, airei. Imperf. act. rjiov • ye, 
rjie ; ?jofiev ; elev, narelev ; el ; lov, le, lov. Imperf. mid. evelzo, elzlovro. The 
gloss aviypov anaBaprov furnishes a desired instance of the preservation of the 
guttural in the root of Wfu. The note on proper names begins with a discussion 
of Ar/fii/Trip. This was explained (exceptionally) in antiquity as a short form of 
AijfiofiT/rr/p. B. adopts and defends the explanation. This kind of shortening 
he calls " syllabic hyphaeresis," and gives numerous instances of it in other 
proper names, and also instances of various other usual modes of shortening. 
H. Usener calls attention to the date of the closing of the imperial gladiatorial 
schools as given' in ecclesiastical chronicles found at Benevento and at Cologne. 
The date is A. D. 399. Gladiators, of course, still continued to exist for a 
time, and gladiatorial games were not stopped until several years later. R. 
Foerster gives two or three pages of "atacta philologica et archaeologica." 
Th. Aufrecht discusses briefly the etymology of ornare. The notion of adorn- 
ment is no more original here than in Koa/ielv. How any one should ever 
have thought of connecting it with Skt. varna, which means color, and nothing 
else, is hard to see. The primitive meaning of the verb is equip, fitly arrange ; 
and the root is the same as that of apaplaneiv, apriivew, and Lat. ars, artus, armus. 

J. H. Wheeler.