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April 21st, 22nd, and 23d, 1892. 

The Society assembled at Washington, in the hall at the western 
end of the Smithsonian Building, on Thursday, April 21st, at 
3.30 p. m., and was called to order by the President, Rev. Dr. 
William Hayes Ward. In the absence of the Recording Secre- 
tary, Prof. George F. Moore, of Andover, Mass., was appointed 
in his stead pro tempore. 

The following members were in attendance at the sessions : 
























Wood, C. J. 





Ward, W. 




Gilman, D. C. 



, Jr. 



The accounts of the Treasurer for 1891-92 were presented by 
him, and were audited by Messrs. Gottheil and Winslow, found 
correct, and duly certified. The usual summary follows : 


Balance from old account, May 15, 1891 $673.26 

Assessments (155) paid in for year 1891-92 $775.00 

Assessments (32) for other years 160.00 

Life-membership fee _. __. 75.00 

Sales of publications 100.08 

Interest on Cotheal Fund, Jan. 1, 1891, to Dec. 33 , 1891, 41.20 

Interest on balance of Gen'l Account, same period... 16.40 


Total receipts for the year $1,840.94 


cxlii American Oriental Society ] s Proceedings, April 1892. 


Journal, xv. 1, and distribution ._. $366.53 

Proceedings, May, 1891 , and distribution _ 246.96 

Journal, xv. 2, in part „ 300.03 

Authors' extras from Journal and Proceedings 62.25 

Punches and matrices 16.00 

Job printing 57.75 

Expenses, postage, etc. 44.63 

Manuscripts _ 55.00 

Book-binding _. 258.95 

Total disbursements for the year $1,408.10 

Balance on hand, April 21, 1892 . . _ 432.84 


The Treasurer further received, April 4, 1892, from an anony- 
mous giver, the sum of one thousand dollars (not included in the 
foregoing statement), to be added to the Society's Publication- 
Fund ; the principal of said sum to be left intact, and its interest 
to be used towards defraying the Society's expenses of publication. 
' The gift was made as " a help to the Society," and in the hope 
that the gift — along with the gift of the like sum from Mr. 
Cotheal — might serve as a "suggestion and encouragement to 
others to do likewise." 

The state of the funds is as follows : 

1891, Jan. 1, Amount of the Bradley Type-Fund - . $1,268.60 

Interest, Jan. 1, 1891, to Dec. 31, 1891 48.10 

1892, Jan. 1, Amount of the Bradley Type-Fund $1,316.70 

Deposited in New Haven Savings Bank, account no. 43,493. 
1892, Apr. 5, Amount of Publication-Fund 2,000.00 

Deposited in part in The Provident Institution for Savings in the Town 
of Boston, account no. 169,336. 
1892, Apr. 16, Balance of General Account- 407.84 

Deposited in Cambridge Savings Bank, account no. 28,935. 
1892, Apr. 21, Cash in hand 25.00 

Sum of the last two items $432.84 

The report of the Librarian, Mr. Van Name, for the year 
1891-2, is as follows : The additions to the Society's library have 
been 73 volumes, 155 parts of volumes, and 175 pamphlets. Of 
gifts other than the ordinary exchanges the most important are 
12 volumes and 45 parts from the American Philological Associa- 
tion, many of them however duplicates of works already in the 
Society's possession, and 9 volumes and 26 pamphlets from Pro- 
fessor Whitney. The total number of titles is now 4566 ; of 
manuscripts, the same as reported last year, 177. 

Election of Members. cxliii 

In accordance with the authority granted by the Society, 38 
quarto and 217 octavo volumes, principally serials, have been 
bound, at a cost of $258.95. 

The Committee of Publication reported that the first part of 
volume xv. of the Journal had been published since the last meet- 
ing and that the second part was very nearly ready for distribu- 

The Directors reported that they had voted to recommend : 

1. That henceforth the fees received in composition for annual 
assessments to constitute Life Members be treated by the treasu- 
rer as a part of the Capital Fund of the Society. 

2. That the thanks of the Society to the anonymous giver of 
one thousand dollars to the Publication Fund of the Society be 
duly expressed in its records ; and that the assurance be given 
that the money will be invested and used in accordance with the 
wishes of the giver. 

These recommendations were adopted by vote of the Society. 

They further reported that they had appointed as the Commit- 
tee of Publication for the year 1892-93 Messrs. Hall, Lanman, 
Moore, Peters, and W. D. Whitney. 

The following persons were recommended by the Directors for 
election to membership in the Society : 

As Corporate Members : 

Mr. Irving Babbitt, Cincinnati, O. ; 

Miss Annie L. Barber, New York, N. Y. ; 

Mr. Carl Darling Buck, Bucksport, Me. ; 

Rev. Simon J. Carr, Washington, D. C. ; 

Mr. Fred'k Taber Cooper, New York, N. Y. ; 

Dr. Elliott Coues, Washington, D. C. ; 

Prof. Angus Crawford, Alexandria, Va. ; 

Mr. Jas. Everett Frame, East Boston, Mass. ; 

Mr. Henry Lee Gilbert, West Philadelphia, Pa. ; 

Rev. Chas. Peter Grannan, Washington, D. C. ; 

Rev. Jno. Baptist Haygooni, New York, N. Y. ; 

Rev. Hy. Harrison Haynes, Cambridge, Mass. ; 

Mr. Walter Hough, Washington, D. C. ; 

Mr. Caspar Levias, New York, N. Y. ; 

Miss Helen L. Lovell, Baltimore, Md. ; 

Prof. O. J. Mason, Washington, D. C. ; 

Mr. Alfred B. Moldenke, New York, N. Y. ; 

Mr. George N. Olcott, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; 

Mr. Charles Peabody, Germantown, Pa. ; 

Mr. Marshall L. Perrin, Boston, Mass. ; 

Mr. Geo. Livingstone Robinson, Princeton, N. J. ; 

Mr. Thos. Stanley Simonds, Beverly, Mass. ; 

Dr. David Sleem, New York, N. Y. ; 

Rev. Jas. D. Steele, New York, N. Y. ; 

Mr. Joseph R. Taylor, Boston, Mass. ; 

cxliv American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

Rev. Joseph Vincent Tracy, Baltimore, Md. ; 
Mr. J. E. Watkins, Washington, D. C. ; 
Rev. Chas. James Wood, Lockhaven, Pa. 

And as Corresponding Members : 

Mr. A. Gargiulo, U. S. Legation, Constantinople, Turkey ; 
Mr. Chas. Edwin Wilbour, Cairo, Egypt. 

By direction of the Society, ballot was duly cast for the above- 
mentioned nominees, and they were declared elected. 

Upon the nomination of a Committee, consisting of President 
Gilman, Mr. Talcott Williams, and Professor Jackson, the follow- 
ing board of officers was elected for the year 1892-93 : 

President— Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York. 

Vice Presidents— Pres. D. C. Gilman, of Baltimore; Prof. A. P. 
Peabody, of Cambridge, Mass. ; Prof. Isaac H. Hall, of New York. 

Recording Secretary — Prof. D. G. Lyon, of Cambridge. 

Corresponding Secretary — Prof. C. R. Lanman, of Cambridge. 

Treasurer — Mr. Henry C. Warren, of Cambridge. 

Librarian — Mr. Addison Van Name, of New Haven. 

Directors— Professors Bloomfield and Haupt, of Baltimore ; Mr. Tal- 
cott Williams, of Philadelphia ; Prof E. W. Hopkins, of Bryn Mawr ; 
Prof. A. L. Frothingham, of Princeton ; Prof. R. Gottheil, of New York ; 
Prof. George F. Moore, of Andover. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the names of recently 
deceased members of the Society. The record is as follows : 

Professor Charles Elliott ; 
Professor C. Wistar Hodge ; 
Rev. E. W. Syle ; 
Rev. Ferdinand De W. Ward. 

The invitation of the Right Reverend John J. Keane, D. D., 
Rector of the Catholic University of America, to a reception at 
Brookland, the seat of the University, near Washington, for Fri- 
day evening at eight o'clock, was accepted by vote of the Society. 
Ah invitation was received from the Provost and Trustees of the 
University of Pennsylvania, in conjunction with the Committee 
of the Babylonian Exploration Fund, to a dinner to be given on 
Saturday, April 23, at half past seven o'clock, to the Director of 
the Expedition to differ, Rev. Professor John P. Peters, at the 
Library Building of the University. This invitation was also ac- 
cepted* by vote of the Society. 

Mr. Talcott Williams, Chairman of the Committee appointed 
by the Directors to inquire into the desirability and feasibility of 
uniting with other philological, archaeological, and ethnological 
societies of this country in the adoption of a common place and 
time of meeting every otber year, reported that the Committee 
had consulted the Societies concerned by means of a circular let- 

Committees appointed. cxlv 

ter ; and that, with the concurrence of the Directors, it proposed 
the following resolutions : 

1. Resolved, That a Committee of three be appointed to confer with 
the following Societies — 

The American Philological Association ; 

The Archaeological Institute of America ; 

The Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis ; 

The Modern Language Association of America ; 

The American Folklore Society ; 

The American Dialect Society ; 

The American Ethnological Society — 
for the purpose of agreeing upon a common time and place of meeting 
in 1894, and thereafter every second year, if the results of the first joint 
meeting prove satisfactory. 

2. Resolved, That, if two of the above Societies agree to adopt such 
common time and place of meeting, the Committee be authorized and 
instructed to agree with representatives of other societies on such time 
and place, and report the same to the Society at its meeting in 1893. 

The resolutions were adopted without dissent. 

It was voted that a Committee be appointed to arrange for a 
proper celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of 
the society. The President appointed the following : Messrs. 
Bloomfield, Frothingham, Hall, Hopkins, Jackson, Lyon, Toy, 
Van Name, W. D. Whitney. 

On motion of President W. R. Harper, it was resolved that a 
Committee of three be appointed to receive suggestions and con- 
cert plans for increasing the efficiency of the society, to report at 
the next annual meeting. Remarks were made in support of this 
resolution by Prof. Bloomfield and Dr. W. H. Ward. The Chair 
appointed as this Committee Messrs. W. R. Harper, Bloomfield, 
and Moore. 

On motion of Prof. Frothingham, the following resolution was 
adopted : 

In view of the introduction into this country of numerous collections 
of Oriental antiquities, especially from Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon, 
Resolved, 1. That the Oriental Society recommends that records be ob- 
tained of such objects in both private and public collections. 2. That 
a Committee of three be appointed by the President to aid in securing 
such material. 

The President appointed Messrs. Frothingham, Adler, and 
Win slow. 

Dr. Adler called the attention of the Society to two new Turk- 
ish Dictionaries, D wight's new edition of Redhouse, and the small 
dictionaries, Turkish-French and French-Turkish, published by 
the Jesuits in Constantinople. 

Professor Lanman laid before the Society an interesting new 
catalogue of Sanskrit books for sale by Pandit Jyestharam 

cxlvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings^ April 1892. 

Mukundji, Kalbadevi Road, Bombay, and another catalogue of 
the same book-seller, containing a valuable list of Jaina, Hindu- 
stani, Gujerati, and Marathi works. 

Professor Mason made a statement concerning the Oriental and 
American collections in the Smithsonian Institution and the Na- 
tional Museum at Washington. 

On motion, it was voted that the American Oriental Society ex- 
tend its hearty thanks to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, Professor S. P. Langley, and to the other officers of the 
Institution, and to the Rector and the Vice Rector of the Catholic 
University of America, for their kindness and hospitality to the 
Society during its sessions in Washington. 

The Society adjourned at 6 p. m. on Thursday. The sessions 
of Friday and Saturday were held in the same place. Friday's 
sessions were from 9.30 to 12.45 and from 2.30 to 5.30. Satur- 
day's session was from 10.15 to 12.30. 

The following communications were presented : 

1. A Brief Statement concerning the Babylonian Expedition 
sent out under the auspices of the University of Pennsylvania ; 
by Rev. Pr6f. John P. Peters, of New York City. 

This Expedition may be said to have originated in a conversation 
held with Mr. E. W. Clark of Philadelphia in the summer of 1887. It 
took definite shape at a meeting at the house of Dr. Pepper, provost of 
the University of Pennsylvania, in December of the same year. I left 
this country in June of 1888. My staff consisted of Prof. H. V. Hil- 
precht of the University of Pennsylvania, and Dr. R. F. Harper of 
Yale, Assyriologists ; Mr. P. H. Field of New York, architect and engi- 
neer ; Mr. J. H. Haynes, photographer and business manager (the same 
position which he had occupied on the Wolfe Expedition) ; Mr. J. D. 
Prince of Columbia, who accompanied the Expedition as an attache ; 
and Mr. D. Z. Noorian, formerly of the Wolfe Expedition, who was 
engaged as interpreter and so forth. There was much delay in Con- 
stantinople, owing to the negotiations for permission to excavate. We 
had hoped to obtain somewhat more liberal terms than those provided 
for by the Turkish law on excavations, and more particularly a gen- 
eral permission to excavate in Babylonia as circumstances and knowl- 
edge collected on the spot might determine. Such liberty seemed 
desirable, if not absolutely necessary, owing to the impossibility of 
obtaining beforehand satisfactory information regarding the feasibility 
of excavations. The only concessions which we could obtain, if indeed 
they were concessions, were the permission to choose three sites in- 
stead of one, and to present the topographical map of the site required 
by law after we had visited the site and been able to make one, not 
beforehand, as is ordinarily done. No definite concession was made 
with regard to a division of the objects found. 

Peters, Babylonian Expedition. cxlvii 

The sites chosen by us were Anbar, on account of the report of the 
Wolfe Expedition concerning its size and importance, and its probable 
identification with Sippara = Sepharvaim ; Borsippa, on account of the 
colophon of a Nabopolassar tablet found there not long before (and now 
in the museum of the University of Pennsylvania), according to which 
the tablet seemed to have been part of the contents of a library at that 
place ; and Nippuru, because of the recommendations of the Wolfe 
Expedition and of the German Expedition to Zerghul and Hibbah 
(courteously communicated to us by order of the authorities of the 
Berlin Museum), and on account of the great antiquity and early im- 
portance of the place. Anbar was refused by the local authorities, on 
grounds not stated, and only Borsippa and Nippuru were granted. 

It was the end of November when the permission was finally issued 
in accordance with an irade of the Sultan ; and Mr. Prince and I left Con- 
stantinople the same day to join the rest of the party, who were wait- 
ing at Alexandretta and Aleppo. We left Aleppo Dec. 13th, traveled 
by way of the Euphrates valley, and reached Baghdad twenty-six days 
later. Among other matters of geographical interest noted by us on 
this trip was the probable site of the ancient Thapsacus, or Tiphsah. 
This had formerly been located at Souria, or El-Hammam, where Col. 
Chesney's party found indications of the existence of a bridge of boats. 
We found the ancient name still lingering in the form Dibse at a ruin- 
site eight or nine miles below the modern Meskene, the port of Aleppo, 
and almost two days journey above Souria. This site also corresponds 
with ancient references better than Souria. Dr. Bernard Moritz sug- 
gests the same identification in his Zur Antiken Topograpkie der Pal- 
myrene, p. 31, note. Indeed, to him belongs priority of discovery, 
although I made the earlier announcement (N. Y. Nation, May 23, 
1889). Each party made the discovery independently of the other. 

Dr. Ward's account of Anbar led us to make a careful investigation 
of that site. I visited it twice, and even made a few soundings, which 
were, however, of no consequence. It lies east of the Euphrates 
and south of the Sakhlawiyeh canal, and is represented on the map 
of Kiepert's Ruinenfelder by Akra, which is properly the name of 
the highest part of the ruins, the eastern corner of the great wall of 
unbaked brick. Two of Dr. Ward's principal grounds for his proposed 
identification with Sippara = Sepharvaim were the division of the ruins 
into two parts by a great canal-bed, and the ancient palaces and tem- 
ples whose outlines he was able to trace. There is in fact no such 
division of these ruins into two parts. The Euphrates seems formerly 
to have flowed about the city on the north and west. Just east of the 
citadel, which was on the north side, a canal or harbor ran into the 
city some distance, but was not carried through. As to the ancient 
palaces and temples, it may be said that the surface ruins are Arabic 
with an occasional cropping out of Sassanian. Sassanian and possibly 
Parthian coins have been found here, but nothing older, to the best of 
my knowledge. Through the debris of Anbar and Persabora it would 
scarcely be possible to see the outlines of old Babylonian palaces even 
if they had once existed. I went to Anbar rather prejudiced in favor 

cxlviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

of Dr. Ward's suggestion, and abandoned it because I could see no 
ground on which to base it. A Sippara does seem to have existed on 
the other side of the Sakhlawiyeh, where are now the insignificant 
ruin-mounds called Sfeira ; but, so far as our present knowledge goes, 
the very extensive ruins called Anbar and Akra represent only Anbar 
of the caliphate, and its predecessor Persabora. 

Reaching Baghdad Jan. 8th, we were delayed three weeks by the 
governor. Here Mr. Prince was taken ill, and obliged to leave the 
Expedition. Here also we were joined by A. Bedry Bey, the commis- 
sioner assigned us by the government. It was the end of January 
before we reached Niffer, or Nufar, ancient Nippuru, at which site, 
after examining Birs Nimroud, we had decided to commence operations. 
It was February 6th before the required topographical map was pre- 
pared and we were allowed to commence actual work. The ruins are 
of enormous extent and considerable height. The circumference of 
the high mounds is about one mile. A ship canal, the Shatt-en-Nil, 
once divided the city into an eastern and a western half, and the former 
portion was again divided into two by a branch of the same canal, 
which ran in front of the great temple of Bel on the southeast side. Lit- 
tle trouble was found in identifying the site of the temple by means of 
its ziggurat, a conspicuous conical hill called by the Arabs Bint-el- Amir, 
but the excavations in that mound the first season were unsatisfactory, 
and without much result. In a neighboring mound, however, was. 
found a brick stamp of Naram Sin. One of the northern mounds on 
the eastern or temple side yielded a few Assyrian tablets, among which 
were two important ones of Ashur-etil-ilani. A fair supply of tablets 
was unearthed in the southern mound on the eastern side, principally 
of the Hammurabi dynasty, and of the kings following Nebuchadrezzar, 
from Nabonidus to Artaxerxes. The western half of the city yielded 
nothing of any importance, unless we except Hebrew bowls, which 
were found in numbers. Pottery, coffins, and minor objects were dis- 
covered everywhere in great quantities. 

Early in April, 1889, when we had excavated but two months, an end 
was put to our work by the treachery of the Arabs, growing out of the 
conduct of one of the Commissioner's Turkish guards in shooting an 
Arab who was trying to steal by night the mules of the guard. Our 
camp was burned, we were robbed, and a blood-feud was established 
against us. So closed the first year. Mr. Haynes, having been appointed 
Consul, remained at Baghdad with Mr. Noorian ; the rest of us returned 
by the route by which we had come. 

In spite of this seeming failure, and the great obstacles opposed to our 
return, the Committee of the Babylonian Exploration Fund resolved to 
continue excavations at Niffer, and sent me back with instructions to 
do so if it was in any way possible ; otherwise I was to make arrange- 
ments to excavate at some other site, probably Mugheir^Ur of the 
Chaldees. In the meantime a cholera epidemic was ravaging Irak. 

I left America in August, proceeding at once to Constantinople. 
There I was delayed six weeks, because the Governor-General of Bagh- 
dad determined that I should not return to Niffer, for fear of unpleas- 

Peters^ Babylonian Expedition. cxlix 

ant consequences for which he might be held responsible. Hamdy Bey, 
the Director of the Imperial Museum, labored hard to assist me to re- 
turn. I was promised permission to excavate at Mugheir as an addi- 
tional locality, but a confusion of the maps as to the pashalik in which 
it was situated frustrated the fulfilment of this promise. 

This time I went by way of Beirout, where I was joined by Dr. Selim 
Aftimus, a graduate pf the Protestant Syrian College, who accompa- 
nied me as physician, and in order to make botanical collections. Trav- 
eling by way of Damascus and Palmyra, we struck the Euphrates at 
Deir. Kiepert's map for this region is based on the maps of the English 
Euphrates expedition under Chesney, which again are based upon re- 
port, not upon survey or personal observation. Chesney represented a 
sort of wadi as running from Rakka, the first station after Palmyra, to 
Deir, thus forming a natural road to that place. No such wadi exists, 
and the ancient road does not seem to have reached the Euphrates at 
that point. The old Roman road can be traced to the hot springs of 
Sukhne, two stations beyond Palmyra, and several mile-stones are still 
in place. From this point one road led to the north through Resafa, 
reaching the Euphrates at Rakka. The ancient road to Babylonia is 
more difficult to determine. Sixteen hours beyond Sukhne on the pres- 
ent road to Deir is a well and station called Kabakib. The well is an- 
cient, and there are remains of an ancient aqueduct and reservoir. A 
road evidently passed through this point. But from here the road seems 
to have led, not to Deir, but to Meyadin, one day's journey south of 
Deir. This route is still used by the Arabs, and the Saracen castle of 
Rehaba marks the point at which it debouches on the Euphrates valley. 
This was the ancient route to Circesium and the valley of the Khabour. 
A day's journey below Rehaba on the Euphrates is an old Palmy- 
rene ruin, afterwards repaired by Salah-uddin, and hence known as 
Salahiyeh. This marks, I think, the point at which a direct road from 
Sukhne debouches on the Euphrates, corresponding to the northern 
route by Resafa. By such a road caravans to Babylonia would have 
saved three days over the present road by Deir, or two days over the 
road by Rehaba. 

On the journey down I noticed on the hills north of Arak and Sukhne 
a few butm trees ; and on the return journey further inquiry elicited 
the fact that they were the outposts of an extensive forest. In 1890 Dr. 
Post of Beirout penetrated this region, and found such a forest in exist- 
ence to the north of Palmyra. 

I reached Baghdad December 16th, 1889. A change of governors at 
this time facilitated the execution of our plans, and by the beginning of 
January we were at Niffer. Local authorities did, however, oppose our 
return to that place, and it was only by the use of some stratagem, and 
in direct disobedience to the commands of the mutasserif of Hillah, 
that we succeeded in accomplishing our purpose. Once there, we felt 
able to hold our own by treaties with the tribes, although the govern- 
ment notified us that it would not be responsible for our safety. A 
more serious difficulty was the lack of water, for the Euphrates had 
entirely deserted its bed, and left the Affek marshes by Niffer absolutely 

cl American Oriental Society 's Proceedings, April 1892. 

dry. For a long time we were obliged to subsist on a scanty supply of 
bad water from wells dug in the dry canal beds. The drought also seri- 
ously affected our food supplies and our transport. Then followed a 
deluge of rain, the like of which had not been known within the mem- 
ory of man. This did much damage to our trenches, and enforced a 
direct loss of two weeks' time. The season was unhealthy. On the day 
of our arrival Dr. Aftimus was taken with typhoid fever, and it was 
with the greatest difficulty that he was transported alive to Baghdad by 
Mr. Noorian, who was absent two weeks on this duty. Mr. Haynes, 
also, who had taken a furlough from the consulate to accompany me, 
was obliged by his health to leave a month before we closed work. 

We worked under high pressure, with a force of 400 men, since it 
was absolutely essential to obtain tangible results rapidly. We con- 
tinued the excavations until the middle of May, and it is my opinion 
that with proper care excavations can be conducted in Babylonia 
through the whole summer. We naturally found ourselves hampered 
by the disaster of the previous year, which had whetted the taste for 
plunder among the surrounding Arabs ; and the tribes to the north 
never relinquished their claim against us for blood, on account of the 
thief killed by the Turkish zaptiyeh. The ravages of cholera, however, 
had worked in our favor, by giving us the reputation of powerful and 
dangerous magicians. 

Our principal work was done on the temple. This was enclosed by a 
wall of unbaked brick, still standing to a height of 19 metres ; it is 15 
metres thick at the bottom, and 9 metres at the top. It was intended 
to be 200 metres square, but by an error in the eastern angle two 
sides were somewhat longer. Within this wall, on the southeast side, 
was another wall, and beyond this another, so that one advanced by 
terraces to the ziggurat, which was three stories in height, with 
remains of a brick structure on top. The ziggurat was somewhat 
irregular in structure, buttressed on all four sides, of unbaked brick. 
The buttresses were built against and largely covered an earlier plain 
rectangular structure, which was faced in the lower stories with baked 
brick with the stamp of Kurigalzu king of Babylon. This mass of solid 
material was 24 metres in height. On the northeast, southeast, and 
southwest sides were suites of chambers, on the northwest great corri- 
dors for the most part. The walls were often stuccoed. The whole was 
roughly oriented (12 points off the true compass directions), with the 
corners to the cardinal points. No inscribed cylinders were found in the 
corners of the ziggurat. The oldest restoration or construction, as 
shown by the inscriptions discovered, was that of Sargon of Agane ? the 
latest that of Esarhaddon of Assyria. Fragments of diorite statues 
were found, similar to those of Tello. Numerous inscriptions, chiefly 
identical, were found of a hitherto unknown king of the Akkadian 
dynasty, Urmush or Erimush or Alu-Sharshid. Outside of the great 
wall on the southeast was a small shrine erected by Amar-Sin, king of 
Ur. Beyond this was a line of booths or small chambers on the edge of 
the canal. The stock of one of these was found intact, consisting of 
votive inscriptions on feldspar, malachite, lapis lazuli, agate, ivory* 

Peters, Babylonian Expedition. cli 

glass, and magnesite from Euboea. The glass was made to represent 
lapis lazuli and turquoise, and was colored with' cobalt and copper. 
The inscriptions were of the Cossaean dynasty, and belonged to Burna- 
buriash, Kurigalzu, Tukulti-Bel, and one or two more hitherto un- 
known kings. Small clay figurines of Bel, Ishtar, musicians, boars, 
lions, camels, horses, elephants, and the like, as well as immense num- 
bers of phalli of all forms, conventional and gross, were found on all 
the mounds. A few very ancient tablets were found on the temple hill. 

On the western side of the canal we unearthed an interesting palace 
of great size. Close to this was discovered a large deposit of tablets of 
the Cosssean dynasty, containing chiefly temple accounts. Further 
south on the same hill we found an immense deposit of tablets, going 
back as far as Amar-Sin, king of Ur*. whose seal appears ten times on 
the cover of one tablet. The deposits of tablets on the western hill 
were at a depth of 10 to 13 metres below the proper surface of the hills. 
The upper stratum on that side of the canal belonged to the earlier 
years of the Caliphate. 

An examination of the hills in the neighborhood of Niffer, such as 
Abu Jo wan and Drehem, showed them to be sepulchral. An examina- 
tion of Zibliyeh, just visible from Niffer to the north, proved this to be 
the ruin of a Parthian tower, apparently erected for the defense and 
control of a canal center. 

Leaving Niffer toward the end of May, accompanied by Mr. Noorian, 
I journeyed to the south, supplementing a shorter trip made in the 
previous year. Delehem, a conspicuous mound, and hence regarded as 
of great importance, proved very disappointing. It is apparently sepul- 
chral. Bismya, on the other hand, turned out to be the ruins of an 
old Babylonian city of great size. It lay on the Shatt-en-Nil. Sera- 
soubli, given on Kiepert's map, I could not find. Hammam, reported 
to be a ziggurat, and identified by Hommel with the important city of 
Nisin, was found on examination to be a tower of defense at a canal 
center. I think it more probable that we should look for Nisin at Bis- 
mya or Yokha. The latter is one of the most ancient and important 
cities of that country. Close to this lie the ruin-mounds of Ferwa and 
Abu Adham, not found on any map. At the latter of these I discov- 
ered an ancient building with a fine colonnade of brick columns. An 
hour away lies Umm-el-Akarib, a very ancient necropolis. This is the 
Moulagareb of de Sarzec, and was incorrectly described by him as an 
ancient city. Dr. Ward detected the real nature of these remains. 
This whole complex of ruins shows the same influences as the not far 
distant Tello. It also lies on the Shatt-en-Nil. 

Tel Ede, which some travelers described as a ziggurat. proved to be a 
sand hill, or rather a huge mass of soft sandstone, disintegrating on 
the surface into fine sand. Nuffayji, a few hours distant, close to 
Warka, seems to be a hill, or rather a series of hills, of the same sort. 
The Shatt-en-Nil I found to rejoin the Euphrates at Warka, where - its 
bed is still navigable. 

I twice visited Tello, and examined the excavations with some care. 
Astonishing results have here been obtained from very slight excava- 

clii American Oriental Society's Proceeding s, April 1892. 

tions. The amount of earth removed is very small, and the trenches are 
comparatively very shallow. Excepting in a well and one other small 
excavation, no depth has been reached, and much of the hill seems yet 
untouched, not to speak of the vast extent of surrounding low hills. 
It seems probable that more remains to be discovered. 

Abu-Shahrein = Eridu, erroneously placed by Delitzsch (in Wo lag 
das Paradies) on the eastern side of the Euphrates, I identified with a 
ruin-mound now known as Nowawis, visible from the summit of the 
ziggurat of Ur (Mugheir) west of south, on the very edge of the Ara- 
bian plateau. The name Abu-Shahrein, * father of two months,' seems 
to have dropped out of use. Lying on the surface at Mugheir I found 
several inscribed stones of Amar-Sin and Ur-Gur, more or less defaced 
by the labors of superstitious Arabs. Mugheir is beginning to be used 
as a quarry for bricks, several piles of which covered with bitumen 
were heaped up ready for transportation. Opposite it on the Euphrates 
lies the flourishing town of Nasriyeh, the capital of a sanjak, but not 
yet entered on European maps. I presume that Mugheir contributed 
much of the material for the construction of this city. 

Samawa, located in Kiepert's map on Shatt 'Ateshan, is really situ- 
ated on both banks of the Euphrates, about an hour below the mouth 
of that canal. Many of the names given on Kiepert's map along the 
course of the 'Ateshan canal and on the Bahr-i-Nejef I could not find, 
while some are incorrectly given — as, for example, Umm-er-Ratt, for 
Umm-er-RoghJat, ' mother of the marsh-grass.' The " ruins of 'Asaja " 
turned out to be a pebble hill. There has also been much change in 
the canals, lakes, and marshes of this region. The deep eastern part 
of the Bahr-i-Nejef, the ancient Assyrium Stagnum, which was a lake 
in a depression in the Arabian plateau, has been drained, and is now 
being turned into gardens for the town of Nejef . They are watered 
by a small stream carried underground from the Sa'ideh canal beneath 
the city of Nejef. Much of the Abu Nejm marsh has been drained. 
The great Rumahiyeh canal is dry. Umm-el-Baghour, marked as a 
mere station on Kiepert's map, has robbed Diwaniyeh of a large part 
of its population and importance. A change of another description is 
the disappearance of the ruins of Kufa, described by former travelers 
as very important. Kufa has been built into Nejef, and at the present 
moment the inhabitants of Nejef are engaged in digging up the very 
foundation walls for building purposes, so that shortly no vestige of 
the old Arab capital will remain. As far as I could learn, the only 
inscriptions found in these destructive excavations have been Kufic 
coins. A week later, visiting once more the site of Babylon, I found 
there a similar activity, for the government had contracted with the 
heads of neighboring villages to furnish bricks from the ruins to con- 
struct a new dam to control the Hindiyeh canal. Hamdy Bey has 
labored to prevent such vandalism, but Babylon is remote from Con- 

Such, in a general way, was the work of the expedition, with some of 
its results. In justice to the Turkish government, it ought to be said 
that to excavate at Niffer is as though one undertook excavations in 

Hyvemat, Advancement of Oriental Learning. cliii 

this country in some region occupied by wild Indian tribes. Full pro- 
tection cannot be afforded. Hamdy Bey, Director of the Imperial Mu- 
seum at Stamboul, showed throughout a full appreciation of the obsta- 
cles encountered and risks run in our work, and in consideration of the 
peculiar dangers and hardships of the expedition, our losses, and the 
great cost of the work, the Sultan made a special gift to the University 
of Pennsylvania of a portion of the objects found. 

2. The work of the Popes for the advancement of Oriental 
learning anterior to the Propaganda ; by Rev. Prof. H. Hyvernat, 
of the Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 

Professor Hyvernat gave a brief and popular historical sketch of what 
had been done by the Catholic church, under the patronage of the 
popes, for Oriental learning, down to the time of the institution, in 
1622, of the Congregatio de propaganda fide, usually called the Propa- 

The object had in view by the church was the purely practical one of 
propagating the gospel and extending the sway of Christianity. At first 
the Oriental languages were learned by the missionaries only at the 
scenes of their labors ; later it was found advisable to cultivate them 
within the confines of Christendom. 

The first works mentioned were an Arabic version of the Scriptures, 
made in the ninth century by Juan, archbishop of Seville ; and, in the 
twelfth century, a translation of the Koran, made at the instance of 
Peter, abbot of Cluny. Also Humbert de Romans, superior of the Domi- 
nicans at the end of the thirteenth century, made his monks add Arabic 
and other tongues of unbelievers to their Greek and Hebrew. But the 
greatest promoter of Oriental studies of that period was doubtless the 
celebrated Raymond Lully. He caused the establishment in 1275 of a 
convent in Majorca for teaching Arabic and training missionaries for 
work among the Mohammedans ; and in 1311, at his instigation, Clem- 
ent V. , at the council of Vienne, issued a decree for the erection of 
schools of Oriental languages in the four university cities of Paris, Ox- 
ford, Salamanca, and Bologna, and in the pontifical Palatine school. 
In the fifteenth century, as noted by Burckhardt in his. Renaissance in 
Italy, began, under difficulties, a more serious study of Hebrew. 
Giannozzo Manetti, of Florence, was encouraged by Nicholas V. to 
translate the Psalms from the original ; and he made a collection of 
Hebrew manuscripts which is still preserved in the Vatican library. 
Sixtus IV. (1471-84), in adding to that library, had in his service scrip- 
tori for Hebrew as well as for Greek and Latin. 

Doubtless the favor shown by Nicholas V. and other popes to the 
Jews expelled from Spain contributed to the early diffusion of Hebrew 
printing in Italy ; this began in 1475 at Reggio, and for many years 
supplied the other countries of Europe with Hebrew books. In 1488 
the first complete edition of the Hebrew Bible appeared, and in 1518 
Felix Pretensis, Hebrew professor at Rome, dedicated to Leo X. the 
first Rabbinical Bible, issued by the Bomberg press at Venice ; further, 

cliv Araer lean Oriental JSociett/s Proceedings^ April 189,3. 

in 1520 the same pope approved the Biblia Polyglotta Complutensis, 
completed by Cardinal Ximenes in 1517. A polyglot Psalter, by the 
Dominican Giustiniani, was published at Genoa in 1518, and is one of 
the very earliest examples of the printing of Arabic. 

The Venetians, owing to their exceptional facilities, were leaders in 
the revival of Arabic studies, and translated with success the chief 
medical works of the Arabians. But the first Arabic press was planned 
by Julius II., and begun at his cost ; and it was formally dedicated by 
Leo X., in 1514. Thenceforward the popes permitted the patriarch of 
the Maronites to report to Rome in Arabic. 

Certain Abyssinian priests who came to Rome at the beginning of the 
sixteenth century taught the Ethiopic to John Potken of Cologne, who 
in 1513 produced at Rome an Ethiopic Psalter and Song of Solomon ; 
and in 1548 the Ethiopic New Testament was printed there by two 
Abyssinian priests. 

In 1515, three Maronite legates came to Rome, and during their 
stay there of nearly a year they taught Syriac to Theseus Ambrosius of 
Viterbo. To him we owe the first Syriac grammar, published at 
Pavia in 1539. He was also the teacher of Widmanstadt. Thirteen 
years later came a Jacobite priest, Moses of Mardin, bringing a speci- 
men manuscript of the Syriac New Testament to be printed. He went 
to Vienna to see Widmanstadt, and the latter, with the help of Postel, 
a Frenchman, caused the first Syriac movable types to be prepared ; 
and they brought out the New Testament at Vienna in 1555, at the cost 
of the emperor Ferdinand. 

In 1563, a patriarch of Echmiadzin sent his secretary Abgar to Pius 
IV., and the latter caused a set of Armenian characters to be designed 
and cast under the direction of Abgar. From Rome Abgar proceeded 
to Venice, and there in 1565 he produced the Psalms, the first Arme- 
nian printed book. As a result of this beginning, several Armenian 
printing-offices were established in Rome, Milan, Lemberg, Paris, New 
Julfa, etc. 

Though the popes had long given privileges and subsidies to printing 
establishments, Paul III., to have one of his own, established that of 
the Apostolic Chamber, and Pius IV. supplied it with sundry fonts of 
Oriental type, while Gregory XIII. added others. Sixtus V. founded 
yet another pontifical office, called the Vatican press. The Arabic, 
Persian, Turkish, Chaldaic, and Armenian works printed at these vari- 
ous offices, intended for the use of the missions, have become extremely 
rare, and in part lost altogether. 

Other Oriental printing offices were set up by the cardinal Ferdinand 
de' Medici, under the direction of the distinguished scholar J. B. 
Raimondi of Cremona ; and by the famous Savari de Breves ; from the 
latter proceeded an Arabic version of Bellarmin's catechism, and an 
exquisite Arabic Psalter ; it was a little later transferred to Paris. 

A pontifical institution which contributed more than all others com- 
bined to the development of Oriental learning, by the great number of 
scholars which it produced, was the Maronite College. As this has 
nourished especially since the establishment of the Propaganda, only 

Grout, the Tonga as a standard Bantu language, civ 

its origin concerns us here. It grew out of the sending of two Jesuit 
missionaries to the Maronite patriarch by Gregory XIII. in 1578, and 
the coming in return of two Maronite students to pursue their theo- 
logical studies at Rome. Thereupon Gregory founded a hospice for 
pilgrims of their nation, and a college for the training of missionaries. 
It was erected in 1584 ; and soon Victor Shalak and Gabriel Sionita 
began the long series of Maronite savants which counts such names as 
those of Faustus Nairon, Abraham Echellensis, Mubarak (better known 
as Benedetti), and finally the immortal authors of the Bibliotheca Ori- 
entalis, and of other works from the pens of the Assemanis. 

On the other hand, the Maronite church thus came to be the first 
in the Orient to possess a printing establishment. This was located in 
the convent of St. Anthony at Khuzeyah, in the Bshereh, not far from 
the convent of Canobin, where the patriarch resides. In 1585 went 
forth from it the Karshunic edition of the Psalms, believed to be the 
first Christian book printed in Turkey (it was reprinted in 1610, and 
more recently by Lagarde, from a rare specimen of the edition of 1610 
preserved in the Library of Nuremberg). 

Professor Hyvernat also announced that he had just received, 
through the Dominican missionaries at Van and Mr. Davey, English 
consul, a new Armenian cuneiform inscription. It contains ten lines, 
fairly preserved. It is engraved on a stele which is now in the Kor- 
shunli mosque of Van. It is dedicated to the god Khaldi by Menuos, 
a contemporary of king Romman-Nisor III. (811-883 B. C). 

3. Concerning a standard language, or the best representa- 
tive, of the Bantu family : a criticism of Rev. J. Torrend's esti- 
mate of the Tonga language ; by Rev. Lewis Grout, of West 
Brattleboro, Vt. 

Being of late engaged in revising my Grammar of the Zulu Language 
for a new edition, I have been much interested in every new work 
bearing either upon this or upon any other member of the great family 
to which the Zulu belongs. As among these new works, I have before 
me A Comparative Grammar of the South African Bantu Languages, 
etc., by J. Torrend, S. J., of the Zambezi Mission— a work of nearly 400 
large pages, published by Triibner & Co., London, 1891. The book, in 
its outer material form and execution, is gotten up in fine style, leaving 
nothing in respect to paper, type, printing, or binding to be desired. 
But in respect to Bantu scholarship, or as a linguistic authority on the 
subject of which it treats, I am sorry to say that it is far from being 
what it ought to be, or might have been. One of the author's greatest 
mistakes, a primary, fundamental error, lies in his alleged choice of a 
standard with which to make his comparisons. On opening his book, 
I was struck at once with surprise to find that he had not only ignored 
the Zulu, or " Zulu-Kafir," as it is sometimes called, together with all 
the other better specimens of the Bantu family, but had actually named 
one of the poorest of all— a language most defective, ill-defined, mixed, 
and lacking in classic character (as the Tonga, by all good Banfcu schol- 

clvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 189%. 

ars, is known to be, if they know aught about it)— as "the standard 
language " (p. xxvii), u so as to borrow examples from it for all general 
laws throughout the work" (p. 1), And again (p. 1), " Tonga is the one 
which, on the whole, best represents the peculiar features of the whole 
group" of the Bantu family. And this, his taking, or alleging that he 
takes, the Tonga asa " standard," is all the more surprising from its 
being plain that his knowledge of the Tonga must be very limited and 
uncertain ; since he tells us that nothing of importance has ever been 
published on that language, and that all he knows about it is what he 
has "learned from three Zambezi boys," far from their home, about 
whose identity as real Tongas, or as speaking the Tonga vernacular, it 
is evident there was much good reason to doubt. Thus, in the Intro- 
duction (p. xxvi) he says : " I learned Tonga from three Zambezi boys, 
whom I shall mention hereafter," etc. Speaking of the sources of his 
information he says ; " This, again, [the Tonga] is an important cluster, 
on which nothing worth notice has yet been published. I take Tonga 
as the standard language throughout this work. I learned what I know 
of it in 1884 from three natives who had come down to the Cape Colony 
from the interior," etc. One of these, he says, belonged to those Ka- 
tanga who crossed over to the north of the Zambezi when Mosilikazi 
drove them out from Matabele-land : " He pretended to speak pure 
Tonga like the other two, saying, all the subjects of Wange have 
learned to speak this language since they crossed the Zambezi, though 
they all know Karanga also." The second of these boys belonged to 
the Lea tribe. "His own native language was Lea," though he spoke 
the Tonga also. The third was one of the independent Tonga. His 
pronunciation was clear and distinct, though, "unfortunately, he was 
too young to give much information, being at the time only thirteen or 
fourteen years of age " (p. xxvii). Indeed, Mr. Torrend admits, in his 
Appendix (p. 283), that his " informants were not the best I (he) could 
have wished for," and adds that the great reason for his being " encour- 
aged" to give some of their sentences as "specimens of the Tonga" 
was that "the thought is shaped otherwise than it would be in English " t 

I have referred above to the character and condition of the Tongas, 
and of the language they speak, as having no fixed national character. 
For these and other reasons, it is easy to believe that they can hardly 
fail to be rooted out, absorbed, displaced, at an early date, by their 
stronger and better cognates. Indeed, there can hardly be a doubt that 
the present better elements of their language are such as have come in, 
and are coming in, through the superior, masterful, molding influences 
by which they have been and are still surrounded, especially from the 
Zulus in the South and among themselves. 

In an able article on Africa, in Funk & Wagnall's new Encyclopedia 
of Missions (i. 11, 18), we find the Tongas put down, not as an independ- 
ent tribe, a nation, or a united and compact people of any considerable 
size or particular note, but as fragmentary, servile, dependent, and 
dwelling in districts belonging to others, especially in Gaza-land, the 
late Umzila's kingdom. Thus, in speaking of that " land" and its in- 
habitants, this work refers to the name Tonga as "applied in a collec- 

Grout, the Tonga as a standard Bantu language, clvii 

tive sense to the tribes originally inhabiting the land, and who were 
conquered by the northern Zulus, or Landins, under Umzila ;" and it 
says : " The Zulu language is spoken by a great majority of the people, 
and it seems to be the policy of the king to enforce the teaching of 
that language throughout his dominions." 

The Swiss missionary, Berthoud, speaking of the Magwamba, who 
may number "several hundred thousand," whose native land extends 
from Zulu land to Sofala, perhaps to the Zambezi, and inland some 300 
miles from the ocean, says this large tribe has been sometimes called 
Amatonga or Batonga : that is, Tongas ; but " that name is somewhat 
improper, because it has been given not only to Gwamba people, but 
also to different tribes which are not of the same blood " {Grammatical 
Note on the Gwamba Language, pp. 1, 2). 

A Scotch missionary of the Livingstonia mission, speaking of the 
"Languages of Nyasa-Land," says : " The Tonga language is spoken by 
those belonging to the tribe of the same name who are enslaved by the 
Ngoni ; also by the remaining Tongas who live in the vicinity of Ban- 
dawe," . . . where Nyanja, the school language, "is quickly displacing 
Tonga, without any detriment to the people" (Missionary Beview of 
the World, 1891, p. 812). 

The relative importance of the Tonga people and language, in the 
opinidn of the best Bantu scholars, as compared with the Zulu, not to 
say most other Bantu tribes and languages, is indicated in the fact that 
Dr. Cust's formal account of the Tongas is finished in eight lines 
(Modern Languages, etc., p. 329) ; or, if we include his account of the 
"Toka, alias Tonga, in the central basin of the Zambezi," we have 
nine lines more (ib. p. 322) ; while that of the Zulu fills more than two 
pages (ib. pp. 299-301). Nor is the Doctor otherwise than quite right 
where he says (p. 308) that, when the Zulus would speak " contemptu- 
ously" of any people, they are accustomed to call them "Tongas," a 
term they use " for all inferior races." 

From the fact that Mr. Torrend is not mentioned in Dr. Cust's work, 
published in 1883, it would seem that he must have gone out since that 
date, perhaps about that time. And, from the fact that he learned all 
he ever knew of the Tonga language in the Cape Colony, it would seem 
that he had never been in the Zambezi region, which he speaks of as 
the home of the Tongas, whose language he takes as a standard ; and 
yet, on the title-page of his Grammar, he puts himself down as "of the 
Zambezi mission." 

Mr. Torrend says he "equally considers the several groups of Tonga 
people in different parts of South Africa to represent the aborigines with 
respect to their neighbors ;" but he really takes "the Tonga of the mid- 
dle Zambezi," as between "the Chambezi, the Zambezi, and the Lo- 
angwe," for all comparative purposes throughout his work (Int., p. 
xxvii, and p. 1). Dr. Livingstone and others who follow the Tshuana 
pronunciation, changing ng into k, generally say Batoka instead of Ba- 
tonga. The great reason Mr. Torrend gives for considering that people 
"the purest representative of the original Bantu" is that, being "well 
protected in their peninsula by the Kaf uefue on one side and the Zambezi 

clviii American Oriental Society 's Proceedings, April 1892. 

on the other, they may easily have guarded themselves against invaders, 
as they do in our own days." And so he puts great stress not only on 
their being, as he claims, insulated and consequently pure, but on their 
being, and always having been, a free, unbroken, independent race. 
Thus : " They alone, it seems, have never been tributary to any empire ; 
they say that they have never had any but independent chieftains. . . . 
Neither slavery nor anything like higher and lower class, is known 
amongst them " (p. xxvii). But, as the author of these remarks knows 
nothing of the language of that people, as he tells us, save what he got 
from three of their " boys " in Cape Colony, it would seem that he must 
have got his opinions of their history, condition, and character from 
those same three boys, and not from his ever having been there among 
them, to see for himself, nor from a competent and reliable authority 
of any kind. 

The testimony of Dr. Livingstone and of others who have been there, 
traveling and living among the people, and making them, their history, 
condition, and language, a study from personal observation, differs 
widely from that of our author. In Livingstone's Travels and Re- 
searches in South Africa, including a sketch of sixteen years' residence 
in the interior, during which time he went twice across the continent, 
and passed through the entire length of the region occupied by the 
Tongas, or the Batoka as he calls them, we find frequent references 
to them. He had many of them with him as carriers on his journey to 
the west coast and back. He spent much time in the country they 
occupied. He wrote a vocabulary of their language, also of other 
languages in that region, studied the people in their relations, past and 
present, to other tribes, and put on record a multitude of facts, the sum 
of which is in striking contrast with the opinions quoted above from 
this " Comparative Grammar." 

Instead of regarding the language as a model, " a standard," of a 
pure, simple, classic character, he speaks of it as broken, mixed, cor- 
rupt, "a dialect of other negro languages in the great valley" of the 
Zambezi; and he refers at once to u many of the Batoka" as "living 
under the Makololo," which indicates their dependent and servile con- 
dition (Harper's edition of Livingstone's Travels, 1858, p. 594). When 
Livingstone was at Linyanti, the capital of the Makololo, he learned 
that most of their hoes " were the tribute imposed on the smiths of 
those subject tribes," the Batoka and Banyeti (p. 215). Two years later, 
traveling through the country occupied by the Batoka, Livingstone 
received " a tribute of maize-corn and ground-nuts, which would have 
gone to Linyanti," had not the Makololo chief ordered the Batoka to 
give it to him (p. 580). When the Makololo first came up from the South, 
to the borders of the land occupied by the Batoka, the latter went out 
" with an immense army to eat them up, and make trophies of their 
skulls," but, instead of succeeding, they were " conquered, and so many 
of their cattle captured that no note could be made of their herds of 
sheep and goats." From this, the Makololo moved on till they " over- 
ran all the highlands toward the Kafue, and settled in what is called 
a pastoral country " of great beauty and fertility (pp, 100, 566). When 

Grout, the Tonga as a standard Bantu language. chx 

the Batoka in the islands were found guilty of ferrying the enemies of 
the Makololo across the Zambezi, the latter "made a rapid descent 
upon them, and swept them all out of their island fastnesses" (p. 102). 
Again, we read of the " great herds captured from the Batoka" by the 
Makololo. Nor is it long before we find the Doctor in a beautiful sec- 
tion without inhabitants, because " the Batoka had all taken refuge in 
the hills." Passing on and coming to a series of villages, he spoke to 
the people of " peace on earth, and good will to men ;" to which they 
replied : "We are tired of flight, give us rest and sleep." "No won- 
der," says the Doctor, "that they eagerly seized the idea of peace. 
Their country has been visited by successive scourges during the last 
half -century, and they are now 'a nation scattered and peeled.'" 
Years before, continues the Doctor, "a chief called Pingola came in 
from the northeast, and went across the country with a devouring 
sweep. Then came Sebituane, chief of the Makololo, and after him the 
Matabele of Mosilikazi ; and their successive inroads have reduced the 
Batoka to a state in which they naturally rejoice at the prospect of 
deliverance and peace " (pp. 592, 593). 

Two or three decades later, the hunter F. C. Selous passed through 
the country occupied by the Batoka, or Batonga, as he calls them, 
and found them the same broken, "scattered and peeled" people that 
all their fathers were. Crossing the Zambezi at Wankie's Town, he 
turned eastward. Nor is it long before he speaks of strife between the 
Batonga and the Shakundas. Then he says : " We passed a great many 
Batonga kraals, deserted by their owners, who had been driven over 
the river " by their foes. Further on : "We slept near some Batonga 
kraals that had been burnt by the Shakundas. The Induna, head-man, 
told us that all their towns and corn-bins had been burnt, they them- 
selves shot down, their wives and children killed or carried off into 
slavery. . . They now appeared to be living in the bush, with the rem- 
nants of their flocks and herds, the best way they could " (A Hunter's 
Wanderings, p. 292). 

The general appearance and character of the Batoka, as described by 
Livingstone, are such as belong to the inferior and servile, rather than 
the free and noble, even among the uncivilized. He says his Batoka 
carriers, of whom he had many, " were much more degraded than the 
Barotse " (p. 591). "The custom of knocking out the upper front teeth, 
which all the Batoka tribes follow, gives them an uncouth, old-man- 
like appearance. Their laugh is hideous. Yet they are all so attached 
to it that even Sebituane (the Makololo chief) was unable to eradicate 
the practice " (p. 571). Again: "The Batoka of these parts are very 
degraded." And yet again : " The Batoka of the Zambezi are generally 
very dark in color, and very degraded and negro-like in appearance " 
(p. 592). 

These facts, with many others of the same kind, might be urged with 
great force in favor of mission-work among the people referred to, 
were that our present purpose. But they are here cited in the interests 
of historic truth, Bantu scholarship, sound linguistic science, with an 
eye to aiding in the best of preparation for the best of mission-work in 

clx American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, April 1892. 

South Africa, and to show, as they do most undeniably show, how 
groundless is the claim made by the author of this * ' Comparative 
Grammar," that the Batoka or Batonga are, and ever have been, a pure, 
unbroken, independent people ; " have never had any but independent 
chieftains ;" " have never been tributary " to others ; that, being " well 
protected in their peninsula," they " may have easily guarded them- 
selves against invaders ;" and so constitute "the purest representative 
of the original Bantu," "well represent the proper features of the 
larger number of the Bantu languages," " best represent the peculiar 
features of the whole group," and deserve to be taken as the "stand- 
ard, so as to borrow examples from it for all general laws throughout 
the work " (pp. xxvii and 1). 

4. On Delbrtick's Vedic Syntax ; by Professor W. D. Whitney, 
of Yale University. 

This work* appeared nearly four years ago, and it may seem a little 
late to give at the present time a review of it ; but I have been pre- 
vented hitherto from carrying out a constant intention to do so ; and 
meanwhile, so far as I know, no one has submitted the work to a pene- 
trating examination and criticism. What follows is a selection of 
points of more general interest out of a much fuller discussion, which 
will be published elsewhere, f 

That the volume is an extremely valuable contribution to its subject, 
being unusually able, careful and accurate, full of sound knowledge, 
conscientiously wrought and skilfully presented, does not need to be 
stated ; the authors reputation, founded on earnest and successful 
labors, is a sufficient warrant of that. The work is one which every 
student of the Vedic writings, especially of the Bralimana division of 
them, should have always at hand for consultation. 

Considering that this is its character— not a book to be read through 
and laid upon the shelf, but one to be turned to for frequent help— it is 
much to be regretted that the author has shown himself so little 
thoughtful for the convenience of his public. The volume is extremely 
difficult to find anything in — difficult to a degree that greatly interferes 
with its usefulness. One is astonished — it is hardly too much to say 
incensed— at discovering no running titles to the pages to facilitate 
one's search. There are, indeed, headings to paragraphs ; but, besides 
that it is a vexatious waste of time to look into the body of the page 
for information as to what is under discussion, many of the paragraphs 
cover several successive pages, even up to twenty-six. Such omission, 
far too common in German books, ought to be made a hanging offense. 
Indexes, also, though not altogether wanting, are (ten pages in large 
type) quite insufficient. The author of a book so fitted out cannot com- 
plain if his views on points of detail pass unnoticed. The list of pas- 

* Altindische Syntax, von B. Delbriick. (Syntactisehe Forschungen V.) 
Halle, 1888. roy. 8vo. pp. xxi, 634. 
f In the American Journal of Philology. 

Whitney ', DelbriicWs Vedic Syntax. clxi 

sages from the Brahmanas translated or referred to is all that could be 
desired, and will prove of high value to students of that class of works ; 
but we are disappointed at not being furnished with such a list for 
Rig- Veda and Atharva-Veda as well. It seems to be the author's mod- 
esty that deprives us of this ; he does not claim to be in any such sense 
an authority in the exegesis of the Veda as of the Brahmana ; but his 
self -depreciation will be generally pronounced misplaced ; his modera- 
tion, sound judgment, and critical faculty make his understanding of 
a difficult Vedic passage well worth consulting by any Vedic scholar, 
be he who he may. 

One of the laudable manifestations of the author's good sense is seen 
in his frequent abnegation of a Vedic passage as being too obscure or 
difficult to suit his purpose. He wastes his space in no long-drawn 
discussions of insoluble puzzles ; coolness, directness, and absence of 
display are characteristics of his work from one end to the other. 

An important point of theoretical grammar in reference to which 
Delbrfick seems to me to lay himself open to unfavorable criticism is 
his classification and treatment of infinitives and participles as verb- 
forms. "Verbum infinitum" is the heading under which (p. 367) he 
handles them, and by which (49) he first mentions them ; and his whole 
discussion of them is from that point of view, as if it were the qualities 
of noun and adjective in part displayed by them that required to be 
specially accounted for. I do not know that he anywhere intimates 
that an infinitive is not just as good a " verb" as the 3d singular present 
indicative. This takes us back to the ante-Boppian period of grammar, 
when it was as yet undemonstrated that an infinitive is merely an 
oblique case of a verbal noun. Perhaps the false classification is no 
more than a concession to the force of classical habit in Germany, 
where, as elsewhere, the authors of text-books appear to be unable to 
give up the old modes of statement, though now antiquated. But, if 
so, the concession is a complete one ; we find not a hint that there is a 
better and truer way of looking at the facts involved. And a Vedic 
Syntax is precisely the place where the true view should be not only 
set forth but insisted on. The grammatical distinction of noun and 
verb is the oldest and most fundamental in Indo-European language - 
history. The cleft between them goes to the very bottom, and is in- 
superable, like the cleft between subject and predicate, which it repre- 
sents. Excepting the verb, all the other parts of speech have grown 
out of the noun ; and a noun can still be a pronoun, an adjective, an 
adverb, a preposition, a conjunction ; but it cannot be a verb, nor can 
a verb be anything but a verb. That certain nouns and adjectives 
should attach themselves to the fortunes of verbs, should have the 
same range of meanings, the same combinations with prefixes, the 
same constructions with dependent cases (in respect to which there is 
no ultimate difference of principle between noun and verb, but only a 
developed difference of linguistic habit)— all this is natural enough, 
and gives good reason for the designations " verbal noun" and "verbal 
adjective ; " but it does not justify our calling a noun or an adjective by 
the name " verb." A group of verbal adjectives, the so-called partici- 

clxii American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, April 1892. 

pies, have pretty clearly had the character ever since the period of 
Indo-European unity, and in most Indo-European languages they are 
held distinctly apart, in meaning and construction, from the general 
mass of adjectives ; but in Sanskrit, which certainly in this respect 
represents an older condition of things, the line between ordinary ad- 
jective and participle is but uncertainly drawn, and transfers across it 
take place before our eyes during the historic period of the language. 
As for the infinitive, I think it extremely questionable whether any 
such outside appendage to the verb-system is of pro-ethnic age ; the 
category is too obviously in the full career of development in earliest 
Sanskrit to allow the assumption. And here, even more strikingly 
than in the case of the participles, there is no distinct line to be drawn 
between infinitive and ordinary noun. The infinitive has nearly all the 
oblique case-forms of the noun, each used in its proper case-construc- 
tions ; it includes a considerable variety of verbal derivatives, and a 
number of other derivatives approach it closely in construction ; cer- 
tain others (we may note especially the formations in ana, in -in, and 
in -tar) follow not less nearly the verbal senses, and take as freely the 
verbal prefixes ; and the list of the nouns that take an accusative ob- 
ject overruns considerably the borders of the so-called infinitive class. 
It seems to me utterly inadmissible to apply the title " verb " to words 
that have cases and genders, and that are not predicative. What is a 
verb, then ? One can but wonder what definition the author of this 
work would give. I have long been accustomed to maintain that any 
one who does not see that a noun is a word that designates and a verb 
a word that asserts, and who is not able to hold on to this distinction 
as an absolute and universal one (within the limits of our family of 
languages), has no real bottom to his grammatical science. And I have 
seldom been more surprised than to find Delbruck accepting and per- 
petuating the exploded category of the " verbum infinitivum." It is 
worth noting, however, that he does not commit the crowning absurd- 
ity, as seen from the point of view of sound grammatical theory, of 
calling the infinitive a " mode" of the verb. 

Though treating them under the same general head with the rest, the 
author almost allows that the gerundives (or future passive participles) 
are nothing but verbal adjectives— one quite fails to see why, if the 
other participles are anything else, since they too possess the essential 
characteristics of participles. But it is, in my view, a serious omission 
on his part not to point out their altogether modern formation, as not 
primary but secondary derivatives (perfectly obvious in the case of 
those in -tva, -tavya, and -anlya, wholly probable for the others) ; for 
this helps to the proper estimate of their syntactical character. It is 
yet harder to understand why he apologizes for reckoning "the adjec- 
tive in -ta" (what we call the past passive participle) to the participles, 
since it differs in no important respect from the others ; it does not, to 
be sure, take an object-noun as complement, but that is nothing essen- 
tial. He (382) defines its character thus : " it is associated with a noun 
in order to indicate that on it [the noun] the action of the verb is ex- 
hibited/' This is one of those explanations that do not explain of which 

Whitney, DelbrucJc's Vedic Syntax. clxiii 

the work offers here and there a number of instances. So the present 
participle exhibit the action of the verb in a noun ; and the distinction 
between in and on is just that between active and passive ; so that the 
definition means merely that the "adjective in -ta " is a passive and 
not an active participle. 

All this does not directly concern the specific subject of the book, but 
rather the general grammatical theories of the author ; yet it has a 
good right to be noticed, because the theoretical error is detrimental to 
the correct practical representation of the grammatical phenomena of 
the language. There is another of the same class, of minor importance, 
to which we may direct a moment's attention : it is the doctrine that 
an interjection (3) or a vocative (33) constitutes a sentence by itself. 
This seems to imply a peculiar and indefensible conception of what a 
sentence is. Surely, speaking grammatically, it is a combination of a 
subject with a predicate to make an assertion, a union of parts of 
speech into a significant whole ; or, when incomplete, it is the sug- 
gestion of such a combination, susceptible of and calJing for a filling 
out to normal form. Is that true, in any proper sense, of an interjec- 
tion or a vocative ? I think decidedly not ; these are words that stand 
outside the structure of the sentences with which they are (often) asso- 
ciated, not as being other sentences, but because they are essentially 
non-sentence-making utterances. 

We may go on now to take up other matters of a general and theo- 
retical character. 

With regard to the interesting subject of the original character and 
office of the cases in declension, Professor Delbri'ick is in this work 
notably non-committal, dropping out of sight some of the opinions 
hitherto maintained by him. We should be glad to accept this as a 
favorable indication, that he is on the way to more tenable views. He 
is not willing even frankly to define the ablative as the /rom-case, but 
(106) takes in regard to it this curiously problematic position: " It is 
now generally assumed, in accordance with Indian [that is, doubtless, 
Hindu native] grammar, that into the ablative enters that idea of the 
noun forth from which the action of the verb follows." Of course, 
then, it could not be expected that he would define the genitive as the 
especially adnominal or adjectival case, though to most students of 
historical syntax that seems as incontestable as the /rom-character of 
the ablative ; he simply says nothing about the matter. As for the 
accusative, upon its definition also he does not spend a word ; he does 
not even (which seems to me a reprehensible omission) state that many 
scholars are perfectly satisfied with it as being primarily the fo-case. 
On the other hand, we are at least spared the suggestion that it is a 
"grammatical" case, and never had a local character at all; and we 
might even flatter ourselves that the author had given up altogether 
that category of cases, were it not that the distinction of " local" and 
" grammatical " is once (140) mentioned and acknowledged, he admit- 
ting his present inclination (no more than that) to agree with Gaedicke 
in classing the dative as " grammatical." But this is really equivalent 
to saying that we are unable to discover the original office of the dative ; 

clxiv American Oriental Society^s Proceedings^ April 1892. 

and the statement might much better have been made in that form. 
For to postulate a " grammatical " value at the very beginning is to 
deny the whole known history of language, which shows that all forms 
begin with something material, apprehensible by the senses, palpable. 
If the intellectual values of terms are antecedent to the sensual ; if the 
tense- and mode-values of have and will and would and their like pre- 
cede their other values ; if the -dom of wisdom and the wise of likewise 
and the head of godhead were suffixes before they were independent 
nouns— then, and not otherwise, was a case originally " grammatical." 
Such an explanation simply betrays a false philosophy of language. 
There was a time when Delbriick favored the view that the dative first 
indicated a " physical inclination toward something ;" that is a genuine 
attempt at explanation ; none better, so far as I know, has been sug- 
gested ; and this is perhaps even to be accepted as satisfactory. The 
chief objection is that a fo-case and a toward-case might seem too near 
akin, a needless repetition ; but, after all, this is no more strange than 
the presence among the prepositional prefixes of so many words as we 
find all signifying ' to ' with differing shades of application : thus, in 
Sanskrit, d, abhi, upa, api, ac/ia— even prati. 

It appears also very strange to me that no endeavor is made to con- 
nect with one another the two uses of the locative, as signifying place 
where and place whither. It can hardly be because the author sees 
any particular difficulty in a transition as simple and easy as that 
which turns our he went there into an equivalent of and substitute for 
he went thither ; but even if he could not accept this explanation, it 
was, I think, his duty at least to notice and report it as accepted by 
others. Every one must, of course, draw his own line between the 
things that shall be explained and those that shall be passed without 
explanation ; but our author's line seems sometimes a very crooked 
one, leaving on either side things we should never have expected to 
find there. 

One of the explanations actually given which, in my view, might 
well have been spared is that of Sanskrit verbal accent— of the fact 
that the Sanskrit verb in an independent clause, unless standing at the 
head of the clause, is regularly accentless, while, on the other hand, 
the verb in a dependent clause is always accented. Already more 
than twenty years ago (1871), in the first part of his Syntactische For- 
schungen (pp. 96-98), the author treated of this subject, setting up re- 
specting it a theory which I was never able to find either convincing 
or edifying. It ran briefly thus : the dependent clause in Sanskrit is 
oftenest one of necessary condition, and oftenest precedes the clause 
on which it depends. In such a case, the practice of our own lan- 
guages shows that the verb of the dependent clause has the superior 
emphasis. This is to be inferred from such an example as the follow- 
ing : was man nicht sutzt, ist eine schivere Last, ' what one uses not is 
a heavy burden '—where 1ST (is) is unemphatic as compared with nutzt 
(uses). Now here, it is plain, the author deceives himself by failing to 
observe that his dependent verb is one which, owing to the content of 
the word, and not at all to the form of the sentence, is the emphatic 

Whitney, Delbrihc&s Vedic Syntax. clxv 

predicated element, while his independent verb is the mere copula, 
unemphatic for that reason and for no other. If his line had read in- 
stead thus : was uns nicht nutzlich 1ST, belastet uns, i what is useless 
to us burdens us,' the relation of the two verbs in respect to emphasis 
would be seen to be reversed ; the independent one would be obviously 
better entitled to the accent ! And so, for aught I can see, in every 
other like case ; the emphasis of the verb depends on the relation of its 
significant content to the sum of significance of the sentence, and not in 
the least on its occurrence in a clause of the one kind or of the other. 
The author goes on to maintain that, on the basis of such sentences as 
the one instanced, the Hindu learned men set up a rule that the verb 
of the dependent clause was to be accented, and, by contrast to it, the 
verb of the independent clause left accentless, and then proceeded to 
extend the rule rigorously to all cases, whether applicable or not appli- 
cable. Now, altogether apart from the imaginary character of the 
foundation claimed for the rule, it seems to me that scholars in general 
will decline to admit that the phenomena of verbal accentuation as we 
read them in the manuscripts are the product of theories which ancient 
Hindu savants framed and carried out, "regardless," instead of being 
the faithful record, as they observed and understood it, of their actual 
utterance. To admit this would certainly take away most of the in- 
terest now belonging to the investigation of Sanskrit accent ; and I can 
see no good reason for the admission, but abundance of reason against 
it. The whole aspect of the phenomena is to me that of a historic 
verity, which those who handed it down to us did not themselves un- 
derstand, or, for the most part, even try to understand — much less try 
to regulate on such shadowy principles as our author thinks to recognize. 
In his later work, which we are now criticizing, he neither repeats 
nor explicitly rejects his former explanation, but gives, rather, a new 
and essentially different one, though one not less unsatisfactory than 
its predecessor. He takes up the subject from the other end, dealing 
first with the unaccented verb of the independent clause. Its accent- 
lessness, he says (50), is " merely the external sign of the fact that the 
verb appears as a relatively dependent member of the sentence, attach- 
ing itself to a noun, a pronoun, a preposition, in such a way as to limit 
these ideas." This statement seems little short of absurd ; and no 
theory built up on such a foundation can possibly be anything but a 
failure. The sentence consists of subject and predicate ; and one of 
these is just as primary and just as secondary as the other. A subject, 
noun or pronoun, is even more meaningless without a verb to tell what 
it is there for than is a verb without a subject, since a subject can be 
on the whole much more easily inferred for it from the circumstances. 
But not only a preceding subject, even a preceding object, or adverb, 
or prefix, takes away the accent from the verb in the Sanskrit sen- 
tence ; and that the verb is a " relatively dependent " word as compared 
with these its own modifiers, that it is " attached to a preposition " in 
order to limit the meaning of the preposition, is a view which, in my 
opinion, no reasonable person can fairly be expected to accept on our 
author's authority. He a44s that "the verb has only in exceptional 

clxvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings , April 1892. 

cases a primary value for the sentence," and that then it is moved 
back, toward the beginning of the sentence. That is hardly a satisfac- 
tory account of the difference between asid raja ' f uit rex,' and raja 
sit ' rex fuit.' A certain order of the clause having become established 
as normal, any deviation from it is made a means of the different dis- 
tribution of emphasis, to the members moved either backward or for- 
ward. But the Sanskrit verb, however it may change position, gets no 
accent unless it be placed at the very head ; nor do the other mem- 
bers, though moved to the end, lose their accent. That the sentence is 
naturally a diminuendo, beginning strong, to attract the attention of 
the listener, and then toning gradually down to the end, as our author 
goes on to claim, might at best be allowed a certain measure of truth 
in a first direct address, but seems wholly out of place as applied to 
continuous discourse, as for instance a hymn, or a piece of exposition. 

As regards the accented verb of the dependent clause, a double ex- 
planation, viewed as a single one in two parts, is furnished us. First, 
if the dependent clause precede the other, the diminuendo of the whole 
sentence has not become complete when the dependent verb is reached, 
and hence that verb has not become entirely toneless. And then this 
non-tonelessness, originally a result only of the position of the clause, 
is historically generalized into a means of distinction of all dependent 
clauses, which express an incomplete sense, or involve a suspension of 
sense as compared with the main clause. Thus, we see, a verb in gen- 
eral is not accented because it is dependent ; but this dependent mem- 
ber, if it belong to a clause which is a dependent member, attains inde- 
pendency and gets an accent ! A result, too, quite the reverse of that 
in German, where the dependent verb, instead of being made emphatic, 
takes its position at the very end, which signifies tonelessness ! 

The whole explanation, both in its earlier and in its later form, 
appears to me not so much ingenious .as artificial and forced, and 
totally wanting in plausibility. As its author abandoned the 1871 form, 
so we may feel sure that he will abandon this of 1888. It is better to 
acknowledge that the law of verbal accentuation in Sanskrit is thus 
far an unexplained puzzle than to try to content our minds with any 
such unsatisfactory solutions as are offered us in these volumes. 

Another distinction of general importance, with regard to which, 
however, the author's views have remained unchanged since the first 
part of the Syntactische Forschungen was published, and which, as it 
formed the subject of that part, is widely familiar to students of syn- 
tax, is that of the subjunctive and optative, as expressing, the former 
an action willed, the latter an action wished. To this also I have never 
been able to give my assent : 1. because I cannot find any well-marked 
difference of sense of the kind between the two modes, but only such a 
preponderance, on the whole, of the sense of wishing on the side of the 
optative as might easily come about by gradual differentiation of usage 
between two originally equivalent formations ; 2. because there is yet 
another mode, the imperative, to which, if to anything, the expression 
of an action willed properly belongs ; 3. because the proposed explana- 
tion takes no heed of one marked formal distinction between the two 

Whitney, Delbruck's Vedic Syntax. clxvii 

modes— namely, that the subjunctive has primary personal endings, 
but the optative secondary ; and no explanation that does not account 
for this feature along with the rest can have any right to be regarded 
as more than conjectural and provisional ; while it looks very far from 
probable that such a difference has anything to do with a distinction 
between willing and wishing. 

Professor Delbrtick denies to the 2d pi. and the 2d and 3d du. of the 
imperative any true imperative character, because they agree in form 
with the augmentless imperfect persons, or the "injunctive", as he 
joins with Brugman in calling them. I cannot think this justifiable. 
The unmistakable occurrence of a 2d and 3d sing, and a 3d pi. of real 
imperative formation, and the occurrence in the other allied languages 
of a 2d pi. to match the 2d sing. , seem to me sufficient to make the assump- 
tion overwhelmingly probable that the accordance in form between im- 
perative and " injunctive " in the persons in question (at least in the 
pi., for we may leave out of consideration the du., as of minor conse- 
quence) is simply accidental, a result of the leveling forces of linguistic 
change. If we had only the evidence of English to infer from, we might 
think that the preterit and participle of our New conjugation (as loved 
and loved, or sent and sent, and so on), or our possessives sing, and pi. 
(horse's and horses' and the like), were identical ; but the belief, even in 
the absence of all evidence to prove the contrary, would be a crude and 
hasty one, to be rejected by all prudent scholars. 

Few things in the theory of tenses are more difficult than to define 
satisfactorily the difference between preterit and perfect, between I did 
and / have done. The ordinary description of the latter, as signifying 
" completed" action, is of no value, and the word completed ought to 
be banished out of grammars ; all past action is completed action, or it 
would not be past. But in English (as in German, French, and so on) 
we are guided to a better definition of the perfect by the etymology of 
the form ; it means literally * I possess at present the result of a past 
doing,' and so contains a mixture of present and past ; it designates a 
state of things as now existing which involves as a condition the past 
doing or occurrence of something. Then this expression of the present 
consequence of past action assumes more or less the character of an 
expression for the past action itself, and so enters into a rivalry with 
other preterit tenses ; and they compromise on a division of the terri- 
tory among them. This division is not always made on a systematic 
and consistent plan, and the line is differently drawn in different lan- 
guages . for example, as between English and French and German there 
are marked, though minor, discordances, the perfect of the one being by 
no means always correctly rendered by the perfect of another, as the 
adult learner of any of them knows to his cost. In some South-German 
dialects, the perfect has mainly driven out the preterit as general ex- 
pression of past action ; the Swabian peasant does not say V that, but $ 
hob g'tha n . The use of this tense in regard to which there is something 
nearest to an agreement among the different languages is that of des- 
ignating the proximate past, of defining the action as having happened 
or been done within the limits of the still current, the present, space of 

clxviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings^ April 1892. 

time — though even here there remains plenty of room for minor varia- 

Now this composite perfect-sense, as is generally well known since 
our author himself brought it clearly to light in the second part of these 
Syntactische Forschungen (1876), is represented in Vedic Sanskrit, of 
both mantra and brahmana, by the so-called aorist. It is not too 
much to say that the rendering * I have done ' etc. fits the Vedic aorist 
throughout ; the perfect tenses of English, French, and German do not 
agree in value any more closely with one another than this Sanskrit 
tense with them all. The constraint of meter, and the pervading obscu- 
rities of meaning and construction, in the hymns make its distinctive 
character less obvious and undeniable in mantra than in brahmana ; 
and there are even good Vedic scholars who (much to the detriment of 
their versions) either neglect the distinction or make it a principle never 
to use ' have ' in rendering an aorist. But there is no real difference 
between the aorist of mantra and that of brahmana ; and the distinction 
laid down by our author in his former work, and here (280) reported 
rather than repeated — namely, that the aorist in mantra denotes what 
has just taken place, while in brahmana it is the tense of personal ex- 
perience — seems to me of no account ; it is a difference in the circum- 
stances of use, and not in the value of the tense itself. Especially does 
this appear when it is taken into account (what the author in his com- 
parative treatment of the tenses failed to discover : see these Proceed- 
ings for May, 1891 ; J.A.O.S. vol. xv., p. lxxxv ff.*) that the imperfect 
is as much as the aorist the tense of personal narration in brahmana, 
the two being related to one another in such use as our preterit and 
perfect are related. 

The author notes that there are exceptional cases, in both divisions 
of the Vedic literature, which do not fall under the definitions given 
(certainly they are not more numerous than is the case with our mod- 
ern ' have ' perfects) ; and he seeks after a wider definition which shall 
include all. This seems to me a mistaken quest, like that which 
should seek a formula inclusive of all the various uses of the accusative 
case, and which can only issue in some such worthless bit of indefin- 
iteness as that the accusative is ' ' a complement or nearer definition of 
the verbal idea." So here, in like manner, we get as result the follow- 
ing : " the aorist informs us that an action has come to light " (dass ein 
Vorgang [or Handlung] in die Erscheinung getreten ist). This is valu- 
able solely and alone in virtue of the verb-tense, " has come," which is 
used in it : just so an imperfect informs us that an action came to light, 
and a future that it will come to light. The " coming to light " of an 
action (like the "occurrence" or Eintreten of an action, the phrase 
which, after the example of others, he conjures with in the fourth part 
of the Synt. Forsch.) is really nothing more than an equivalent for pre- 
dication, and something positive has to be added in order to make it 

* The paper appears in a fuller form in the Transactions of the Amer. Phi- 
al. Assotfn for 1892. 

Whitney, Delbriick's Vedic Syntax, clxix 

descriptive of a tense. The author expresses, with good reason, his dis- 
satisfaction with the phrase, nor does he attempt to lay it at the basis 
of the illustration that follows. A tense should be defined and illus- 
trated according to its leading and prevailing sense, and not according 
to its rare and exceptional applications, unless some one of these can 
be shown to have been historically older, and the others derived from it 
— and the " occurrence" or " coming to light " of the action can never 
have that value. 

While the Vedic aorist is thus in the sum of its uses equivalent to our 
auxiliary perfect with have, it must, of course, have had a different 
history of development of meaning, since it is the combination of pres- 
ent auxiliary with past participle that gives to our tense its peculiar 
union of past and present time. And I see nothing in the way of our 
assuming that the proper perfect sense came in Sanskrit out of that of 
proximate past, as in our modern formations the latter out of the for- 
mer ; the two are so related that either naturally gives rise to the other. 
As for the prior transition from simple indefinite past action (as in the 
Greek aorist) to proximate past, that is not at all, it appears to me, be- 
yond the reach of the differentiating and adapting action of a language 
that has a certain excess of expression for past time (impf., pf., and aor. 
tenses). Perhaps the Greek imperfect of continuous action got its char- 
acteristic quality in no other way. Or, if continuousness be proved to 
be the original character of the proper imperfect, then its loss in the 
Sanskrit imperfect (which certainly, from the earliest period, shows 
not a trace of it), and the shift of the former indefinite past or aorist to 
the designation of proximate past action, may have been two parts of 
the same process. 

One is a little surprised to find the formation of compound words 
among the matters discussed in this work on syntax ; the subject is not 
ordinarily deemed a syntactical one. There is, indeed, something to be 
said in favor of the inclusion, since, but for their composition, the com- 
pounded words would have to be put together into syntactical phrases, 
equivalent and yet not precisely equivalent. But then, upon similar 
ground, the subject of derivation also ought not to be omitted ; a deriv- 
ative, especially a secondary one, is a sort of abbreviated phrase, the 
equivalent of two or more words having syntactical relations. The au- 
thor is not able to go far enough into the investigation of compounds 
(since he probably felt that it has no real right here) to bring to light 
anything that is specially new, not already to be read in the grammars. 
He points out (62) that the " possessive " {bahuvrihi) compounds are be- 
lieved to have been appositive nouns before they assumed an adjectival 
character. This is doubtless true ; and in the same way, as I presume, 
came into being in our family of languages the whole category of ad- 
jectives as distinguished from substantives. But both these are pre- 
historic questions, altogether antedating the whole period of Sanskrit 
syntax proper. What stands decidedly nearer to the latter is the ques- 
tion how these adjectivized substantives came to be so almost exclu- 
sively possessive in character ; and then, what traces there are left in 
the language of their former possession of a character other than pos- 

clxx American Oriental Society* s Proceedings, April 1892, 

sessive. These are the points which seem to me both the most inter- 
esting and the most important to discuss in the theory of Sanskrit bahu- 
vrlhi (' much-rice ') compounds (they are briefly treated in my grammar, 
§ 1294) ; and I confess myself to have been a good deal disappointed at 
reading on and finding that the author not only failed to cast upon 
them any new light, but even did not acknowledge their existence. 
There is an inviting opportunity for some one still to write an instruc- 
tive paper on that queer fabrication of the Hindu grammarians, the 
dvigu class of compounds (dvi-gu, * two-cow', not as * having two cows', 
like an ordinary "possessive", but as 'equal to, or worth, or bought 
for, two cows '). It ought to be possible to extract from the native gram- 
mars and the commentaries on them something more than the scanty 
array of material, gathered out of the literature of the language, which 
I have put together in my grammar (§ 12946). 

There is also another subject with regard to which the author of the 
work under discussion seems to me yet more clearly to have turned 
aside from its proper subject, and without any sufficient motive or re- 
warding result. It is that of the comparison of adjectives. What under 
this head belongs to a Syntax is obviously the sense attaching to those 
derivative adjectives which we call the comparative and superlative, 
and their constructions (by the way, no explanation is given us of why 
the ablative is the case that follows a comparative). That there are 
two different sets of suffixes of comparison, applied (with minor irreg- 
ularities) to different classes of primitives, is a matter that no more 
concerns syntax, so long as the value of the two formations is the same 
in practical use, than the different modes of forming the genitive case, 
or the first person plural, or the aorist. Yet the author spends several 
pages (188 ff.) upon a detailed account of the formations with -lyas and 
-istha on the one side and those with -tara and -tama on the other. If, 
indeed, there were something strikingly new in his exposition of the 
subject, if the relation of the two formations had been hitherto misun- 
derstood and needed to be set right, there would be more excuse for his 
thus dragging a matter of pure inflection or derivation into the midst 
of his syntactical discussions ; but so far is this from being the case 
that the whole passage might be taken for an extract from my gram- 
mar, so close is the agreement both in the views held and in the manner 
of combining and putting them forward. I do not in the least charge 
Professor Delbriick with having borrowed from me without acknowl- 
edgment ; such an accusation would be absurd ; he has undoubtedly 
by his own study arrived at conclusions according with mine (which 
are of very old standing ; the substance of them may be found in one 
of my earliest communications to the Society, away back in 1855 : 
J. A.O.S., vol. v., pp. 210-11) ; and I take satisfaction in the accordance. 
But I cannot but think it in a high degree curious that he should have 
felt himself called upon to treat the subject at all, and that he should 
then have overlooked the already published views of others (he is in 
general entirely conscientious about making acknowledgments), and 
presented himself in the character of one who brings out something 
quite new. 

Whitney r , a second volume of the Atharva- Veda, clxxi 

It is unnecessary to say that the versions given by our author of the 
illustrative passages which he quotes in abundance on every page are 
extremely good, and especially those from the Brahmanas. In dealing 
with the latter, -no one has shown in the same measure as he the ability 
to combine accuracy and readableness. If he occasionally renders the 
same word or phrase in the same passage differently in different parts 
of the volume, the variation only represents fairly the uncertainty that 
clings to much of the language of these works. A real oversight is a 
rare and accidental occurrence. There is such a one on p. 498 (from 
MS. iii. 2. 5), where the second iti- clause is wrongly connected ; the sen- 
tence means 'he should take [the grain] from its direction, saying "I 
have taken from them food and refreshment."' So also (like Mtiller 
before him and Bohtlingk after him), in a Brhad-Aranyaka passage 
(QB. xiv. iv. 2. 18 : p. 253), he connects the first evam wrongly with what 
follows it, instead of taking it as by itself the whole apodosis. This 
value of evam is noticed by him on p. 534, but not successfully ex- 
plained ; it is simply an abbreviated clause, and has no special analogy 
with the use of iti. 

An example of another kind, from the Rig- Veda, may be noticed, 
because our author repeats in regard to it an error which is committed 
by the translators and the dictionary- and chrestomathy- makers in 
general (though the minor Pet. lex. has corrected it). It is the word 
ayoddhdr, occurring in the spirited Indra-hymn i. 32, in verse 6, and 
rendered 'coward', as if literally 'non-fighter'. But this interpreta- 
tion, according to ordinary rule, would imply the accent dyoddhar, 
while ayoddhdr is the accentuation belonging to a possessive com- 
pound, and the word should mean ' not having a fighter :' that is (com- 
pare indraeatru etc.), 'not meeting with any one who could fight 
him,' or ' unequaled in fight.' The accent, however, could not be relied 
on to settle the matter absolutely, if the connection also did not most 
plainly require the normal sense. To call the demon Vrtra a ' coward ' 
because he dared to challenge the god Indra to combat is evidently the 
height of injustice ; the action exhibits, rather, a fool-hardy courage— 
which is precisely what the verse (durmadas) attributes to him. 

I may add that I was unfortunately unable to make any use of this 
work in correcting my Sanskrit grammar for the second edition, as it 
did not come to my hands until the printing of that edition was com- 
pleted, and I was revising the Index. 

5. Announcement as to a second volume of the Roth-Whitney 
edition of the Atharva-Veda ; by Professor W. D. Whitney, of 
Yale University. 

When, in 1856-7, the text of the Atharva-Veda was published by Pro- 
fessor Roth and myself, it was styled a "first volume", and a second 
volume, of notes, indexes, etc., was promised. The promise was made 
in good faith, and with every intention of prompt fulfilment ; but cir- 
cumstances have deferred the latter, even till now. The bulk of the 
work was to have fallen to Professor Roth, not only because the bulk 

clxxii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

of the work on the first volume had fallen to me, but also because his 
superior learning and ability pointed him out as the one to undertake 
it. It was his absorption in the great labor of the Petersburg Lexicon 
that for a long series of years kept his hands from the Atharva-Veda — 
except so far as his working up of its material, and definition of its vo- 
cabulary, was a help of the first order toward the understanding of it, 
a kind of fragmentary translation. He has also made important con- 
tributions of other kinds to its elucidation : most of all, by his incite- 
ment to inquiry after an Atharva-Veda in Cashmere, and the resulting 
discovery of the so-called Paippalada text, now well known to all Vedic 
scholars as one of the most important finds in Sanskrit literature of the 
last half-century, and of which the credit belongs in a peculiar manner 
to him. I have also done something in the same direction, by publish- 
ing in the Society's Journal in 1862 (Journal, vol. vii.) the Atharva-Veda 
Pratieakhya, text, translation, notes, etc.; and in 1881 the Index Ver- 
borum— which latter afforded me the opportunity to give the pada- 
readings complete, and to report in a general way the corrections made 
by us in the text at the time of its first issue. There may be mentioned 
also the index of pratikas, which was published by Weber in his In- 
dische Studien, vol. iv., in 1857, from the slips written by me, although 
another (Professor Ludwig) had the tedious labor of preparing them for 
the press. 

I have never lost from view the completion of the plan of publication 
as originally formed. In 1875 I spent the summer in Germany, chiefly 
engaged in further collating, at Munich and at Tubingen, the additional 
manuscript material which had come to Europe since our text was 
printed ; and I should probably have soon taken up the work seriously 
save for having been engaged while in Germany to prepare a Sanskrit 
grammar, which fully occupied the leisure of several following years. 
At last, in 1885-6, 1 had fairly started upon the execution of the plan, 
when failure of health reduced my working capacity to a minimum, 
and rendered ultimate success very questionable. The task, however, 
has never been laid wholly aside, and it is now so far advanced that, 
barring further loss of power, I may hope to finish it in a couple of 
years or so ; and it is therefore proper and desirable that a public an- 
nouncement be made of my intention. 

My plan includes, in the first place, critical notes upon the text, giv- 
ing the various readings of the manuscripts, and not alone of those col- 
lated by myself in Europe, but also of the apparatus used by Mr. Shan- 
kar Pandurang Pandit in the great edition with commentary (except 
certain parts, of which the commentary has not been found) which he 
has been for years engaged in printing in India. Of this extremely 
well-edited and valuable work I have, by the kindness of the editor, 
long had in my hands the larger half ; and doubtless the whole will be 
issued in season for me to avail myself of it throughout. Not only his 
many manuscripts and grotriyas (the living equivalents, and in some 
respects the superiors, of manuscripts) give valuable aid, but the com- 
mentary (which, of course, claims to be " Sayana's ") also has very nu- 
merous various readings, all worthy to be reported, though seldom 

Bloomfield, Announcement of a Vedic Concordance, clxxiii 

offering anything better than the text of the manuscripts. Second, the 
readings of the Paippalada version, in those parts of the Veda (much 
the larger half) for which there is a corresponding Paippalada text ; 
these were furnished me, some years ago, by Professor Roth, in whose 
exclusive possession the Paippalada manuscript is held. Further, notice 
of the corresponding passages in all the other Vedic texts, whether 
Samhita, Brahmana, or Sutra, with report of their various readings. 
Further, the data of the Anukramani respecting authorship, divinity, 
and meter of each verse. Also, references to the ancillary literature, 
especially to the Kaugika and Vaitana Sutras (both of which have been 
competently edited, the latter with a translation added), with account 
of the use made in them of the hymns and parts of hymns, so far as 
this appears to cast any light upon their meaning. Also, extracts from 
the printed commentary, wherever this seems worth while, as either 
really aiding the understanding of the text, or showing the absence of 
any helpful tradition. Finally, a simple literal translation ; this was 
not originally promised for the second volume, but is added especially 
in order to help " float " the rest of the material. An introduction and 
indexes will give such further auxiliary matter as appears to be called 

The design of the volume will be to put together as much as possible 
of the material that is to help toward the study and final comprehen- 
sion of this Veda. 

6. Announcement of a Vedic Concordance, being a collection 
of the Padas of the hymns and sacrificial formulas of the litera- 
ture of the Vedas ; by Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of the 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Those who have devoted themselves within recent years to the inter- 
pretation of the Vedas have become impressed with a growing sense of 
the difficulty of the task. As yet Vedic science is truly in its very 
beginnings. The complete translations of the Rig-Veda are still useful 
for general orientation, but their trustworthiness on any given question 
is of the most minimal degree. We may claim fairly that Vedic inter- 
pretation is still in the stage of decipherment ; each more difficult word 
needs to be tested anew in the light of all its occurrences ; each idea 
carefully confronted with every other before its true bearing is under- 
stood. Such processes before long exhaust the material in a literature 
of limited scope, but the Vedas are very extensive ; ' a knowledge of 
all the Vedas ' — sarvavidyd, as the Hindus call it — is given to no one. 

Precisely at this point, we conceive, lies the chief difficulty. The 
larger hermeneutic efforts in Vedic philology have been hampered by a 
restriction, voluntary or involuntary on the part of the interpreter, of 
the materials which he undertook to investigate. Those who have 
undertaken the more special lines of investigations, such as the char- 
acter of a single divinity, the nature of a legend, the meaning of a 
difficult word, have also been hampered by £heir failure to control the 
materials bearing upon their inquiry. It is astonishing to see how 

clxxiv American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

great has been the waste of intellectual resource, how much ingenuity 
has been frittered away, over questions, simply because the inquirer 
carried on his search with only a part of the materials instead of the 
whole. Especially, the students of the Vedic hymns have been in gen- 
eral too much inclined to separate the lyric hymns of prayer from the 
remainder of the Vedic tradition, the ceremonial practices, and the 
large stock of legendary material which is woven into the texture of 
the liturgical writings. 

Every Vedic text is an integral part of the Veda as a whole ; its 
treatment should be neither self-centered nor chauvinistic ; we may 
not understand it without understanding the whole. The sense of the 
mantras is largely dependent upon the ceremonial ; and conversely the 
ceremonial, the nature and origin of the ritualistic practices, the cus- 
toms of private and public life, are in India so eminently religious, 
they stand so near to the gods, they are, so to say, so eminently poly- 
theocratic, that their sense and essence will become revealed only in 
the light of the entire religious life. 

If these remarks are true, if this need of making the sarvavidyd, the 
knowledge of the Vedas in their entirety, an ideal less and less far re- 
moved from realization, it will be necessary to construct certain pre- 
liminary aids which shall serve as connective tissue between the various 
parts. The point is evidently this : to control, if possible, the entire 
line of statements in the Veda bearing upon a certain divinity, upon a 
certain practice, upon a certain custom, upon a certain word, upon a 
certain conception of any sort whatever. There are in the main four 
distinct kinds of labor to be performed in order to approximate to this 
ideal : 1. Complete indexes of words for every Vedic text ; 2. Prelimi- 
nary translations of all the texts ; 3. An index of subjects and ideas 
contained in the Vedic literature ; 4. A concordance of the mantras. 

The last of these aids I have undertaken to construct, with the aid of 
pupils and other friends : namely, a concordance, as complete as possi- 
ble, of the padas of the mantras, and the sacrificial formulas of the 
entire Vedic literature. The mantras, as is well known, occur in sepa- 
rate collections, as well as in texts which arrange successively in their 
proper order the ceremonies, and the songs of praise and liturgical 
formulas employed in connection with them. Thus the schools of the 
Rig- Veda, the Atharva-Veda, the Sama-Veda, and the White Yajur- 
Veda have constructed separate collections of the mantras, which ap- 
pear worked up entirely or in part in the ceremonial books of each of 
these Vedas. The schools of the Black Yajur-Veda on the other hand 
do not possess separate collections of mantras; in their traditional 
books mantra and ceremonial alternate with one another. All of the 
Brahmana and Siitra texts, moreover, quote mantras and formulas, 
very largely those representing the collections of their particular school, 
but in a noteworthy measure also those which do not occur in their 
own school. The latter are either found in the collection of some other 
school, or, to a not inconsiderable extent, are original in those Brah- 
mana or Sutra texts. The collection of the Rig- Veda alone comprises 
more than one thousand hymns, ten thousand stanzas, and not far from 

Hopkins, English day and Sanskrit (d)ahan. cixxv 

40,000 verse-lines, or padas. The Atharva-Veda contains more than 
half that quantity. The number of verse-lines and formulas of the en- 
tire Vedic tradition may be estimated roughly at about one fourth of a 
million of passages, or more. 

Now this entire tradition of the hymns and formulas may be de- 
scribed as a floating one. The lyric and formulary material of the 
Vedic period is in a large measure common traditional property. The 
collection of mantras in one Veda, or in one Vedic school, do not pre- 
sent materials totally different from those of any other school. The 
various schools repeat to a large extent the same stock of material, 
with or without variation, standing at times so near to a sister school 
as to be differentiated from it only by a few insignificant variants and 
addenda, while in other cases the material varies greatly. Thus, the 
Atharvan schools present materials very largely though not entirely 
different from the Rig- Veda schools. 

The purpose of this work is to give a compact history of each lyric 
line and each liturgic formula in the entire literature. The reader of 
a certain Vedic text shall be able in the case of each mantra or for- 
mula which he encounters to tell at a glance every other occurrence 
and employment of the same in the remaining body of texts. The 
value of this is primarily three-fold. First, as has been hinted above, 
the individual lines do not occur in precisely the same form, but in 
forms varying more or less in arrangement and choice of words and 
grammatical form. Now it is important to have all variants ; fre- 
quently the reading of one school is thus shown to be manifestly infe- 
rior to that of another, or even totally corrupt and untenable. Sec- 
ondly, the order and connection of the verses differs very greatly in 
the different schools. It is therefore of the utmost importance to es- 
tablish by proper comparison which combination of verses is the orig- 
inal one, and which is secondary. Thirdly, the collection will give the 
key to every employment of each line in the ceremonial practices. Of 
recent years I have laid special stress upon the importance of this 
knowledge, and in my Vedic studies I have been able to exhibit a note- 
worthy variety of instances which illustrate that subtle blending of the 
song and the ceremony which makes a full knowledge of both necessary 
for the understanding of either. 

I need scarcely say, in conclusion, that all suggestions or contribu- 
tions will be gratefully acknowledged, and utilized as far as possible. 

1. English day and Sanskrit (d)ahan ; by Prof essor Edward 
Washburn Hopkins, of Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

The English word day, Gothic dags, may be referred through the 
form *dhagho, *dhogho to the Sanskrit root dah * burn ' CFick), as San- 
skrit div gives from the radical idea of shining the local word for day. 
Yet day is not directly comparable with dhan, Avestan azan, except 
on the supposition that the Indo-Iranian forms have lost the dental. 
On the further supposition that agnis = ignis is from the same root, we 
should have the loss of dental established as pre-Aryan ; but to compare 

clxxvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

with this extraordinary loss there would be only a still more doubtful 
dgru = daapv. I consider both comparisons as unproved but not impos- 
sible equations, even were the phonetic violations unique ; for, as herz 
and hr'd are irregular yet difficult to dissociate, so there are certainly 
other correspondences which must always appear fortuitous, but which 
it is harder to treat as false than as anomalous. 

Granting then the a priori possibility of *ddhan, it remains to be 
seen whether any indication of the loss of d in the early literature can 
be found. It must be assumed that dhan and azan are one. The loss 
must, therefore, have taken place before the Indo-Iranians separated. 
For our earliest literature we should then expect only a faint trace of 
the already vanished dental. This might be found in the position of 
the word in respect of its syntactical neighbors. On noting that dhan 
generally follows d in the Rig- Veda this idea suggested itself to me ; 
and, although I am not certain that anything is proved by the exami- 
nation, yet as it is not uninteresting in some respects, and the same 
thought might induce another to look into the matter, the statistics 
may perhaps be worthy of a place in the Proceedings. 

The word dhan appears to be more antique in the Rig-Veda than its 
synonym diva, for in adverbial phrases it is out-numbered by the lat- 
ter, and in the common reduplicated iterative adverb we find used a 
stem which on comparison with the Avestan form would seem to be 
later.* The compound dhar-ahar stands with one exception at the 
head of a pada, and if the form of the stem is late it offers but nega- 
tive evidence against an original *dahan. The only explosive that pre- 
cedes dhan in the Rig- Veda text is d. Thus : mdsam ad dhah, vii. 66. 
11 ; tad dhah, vii. 103. 7 ; tad dhah, iii. 48. 2 ; ydd dhan, iv. 16. 11 ; ydd 
aha, iv. 30. 3 ; ydd dhne, ix. 92. 5 ; n't cid dhnam, vi. 39. 3 ; idd cid dhnah, 
iv. 10. 5 ; idd cid dhnah, viii. 22. 11 ; tdv idd cid dhanam, viii. 22. 13 ; 
asanod dhani, iii. 34. 10 ; tdnid dhani, vii. 76. 3 ; sdkr'd dhnah, x. 95. 16 ; 
vicvefd dhani, vii. 25. 4 ; [idd 'hnah, iv. 33. 11 J. 

It will be observed that this list contains expressions chiefly stereo- 
typed (as if colloquial phrases like today in English), and is drawn for 
the most part from the older books. The Atharvan gives few examples : 
dbhajad : dhah, xix. 50. 7 ; sa va dhno 'jayata : tdsmad dhar ajayata, 
xiii. 4. 29 ; gapathiad : ahoratre, xi. 6. 7 ; asid : dhn&m, vii. 80. 4 ; ydd 
dhar-ahar, xvi. 7. 11. 

Of vowels preceding (in the Rig- Veda), none except a or a makes 
euphonic combination with the initial. This contraction with a is, 
apart from two instances, confined to the latest (first and tenth) books. 
To this part of the work is also confined the combination a (di) +a; 
while a = au is contracted in only one passage in the first book. The 
initial is never lost after e or o ( = as), but this lack of elision is common 

* The expression dhar-ahar occurs but six times (three of these in books 
one and ten) while dive-dive is used forty-seven times, according to Collitz's 
count (Abh. Or. Cong. 1881, p. 288) ; the (later) dina occurs only in compo- 
sition, madhydndina etc. 

Hopkins, English day and Sanskrit (d)ahan. clxxvii 

in other cases. After s preceded by other vowels than a there is of 
course no phonetic difference whether the initial be a vowel or conso- 
nant sonant. After r, dhan occurs only in formulae, and after nasals 
rarely save where the residuum is nn (participles and locatives), where 
the second n anyway represents the loss of a consonant. The sounds 
preceding dhan are, so far as the great majority goes, only such as give 
negative evidence on the point in hand. Except for dhar-ahar said other 
forms which may possibly be late and are at all events few in number, 
the evidence of other cases scarcely contradicts the suggested hypothe- 
sis, granting its admissibility at all. 

Thus, following a, a without contraction I find dhan {aha, dhar) 
eight times ; with contraction iii. 32. 9 [iv. 33. 11], but elsewhere only in 
the first and tenth books, and there six times ; dhan etc. after a = du, 
only i. 117. 12 ; after i, i, always without vowel-change, six times ; after 
u do., four times ; after e, twenty -seven times, always without elision 
(comprising the sudinatve abhipitve phrases) ; after di (a), twice, in the 
tenth book ; after 6 = as, always without elision, fourteen times ; after 
ir = is, eight times; after ir and a ( = ds), thrice each; or, ii. 32. 2. 
Formal is trlr dhan, dhnah, five times (often separated) ; after prdtdr 
twice ; dhar-ahar, always leading the pada or verse (except in i. 123. 9), 
six times. Compare ahndhnd once, the form purvdhne only x. 34. 11 ; the 
later madhydhna is here (vii. 41.4) mddhye dhndm, once; tirodhnyam, 
eight times. After other consonants, with preceding long vowel, n and 
m thrice each ; after n with preceding short ( = nn), locative four times, 
participle five ; m with short vowel, seven times. Add ahanya with- 
out contraction of preceding a, i. 190. 3 (the form quoted by Fick as 
rathdhnya is late, Brahmanic) ; gravabhir ahanyebhih, v. 48. 3 ; and 
grhdm-grham ahand, i. 123. 4. The cases after (is) ir are v. 62. 2 ; vii. 
87. 1 ; viii. 48. 7 ; after (is) ir (ir *d), all in books one, nine, and ten (un- 
less after a pada, viii. 26. 12), except in two instances, iv. 53. 7 and v. 49. 3, 
the latter after caesura, as are two cases in the first book. Except after 
a pada (viii. 24. 24), four of the cases of am *d would be in books one, 
nine, ten ; but the remaining three occur at the close of a tristubh, 
ii. 21.6, sudinatvdm dhndm; iii. 32. 14, indram dhnah ; vii. 5. 5, ketum 
dhndm. The word often begins a pada, only once a hymn, vi. 9, 1. In 
6 *d and other cases AV. is like RV. (thus, after i, u, e) ; but while, as 
in RV. x. 18. 5, AV. twice has ydthd dh°, in other a + a-cases it gener- 
ally contracts. Exceptions are xviii. 1. 7 = RV. x. 10. 6, and once after 
caesura iv. 18. 1. Thus AV. = RV. (loc. cit.) in prathamdsya dhnah, 
but AV. vii. 52. 2; viii. 5. 6,18 ; ix. 2. 10 ; x. 2. 16 ; xvi. 4. 4 ; xix. 20. 4, 
a + a = a, contracted. The only case of contraction in the RV. outside 
of books one and ten is (with the exception of iddhnah in the list above 
at iv. 33. 11) in ndha, iii. 32. 9, with which on the other hand AV. has to 
contrast nd dhdfy once only, xi. 4. 21 (nd rdtri nd dhah sydt). Candhah 
and mdhnah are common to the AV. and the tenth book of RV. 

The contrast instead of correlation of id id in vii. 76. 3-4 of the list 
given above deserves notice. It is not unique, but rare in the extreme, 
considering the frequency of correlation such as i. 61. 1-2 ; iv. 24.4-5 ; 
viii. 6. 21-22 ; 13. 27-18 ; 16. 5-6, etc. (I have no statistics, and speak from 

clxxviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 189&. 

impression only, but I believe I am right in asserting that cases like vii. 
76. 3-4 and ii. 11. 3 will not often be found). 

The cause of the loss of the dental may lie in the fact that the sound 
was originally more lingual than dental, such as may perhaps be as- 
sumed for dakru lacruma, (jihvd) dingua lingua, solium sad, nidus 

I have noted one case where something similar may have happened 
to the participial form (ddhan = dhan) of the root dah. The hymn i. 
69 is composed of five-syllable padas (ten syllables to the whole verse), 
with the exception of verse seven, into which has come an extra sylla- 
ble. Such tristubh lines are not uncommon in this metre. The usual 
theory is that the hymn was written throughout in eleven-syllable 
verses and afterwards reduced, a hypothesis not antecedently probable. 
Apart from the question of original form, however, other reasons exist 
for believing in the intrusion in this passage of an extra syllable, and 
this is one which affects the word dhant. The hymn reads in the por- 
tion here considered (vss. 7-8) as follows : 

Ndkis ta etti 

vratti minanti 

nr'bhyo ydd ebhydh 

grustim cakdrtha. 

tat til te ddnso 

ydd dhant samdnair 

nr'bhir ydd yuktb 

vive rdpdnsi 

which we may translate, preserving the extra syllable in the sixth line 

as here given : 

No man impaireth 

Thy holy statutes, 

When these the heroes 

Thou givest ear to ; 

And this thy glory 

That with equals smifst thou, 

That joined with heroes 

Thou shame hast banished. 
In the original it is, however, almost impossible to avoid connecting 
samanaih with nr'bhil),, and if this is done we have two ydd clauses 
with yuktdh, and must connect dhan with vivelfi, as does Grassmann, 
a construction syntactically harsh and dubious. The clauses evidently 
differ from a ydd . . ydd vd clause. Sayana gives to one ydd the force 
of yddi and to the other that of ydsmdt, but correctly takes samanaih 
with nr'bhih, as would seem to be necessary from the passages i. 165. 7, 
bhuri cakartha yujyebhir asme samdnebhir vrsabha pdunsyebhih. The 
verb dhan may be applied to Agni (to whom is addressed the hymn), 
although the verb for Agni is usually dah, for Indra han, as in 
iv. 28. 3, dhann indro ddahad agnify . . . ddsyun. Compare i. 132. 2, 
dhann indro ydthd vide; v. 34. 5, jindti ved amuyd hdntivd; x. 22. 7, 
indra . . gusnam ydd dhann dmdnusam, etc. ; of Agni more rarely, as 

Hopkins, English day and Sanskrit (d)ahan. clxxix 

in viii. 43. 26, ghndn . . ddhan . . didihi ; viii. 84. 9, hdnti yah; yet even 
here the application is rather to the king than to the god. Compare iv. 

In the verse above, if we substitute for ydd dhant the word ddhant 
(measured as in 10b, duro vyfnvan) we have the verb peculiarly Agni's 
(ii. 4. 7 ; iii. 18. 1. etc.) ; one ydd clause instead of two, as is usual in par- 
allel expressions (compare iii. 32. 9, tdva tan mahitvdn sadyo ydj jato 
dpibo ha somam), and a sentence syntactically unobjectionable, mean- 
ing ' this is thy glory— that consuming, with equal heroes joined, thou 
hast banished shame ' (the last words are doubtful, possibly ' done thy 
work '). Perhaps the change was begun by some one who thought that 
yad should follow ddnsah at once (as in ii. 21. 4 etc.) and changed ddhan 
to ydd ddhan. But in the first place recession of the particle is illus- 
trated by i. 80. 10 (an independent clause), and by v. 85. 5, where in a 
relative clause yah answers to our yad (may dm . . prdvocam : mdneneva 
tasthivdft antdrikse vi yd mame prthivim stiryena). Moreover, a perfect 
parallel to the later position of ydd is found in iv. 39. 1, mahdt tad vo 
devydsya pravdcanam dydm rbhavah prthivim ydc ca pusyatha. 

I think ydd ddhan may have caused the form dhan to be introduced 
into the text, just as, without assuming more than to have shown the 
possibility of *dahan, this most archaic form of dhan may have been 
preserved from a pre-Indic period by such half formal inherited collo- 
quial combinations as those in which it occurs in the list above. I 
imagine that the corruption of an original ydd ddhne etc. to ydd dhne 
gave rise to a belief in dhan as the noun-form, which obtained, yet 
not so entirely but that some traces of the original consonant are still 
discernible in the frequency of colloquial combination with the dental. 
The change would be like that in better to bet-er, the unguarded every- 
day pronunciation among us. 

Note on the Urva (of Yama?) and Vara of Yima : The ordinary mean- 
ing of urva is an enclosed place, generally for cattle (rain-clouds), as in 
i. 72. 8 ; x. 108. 8, 6, etc. The word as used in vii. 76. 5 is, however, of 
quite different application : ' The righteous seers of old were co -revelers 
with the gods ; in a common enclosure (urva) all came together, are of 
one mind, nor mutually strive ; they diminish not the laws of the gods, 
but go ever with the good, unwearied.' The radical meaning connects 
urva with the vara or paradise of Yima, and something of the sort 
seems meant in this description of a happy enclosure or meeting 
ground of the blessed dead, who in accordance with the ordinary con- 
ception should be in Yama's realm. It is possible that in iv. 2. 16-18* 
this iirvd-paradise of the fathers may be confused with the common 
gdvya. In i. 35. 6, Yama's realm is virasdh, a ' hero-holding' place, here 
located as a ' heaven.' 

* ddha ydtha nah pitdrah pdrasah pratndso agna rtdm dgusandh 
cucid ayan dtdhitim ukthagdsah Jcsdma bhinddnto aruntr dpa vran . . 
gucdnto agnim vavrdhdnta indram urvdrh gdvyam parisddanto agman t 

clxxx American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

8. Notes on Zoroaster and the Zartusht-Namah ; by Professor 
A. V. Williams Jackson, of Columbia College, New York City. 

The paper called attention to the possible real importance of the Zar- 
tusht-Namah as furnishing a certain amount of data for reliable and 
valuable facts connected with Zoroaster as a historical personage. This 
Persian work, of the thirteenth century (cf . Wilson's Parsi Religion, pp. 
417, 477 ff.), was formerly much quoted, but has of late been generally 
neglected by Avestan scholars. In the light of more recent investiga- 
tion it seems worthy of reconsideration. 

Comparisons with the Avesta were made to show the general accu- 
racy in names and in certain phrases ; and evidences were cited of 
apparent traditional reminiscence of actual scenes and. situations. 
Emphasis was laid on the naturalness and genuineness of tone, and 
reasons were given for believing that the work was perhaps not so 
fanciful as had often been supposed. The suggestion was put forward 
that the presumed author's claim to having based his work on Pahlavi 
writings, as he states at the outset, might, after all, be not without 
foundation. A hint was thrown out that possibly in this Persian text 
there may linger some fragments of two of the lost Nasks of the 
Avesta— portions, for example, of the 10th and of the 13th Nask. The 
latter, or Spend Nask, is commonly said to have contained a sketch of 
Zoroaster's infancy and youth ; the former, or Vishtasp-sasto Nask, 
recorded King Gushtasp's reign and Zoroaster's influence. 

The hope was added that amid the later Persian dross keen eyes may 
yet discover new and pure grains of gold. Possibly one may look to Dr. 
West for more light from the Zad-sparam (cf. Pahlavi Texts, S.B.E., 
v# 187)— telling us, for instance, something also about Zoroaster's re- 
puted teacher, Barzinkarus (Zartusht Ndmah, Wilson, p. 488), or of the 
Herod, Duransarun (ib. p. 486), or of the prophet's foe, Bartarush (ib. p. 
489) who is perhaps to be identified with the traditional murderer of 
Zoroaster, called Bradarvakhsh (Bh. Yt. ii. 3 ; Dd. lxxii. 8 ; Sad Bar ix . 
5, in West's Pahlavi Texts S.B.E. v. 195n. ; xviii. 218 ; xxiv. 267n. Vol. 
xxvii. has appeared since the above was written). 

9. Brief Avestau Notes ; by Professor A. V. W. Jackson. 

1. Av. fsenghya, Ys. 31. 10 ; 49. 9. 

The existence of an Avesta u or u as one of the representatives of the 
"nasalis sonans" has been made probable by Paul Horn, in American 
Journal of Philology xi. 89-90. If his deductions be correct, a step for- 
ward is taken toward solving the etymological riddle of Av. fsenghya, 
Ys. xxxi. 10, Ys. xlix. 9. 

By the familiar phonetic laws, Av. fsenghya would stand for orig. 
*psan-sya, formed like Skt. matsya. This root Av. fsan would answer 
to Skt. Vpsan, to be found in Skt. vigvd-psn-ya. The same radical is 
also to be sought in Skt. d-psu, and in the stem Skt. psd, both forms— 

Jackson, brief Avestan notes. clxxxi 

a and u — arising from orig. psn, A proportion might thus be con- 
structed, Av. fsan. : Av. fsu :: Skt. psn : Skt. psu.* 

The meaning usually assigned to the adjective A v. fsenghya is 'ener- 
getic, active, zealous '. It is rather ' nourishing, promoting, prosper- 
ing ', then ' thrifty, prosperous ' : and, when used as a noun, ' promo- 
ter.' It is especially the attribute of the farmer and cattle-raiser. For 
the meaning, observe also its collocation with the root Av. su, in Ys. 
xlix. 9, fseftghyo suye tasto ; where suye tasto is really a variation or 
explanatory amplification of fseftghyo. Neryosang's Skt. version of the 
Yasna renders the word by Skt. visphurayitar ; this latter term is the 
one by which he also glosses the kindred Av. fsuyaftt. Good sugges- 
tions regarding the uses of the radical fsu are to be found in Darme- 
steter's Haurvatat et Ameretat, p. 76. 

Presuming the above view to be approximately correct, the pas- 
sages in which fsenghya occurs will thus be given : Ys. xxxi. 10, ahurem 
asavanem vanheus fseftghlm mananho ' the righteous lord, the culti- 
vator of the Good Mind ' (i. e. cattle). Again, Ys. xlix. 9, sraotu sds- 
ndo fseftghyo surye tasto 'let the cultivator who is formed for thrift 
hearken unto my commands'. The word, therefore, though uncommon, 
is one of cardinal importance in the Gathas. 

2. Av. saosyaftto stavdn. 

In Ys. ix. 2, which describes Zoroaster's vision of Haoma, the personi- 
fied spirit gives him this command : 

a mdm yasanuha spitama 
frd mdm hunvanuha hvaretee 
aoi mdm staomaine stuidhi 
yatha ma aparaeit saosyaftto stavdn 

' Gather me, O Spitama ; press me out to drink me : praise me in a song 
of praise, as aparaeit saosyaftto stavdn.' These closing words have 
usually been rendered 'as the other Saoshyants praised (!) me.' The 
word apara, however, means not 'other' but 'latter, hereafter;' and 
the verbal form stavdn is a subjunctive. The force of this subjunctive, 
referring to the future, has already been seen by Justi, s. v. saosyant ; 
he renders ' wie mich die kiinftigen Retter anrufen werden, but 
adds no comment, f The allusion in the passage is not a general but a 
specific one. It becomes clear in the light of the Bundahish xxx. 25, 
cf. West, Pahlavi Texts, Part i., in S.B.E. v. 126. It distinctly alludes 
to the solemn preparation of the sacred Horn juice by Soshyans and his 
assistants, at the time of the general resurrection, when the great 
Yazishn ceremony is performed. Zoroaster's celebration of the sacra- 
ment is to typify the one hereafter when the Saoshyant himself and his 

* See also note by Prof. E. W. Hopkins on Skt. psu, in paper read at same 
meeting, J.A.O S. xv. 266. 

f Darmesteter's translation Le Zend-Avesta, vol. i. ad loc, (since appeared) 
rightly also takes it thus. 


clxxxii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

glorious company of attendants shall come and shall offer their praise 
at the restoration of the world through the draught of the White Horn. 
This is but one of the many instances in which a careful study of the 
later Pahlavi writings will clear up an obscure passage, or make its 
import real and tangible instead of vague and illusory. 

10. On the writing on the wall at Belshazzar's feast (Daniel v. 
25) ; by Mr. John D. Prince, of New York City. 

Every one is familiar with the story of the feast of Belshazzar and 
of the mysterious writing on the wall, which appeared as a warning to 
the Babylonian monarch. The enigmatical sentence in which this ad- 
monition was clothed has always been looked upon as one of the most 
obscure of the many difficult scriptural passages which have excited 
the interest and baffled the ingenuity of scholars. Indeed, up to the 
present decade no satisfactory explanation of the warning has been 

There are two difficulties presented by the Biblical record : 1. The 
true meaning of the sentence ; 2. Why the writing was unintelligible 
to the hierogrammatists, while it became clear when Daniel announced 
the true interpretation. The ancient writers, such as Josephus and 
Jerome* regarded the three words ^pfl JOp and D*1Q as substan- 
tives, while among the more modern commentators! the tendency has 
been to consider them as verbal forms: viz., participles passive, of 
frOD 'count,' ^HJH 'weigh,' and D^IQ 'divide' respectively, trans- 

t : )- : - : 

lating the sentence accordingly : ' it is counted, it is weighed, and it is 
divided.' But, while it is possible to regard JOQ as a passive parti- 
ciple, the form of the other two words, ^pfl and D*l£) > has always 
presented a difficulty. 

Recently a new light has been thrown on the passage by the distin- 
guished French archaeologist Clermont-Ganneau, who in 1886 pub- 
lished an article entitled " Mene, Tekel, Upharsin, and the Feast of 
Belshazzar, "J wherein he set forth the theory that the mysterious sen- 
tence contains the names of Babylonian weights, accordingly fixing the 
meaning of J^JQ and Q**\Q as fc mina ' and ' half-mina.' About the 
meaning of 'jHfl he seemed doubtful, inclining however to the idea 
that it is a part of the verb *?pjH ' weigh,' 

This attempt of Ganneau was followed by an admirable paper, pub- 
lished in the first volume of the Journal of Assyriology by the great 

* Cf. Josephus, Antiquities, x. 11. 3. He translated the words by 'Api&fidg, 
Xrad-fiog, KMcjua ; and Jerome, by numerus, appensio, divisio. 

f Cf . among others Lengerke, Daniel (1835), pp. 261-262 ; Hitzig, Danie 
(1850), p. 84, etc. 

% Journal Asiatique, Serie viii., i. 36 ff. (English translation in Hebraica 
hi. 87-102.) 

Prince, ivriting on the loall at Belshazzar^s feast, clxxxiii 

Strassburg Orientalist Theodor Noldeke.* Noldeke clearly saw in 
^HJl the shekel, and explained the three words as substantives in 
the absolute state: viz., $$JQ l mina,' emphatic form J$\JQ ; ^pfl 
' shekel,' emphatic state J^DFl \ an( * D*"t3 ' half-mina,' emphatic 

t|: • •' : 

state XD*"t3 • He therefore suggested the translation ' a mina, a mina, 

t : - 

a shekel, and half-minas,' regarding J$JQ NJD as a repetition of the 
same word. 

Still a third attempt to explain the enigmatical sentence was made 
in 1887 by the well-known Syriac scholar Georg Hoffmann of Kiel,f 
who differed from Noldeke only in suggesting that ^Hf! ' shekel ' 
might be in apposition to J$Jp . He accordingly explained the second 
element of the sentence as ' a mina in shekel pieces.' 

The discovery of Ganneau and its critical scrutiny by Noldeke have 
established the fact beyond doubt that JOD , ^pfl , and Pp")3 or " 
v. 25 are names of weights. It does not seem necessary however to 
regard Hit2 J^JJQ as a repetition of the same word, with both Noldeke 
and Hoffmann. As Noldeke himself has noticed, but did not adopt in 
his interpretation, it is perfectly proper to regard the form J<JQ as a 
passive participle Pe'al from JOQ ' count,' as it is well known that 
Aramaic verbs tertiae *> form their passive participles in this manner. 
In this way the mysterious sentence may be translated as follows : 
4 There have been counted a mina, a shekel, and half-minas '—-regard- 
ing the first J$JQ as the verbal form on which the following words 

This translation, which was suggested by Professor Haupt,J would 
seem to receive additional support from consideration of the peculiar 
application of these names of weights to the circumstances under which 
the writing appeared. Among a number of rather fanciful explana- 
tions, Ganneau recalls the Talmudic metaphorical usage of JfJQ and 
DliD * ' mina ' and ' half-mina.' In the Talmudic writings we find occa- 
sionally the inferior son of a worthy father called " a half-mina, son of 
a mina " (ffJD p D^fl) ; a son superior to his father " a mina, son of 
a half-mina" (D^fl p J7JD) ; and a son equal to his father " a mina, 
son of a mina" (HJO p nJO)§ In rather a vague manner, charac- 

* Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, i. 414-418. 
f Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, ii. 45-48. 

i See the Johns Hopkins University Circulars, No. 58, p. 104 ; and the 
Annual Report, p. 13. 
§ Cf. Ta'anith 21b : 

p run Sva run p r\ya k:t Ski pud p pud Sva ona p pud *y imn 

■ D^B 

i It is good that a mina son of a half-mina come to a mina son of a mina ; 

but not that a mina son of a mina should come to a mina son of a half-mina. ' 

clxxxiv American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

teristic of his whole paper, Ganneau suggests that the Biblical author 
may have intended some such allusion in his use of the mysterious sen- 
tence, and hints, without any definite explanation, that a parallel may 
have been meant between Nebuchadnezzar the father and Belshazzar 
the son. 

Noldeke, with his usual skeptical caution, attempted nothing beyond 
the mere grammatical explanation of the words ; but Hoffmann, adopt- 
ing the view advanced by a number of the older commentators, con- 
sidered that T*D^iD ' two half-minas ' referred to a division of the 
empire between the Mede Darius and the Persian Cyrus. 

Professor Haupt, following up the idea of Ganneau regarding the sym- 
bolical meaning of the words, explained the mina, which is the largest 
Babylonian weight, as an allusion to the great king Nebuchadnezzar ; 
the shekel, one sixtieth as valuable, as the symbol of Belshazzar, whom 
the author of Daniel considered the unworthy successor of the founder 
of the Babylonian empire ; and the two half-minas as referring to the 
division of the kingdom of Nebuchadnezzar between the Medes and 

If the sentence be understood in this way, as indicating a compar- 
ison between persons, it becomes clear that JOQ £00 can hardly be 
considered a repetition of the same word, as there would be no point 
in thus repeating the symbol for Nebuchadnezzar. Nebuchadnezzar 
might well be called the mina, as he was not only practically the foun- 
der of the Babylonian empire, but really the most brilliant represen- 
tative of the Neo-Babylonian period. The author of Daniel throughout 
the fifth chapter is perfectly justified in contrasting him with the insig- 
nificant last king, the " shekel." The two chief points in the later 
Babylonian history are the rise and development of the empire under 
Nebuchadnezzar and its final decline under Belshazzar's father Nabo- 
nidus. So that the sacred writer, in making Nebuchadnezzar the father 
of the last king, although inaccurate in these minor details, neverthe- 
less faithfully reflects the historical facts of the period. 

Why the author of Daniel makes the Medes play a prominent part 
in the fall of Babylon, and hold the city under Darius the Mede until 
he was succeeded by the Persian Cyrus, has never been satisfactorily 
explained. As is now generally admitted, there is no room in history 
for Darius the Mede. The Persian Cyrus was the immediate successor 
of the last Babylonian king. The key to the solution of the difficulty 
has been conjectured by Professor Haupt to be that the author's intro- 
duction of a Median king is due to a confusion with the story of the 
fall of Babylon's Assyrian rival, Nineveh : which, as is well known, 
was conquered and destroyed by the Medes. 

The mysterious sentence therefore implies a scathing comparison of 
the unworthy last king of Babylon with his great predecessor, and a 
prophecy of the speedy downfall of the native Babylonian dynasty, and 
the division of the empire between the Medes and the Persians. 

Prince, writing on the wait at JBelshazzar^s feast, clxxxv 

But why was it that the learned scribes whom the king summoned 
to decipher the inscription were totally unable to read and interpret 
the sentence ? To explain this difficulty, a great number of conjec- 
tures have been advanced by various commentators, which can of 
course be but briefly alluded to within the limits of this paper. For 
example, Liiderwald, in his critical examination of the first six chapters 
of Daniel, published in 1787,* following Calvin, considered the portent 
as a vision of the king alone, which no one save Daniel, who was su- 
pernaturally gifted, could interpret. Nothing however in the text of 
chapter v. seems to support such a view. The evident terror not only 
of the king but also of his lords, and the statement in verse 8 that the 
wise men could neither read nor interpret the writing, seem to show 
that the author had no intention of representing the portent as merely 
a freak of the king's brain. 

Some of the Talmudists thought that the words were written accord- 
ing to the cabalistic alphabet tJ^fifrt *t i- ©• one in which the first 
letter has as its equivalent the last. It may be well to note in con- 
nection with this, from the Ethiopic correspondence of Job Ludolf , 
published by Flemming in the second volume of Delitzsch and Haupt's 
Contributions to Assyriology ,% that a similar cryptographic method of 
writing, involving the interchange of letters, was known to the Abys- 

It is hardly worth while to discuss the idea advanced by some of the 
ancient commentators, that the characters of the mysterious sentence 
were arranged in three lines, as a sort of table, and were to be read 
vertically and not horizontally. § Thube and others, about the end of 
the last century. || held that the writing might have been in such 
strange characters as to prevent its decipherment by the hierogram- 
matists ; and the Gottingen Professor of Biblical Philology, the late 
Ernst Bertholdt, suggested^ that it may have been written in some 
complicated flourished handwriting. It is interesting to note in this 
connection that so great a scholar as Johann D. Michaelis of Gottingen 

* Liiderwald, Die seeks ersten Capitel Daniels nach historischen Griinden 
geprilft und berichtigt (1787). See Bertholdt, Daniel aus dem Hebraisch- 
Aramaischen neu ubersetzt und erklart (Erlangen, 1806), p. 346. 

f Cf. Buxtorf, Lexicon Chaldaicum Talmudicum et Rabbinicum, col. 
248 ff . , and see Levy, Neuhebraisches und Chalddisches Worterbuch, under 
pSKK-pK-nD' 1 : cited by Ganneau, op. cit. (Hebraica, iii. 88). pS«K , how- 
ever, is not possible by " Athbash," but is obtained by a quite different 
device. For various opinions of the older commentators regarding the mys- 
terious sentence, see Bertholdt, op. cit., p. 350. 

X Beitrage zur Assyriologie, ii. 110. 

§ Mentioned by Ganneau, op. cit. (Hebraica, iii. 88). 

|| See Bertholdt, op. cit., p. 351. 

IT Op. cit., p. 379. 

clxxxvi American Oriental Societies Proceedings, April 1892. 

originated the following wild but amusing theory.* The expression 
N"l* DiD -> which means of course simply the hand in distinction from 
the arm (the idea being that nothing but the writing hand was visible), 
he translated by the " inner surface of the hand." He fancied that the 
hand must have appeared to the king as if writing from the other side 
of the wall, which by some supernatural means had become transpar- 
ent. The writing appeared therefore reversed, as if in a mirror, a fact 
which no one noticed until Daniel was summoned, who promptly de- 
ciphered it. Some scholars, on the other hand, held the view that the 
inscription might have been written in a foreign language unknown to 
the wise men.f Finally, some recent critics, evidently under Assyrio- 
logical influence, have inclined to the opinion that the words presented 
themselves to the king in the Babylonian ideographic character. J 

Had the warning been written in a foreign language, the probability 
is that it would have been immediately recognized at so cosmopolitan 
a court as the Babylonian, which had come into contact with many 
foreign nations. Then, too, had the writing appeared in a strange 
idiom, the effect of the interpretation would have been to a great ex- 
tent lost on the king. But as soon as the explanation had been given 
Belshazzar understood it perfectly. 

It is certainly most natural to suppose that the inscription was 
written in the Babylonian language, and in the cuneiform script, a 
view which is strengthened by the fact that the sentence can be repro- 
duced in Babylonian with surprisingly little change. Thus, regarding 
the first jOO as tne passive participle of tfJID 'count,' the corres- 
ponding form in Assyrian would have been mani. The second JOD 
' mina ' would be equivalent to the Assyrian manu ' mina,' usually 
written ideographically ma-na. Then ^Hf) ' shekel,' the third word 

of the sentence, by regular mutation of the f| and {Jf , corresponds to 
Assyrian siqlu. The word is almost invariably written ideographically 
tu ; but, as Dr. Lehmann has remarked in one of his metrological 
papers read before the Anthropological Society of BerlinJ the form 
siqlu is now established as the proper pronunciation. Finally, 7*D")fl 
' half-minas,' pi. of XD12 •> ttie last word, would have its equivalent 

t : — 

in the Assyrian parse, pi. of parsu, meaning a 'part.' 

Combining then these words as in the Aramaic of Daniel, the 
Babylonian original can be restored as follows : mani manti (or ideo- 
graphically ma-na) siqlu u parse 'there have been counted a mina, a 

* See Michaelis, Daniel, p. 49-50. 

f See Bertholdt, op. cit. , p. 348 ; and Pusey, Daniel the Prophet} p. 366. 

X So for instance Andrea, Beweis des Glaubens (1888), pp. 263-264 ; and 
Lagarde, Mitteilungen, iv. 364. 

§ See Dr. C. F. Lehmann in Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthropologischen 
Gesellschaft, June 20, 1891, p. 518, note 1. 

Prince, writing on the wall at Belshazzar' s feast, clxxxvii 

shekel, and parts (i.e. half-minas).' 'Counted' means of course in 
this connection ' the following has been fixed by fate.' We may com- 
pare the use of JfJQ ni Isaiah lxv. 12, tk and I will allot you to the 
sword" CHI! 1 ? DSriN ♦JTJOI) ; Psalm cxlvii.4, " He fixes the num- 
ber of the stars " (MD^ SflDO rtflO)- 

• t - t : • 

If we assume thus that the mysterious inscription appeared in 
Babylonian, and in cuneiform characters, it is easy to explain the ina- 
bility of the king and his lords, and even of the skilled scribes, to read 
the writing. It is safe to say that an ideographic rendering of these 
names of weights would have baffled the ingenuity of the most expert 
scholars of the Babylonian court. Of course it cannot be denied, as 
Lagarde has pointed out,* that the ideographic values of these four 
words, ; count, mina, shekel, and part,' were signs with which any 
educated Babylonian was familiar. If however we suppose that the 
ideograms were written close together without any division between 
the individual words (a style of writing often met with in the cunei- 
form inscriptions) : thus — 

it would be as hard to understand as a rebus, and might puzzle the 
most skilful decipherer. 

The difficulty would have been still more increased if the ideograms 
had been grouped in some unusual way, separating the natural connec- 
tion of the component elements : for example, thus— 

If the signs had been written in this manner, the first combination, 
sid-ma, would have some fifteen different meanings; the second 
group, na-tu-tj, would signify ' is fit or suitable ;' while the third 
and last, bar. bar, is capable of explanation in a variety of ways. Of 
course, as soon as one is told the meaning of the combinations, the 
sentence at once becomes clear. 

The above more or less conjectural explanations have been offered 
under the assumption that the account given in the fifth chapter of 
Daniel is to a certain extent historical. Although it is now generally 
recognized by scholars who have studied the Old Testament from a 
critical point of view that the book of Daniel cannot have been written 
before the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, about 164 B. C, and is there- 
fore not a contemporary record, it still seems possible that the narra- 
tive of the fifth chapter may contain an echo of historical fact. It may 
be well therefore to conclude this paper with the question whether the 

* Mitteilungen, iv. 364. 

clxxxviii American Oriental Society 's Proceedings, April 1892. 

account of the miraculous appearance of a warning writing during 
the progress of a feast on the eve of the capture of Babylon must be 
considered as a pure invention of the author. 

We may ask in the first place whether it is absolutely necessary to 
consider the portent a miracle, and whether it is not possible that the 
inscription was produced by human means. 

Two theories have been advanced as to a possible non-miraculous 
production of the writing : some scholars have held that it might have 
been made by loyal servants of the king ; others have regarded it as the 
work of conspirators. 

The former supposition, which was advanced for instance by Ber- 
tholdt,* does not seem tenable, as loyal servants would hardly have 
chosen such a disrespectful sentence with which to warn their master. 
It must be remembered, of course, that the symbolical meaning of the 
phrase was not known when this suggestion was offered. 

The second theory, that it might have been produced by conspira- 
torsf against the royal house, has more inherent probability. Judging 
from the historical accounts of the period, a powerful conspiracy must 
have been concerned in the destruction of Babylon. 

We are told in the two cuneiform documents relating to the fall of 
the city, the Annals of Nabonidus and the Gyrus Cylinder,^ that Cyrus 
with his Persians took both Sippar and Babylon " without battle." 
It is hardly to be imagined that this could have been the case unless 
the invader had had auxiliaries among the Babylonians. Nabonidus, 
the last king, had wilfully neglected not only the defenses of the 
capital, but also the festival of the god Marduk, which took place 
annually in Babylon, choosing to live in Tema rather than at the seat 
of his government. In addition to this, the king had infringed on the 
jurisdiction of Marduk, by introducing into Babylon a number of 
strange deities to serve as its defense.§ It is not impossible therefore 
that the priests of Marduk in Babylon were hostile to the government, 
and instrumental in bringing about the final blow. 

As to the general disposition of the priesthood towards the royal 
family, we may read between the lines of an inscription of Nabonidus 
regarding his son Belsarucur (Belshazzar), in which the king is made 
to pray that the prince " may not incline to sin."|| Kemembering that 
the inscriptions were prepared by a priestly class, this remark, taken 

* Bertholdt, op. cit., p. 353. 

f It should be remarked that Bertholdt (op. cit.) mentioned this supposition 
also as a possible conjecture. 

% For the latest transliteration and translation of these texts, see Hagen, 
Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, ii. 205 f£. 

§ Cyrus Cylinder, 1. 10 and 33-34 ; Annals of. Nabonidus, c. iii., 1. 9-10. 

|| Cf. i.E. 68, c. ii. 22 ft. ; also Abel-Winckler's Keilschrifttexte, p. 43— trans- 
lated in Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, iii., pt. 2, pp. 85-97. 

Prince, writing on the wall at Belshazzar* s yeast, clxxxix 

in connection with the conduct of Belshazzar as it appears in the Book 
of Daniel, seems to have a peculiar significance. 

Besides the general discontent of the native Babylonian party, it 
may be supposed that the large Jewish element which had been trans- 
planted by Nebuchadnezzar to Babylon, and which could hardly be 
expected to feel well-disposed towards the Babylonian dynasty, proba- 
bly played a considerable part in the final conspiracy. In fact, we 
know from the prophecies of Isaiah (xliv.28 ; xlv. 1 ff.) that the Jews 
in Babylon considered Cyrus the " shepherd of God," and looked for- 
ward to his coming as the Anointed of Jehovah. 

It seems therefore to be a probable fact that a conspiracy existed at 
that time ; and, if this be so, it is by no means implausible to assume 
that such a warning as that described in Daniel v. was caused by the 
agency of conspirators. 

The tone of the chapter appears to indicate, however, beyond doubt 
that the Biblical writer considered the portent as a miracle sent from 
God to warn the impious king of his impending punishment ; and he 
accordingly makes use of the account as a diatribe against Antiochus 

That a festival actually took place on the eve of the capture of 
Babylon is not at all improbable. Although we have no parallel record 
of such an event in the inscriptions, it certainly seems rather signifi- 
cant that both Herodotus and Xenophon allude to a feast about this 

In spite of the various inaccuracies found in the narrative of Daniel, 
it still appears clear that a historical basis underlies his dramatic ac- 
count of the feast of Belshazzar. The preservation of the name of 
Belshazzar, not found elsewhere in the Old Testament, and now con- 
firmed by the cuneiform inscriptions, the approximately correct state- 
ment regarding his death, t and the striking agreement just mentioned 
of the record of Herodotus with the Biblical account, would seem to 
show that the story of the appearance of the mysterious sentence may 
not altogether lack a historical element. 

* According to Herodotus, i. 188 ff., Babylon after a siege of some length 
was captured, when the attention of the besieged was distracted during a 
festival, by drawing off the water of the Euphrates and entering the city by 
way of the river bed. Cf . also Xenophon, Cyr. vii. 5. 15. 

f Cf . the annals of Nabonidus, iii. , 1. 23. The passage is badly mutilated, 
and it is impossible to decide definitely so important a historical question 
until a duplicate of the text be found which shall supply the missing signs. 
According to the latest collation of the text (that of Hagen), the words mdr 
§arri ' son of the king ' are clearly to be detected before the verb ' he died :' 
see Beitrage zur Assyriologie, ii. 247. The passage must therefore be trans- 
lated ' the son of the king died,' and is probably to be considered as a record 
of the death of Belshazzar (Belsarucur). 


cxc American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

11. Remarks introductory to a comparative study on the 
translations of the Deluge-tablets, with special reference to Dr. 
P. Jensen's Kosmologie ; by Rev. W. Muss-Arnolt, Johns Hop- 
kins University, Baltimore, Md. 

The Babylonian account of the Deluge, being Tablet XI. of the great 
so-called Nimrod-Epos, was first brought to light and translated by the 
late George Smith of the British Museum in his Chaldean Account of 
the Deluge (London, 1872). 

This document has been from the very beginning a center of attrac- 
tion for cuneiform scholars, owing to its importance for the interpreta- 
tion of the Biblical account of the deluge ; and much zeal and earnest 
labor have been bestowed upon the restoration of the original text and 
its interpretation. 

The cuneiform text was published in the fourth volume of the Raw- 
linson Inscriptions, pp. 50 and 51 , of which a new and much improved 
edition has appeared in 1891, giving on pp. 43 and 44 the Deluge-tablets 
with numerous variant readings. Fr. Delitzsch published the whole 
of tablet XI. in the third edition of his hesestucke (Leipzig, 1885), 
pp. 99-109 ; and last year Professor Haupt gave us, for the first time, a 
complete critical text, in the first fascicle of Part II. of his edition of 
the Nimrod-Epos.* In this second part we find on pp. 79-92 additional 
fragments to the first ten plates, published by Haupt in 1884 ; p. 63 
contains a " hymn to Izdubar," translated for the first time by Dr. Alfred 
Jeremias in his treatise Izdubar-Nimrod (Leipzig, 1891), pp. 3-6 ; pp. 
95-132, registering all the existing fragments of the Deluge account, 
are followed by a new complete edition of that text (pp. 133-150), with 
all the variant readings, and additional remarks beneath the text.f 

Translations of the whole account of the Deluge (i. e. lines 1-185), or 
of parts thereof, have been made since the days of George Smith by 
nearly all the leading Assyriologists, e. g. by Fox Talbot in the Trans. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch. (London, iv. 49 ff., 129 ff.). M. Jules Oppert published 
one in the Appendix to M. E. Ledrain's Histoire d Israel (1882), i. 422- 
434, and another in his Le poeme chaldeen du deluge (Paris, 1885) ; 
Frangois Lenormant, in the fifth appendix to his Les origines de Vhis- 
toire (Paris, 1880, pp. 631 ff.); and Haupt contributed a new rendering 
of selections in his Habilitationsschrift Der keilinschriftliche Sintflut- 
bericht (Leipzig, 1881), and a translation of the whole account to the 
German edition of E. Schrader's Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament 
(2d edition, Giessen, 1883 [= KAT 2 ], pp. 55-64). 

The first philological commentary was also written by Dr. Haupt, in 
1883, for Schrader's KAT 2 (pp. 65-79, with a glossary on pp. 492-521). 
Since then the same writer has contributed in various journals articles 
toward the interpretation of this most difficult cuneiform document. 

* Vol. iii. of the Assyriologische Bibliothek, edited by F. Delitzsch and 
Paul Haupt, Leipzig, 1884 and '91. 

•) A more detailed announcement of this edition is given by Dr. I. M. 
Casanowicz of the Johns Hopkins University in Circular 98 of that University. 

Arnolt, translations of the Deluge-tablets. cxci 

Recently, the Deluge has been translated by Dr. Peter Jensen, of 
Strassburg, in his Kosmologie der Bdbylonier, Studien und Materialien 
(Strassburg, 1890 ; pp. 546, O.), and by Dr. Alfred Jeremias, in his 
Izdubar-Nimrod. Jensen's Kosmologie has been highly praised by most 
of the younger Assyriologists and Semitic scholars,* and unfavorably 
criticised, more or less, by Schrader and Sayce. f Sayce's review, on 
the whole, is simply a retort to some unpleasant remarks of Jensen on 
pp. 43 and 269 of his book. Speaking of Jensen's treatment of the 
Deluge account, Sayce believes " that, on the whole, the general sense 
of the more difficult texts, which relate to religious, mythological, or 
kindred subjects, has been long ago made out ; any one who will com- 
pare the translations given by Dr. Jensen of the Creation and Deluge 
tablets with the translations published more than fifteen years since 
by George Smith will see that in all essential points they seldom vary 
much from one another. Except in supplying the broken portions of 
the text, there is little of really material consequence to be added to 
the existing translations of that particular document." That these 
words are simply assertions on the part of Mr. Sayce, any observant 
reader can see by comparing the different specimens of translations of 
passages of the Nimrod-Epos given by Dr. C. Adler in the Johns Hop- 
kins Circular, No. 55 (Jan., 1887), and by Professor Haupt in his quota- 
tions of the several renderings of the opening lines of the Deluge-story 
in No. 69 (Feb., 1889) of the same circulars. 

On page xiv of his preface, Jensen remarks that his book was in- 
tended also for readers who are not Assyriologists. But, as a matter of 
fact, it will be found disappointing by such a reader. For it presumes 
an intimate knowledge of the language of the cuneiform tablets, and 
every page bristles with Sumerian and Assyrian words and cuneiform 
characters. Jensen declares war, on the same page, against the fash- 
ionable craze of using abbreviations of all kinds ; but on the very first 
page of his book, line 9, the unsuspicious reader is confronted by the 
enigmatic abbreviation " iv. R. 63, 12b."t How can any reader but an 
Assyriologist be expected to know the meaning of such abbreviations, 
used by one who so emphatically protested against their use, without 
even supplying a key to their understanding? What is, no doubt, 
sadly missed by many readers of Jensen's interesting and highly in- 
structive book is an introductory chapter containing a survey of the 
cuneiform documents mentioned in the body of the work, their char- 
acter, source, and approximate date of composition. 

* C. Bezold, in the London Academy, May 31, 1890, p. 575 ; K. Budde of 
Strassburg, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1890, No. 7, cols. 170-175 ; 
Zimmern, in Zeilschrift fur Assyriologie, v. 114-120 ; W. N(owack), in Litte- 
rar. Centralblatt (Leipzig, 1890), No. 15. 

f E. Schrader, in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1890, No. 42, cols. 535-7 ; 
Sayce, in the Critical Review of Theological and Philosophical Literature, i. 

X Fourth volume of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, edited by 
Sir H. C. Rawlinson, plate 63, column b, line 12, 

cxcii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

The book is known, now, to all Assyriologists and to a great many 
Old Testament scholars. 
It is divided into three main parts : 

I. The universe as a whole (pp. 1-260). This is the most valuable part 
of the whole work, from which we may gain a fair idea, from the 
documents which have come down to us, of the conception of the uni- 
verse formed by the ordinary Babylonian . 

The earth was round and immovable, a lofty mountain (Xar-sag [gal] 
Jcurkurra and E-Kur = bit sade ' mountain house'), and rested on the 
abyss of waters (apsu). But we may well ask here at once how such a 
conception could have arisen among the inhabitants of the alluvial 
plain of Babylonia ? and the passages invoked by Jensen in support of 
his view admit also of a different interpretation. Above the earth 
stretched the arch of the sky, the heaven of god Anu, resting on the 
foundation of heaven (esid same) ; above this firmament, again, is the 
'inner part of heaven' (kirib same), the abode of the gods, called also 
E-ba(b)bara = bit same ' sun-lit house,' because here the sun shone con- 
tinually. Above the visible heaven there were the * upper waters,' a 
heavenly ocean. At both north poles, that of the ecliptic as well as that 
of the equator, sat the astronomical Anu and Bel (Dagdn) ; below, in the 
furthest south, perhaps in the constellation of Arago, the astronomical 
Ea. The sky was divided by ' ways' or ' paths' of the movable stars, 
one of them being the Anu-p&th = ecliptic ; another the l?eZ-path = the 
tropic of Cancer ; and a third the Ea-path = the tropic of Capricorn. 
On either side of the world, to the east and the west, there were doors, 
through which the sun passed on his daily circuit ; but it does not fol- 
low that either the Babylonian poet or his contemporaries believed in 
their existence, as little as we believe the earth to be fixed and station- 
ary because we may say that the sun rises or sets. In the sky there are 
four classes of heavenly bodies : 1. The stars tear' h^oxnv, the fixed stars ; 
2. The bibbu-st&rs, i. e. the moving, retreating sheep = the planets ; 3. 
The raven-stars = the comets ; and 4. The meteors. Of special impor- 
tance among the fixed stars are the .Mast-stars, i. e. the stars of the 
ecliptic and the zodiacal signs. The ' island of the blessed ' is located by 
Jensen on the southern horizon of the Persian gulf, and arguments are 
adduced against the identification of the Babylonian * mountain of the 
world ' with the ' mount of the congregation ' of the gods alluded to in 
Isaiah xiv. 13. Beneath the earth lay Hades, the realm of the dead, its 
entrance toward the west ; an old myth (iv. Rawl. 31) asserts that it is 
surrounded by seven walls and approached by seven gates. 

In the pre-Semitic period of Chaldaea, the earth was divided into 
seven parallel zones {tub(p)uqdti), encircling one another and divided 
by dykes or mounds ; this conception was modified by the Semitic in- 
vaders, who substituted for it the division of the earth into four equal 
quadrants {-kibrdti). 

II. The second part (pp. 263-364) treats of the Babylonian legends 
concerning the origin and development of the world. The same sub- 
ject has lately been discussed by Professor Barton in the first part of 
volume xv, of the Journal of this Society. 

Arnolt, translations of the Deluge-tablets. cxciii 

III. The third part (pp. 364-446) is devoted to a new treatment of the 
Deluge-account. I mentioned in the beginning that some of the older 
A ssyriologists have spoken rather derogatively of this portion of the 
book. Thus Sayce, who adds to the criticism quoted above " It is true 
that certain words and expressions still remain obscure in the account 
of the deluge ; but, as regards these, though some of them may be 
cleared up hereafter, we can never hope to obtain full certainty as to 
the rest." Similar in character are Schrader's remarks. On the other 
hand, Budde, Bezold, and others cannot find words sufficient to praise 
this masterly treatment, especially of the account of the Deluge. 
Bezold even says ' ' It widely differs from any other of the numerous 
attempts at an interpretation of these texts (i. e. Creation- and Deluge- 
tablets), and, we may add, annihilates them all. It is, however, unfor- 
tunate that Jensen did not make use of the important contributions 
towards the right readings of the Deluge text in the Expositor (Septem- 
ber, 1888, p. 236 ff.), which were available a long time before the Leipzig 
Beitrage zur Assyriologie were finally presented to the world." 

The " important contributions" referred to by Bezold are imbedded 
in a review, signed E. (Evans ?), of the second part of Friederich De- 
litzsch's Assyrisches Worterbuch. They are corrections to lines 52, 103, 
121, and 279 of the deluge text : in all, four ! These Bezold prefers, as 
more important, to the hundred and more additions to and corrections 
of the text which were published by Dr. Haupt in an article in the first 
volume of the Beitrage zur Assyriologie, a preprint of which was is- 
sued early in 1888 and sent to Jensen, even before the September num- 
ber of the Expositor appeared. 

Budde tells us that Jensen's treatment of the Deluge text is the best 
since the commentary of Haupt (1883). Lacunae, he says, are supplied 
by Jensen, untenable or unwarranted explanations dropped, and better 
ones offered in their place. Such is true to a great extent ; but Budde 
does not mention that most of the supplied lacunae are based on 
Haupt's collation of the Izdubar-legends ; that most of the new expla- 
nations offered go back to Stan. Guyard's Notes de lexicographie assy- 
rienne (Paris, 1883), Zimmern's Busspsalmen (Leipzig, 1885), and De- 
litzsch's Assyrisches Worterbuch, parts 1 and 2 ; Budde apparently 
overlooks— and, as a non-Assyriologist, could hardly be expected to 
know — the fact that Zimmern has contributed a large share to this 
new translation and commentary ; that Jensen's improvements are 
confined to 1. 13, abubu = ' Flutsturm ' not ' Sturmflut,' which ulti- 
mately is due to Praetorius ; 1. 20. ugur bita, bini elippa ' erect a house 
(ark), build a ship,' explaining ugur as imperative of nagaru 'build,' 
against the former ugur bita ' destroy (thy) house ;' 11. 83-86, mu'ir 
kukki ' he who sends the raingushes,' explaining mu'ir as the participle 
of uHr * he sent ' (Piel to a'aru), as against the old reading izzak- (writ- 
ten MU-)ir kukki, translated 'he said: kuku' or ' kuku said.' Kukku 
'raingush'is derived by Jensen from kandku 'press down, beat,' a 
formation quite unique according to the laws of Assyrian grammar. 
Delitzsch in Part III. of his Worterbuch has shown that we must 
read mu'ir quqi (T^T)) ' he who sends darkness ;' but, if so, then Jen- 
sen's translation of line 83 (86) mu'ir kukki ina lildti usaznanu samtitu 

cxciv American Oriental Society'* s Proceedings, April 1892. 

Jcebdti ' when he who sends rain pours down a heavy rain in the even- 
ing ' has to be abandoned for the better rendering ' when he who sends 
darkness in the evening causes a heavy destructive rain to pour down.' 
Line 121 is based on Haupt's collation (see also Nimrod-epos, pi. 140, 1. 
128) ; another good interpretation of Jensen's is that of same sa Anim 
'the heaven of Ann' (1. 108) by 'sky.' These are the chief improve- 
ments, in this translation and commentary, upon the work of former 

On the other hand, a number of Assyrian words and sentences are 
left untranslated which could have been translated correctly. I note 
especially 11. 55, karxitu ; 59, kirbitu ; 64, sussulu (amphora, jug) ; 75, 
gini (where we must read gi-ir, Nimrod-Epos, pi. 137, 79, and note 21); 
109, Hani kima kalbi qunnunu, which evidently means * the gods 
crouched down like dogs ;' and 146, where it is said of the raven sent 
out by Atraxasis iqrib isaxxi itarri issaxra ; Jensen translates ' he 
came near . . . croaked ( V^Vlfl)* but ^id no ^ re ^urn again' (cf. St. Guy- 
ard, 1. c. § 77). 

About a year later than Jensen's Kosmologie appeared Alfred Jere- 
mias's unassuming little book called Izdubar-Nimrod, eine altbabylon- 
ische Heldensage, dargestellt nach den Keilschrift-fragmenten (Leipzig, 
1891 ; pp. 73). This treatise can safely be recommended to all Semitic 
students and young Assyriologists as a cautious guide for the under- 
standing of the great Nimrod-Epos. On pp. 32-36 Jeremias publishes a 
new rendering of the Deluge-account ; and, if Bezold could say of Jen- 
sen's translation that it "annihilated all previous attempts," we can, 
from a close comparison of the two renderings, say now that that of 
Jeremias annihilates that of Jensen. 

Of the 167 lines of the Deluge text translated by Jensen, Jeremias 
omits 25 lines (11. 54-77 and 103-104), owing to the imperfect condition 
of the cuneiform text, thus leaving only 142 lines common to both, 
of which 41 lines differ wholly or in part from Jensen's translation, in 
some instances changing essentially the situation. Wherever Jeremias 
differs from Jensen, he follows mostly the reading and translation pro- 
posed by Haupt in his Beitrage zur Assyriologie, i. 94-152 and 320-22 ; 
Nimrod-Epos, pi. 133-142. 

The following are the lines in which Jeremias differs from his prede- 
cessor : 12, 14, 16, 17-18, 20b, 25-6, 55-6, 90, 94, 98b, 100, 101, 102, 113-115, 

119 (where Hani asm asbi is translated by Jensen * the gods where they 
sat', while Jeremias renders 'there the gods sat bowed down': ""Mf 1 )), 

120 (where it is said of the gods katmd saptasunu, Jensen ' covered 
were their lips,' while Jeremias much better gives ' their lips were 
pressed together,' doubtless a sign of fear and terror), 122-125 (where 
the whole arrangement of the sentences differs considerably), 128, 130 
(uktammisma, Jensen ' I bowed down,' Jeremias ' dazzled I sank back- 
ward'), 132, 133, 135, 142, 146 (where Jeremias reads ' the raven which 
Atraxasis sent out ik-kal isaxxi itarri izsaxra : ate, settled down, i. e. 
descended to feed, either on the carcasses or on the slimy mud, . . . and 
did not return ', omitting, however, the translation of itarri, which evi- 

IZeisner, different classes of Babylonian spirits. excv 

dently means k flew away': If teal of aru ViTlU 147 ' 154 > 156 ' 168 > 169 
(kiki), 171, 172 ff. (ammaku, Jensen ' wherefore ', Jeremias ' instead of '), 
181a, and 183. 

This rapid survey will, I hope, convince every reader of the two books 
that Jensen has by no means spoken the last word in the interpretation 
of the Deluge. It will be the aim of the principal part of this paper 
— to be published in the Hebraica — to trace the historic development 
of the interpretation of the Deluge-tablets since they were first trans- 
lated by George Smith ; to show how much every new translator, since 
then, owes to his predecessor, and what additions to our knowledge of 
the true text, its interpretation, and its correct translation have been 
made by the different contributors. This will be followed by a new in- 
terpretation of some passages of the document in question hitherto mis- 

12. The different classes of Babylonian spirits ; by George 
Reisner, of Harvard University. 

In the following abstract are given only the conclusions thus far 
reached'. In the paper itself I expect to state facts and arguments. 

I. The material from which the following conclusions are drawn is 
to be found mainly in Rawlinson iv. 1-20. The texts given there pre- 
sent a number of different kinds of spirits having in general the same 
characteristics. They are subject to certain laws, and yield to the 
influence of spoken words and of ceremonies. They are manifested in 
the causing and the curing of diseases, in accidents — in fact, in any 
uncomprehended physical phenomenon. Each kind of spirit seems to 
be a group or species, whose members are indistinguishable as indi- 
viduals. The meanings of the names are very obscure, and, when they 
do appear, give little material for classification : as, for example, 
rdbisu, k croucher ;' ahJiazu, 'seizer;' utukku, *tearer(?).' Moreover, 
the characteristics indicated by the names agree only in a general way 
with those stated in the texts. 

II. The most evident basis of classification of the different groups of 
spirits is that of their relation to man. From this point of view there 
are three main classes : 1. Those which are well-disposed towards men ; 

2. Those which are well- or ill-disposed according to circumstances ; 

3. Those which are ill-disposed. The words "good "and "evil" must 
be understood in a purely physical sense. It is true that evil spirits are 
said to be hostile to the gods, but it is only in causing material, not 
moral, injury to men, or even to gods. 

The great gods, 

2. Shidu, 

3. Rabisu, 

















cxcvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 189&. 

The classes of spirits thus made out are not separated by any sharp 
line, but merge into one another so that it is difficult to tell just where 
one class leaves off and the next begins. And the result is a series of 
groups, varying gradually from the lowest evil spirits to the great gods 

III. The most fundamental classification would be one on the basis of 
the origin or real nature of the spirits ; but here the material is scanty. 
There are some general differences, however, pointing to three classes : 

1. Spirits which seem to be the disembodiments of the supernatural 
powers supposed to reside in certain physical phenomena— especially 
in the various winds. They cause mainly fevers and plagues, ^nd 
they are described in a way strikingly like the descriptions given of the 
Arabic desert-jinn, the zoba'ah. 

2. Spirits which seem to be the disembodiments of the supernatural 
powers supposed to reside in certain animals. They cause diseases and 
accidents. They are to be compared with the Hebrew seHrim and the 
Arabic jinn. All are characterized by partially or wholly animal 
forms, by the habitation of waste places, and by the lack of individu- 
ality. One member of this class, the shidu, appears in the Old Test., 
seemingly borrowed by the Hebrews : cf. Deut. xxxi. 17, Ps. cvi. 37. 
Both passages are post-exilic ; and the term is used to characterize 
heathen gods, as Moslems use the word jinn and Christians the word 
devil. Further, the shidi, which were represented by the winged bulls 
of stone that stood at the gates of Assyrian and Babylonian palaces, 
were very likely to make a deep impression on the Hebrews. 

3. Spirits of men and women who have died violent but bloodless 
deaths. They are especially connected with night visitations, and 
include apparently the lilu, lilitu, and ardat Mi (' maid of the lilu '). 
The Hebrew Lilith is a partial borrowing of this lilu-lilitu species of 

13. A peculiar use of Hani in the tablets from El-Amarna ; by 
Professor George A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

In several of the tablets from El-Amarna, as published by Winck- 
ler and Abel in the Konigliche Museen zu Berlin— Mittheilungen aus 
den Orientalischen Sammlungen, the following sentence occurs : ana 
sarri bili-ya, ilani-FL-ya ilu samsi-ya, sarri, bili-ya etc., which must 
evidently be rendered ' Unto the king, my lord, my god, my sun-god, the 
king, my lord,' etc., making iZam-PL, the plural form, really a singular in 
force. This is for Assyrian a very peculiar usage. The sentence, how- 
ever, is of too frequent occurrence for us to suppose that there is any 
mistake about it ; and, while this peculiar use of Hani is mostly confined 
to the address to the king at the beginning of these letters, I have 
noted it in a few other connections as well. The passages in which it 
is found are as follows : No. 88, 1. 31 ; No. 41, 11. 31, 39 ; No. 90, 11. 2, 6 ; 
No. 99, 1. 1 ; No. 100, 1. 2 ; No. 101, 1. 2 ; No. 107, 11. 2, 7 ; No. 108, 11. 2, 6 ; 
No. 109, U. 1, 7 ; No. 110, 11. 1, 7 ; No. 116, 1. 3 ; No. 117, 1. 5 ; No. 118, 1. 
2 ; No. 119, 1. 2 ; No. 120, 1. 2 ; No. 121, 1. 2 ; No. 122, 1. 1 ; No. 123, 1. 2 ; 

Barton, Hani in the El-Amama tablets. cxcvii 

No. 124, 1. 1 ; No. 126, 1. 2 ; No. 137, 1. 6 ; No. 138, 11. 2, 8 ; No. 145, 11. 2, 
10 ; No. 147, 1. 2 ; No. 148, 1. 2 ; No. 153, 11. 1, 6 ; No. 156, 11. 2, 7 ; No. 187, 
1. 4 ; No. 190, 1. 2 ; No. 200, 1. 2 ; No. 201, 1. 6. 

It will be seen, therefore, that ilani-FL with the force of a singular 
occurs more than forty times. That it really is a singular is shown not 
only by the fact that it is in apposition with a singular noun, but by a 
variant, sarri, bili-ya ili-ya ilu samsi-ya etc., where ilu occurs in place 
of ilani-FL (see No. 193, 1. 10, and No. 198, 1. 3). 

There is in the Assyrian royal annals a usage which at first sight ap- 
proaches quite closely to the one noted above. Hani rabuti or Hani is 
often used in a collective sense, in such a way that the idea of plurality 
is almost lost, and the real unity of volition presupposed on the part of 
the gods rises to such a pitch that they seem to be spoken of almost 
as one being. This latter use of Hani is confined to no one period. 
It occurs in Assurnasirpal I., cir. 1800 B. C. (palih ilani-FL rabuti-FL, 
Z. A. vol. v., p. 79, 1. 21) ; in Tiglath-pileser I., cir. 1100 B. C. (ina tukul- 
ti sa ilani-FL, rabuti-FL, I. R. 12. 45-46 ; ma-mi-it ilani-FL-ya rabuti-FL, 
I. R. 13. 14 ; Hi ilani-FL rabuti-FL i-ti-bu-ma, I. R. 15. 53) ; in Assurnasir- 
pal II. , 885-860 B. C. (pa-lih ilani-FL rabuti-FL, I. R. 17. 18 ; inapi-i ilani- 
FL rabuti-FL, I. R. 17. 36 ; kar-di ka-su-us ilani-FL rabuti-FL, I. R. 26. 127- 
128) ; in Shamshi-raman, 825-812 B. C. (sa ul-tu ul-la-a ilani-FL ib-bu-u, 
I.R. 29.30); in Tiglath-pileser III., 745-727 B.C. (zar-su-ut [?] ilani-FL 
rabuti-FL, II. R. 67. 81) ; in Sargon, 722-705 B. C. (im-bu-in-ni Hani-PL, 
rabuti-FL, Cyl. Ins. 1. 49 ; sa ki-i la lib-bi ilani-FL sar-ra-ut Babili-Ki i- 
pu-su-ma, Bull. Ins. 1. 31*); in Esarhaddon, 681-668 B. C. (sa-lam ilani- 
FL rabuti-FL ud-dis, I. R. 49, Col. iv., 25) ; in Assurbanipal, 668-626 B. C. 
(ina ki-bit ilani-FL rabuti-FL, V. R. 1. 35, also 8. 27 ; la is-su-ru ma-mit 
ilani-FL rabuti-FL, V.R. 1. 119, also 8. 67 ; ri-si-i-ti a-na ilani-FL-ya as- 
ruk, V. R. 7. 1 ; ilani-FL rabuti-FL ma-la ina mu-sar-i an-ni-i sat-ru 
kima ya-a-ti-ma lis-ru-ku-us da-na-nu u li-i-tu, V. R. 10. 114, 115) ; and 
in Nebuchadrezzar, 604-561 B. C. (sa a-na al-ka-ka-a-at ilani-FL rabuti- 
FL na-da-a u-zu-na-a-su, I. R. 51, No. 1, 11. 4-5 ; sa-at-tu-uk ilani-FL 
rabuti-FL us-pa-ar-si\-ih, I. R. 54, Col. ii. 38). 

In such passages as the above, Hani seems not to have been used as a 
real singular, unless Esarhaddon's sa-lam Hani can be regarded as such 
a use. Here, however, the sa-lam may be deemed a collective. Indeed, 
it would seem that in such passages the plural conception of Hani was 
never wholly wanting. In the case of one of our above quotations 
(I. R. 1. 35) Assurbanipal goes on in the immediate context to name the 
twelve gods of his pantheon. Again, in V. R. 8. 27, we have the expres- 
sion already noted, Ina ki-bit Hani rabuti, but in 1. 30 ina ki-bit Assur 
Istar u Hani rabuti, which reveals the plural idea in the former expres- 
sion. Every Assyrian scholar will readily recall numerous instances 
in which Hani rabuti is in apposition to a king's whole pantheon. 

Negative statements are always precarious, but, in looking through 
the Assyrian literature, I have found but one case outside the El- 

* See Lyon's Keilschrifttexte Sargons, or Winckler's Keilschrifttexte Sargons. 

f Or zi. 

cxcviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

Amarna tablets where Hani can absolutely be regarded as a singular. 
This is in an inscription of Nabonidus, found at the temple of Sin at 
Ur, and published in I. R. 68, and in Abel and Winckler's Keilschrift- 
texte, p. 43. 

Col. i. , 11. 28, 29, of this inscription read a-na ilu Sin bit ilani-Ph sa 
sami-i u irsi-tim, n sarri ilani-YL> ilani-pi, sa ilani-Fi>. Here the last 
Hani but one is in apposition with Sin, a singular noun, unless it be (as 
Peiser has suggested : Keil. Bibliothek, iii. 94 n.) a repetition made by 
mistake. The next nearest approach to such a usage is Esarhaddon's 
sa-lam Hani, and in that case there were undoubtedly many images of 
the different gods. While it is possible that the Nabonidus usage and 
that of the El- Amarna tablets are connected, and represent some obscure 
Babylonian peculiarity not otherwise preserved to us, it seems to me 
more likely that they are in no wise connected, and that the Assyrian 
spoken in Syria reveals to us in this peculiarity the traces of an influ- 
ence from outside. Was this influence Phoenician ? Fortunately there 
is some evidence in the scanty remains of Phoenician literature that 
this influence came possibly in slight degree from Phoenicia. There 
are not only several instances in the Phoenician inscriptions where 
Dt7i^ , the plural of ^{^ , approaches a singular meaning like Hani in 
the royal annals of Asssyria (e. g. Chii ^J ' * ne sacre( i barber,' C. I. S. 
257. 4 ; 258. 4-5 ; 259. 3 ; Q^tf QpQ , C. I. S. 377. 5-6 ; and Q^N fi/DN * 
378. 3), but in one instance we have Q^H used as a veritable singular. 
See C. I. S. 119. 2. The inscription runs as follows : 

. br\i cfrx oron n^DtrN p •ajrv 

i. e. 'I am Asepta, daughter of Eshmunshillem, a Sidonian. Which 
Yatanbel, son of Eshmunshillekh, the chief priest of the god Nergal, 
erected for me \ 

Here we have Nergal in apposition with Q^J^, proving Q^J^ to be 
really a singular.* Although this inscription comes from the neigh- 
borhood of Athens, it was written in memory of a Sidonian woman, 
and presumably by a Sidonian. Now of our El- Amarna letters which 
contain Hani as a singular, and the location of which we can deter- 
mine, one (No. 90) comes from Sidon, and another (No. 99) from 
some town in its vicinity. It looks therefore as if we had traces in 
the region of Sidon of the use of Q^}^ as a singular. Of the remain- 
ing El- Amarna letters containing this peculiar usage, and the^local 
origin of which we can determine, four come from Askelon,f two from 
Lakish,J and one from the vicinity of Ajalon, since it contains a men- 
tion of that town.§ We are led therefore to suspect that Palestinian 
influence had more to do with this use of Hani than Phoenician influ- 
ence had. This suspicion moreover is strengthened when we find what 

* So Movers, Schroder, Renan, Levy, and Block, though Derenbourg and 
HaleVy attempt a different rendering. 

f Nos. 118, 119, 121, 122. J Nos. 123, 124. § No. 137. 

Barton, an Ethiopic MS. of the Octateuch. cxcix 

A. J. Delattre has already pointed out (P. S. B. A., xiii. 319): that our let- 
ter from Sidon was written by the same man who wrote one of the let- 
ters from Lakish. This fact gives additional ground for the conjecture 
that the Canaanitish usage of D^fl^N as a singular is largely if not 
altogether responsible for this peculiar use of Hani in the tablets from 
El-Amarna. This may seem at first sight a bold conjecture, but it 
is not without parallel in these tablets. No one can read them without 
noting what Dr. Zimmern has already pointed out :* namely, the note- 
worthy influence of the Canaanitish language upon Assyrian forms. 
Some instances of this are the following : ip-sa-ti for ip-sa-ku (102.5), 
pa-ta-ar for pa-ti-ir (102.8), ha-pa-ru for ip-i-ru (203.3), sunu for sinu 
(169.10), susu for sisu (169.23), and zuru for katu (103.27; 104.14,34; 
102.12). With these it would seem that we may probably include 
D^n^K •' no ^ * na ^ ^ n ^ s divine name itself is actually found in the Assy- 
rian, but that its influence led to the use of Hani as a singular. If our 
conjecture is correct, we have evidence in the El-Amarna tablets of 
a most interesting nature to the Old Testament critic : evidence that 
in Canaan, in the 15th century B. C, Q^n^N was already used as a 
singular ; evidence too that this usage extended to Phoenicia, where we 
find some slight trace of it centuries later. This is the divine name 
adopted by the prophetic Elohist in the Pentateuch. Critics agree in 
ascribing these writings to a date anterior to 750 B. C.f It has been 
considered a difficulty in Pentateuchal analysis, as I remember to have 
heard Professor Toy once say, that, while Elohim seems to have been 
the name applied by the Elohistic writer to God at the above named 
date (which critics consider early), no trace can be found in the Old 
Testament of Elohim as the name of a specific deity, or of Elohim as an 
element of proper names. It is thought that in the ordinary course of 
development the use of Elohim as a proper name would have preceded 
the use of Elohim as a generic designation of the absolute Deity, and 
would have led up to it. Our El-Amarna tablets, however, seem to 
teach us that this usage antedates the entrance of the Israelites into 
Canaan, and that, if any such development took place, it occurred long 
before Old Testament times. 

14. On an Ethiopic MS. of the Octateuch in the Library of 
Haverford College, Pa. ; by Professor Geo. A, Barton. 

This MS. is known in the Haverford Library Catalogue of MSS. 
as Hav. 23. It is briefly described in A Catalogue of Manuscripts 
(chiefly Oriental) in the Library of Haverford College, by Robert W. 
Rogers, published in the Haverford College Studies, No. 4, p. 28 ff . 

As is there stated, the MS. is one brought by Professor J. Rendel 
Harris from the East in 1889. It is one of several purchased in Egypt, 

* See Dr. Zimmern J s Articles in Zeit. Dent. Paldstina-Vereins, Band xiii., 
Heft 3 ; and in ZA. Band vi., Heft 3. 

f See Driver's Introduction, p. 116 ; Kuenen's Hexateuch, p. 248. 

cc American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

Palestine, and Lebanon, but we are not told of the channel through 
which this MS. came from Abyssinia into Professor Harris's hands. 
Quoting Teschendorf's "In the dust of an Eastern Monastery," Professor 
Harris assures us " that these MSS. have had their share of the dust of 
Holy Lands and Holy Cities, but that their sanctity is locally anony- 

Hav. 23 is a manuscript of fine vellum, which Professor Rogers has 
correctly described as " containing 182 leaves, 12 x 16£ inches, bound in 
original Oriental binding of boards, covered with leather, stamped with 
various geometric designs and with crosses The vellum is in per- 
fect preservation, and the inks bright and clear. Marginal notes, 
glosses, and corrections in later hands are found in many places 
throughout the volume." The writing is in three columns. The con- 
tents of the MS. are as follows :— 









75 " 






128 " 






166b ff. 



180 " 

A prayer, 



It should be mentioned, however, that on two fly leaves at the begin- 
ning of the volume there are written in a very bad modern hand some 
Biblical extracts. The divisions between the verses are in the main 
body of the MS. marked by a combination of black and red dots, but 
in some portions the red dots are omitted. At the beginning of Gene- 
sis, Exodus, and Joshua the first ten lines across the page are written 
in alternate pairs in red and black ink. At the beginning of Leviticus 
and Numbers the same alternation extending across the page occurs, 
but is continued through six lines only, while at the beginning of 
Deuteronomy, Judges, and Ruth five lines of alternate red and black 
are found in the first column only. This is due partly to the fact that 
Judges and Ruth begin in the third column of the page, and partly to 
the different hands, of which I will speak presently. Different sections 
here and there written by the two older hands begin with two or three 
lines in red ink. In the middle books of the MS. the phrase " And the 
Lord spoke to Moses and said—" is most frequently selected as a red 
letter sentence. The numerals are also generally, but by no means 
exclusively, written in red ink by these scribes. In the parts of the 
book of Joshua written by the oldest hand of all, spaces are frequently 
left for the insertion in red ink of the numerals and of the phrase 
" And the Lord said" etc. Evidently, as the scribe wrote, his red ink 
gave out, and, although he left places for its future use, his work was 
never completed. 

* Haverford College Studies, No. 4, p. 28n. 

Barton, an Ethiopic MS. of the Octateueh. cci 

With reference to the different hands which have worked on the 
volume, I find myself unable to concur in the statement of Professor 
Rogers. He says : "From fol. 1 to 127 the writing is large and hand- 
some, in three columns, containing from 29 to 31 lines each, a few 

pages only being apparently written in another hand From fol. 

128 to fol. 134 the writing is somewhat smaller, not so neat, with 42 
lines to the column. After these the large hand begins again, and 
continues to 163. Fols. 164-169 are written in yet another hand, fine 
and neat, with 42 lines to the column. Arid from that to the end of 
the book the large hand is found again." It seems to me that four 
hands have worked on the Octateueh proper, while a fifth has added 
the prayer at the end of the book. I would call these four writers A. B. 
C. and D. The writing clearly indicates the individuality of each. A. 
writes in large, clear uncials, with 29 to 31 lines to the page. His 
writing is plain and neat ; his letters are not so angular as in the earli- 
est Ethiopic MSS., but still the old angular forms are partially pre- 
served, especially in the tops of the letters Yaman, Dent, and Sadai, 
and in the angular form of the vowels in the syllables to and ko. A. 
wrote fols. 1-114 and 149-163. B. writes in a slightly smaller hand, with 
31 to 35 lines to the page, and more carelessly than A. In B.'s writing 
the various forms of Sat (sa, s, sa, so) are hard to distinguish, while his 
letters Yaman, Dent, Sadai, etc., are not quite so angular as those of 
A. B. wrote fols. 115-127, 135-147, and 170-182. The writing of C. is 
still smaller, not very neat, more careless, and less angular than that 
of B., and contains 42 lines to the column. C. wrote fols. 128-134. The 
writing of D. is distinguished from that of C. mainly by the fineness 
and delicacy of the hand and the neatness of the writing. He also has 
42 lines to the page. D. wrote fols. 164-169. The writing of these four 
hands seems tolerably distinct, though that of no one of them is abso- 
lutely uniform throughout. Whose writing is ? For example, on fol. 
35a, at the top of col. 3, the scribe A. took a new pen, which for some 
distance affected slightly the character of his writing. 

As to the age of the MS. it is difficult to speak. The appearance of 
the book would indicate a considerable antiquity, but the late Profes- 
sor Wright of Cambridge has warned us that in the case of Ethiopic 
MSS. such appearance is delusive.* Again, to one familiar with Greek 
uncial MSS. of the New Testament, the fact that our MS. is written in 
three columns would point to an early date, as all the known Greek 
uncials, except {^ and B, of the fourth century, are written in two col- 
umns only (see Gregory's Prolegomena, p. 337 ff.). This indication, 
however, cannot be applied to Ethiopic MSS., as the number of col- 
umns in Abyssinia seems not to have been fixed by custom for any par- 
ticular age, but always to have depended on the convenience of the 
scribe or the size of the MS. For example, in Wright's Catalogue of 
Ethiopic Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 6, a MS. of the XVIIIth 
cent, is described (Orient 482) which is written in 3 cols. ; on p. 7, 
another written in 3 cols, is described (Orient 483) which bears the date 

* See Catalogue of Ethiopic Manuscripts, p. ix. 

ccii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

of 1721 ; and many others similarly written and from about the same 
time are described in subsequent pages of the same work. As there is, 
so far as I have been able to find, no date given in the MS., we are 
thrown back upon the palseographic characteristics of the book as our 
only data for the determination of its age. From a comparison of the 
different hands mentioned above with the dated facsimiles in Wright's 
Catalogue already referred to, noting particularly the angular or 
curved character of the writing, its confusion or lack of confusion of 
sa, s, sd, and so, its degree of neatness, I should assign the following 
dates to the different hands : A., the end of the XVIIth or beginning of 
the XVIIIth cent. ; B., the last half of the XVIIIth cent. ; C. and D., 
the first part of the present century. 

In order to form some idea of the character of the text, I have col- 
lated the following chapters selected at random, using Dillmann's 
Oetateuchus AEthiopicus as a standard of comparison : Genesis i., ii., 
xxiv., 1. ; Exodus i., xii., xxv. ; Leviticus i., xii., xxiv. ; Numbers ii., 
xvii., xxxvi. ; Deuteronomy i., xvii. ; Joshua xiv. ; and Judges vi. In 
the passages collated, I have noted 434 variants. These variants are in 
the main different from any noted in the Apparatus Criticus of Dill- 
mann's Oetateuchus. Of them only 18 agree with Dillmann's codex C, 
12 with codex G., 10 with codex F., and 8 with codex H. These four 
are the only MSS. Dillmann used. Among them, again, 264 are clearly 
wrong, and 107 seem to me to be equally good with the readings of 
Dillmann's text ; while, as renderings of the LXX text, 63 seem to me 
preferable to Dillmann's readings. Of the variants which I regard 
as clearly mistakes or corruptions of the text, several are omissions due 
to homoeoteleuton, while a larger number have arisen from the omis- 
sion of single words. A few are owing to such transpositions of letters 
and mistakes of spelling as all scribes are liable to make. Of those 
readings which I should regard as alternates to Dillmann's, the ma- 
jority are different Ethiopic transliterations of the Septuagmt proper 
names, the addition or omission of the particle ni, or a variation in the 
gender of a noun which could be used as either masculine or feminine. 
Such variation appears of course from the consequent variations of the 
pronouns and verbs used in construction with the noun. Occasionally 
a Greek word is rendered in our MS. by a synonym of the word em- 
ployed in Dillmann's text. Of the 63 readings I have noted which 
seem to me preferable to Dillmann's, many are simply varying trans- 
literations of proper names, and nearly all are variants in minor points 
only. The comparison of Dillmann's text with our MS. leaves an im- 
pression of the general integrity of that text, on the one hand, and on 
the other indicates that our MS. has some value, though probably not 
great, as a means for the textual criticism of the Octateuch. Occa- 
sionally our MS. sustains one of Dillmann's emendations of the text, 
though quite as often it does not. 

In Exodus xxxvi., xxxvii., and xxxviii., our MS. follows the LXX 
version, and not the recension which has been corrected to conform to 
the Hebrew text, and of which codex C. (Dill.) is an example. 

Orne, two Arabic MSS. at Cambridge. cciii 

15. An account of two Arabic manuscripts in the Semitic 
Museum at Cambridge, Mass. ; by Mr. John Orne, of Cambridge, 


1. A work on medicine, by Ali bin al Abbas. 

This manuscript is 13 inches long, 9 inches wide, 2 inches thick, and 
contains 610 pages, not numbered. It is bound in black leather, the 
covers tooled on the margins and stamped with gilt floral and foliage 
designs in the corners and panels. The inside of one cover and a few 
leaves are worm-eaten ; the rest of the manuscript is in good condition. 
The date of its writing is not given. A label on the inside of the 
first cover contains the name of M. Sylvestre de Sacy, No. 74, showing 
its former illustrious ownership— a circumstance which will enhance 
its interest in the estimation of Semitic students. 

The manuscript is well but not elegantly written, on vellum paper, 
in Neskhi characters, 24 lines to the page. The first page and the 
upper part of the second contain, besides the name of the author and 
the title of the work, the table of contents of the 25 chapters of Part I. 
The name of the author and the numbers of the chapters are in red ; 
the subjects of the various chapters, in black. The same condition 
holds in regard to the table of contents of the remaining parts ; while 
in the body of the manuscript these conditions are reversed, the num- 
bers of the chapters being in black while the subjects of them and of 
the smaller divisions are in red. The manuscript is written in black, 
without ornamentation. The vowels are not written. The diacritical 
points are sometimes wanting, sometimes defective, and sometimes 
misplaced. The thay (ej) is written with but two points instead of 
three ; the two points of tay (cu) are often arranged vertically. The 

za (Jb) is written as dad (^js) ; dal (j>) and zal (6) are generally 
written alike. 

A translation of the first page is as follows : * In the name of Allah, 
the merciful, the compassionate, who is endowed with power over all 

Part first, volume first, of Kamil as-sand'at at-tabiet, al ma'ruf bil 
meleky [i. e. ' Book of the perfections of the art of medicine, known as 
the Royal'], the composition of Ali bin al Abbas, the skilful physician, 
a pupil of Abi Mahir Musa bin Yasar al Majusi [the Magian], containing 
twenty-five chapters, as follows : 

Chap. 1. The introduction to the work ; 2. The advice of Hippoc- 
rates and other ancient physicians of eminence ; 3. Eight principal 
matters which it is important to know before reading the whole work ; 
4. The divisions of the art of medicine ; 5. The elements, and their 
appearance in the different temperaments; 6. The various tempera- 
ments; 7. The qualities possessed by the various temperaments; 8. 
The temperament of every man by nature ; 9. The various members of 
the body as to temperament ; 10. The temperament of the brain ; 11. 
The temperament of the eye and all the organs of sense ; 12. The tem- 
perament of the heart ; 13. The temperament of the liver ; 14. The 

cciv American Oriental Society } s Proceedings, April 1892. 

temperament of the testes : 15. The temperament of the stomach ; 16. 
The temperament of the lungs ; 17. The temperament of the body as a 
whole ; 18. The indications of a perfect body ; 19. The causes which 
change the natural temperament ; 20. The changes of temperament 
from the influence of different countries ; 21. The changes of tempera- 
ment from the influence of man ; 22. The nature of men and women ; 
23. The change of temperament from the influence of habits ; 24. The 
indications of sickness and health in people ; 25. The four humors [i. e. 
blood, phlegm, yellow bile, black bile].' 

The subjects treated in the ten Parts, or Books, into which each 
volume of the great work is divided, are given in the latter portion of 
Chap. 3, Part I. The sub-tables of contents of the various chapters of 
the remaining nine parts of vol. i. , that of the first part having been 
already given on the title page, are found at the beginning of each 
Part throughout the volume. 

This manuscript is but one volume of the whole work, the last page 
of it closing the last chapter of Part X., vol. i. It is closed by the 
scribe in these words : " The book is finished by the aid of Allah — be 
he exalted ! The scribe of this book is Simeon, son of Khabah, who 
wrote it for Michael al Sakraj and sons— God bestow a blessing on them. 
Amen !" 

The author dedicated his work to the Sultan Adhad eddaulat, of the 
house of the Bouides, who flourished 978 A. D. The work first ap- 
peared at Aleppo in Syria. Its author died 994 A. D. It has never 
been translated into any language but the Latin, and it has never been 
printed in the original. It was an authority in medical science for 
many years, till the great work of Avicenna, or Ibn Sin a, of Bokhara, 
appeared, early in the 11th century. This last work, like its predeces- 
sor, was largely made up from the Greek writers on medicine, Galen 
and Hippocrates and others, and contained but little original matter 
obtained by the investigations of its writer and other Arab physicians. 
Translations of additional tables of contents of parts of the work a*nd 
of several chapters, including the introductory one, have been made 
by the writer of this paper for the use of those interested, whether 
students of Arabic or others ; and, with the description here presented, 
they have been deposited in the Semitic museum. The introductory 
chapter alluded to contains, besides a laudatory dedication to the 
reigning Caliph, a notice of each of the eminent physicians who had 
previously written on the subject of medicine. Their works are criti- 
cised, and, although generally commended, are found defective. But 
as to himself the writer of this work says : "I have described in this 
book of mine all that is necessary in regard to preserving the health 
and to curing diseases, to their natures and causes as well as the symp- 
toms which they exhibit : such ^matters indeed as skilful physicians 
cannot do without a knowledge of. I have mentioned remedies and 
treatments with medicines and nutriments, trials and selections of 
which had been made by former physicians, and of which the good 
and beneficial qualities and the want of them had been previously 
ascertained. All others I rejected." 

Orne, Arabic mortuary tablets at Cambridge. ccv 

In two respects he says that his work is peculiar : namely, no one 
before had composed just such a work ; and, if you compare it with 
those which have preceded it, you shall not find one of them that con- 
tains everything on the art of medicine, as this one does. Again, it is 
the first book of the kind which has been published for the people." 

2. Part of a commentary on the Sahih of Al Bokhari. 

This is a small folio volume, %% by 11 inches, written in African or 
Mogrebbi handwriting, and bound in native binding, at some time re- 
backed ; the covers are of red leather, tooled on the margins and 
stamped with floral designs in the centres. It is slightly worm-eaten, 
but, on the whole, in excellent condition. It is vol. iii. of a commen- 
tary on the Jami us-Sahlh, or canonical collection of the traditions 
regarding Mohammed, written by Abu Abd Allah Mohammed, bin Abi 
Al Hosein, bin Ismael, bin Ibrahim, al Ja'afi, Al Bokhari (i. e. of the 
city of Bokhara), about the middle of the 9th century, and reverenced 
almost equally with the Koran by orthodox Moslems. 

This commentary is one of the many which have been made upon 
the Sahih. There is reason to believe that it was written by Moham- 
med ash-Shakuri an Nawi, in Egypt, A. D. 1424. The volume before 
us contains 275 pages, 28 lines to a page, and comprises sections xvii. 
and xviii. of the great work. These sections contain books and chap- 
ters on business transactions ; on the right of preemption ; on rents, 
commissions, securities, agencies, exchange, lawsuits, attachments, 
partnerships, mortgages, and other matters pertaining to business ; 
also other books and chapters on the beginning of creation, the children 
of Israel, the signs of prophecy, the excellent qualities of the compan- 
ions of the prophet Mohammed ; on the times of ignorance before Islam, 
the sending of the prophet, events preceding the Hegira, wars with the 
infidels, etc. They relate to less than one-third of the whole Book of 

16. A brief account of some Arabic mortuary tablets in the 
Semitic Museum at Cambridge, Mass. ; by Mr. John Orne. 

With a part of the fund given by Mr. Jacob H. Schiff of New York to 
Harvard University for the purchase of objects illustrating Semitic life, 
history, and art, Professor Lyon procured in Europe in the summer of 
1890 some twenty-five Arabic mortuary tablets of limestone, containing 
inscriptions in Cufic and in other forms of monumental characters. 
These tablets, which came originally from Egpyt, are in various states 
of preservation ; some quite entire, with the characters clear, distinct, 
and complete ; others in fragments, or more or less deficient from the 
breaking off of parts ; or worn by abrasion and by the action of the at- 
mosphere, by disintegration of the materials of the stone, or by the 
growth of lichens upon their surfaces. 

The styles of inscription vary from simple, distinct, rounded, slender 

characters to the more or less ornamented, crowded, angular, thick, 

and heavy. All are without diacritical points ; many are without spaces 

between the words ; some are wrongly spaced within the words. Words 


ccvi American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

are occasionally divided at the ends of the lines. One tablet has an in- 
scription on each side of it, relating to the same person, but with some- 
what different expressions. The letters vary on the different tablets 
from half an inch to two inches in height. On the whole, consider- 
ing the age of the tablets, they are in a remarkably good state of pre- 
servation, and are a valuable addition to the collection of Semitic 
material in the Museum. They furnish an interesting study of the vari- 
ous styles of sculptured Arabic, as well as of the language employed in 
monuments erected to the memory of the dead. 

These tablets have been carefully examined by me, and the characters 
deciphered, so far as the condition of the stones and my knowledge of 
the Arabic language enabled me to do it, and I have prepared and de- 
posited in the Museum transliterations and literal.translations, for the 
benefit of those who shall hereafter study the monuments. 

The dates, which occur on the lower parts of the tablets, are some- 
times entirely effaced ; in other cases they are only partially clear. But 
generally enough of the letters can be made out to give assurance of 
the words intended by the sculptor. 

The tablets are all dated in the 9th century of our era. So far as they 
have been made out— and 15 of them are well assured— they are from 
853 to 889 A. D. This period was while Egypt was under the viceroys 
of the Eastern Caliphs, and before the rule of the Fatimite dynasty and 
the building of Cairo. 

All the inscriptions begin, where the first line is not missing, with 
the words bismillah etc. ' In the name of Allah, the merciful, the com- 
passionate.' Then usually follows a portion of the Koran. The passages 
which most frequently occur are the so-called " Throne- verse," Sura ii. 
256, beginning * Allah ! no God but him, the living, the unchangeable. 
Neither slumber nor sleep takes possession of him. To him belongs 
what is in the heavens and what is upon the earth ' etc. ; and Sura iii. 16, 
* Allah testified that there is no God but him ; and the angels and those 
having wisdom also testified ' etc. Then follows the name of the occu- 
pant of the tomb, with his confession of faith, either simple or accom- 
panied by some one of the Koranic confessions, such as ix. 33 or xxii. 7. 
Sometimes a sentiment is inscribed not taken from the Koran, but ex- 
pressing the feelings or opinions of the friends of the deceased, and set- 
ting forth the excellent qualities of his heart. Then follows an invoca- 
tion of the blessing of Allah upon the departed, and the statement of 
the time of his death, usually only the month of the year, though in a 
few instances the exact day is given. 

Translations of two of the tablets are subjoined. 

Translation of Arabic Tablet No. 143. 


1. " In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate." 

2. O people ! " fear the day, you shall re- 

3. turn in it to Allah : then shall 

4. be paid every soul what it has gained ; 

5. and they shall not be treated unjustly." This 

6. is the tomb of Fatimeh, daughter of Ibrahim, 

Winslow, Sculptures and Inscriptions of Beni Hasan, ccvii 

7. son of Ishak Al Hajari. She confessed 

8. that there is no God but Allah alone ; 

9. no companion to him ; and that Mohammed is his apostle, 

10. Upon him be peace. She died in the month Moharram, 

11. in the year 2 and 40 and 200 [i. e. 242 A. H.: = May 10-June 9, 
856 A. D.]. 

Translation of Arabic Tablet No. 144. 


1. "In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate." 

2. " Testified Allah, that there is no God but him ; and the angels, 

3. and those having wisdom — also testified — enduring in righteous- 
ness ; no God but him, 

4. the Mighty, the Wise." This is what testified to it — 

5. — son of Yakub. — He testified "that Allah, 

6. no God but him alone, no companion to him, and that Mohammed 

7. is his servant and his apostle. He sent him with the right guid- 
ance and true religion, 

8. to show it to be above other religion, all of it, even though despise 

9. it the polytheists ;" and that life is certain ; and that 

10. death is certain ; and that the resurrection is certain ; " and that 
the hour 

11. is coming, no doubt about it ; and that Allah will raise up 

12. those who are in the graves." For this one there is a refuge ; and 
for him 

13. a resting place ; and for him the resurrection of life if Allah will. 

17. The Sculptures and Inscriptions of Beni Hasan ; by Rev. 
W. C. Winslow, of Boston. 

Dr. Winslow spoke of the value of "the archaeological survey of 
Egypt " by the Egypt Exploration Fund, as strikingly instanced in the 
initial work, under Mr. Newberry, at the tombs of Beni Hasan ; the 
results therefrom are to appear in an exhaustive and beautifully illus- 
trated memoir, entitled "Archaeological Survey, Vol. I." Of the thirty- 
nine tombs, four are simply inscribed, eight are decorated ; the surface 
of painted wall is 12,000 square feet ; the period, as now proved by Mr. 
Newberry, is that of the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties ; the person- 
ages for whom the decorations were made were nomarchs, governors, 
and petty princes, owning allegiance to the reigning Pharaoh, yet 
absolute in local government, and holding a miniature court. But two 
or three of Dr. Winslow's references find room in this abstract. Tomb 
15 (as numbered by Mr. Newberry), excavated for Baqta of the Eleventh 
Dynasty, with depictions of wild animals, of sports and amusements, is 
graced on the north side with a portrait of his daughter, Neferheput, 
or ' Beautiful of Rudders ;' tomb 17, embellished with the feats of acro- 
bats, has some cursive hieroglyphs, abounding in free and easy dialogue, 
as when the wrestler says to the thrown "If you wish to get up, say 
dead ;" tomb 14, yielding newly-known inscriptions, has the rare face 
of Set-a-pe (' the mistress of all women ') ; the 222 lines of the Great 

ccviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

Inscription in the tomb of Ameni are now for the first time fully and 
accurately reproduced in facsimile. Tomb 14 furnishes perhaps the 
most important of Mr. Newberry's discoveries having an ethnographical 
value : namely, what is apparently a group of Lybians— an Egyptian 
officer heading a file of seven persons, of whom three are warriors and 
four are women. The former have blue eyes, yellow skin, reddish hair, 
in which is stuck a plume of ostrich feathers, and a gnarled club in the 
left hand. The women are fair and blue-eyed, two of them bear chil- 
dren in a basket attached to their shoulders, and each of the other two 
women carries a monkey on her back. Mr. Newberry has also found 
ten unknown tombs at El-Birsheh, and discovered a longer genealogical 
succession of an ancient Egyptian family than any yet worked out. 
He took to England 14,000 square feet of scenes and inscriptions pen- 
ciled at Beni Hasan and El-Birsheh. 

18. A new inscription at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 
New York ; by Prof. Isaac H. Hall, of New York City. 

This inscription is cut on a pedestal that appears to be of Numidian 
marble, found somewhere in Italy during the year 1891, and presented 
to the Museum by Mr. Henry G. Marquand. The dimensions of the ped- 
estal are inches 4i%x 4-^x1, or centimetres 11.45x11.3x2.51. On the 
top is a cavity, generally rhomboidal, but with a re-entering angle at 
one corner ; and in the opposite corner is a small drilled hole, for the 
fastening of a statuette. The cavity is about £inch or 1.1 centimetre 
deep. On one of the edges is the inscription, in Greek capitals, from 
is to - y % inch, or 3 to 5 millimeters high ; in two lines as follows : 

The style of the letters is rather late, according well with the date 
assigned to the man of the same name and description who, together 
with his father and Apollodorus, executed the famous group of Laocoon 
now in the Vatican. Since the group was found (in the year 1506) in 
the baths of Titus, where Pliny says it was placed, and presumably, at 
least, belongs to the time of Titus (about A. D. 79), the concordant pal- 
aeography of this inscription is a corroboration not so necessary as it is 

The pedestal is somewhat chipped about the edges, and its polish has 
long ago disappeared. The inscription is not very deeply cut, nor with 
extreme regularity, though the strokes are fine, and the whole not ill 

19. On a scarab seal with a Cypriote inscription in the Metro- 
politan Museum of Art, New York ; by Professor I. H. Hall. 

A few months since the Museum obtained, from the neighborhood of 
Smyrna, a well-cut and polished scarab seal, of brown and white chal- 
cedony (almost sardonyx), 0.7 inch long by 0.5 wide, and 0.46 high, 
pierced from end to end in the usual manner. On the elliptical face, or 

Adler, Christopher Columbus in Oriental literature, ccix 

bottom, is the seal. This comprises the figure of a long-horned cow, 
with neck bent around so that she can look at a calf which she is suck- 
ling. Behind and over the hind quarters of the cow is the inscription, 
in Cypriote characters about a tenth of an inch high : zo. wo. te. mi. se. , 
or ZoFode/uig, doubtless a proper name, and of which the device above 
may be a symbol or etymological fancy. About the whole is a border 
line. There are a few slight chips on the surface. In front of the cow 
is an upright single line, tipped with a large dia- 
mond. The legend reads from left to right on 
the seal, from right to left on the impression. 
It is interesting for its containing the rather 
rare character for zo., and the form for wo. 
identical with that on the Curium gold armlets 
of the Cesnola collection. The inscription is also 
rather "Paphian" in character, and would, a priori, be expected to 
read from left to right. Though obtained near Smyrna, I have no doubt 
that it is of Cypriote manufacture. 

The accompanying cut is made directly from the seal itself, photo- 
graphed on a block, enlarged. 

20. Christopher Columbus in Oriental literature, with special 
reference to the Hadisi Nev, or Tarikh Hind Gharby ; by Dr. 
Cyrus Adler, of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

A brief abstract of Dr. Adler's paper is as follows : 

Christopher Columbus in Oriental literature, a subject of interest 
equally to students of Oriental literature and of American history, has 
been investigated by Mr. Henry Harrisse, to whom modern scholars are 
primarily indebted for the scientific investigation of all subjects having 
reference to Columbus and the early voyagers to America. His brief 
yet comprehensive article on this subject (Christoph Columbus im Ori- 
ent) appeared in the Centralblatt fur Bibliothekwesen, vol. v. (1888), pp. 
133-138. After enumerating the references to Columbus in Hebrew lit- 
erature, Mr. Harrisse cites a Turkish work specially devoted to the 
new world. Its Turkish title is Hadisi Nev ' the new event,' to which 
is added an Arabic title, Tarikh el Hind Gharby ' history of West 
India.' It was printed at Constantinople by Ibrahim Effendi (the rene- 
gade). The printing was completed April 3, 1730, and the book is 
therefore one of the incunabula of the Ottoman press. Mr. Harrisse 
had access to the copy of this very rare work in the library of the 
Ecole des langues orientates vivantes in Paris. He was of opinion that 
the work was composed by Hadji Khalfa. 

The article of Mr. Harrisse called forth some notes by Prof. J. Gilde- 
meister of Bonn (1. c. pp. 303-306), who pointed out that, if the book 
Hadisi Nev were written, as stated both by Mr. Harrisse and in the Cata- 
logue of the library of von Hammer, under the reign of Murad III., 
1574-95, it could not have been composed by Hadji Khalfa, who was not 
born earlier than 1600. 

No manuscript of the work was known to either of these writers. 

ccx American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

nor apparently to von Hammer. While in Constantinople in 1891, the 
writer secured a well written and well preserved manuscript of this 
interesting book. It is dated in the year 77. On folio 38b the author 
alludes to the Turkish Admiral Khair-ed-din, surnamed Barbarossa, 
as having " recently died." His death took place in 956 A. H. ; so that 
9 is apparently the figure to be prefixed to 77 ; the date would accord- 
ingly be 977 A. H. : i. e., 1569-70 A. D. The manuscript contains 13 col- 
ored illustrations of animals and plants of America, some of them exe- 
cuted with considerable fidelity. It also contains two diagrams and 
three colored maps. The map of the new world represents South 
America with fair accuracy, and is, in the opinion of Mr. Harrisse, in 
some respects unique. The maps in the manuscript are, of course, 
much older than those in the printed work. 

An inferior manuscript of the same work exists in the Library of the 
American Oriental Society, being very appropriately MS. No. 1. of the 
Society's collections. It was presented by Mr. J. P. Brown, Secretary 
and Dragoman of the U. S. Legation at Constantinople. Mr. Brown 
stated at the time, 1843 (Jr. Am. Or. Soc, vol. i., p. xxix), that " it was 
quite the first book ever printed at Constantinople by the Turks. I 

cannot learn the name of the author I am informed that the 

Tarikh Hind Oharby existed in manuscript many years before the 
introduction of printing, but was taken up and printed on account of 
its popularity as a curious and amusing book." A copy of the printed 
work has been recently deposited in the Smithsonian Institution by the 
Telfair Academy of Arts and Sciences of Savannah, Ga. I hope shortly 
to publish the maps and illustrations in my manuscript, as well as a 
translation of the parts relating to Columbus. 

21. Note on William B. Hodgson ; by Dr. Cyrus Adler. 

The U. S. National Museum has recently secured on deposit a part of 
the collection of the late William B. Hodgson, consisting of oriental 
books and manuscripts. The collections are now the property of the 
Telfair Academy of Arts and Sciences, of Savannah, Ga. 

Mr. Hodgson was one of the few Americans who gave serious atten- 
tion to Oriental studies at the beginning of this century. It is an inter- 
esting fact that his studies were promoted by the government. 

Already before the close of the last century the United States had a 
considerable commerce with the Mediterranean, and it was of the ut- 
most importance that our negotiations with the piratical Barbary States 
should be carefully conducted. The Department of State accordingly 
decided to appoint Mr. Hodgson as attache to the U. S. Consulate at 
Algiers, for the purpose of enabling him to become familiar with ori- 
ental languages. That this was the intention in Mr. Hodgson's appoint- 
ment is evidenced by the following extract from a letter dated Algiers, 
Jan. 1st, 1826, and addressed by Mr. Hodgson to Henry Clay, then Sec- 
retary of State : " The procurement of necessary books would have pre- 
sented some difficulty in the prosecution of my studies. Mr. Shaler has, 
however, furnished me with some elementary works, through his 

Adler, Note on William JB. Hodgson. ccxi 

friends, the Consuls, until I can be better supplied from Paris. With 
these I have commenced the study of Arabic, and hope to make profi- 
ciency correspondent to my own wishes and the expectations of the 
President." Mr. Shaler, the Consul, writing to Henry Clay with refer- 
ence to Hodgson's arrival, said : " I am very much pleased to find that 
the government have at length determined to avail themselves of the 
great advantages offered by the Barbary Consulate for the instruction 
of young men, which must result in important benefits to the public 
service." Further on Mr. Shaler adds : " Perhaps it might be proper, Sir, 
at a later period, when Mr. Hodgson has made himself acquainted with 
the elements of the Turkish, to authorize me to send him into the Le- 
vant in order to acquire a familiar knowledge of it." 

That Mr. Hodgson profited by his opportunities as Mr. Shaler had 
predicted is shown by the fact that he was selected to serve as Secre- 
tary and Dragoman to the U. S. Legation at Constantinople, and later 
(in 1841) was nominated as Consul to Tunis. 

There can be little doubt that the policy which the United States 
Government pursued sixty years ago in the case of Mr. Hodgson, with 
the intention of preparing men for special service in the Orient, might 
be repeated at this day with advantage to the public service. 

Hand in hand with his usefulness as a public servant went Mr. 
Hodgson's development in Oriental scholarship. By 1830 we find him 
the possessor of a very considerable collection of Oriental manuscripts, 
the titles of which are recorded in " A Catalogue of Arabic, Turkish, 
and Persian manuscripts, the private collection of Wm. B. Hodgson, 
Washington ; printed by Duff Green, 1830." A copy of this catalogue- 
now extremely rare— exists in the library of the American Oriental Soci- 
ety, having been presented by Hon. John Pickering, who himself re- 
ceived it from Wm. Shaler. In 1832, Mr. Hodgson published^ memoir on 
the Berber language, and in the following year he translated parts of the 
New Testament into that language. He was one of the original members 
of the American Oriental Society, and in 1844 published " Notes on Nor- 
thern Africa, the Sahara, and the Soudan." The hall of the Georgia 
Historical Society is named in his honor Hodgson Hall. 

22. Bibliography of the works of Paul de Lagarde ; by Pro- 
fessor Richard J. H. Gottheil, of Columbia College, New York 
City. 8 

Paul Anton de Lagarde (earlier known as Paul Botticher) was un- 
doubtedly the most remarkable writer on Semitic studies that the learned 
world has ever seen. There is hardly a spot in the vast field which he 
has not touched with his stupendous learning. He has also treated of 
numerous other and very different subjects. The reason why so much 
that Lagarde has written remains unread is that it has often been placed 
in articles and books treating of widely different subjects. I have there- 
fore prepared the following bibliography, which will give a fair picture 
of the work he has done, and will enable the student to find easily the 
different contributions relating to the same subject. It will be supple- 

ccxii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

merited by a complete index to Lagarde's writings which, I understand, 
we are to expect from the competent hand of Dr. W. Muss-Arnolt. 

The arrangement of the bibliography has occasioned some little diffi- 
culty. I have ordered the different numbers according to subject-mat- 
ter ; and within this arrangement I have tried to follow another one 
according to date of publication. Where no title was given, I have 
constructed one, but bracketed it. Where a work has been twice pub- 
lished, the date and place of second publication follow immediately 
upon those .of first. The attentive student will find a number of dupli- 
cates. That was unavoidable, as many of Lagarde's works were pub- 
lished both separately and as parts of collectanea. The greater number 
of the works mentioned I have in my own library, or have been able to 
consult personally. I have received aid in this from one of my stu- 
dents, Mr. Caspar Levias. Dr. Muss-Arnolt has very kindly furnished 
me with a number of references which I was unable to find in New 
York. Lagarde himself, in the third volume of his Mittheilungen (No. 
241), has given a list of his principal works*, and I have had before me 
a privately printed "Werke von Paul de Lagarde" by [Prof.] E[ber- 
hard] N[estle], bearing date 11. i. 92., which Prof. Nestle was kind 
enough to send me. I am afraid that some of the latest publications 
of Lagarde have escaped me ; but no library in New York had the cur- 
rent numbers of the A.K.G.W.G. 

I have used only a few abbreviations, the most important of which 
are as follows : 

N.K.G.W.G. —Nachrichten von der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wis- 

senschaften zu Gottingen ; 
A.K.G.W.G. = Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissen- 

schaften zu Gottingen ; 
G.G.A. = Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen ; 

G.A. = Gesammelte Abhandlungen von Paul de Lagarde ; 

Z. D. M.G. = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

a. Independent works. 

A. Collected works ; general philology. Nos. 1-30. 

B. Greek. Nos. 81-71a. 

C. Greek-Latin. Nos. 72, 73. 

D. Latin. Nos. 74-84a. 

E. Hebrew. Nos. 85-11 la. 

F. Rabbinical Hebrew and Aramaic. Nos. 112-123. 

G. Arabic. Nos. 124-136. 
H. Syriac. Nos. 137-166a. 
I. Bactrian. Nos. 167-171. 
J. Persian. Nos. 172-174. 

K. Armenian. Nos. 175-180. 

* Cf . also Symmicta i. pp. 227-231 ; ii. p. 223 ; and Librorum Veteris Testa- 
ments canonicorum pars prior, pp. 542-544. 

Gottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxiii 

L. Coptic and Egyptian. Nos. 181-190. 
M. Paleography. Nos. 191-194. 
N. Italian. Nos. 195-202. 

0. German, political. Nos. 203-217. 
P. " theological. Nos. 218-224. 
Q. " educational. Nos. 225-229. 
R. " general. Nos. 230-233. 

S. Poems. Nos. 234-239. 
T. Personalia. Nos. 240-249. 
(i. Book Reviews. 

a. General works. Nos. 250, 251. 

b. Greek. Nos. 252-256. 

d. Latin. Nos. 257-260. 

e. Hebrew. Nos. 261-268. 
g. Arabic. Nos. 269-271. 
h. Syriac. Nos. 272, 273. 
j. Persian. Nos. 274-278. 

1. Coptic and Egyptian. Nos. 279-282. 
p. Theological. Nos. 283, 284. 

q. Educational. No. 285. 

t. " Selbstanzeigen." Nos. 286-297. 

A. 1. Rudimenta mythologiae Semiticae supplementa lexici Aramaici 
scripsit Paulus Boetticher. Berolini (Thorne), 1848. pp. 60. 

2. Arica scripsit Paulus Boetticher. Hallae (Lippert), 1851. pp. 115. 

3. Wurzelforschungen von Paul Boetticher. Halle (Lippert), 1852. 
pp. 48. [see G.A., p. vii.] 

4. Gesammelte Abhandlungen. Leipzig (Brockhaus), 1866. pp. xl, 304. 

5. Symmicta. vol. i., 1877, pp. iv, 232. vol. ii. 1880, pp. viii, 234. Got- 
tingen (Dieterich). [cf. No. 292.] 

6. Orientalia. Erstes Heft. Die koptischen Handschriften der Got- 
tinger Bibliothek ; Bruchstiicke der koptischen Uebersetzung des alten 
Testaments. Gottingen (Dieterich), pp. 104. Zweites Heft. Erklarung 
hebraischer Worter ; Ueber den Hebraer Ephraim von Edessa. ibid, 
pp. 64. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxiv. 1879 ; xxvi. 1880.] 

7. Semitica. Kritische Anmerkungen zum Buche Tsaias (Erstes Stuck, 
pp. 1-32). Erklarung chaldaischer Worter (Erstes Stuck, pp. 33-77). 
1878, vol. i. pp. 71 (A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxiii.). 1879, vol. ii. pp. 48 (ibid. 
Bd. xxvi.). Gottingen (Dieterich). 

8. Mittheilungen. vol. i. 1884, pp. 384. vol. ii. 1887, pp. 388. [cf . No. 
296.] vol. iii. 1889, pp. 376. vol. iv. 1890. Gottingen (Dieterich). 

9. Kleine Mittheilungen, N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 121- 
168. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 1-48.] 

10. Kleine Mittheilungen. N.K.G.W.G. 2 June 1886 ; No. 8, pp. 261- 
277. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 65-81.] 

11. Kleinigkeiten. N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889 ; No. 11, pp. 293-322, 
[Mittheilungen iii. pp. 201-229.] 


ccxiv American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, April 1892. 

12. Nachtrage zu fruheren Mittheilungen. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; 
No. 1, pp. 1-21. 

13. Kleine Mittheilungen. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 1890; No. 13, pp. 

14. Purim: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Religion. [A.K.G.W.G. 
Bd. xxxiv.] Gottingen (Dieterich), 1887. pp. 58. [cf. No. 296.] 

15. On the classification of Semitic Roots (published originally in 
England, 1853?). Symmicta i. 121. [cf. G.A. p. vii.] 

16. Aus Prolegomena zu einer vergleichenden Grammatik des He- 
braischen, Arabischen und Aramaischen. Mittheilungen ii. pp. 353-367. 

17. Ueber die J^-haltigen Worter. Semitica i. pp. 144-151. 

18. Eine alte Characteristik von zehn Sprachen. Anhang to Aga- 
thangelus etc. [see No. 53]. pp. 150-155. 

19. Uebersicht Uber die im Aramaischen, Arabischen und Hebra- 
ischen ubliche Bildung der. Nomina. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxv.] Gottin- 
gen (Dieterich), 1889. pp. 240. 

20. Register [von A. Rahlfs] und Nachtrage zu der Uebersicht. 
[A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxvii.] Gottingen (Dieterich), 1891. pp. 76. 

21. Ueber die semitischen Namen des Feigenbaums und der Feige. 
N.K.G.W.G. 3 Dec. 1881 ; No. 15, pp. 368-396. [Mittheilungen i. 58-75.] 

22. Kastanie und Oelbaum. .N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889 ; No. 11, pp. 
299-319. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 206-226.] 

23. Lexikalisches : i. Aralez ; ii. Malsin ; iii. Chagrin ; iv. Mas[s]ora ; 
v. Noch einmal ^tf. N.K.G.W.G. 3 March 1882; No. 7, pp. 164-192. 
[Mittheilungen i. pp. 88-106.] Nachtrag : 9. ii. 1884. [ibid, pp, 107-111.] 

24. Vita Adse et Evse. N.K.G.W.G. 14 May 1879 ; No. 9, pp. 239-242. 
[Synimicta ii. pp. 4-7.] 

25. Astarte. N.K.G.W.G. 3 Dec. 1881 ; No. 15, pp. 396-400. [Mitthei- 
lungen i. pp. 75-81.] 

26. Sixtus = Xystus. N.K.G.W.G. 18 June 1882. p. 408. [Mitthei- 
lungen i. p. 134.] 

27. Cider, angeblich eine Erfindung der Manichaer. Mittheilungen 
iii. pp. 47, 48. 

28. Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben : Aktenstiicke und Glossen. 
Gottingen (Dieterich), 1880. pp. 120. 

29. Ein Beitrag zur Naturgeschichte der Semitisten. Mittheilungen 
iii. pp. 80-85. 

30. Der achte Orientalistencongress. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 324-334. 

B. 31. De Novo Testamento ad versionum orientalium fidem edendo. 
Programm des Kdlnischen Real-Gymnasiums. Berlin (Nauck'sche Buch- 
druckerei), 1857. pp. 20. [Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 85-119.] 

32. Anmerkungen zur griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien, 
Leipzig (Brockhaus), 1863. pp. 96, 

Gottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxV 

33. Anmerkungen zur griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien. 1863. 
(Reproduction of Preface to No. 32, with an additional note on the arche- 
type of the Hebrew Bible, dated 17. i. 1884f) Mittheilungen i. pp. 19-26 
(see also p. 381). 

34. Genesis graece, e fide editionis sixtin<» addita scripturae discre- 
pantia e libris manu scriptis a se ipso conlatis et editionibus Complu- 
tensi et Aldina adcuratissime enotata edita. Lipsiae, 1868. pp. xxiv, 

35. Vorbemerkungen zu meiner Ausgabe der Septuaginta. Symmicta 
ii.pp. 137-148. 

36. Ankundigung einer neuen Ausgabe der griechischen Ueberset- 
zung des alten Testaments. Gottingen, 1882. pp. 64. [cf. No. 291.] 

37. Librorum Veteris Testamenti canonicorum pars prior graece Paulo 
de Lagarde studio et sumptibus edita. G.G. A. 1883 ; No. 40, pp. 175, 176. 
Gottingen (Dieterich), 1883. pp. xvi, 544. 

38. Die pars prior der LXX Lucians ed. P. de Lagarde betreffend. 
Gottingen, 9 Mai 1884. (Intended originally to be pp. 242, 243 of Mit- 
theilungen i. but sent out separately.) Reprinted, Mittheilungen iii. pp. 
239, 240. 

39. Nachtrag zur Vorrede der Librorum Veteris Testamenti etc. (No. 
37). Mittheilungen i. pp. 200-206. 

40. Die Pariser Blatter des Codex Sarravianus. Semitica ii. pp. 1- 
48. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxv.J 

41. Noch einmal meine Ausgabe der Septuaginta. a. Erklarung des 
Professor Paul de Lagarde zu Gottingen liber eine von ihm beabsichtigte 
Ausgabe der Septuaginta ; b. Vierter Bogen der im Januar 1885 ausge- 
gebenen Probe einer neuen Ausgabe der lateinischen Uebersetzungen 
des alten Testaments (intended as 4th sheet of No. 77 ; but withheld). 
Mittheilungen ii. pp. 229-256. 

42. Novae psalterii graeci editionis specimen. 1887, pp. 40. Reprinted 
from A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxiii. 1886. [cf. No. 266.J 

43. Novae psalterii graeci editionis specimen. Corollarium. Mit- 
theilungen ii. p. 188. 

43 a. Septuaginta Studien. (Text of A and (3 to Judges with critical 
apparatus, pp. 1-72 ; the chronology of Clemens of Alexandria, pp. 73- 
92, incomplete.) A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxvii. 1891. pp. 92. 

44. Reliquiae juris ecclesiastici antiquissimae graece edidit A. P. de La- 
garde. Leipzig (Teubner), 1856. pp. lvi, 96. 

45. Hippolyti Romani quae feruntur omnia graece. Leipzig, 1858. 
pp. xvi, 216. 

46. Titi Bostreni quae ex opere contra Manichaeos edito in codice 
Hamburgensi servata sunt graece. Accedunt Iulii Romani epistolae et 
Gregorii Thaumaturgi Kara jutpog Triang. Berolini (Herz), 1859. pp. viii, 128. 

47. Constitutiones apostolorum graece. Leipzig, 1862. pp. xvi, 288. 

48. Clementina. Leipzig, 1865. pp. xxxi, 200. 

ecxvi American Oriental Society' 's Proceedings, April 189%. 

49. Aus einem Uncial-codex der Clementina. Symmicta ii. pp. 217- 

50. Clementina. 1865. (Reproduction of the introduction, pp. 26-36, 
with two additions : a. Eiirige Bemerkungen liber die Verbreitung der 
in den Clementinen erzahlten Sagen. pp. 36-48 ; b. Notizen liber die 
Handschriften der Rekognitionen. pp. 40-54.) Mittheilungen i. pp. 

51. Johannis Euchaitorum metropolitan quae in codice vaticano graeco 
676 supersunt, Ed. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxviii.] pp. xvi. 228. Gottingen, 
(Dieterich), 1882. [cf. No. 294.] 

52. Neu Griechisches aus Kleinasien. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxiii.] Got- 
tingen (Dieterich), 1886. pp. 68. 

53. Agathangelus und die Akten Gregors von Armenien, neu heraus- 
gegeben. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxv.] Gottingen (Dieterich), 1887. pp. 

54. Agathangelus neu herausgegeben. A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxv. [see 
No. 53.J pp. 3-88. 

55. Die Akten Gregors von Armenien, neu herausgegeben. A.K.G. 
W.G. Bd. xxxv. (cf. No. 84a). [see No. 53.] pp. 89-120. 

56. Erlauterungen zu Agathangelus und den Akten Gregors von Ar- 
menien. A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxxv. pp. 121-149. [see No. 53.] 

57. Epiphaniana rrepl uerpov nal crrddfiuv. Symmicta i. pp. 209-226. 

58. Des Epiphanius Buch iiber Masse und Gewichte zum ersten male 
vollstandig. Symmicta ii. pp. 149-216. 

59. Ein Fragment des Arztes Africanus. Symmicta i. pp. 165-176. 

60. Tertullianea. N.K.G.W.G. 16 Jan. 1878 ; No. 1, pp. 15-18. [Sym- 
micta ii. pp. 2-4.] 

61. Tertullianea. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, pp. 2-4. 

62. Ueber den Hebraer Ephraim von Edessa. (zu Genesis i.-xxxviii.) 
Orientalia ii. pp. 43-63. 

63. "Actios. N.K.G.W.G. 14 May 1879 ; No. 9, pp. 237-239. [Symmicta 
ii. p. 4.] 

64. [KaTTappdnrng in Mesopotamien.] Mittheilungen i. pp. 205, 206. 

65. Keiptov. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 141-145. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 21-95.] 

66. 'ETrayd/uevac. Anhang to Purim [No. 14]. pp. 57, 58. 

67. Zeiaapa. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 1890 ; No. 13, p. 433. 

68. Lucas i. 47. Mittheilungen iii. p. 374. 

69. Maria Magdalena. N.K.G.W.G. 26 June 1889 ; No. 14, pp. 371- 
375. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 257-260.] 

70. Die Inschrift von Aduli. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 1890 ; No. 13, pp. 

71. 'Aprayvm. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 148-150. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 28-30.] 

&ottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxvii 

71a. Psalterii graeci quinquagena prima, in usum scholarum edita. 
Gottingen (Dieterich) 1892. pp. 70. (Published after L's death, with as- 
sistance of A. Rahlfs : cf. Agathangelus, p. 157.) 

C. 72. Josephi Scaligeri poeraata omnia ex museio Petri Scriverii. 
Berolini (Barth), 1864. pp. 412. 

73. Onomastica Sacra. First Edition. Vol. i. Gottingse, 1870. pp. viii, 
304. (Contains : a. Hieronymi liber interpretationis hebraicorum nom- 
inum ; b. Hieronymi de situ et nominibus locorum hebraicorum liber ; 
c. Onomastica graeca minora ; d. ^baeQlov irepl rtiv tottckgjv bvojudrov t&v 
h T7j deta ypa<py). Vol. ii. ibid, (variants and indices). Second edition. 
Gottingen (Dieterich), 1887. pp. 368. (Contains also Nos. 84a, Ilia.) [cf. 
Nos. 287 and 296.] 

D. 74. Hieronymi quaestiones hebraicae in libro Geneseos. Lipsiae, 
1868. pp. vii, 272. 

75. Des Hieronymus Uebertragung der griechischen Uebersetzung des 
lob. Mittheilungen ii. pp. 189-237. 

76. Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos Hieronymi. Accedit corollarium crit- 
icum. Lipsiae, 1874. pp. xvi, 168. [cf. No. 288.] 

77. Probe einer neuen Ausgabe der lateinischen Uebersetzungen des 
alten Testaments. 1885. pp. 48. [cf. No. 296.] 

78. Die Weisheiten der Handschrift von Amiata. Mittheilungen i. 
pp. 241-380. 

79. Ezdrana (to "E£d/oaf /? ; preface only). Mittheilungen iii. pp. 287- 

80. Die lateinischen Uebersetzungen des Ignatius. A.K.G.W.G. Bd. 
xxix. pp. viii, 156. 

81. Vulfilas Ezdras. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, pp. 19-21. 

82. Cephas im Canticum. N.K.G.W.G. 2 June 1886 ; No. 2, p. 277. 
[Mittheilungen ii. p. 81.] 

83. Soin. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, p. 124. [Mittheilungen 
ii. p. 4.] 

84. Calautica. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 124-131. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 4-11.] 

84a. Vita Gregorii Armeni. Onomastica Sacra 2d. ed. pp. 1-24. [cf. 
No. 55.] 

E. 85. [On the names of the Hebrew letters.] Symmicta i. p. 113. 

86. Erklarung hebraischer Worter. A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxvi. [Orien- 
talia ii. pp. 1-42.] 

87. ptf . N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 19. 

88. DiTDN = ^5^cJt ji. N.K.G.W.G. 24 Nov. 1886; No. 18, p. 
565. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 185, 186.] 

89. Noch einmal *?$ . N.K.G.W.G. 24 Nov. 1886; No. 18, p. 563. 
[Mittheilungen ii. p. 183.] 

ccxviii American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, April 1892. 

90. ^ . Mittheilungen ii. pp. 27, 28. [cf. No. llla.J 
91- iSN • N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 15. 

92. *J# = yiJ!f • N.K.G.W.G. 1881; No. 15, pp. 404-406. [Mit- 
theilungen i. pp. 80, 81.] 

93. mif. N.K.G.W.G. 18 June 1882; No. 13, pp. 393-408. [Mit- 
theilungen i. pp. 125-134.] 

94. Ueber das Wort ggbhlm Regnorum y 6, 9. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 
1890 ; No. 13, pp. 428-430. 

95. JTT = olt> = data. Anhang ii. to Agathangelus, etc. (No. 53), 
pp. 156-160. 

96. Hit • Mittheilungen ii. pp. 368, 369. 


97. Das alteste Glied der masoretischen Traditionskette. N.K.G. 
W.G. 19 March 1890 ; No. 4, pp. 95-101. 

P8. Der Codex des Ben Asher. N.K.G.W.G, 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 

99. Emendationes [to the Hebrew text of the Bible, one to LXX. and 
three Greek ones]. Prophetae chaldaice, pp. xlvi-li. 

100. Genesis xlvi. 13. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 281, 282. 

101. [Parallele zwischen Genesis xlix. 25, 26, und Deuteronomium 
xxxiii. 13-16.] Agathangelus, etc. (No. 53), p. 156, note. 

102. Exodus i. 11. N.K.G.W.G. 28 May 1890 ; pp. 155-159. 

103. [Deuteronomy xxxiii.] Agathangelus, etc. (No. 53), p. 162. 

104. Kritische Anmerkungen zum Buche Isaias. Erstes Stuck. A.K. 
G.W.G. Bd. xxiii. [Semitica i. pp. 1-32.] 

105. [Explanation of Isaiah x. 4.] Academy, 15 Dec. 1870. [Sym- 
micta i. p. 105.] 

106. Acrostics in the Psalms. Academy, 1 Jan. 1872. [Symmicta i. 
p. 107.] 

107. Psalm xvi. 4. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 110, 111. 

108. Zum zweiundzwanzigsten Psalme. Anhang to Orientalia ii. 
pp. 63, 64. 

109. Isaias lxvi. 3. Mittheilungen iii. p. 374. 

110. Psalm lxxxiii. Mittheilungen iii. pp. Ill, 112. 

111. Psalm lxxxiv. 8. ^fl *?X ^FfO • Mittheilungen iii. p. 112. 
Ilia. De mn* et ^N quae exponit P. de L. Onomastica Sacra ii. 

2d ed. 192. [cf . No. 90.] 

F. 112. Hebraische Handschriften in Erfurt. (Contains also, p. 162, 
account of an Arabic MS.) Symmicta i. pp. 130-164. 

113. [Description of MS. 13 in the Gottinger Universitatsbibliothek 
containing portions of the Talmud.] A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxiii. [Semit- 
ica i. pp. 69-71.] 

Gottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxix 

114. Ein Gutachten [in regard to the Talmud]. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 

115. Prophetae chaldaice, e fide codicis Reuchliniani. Lipsiee (Teub~ 
ner), 1872. pp. li, 493. [cf. No. 289.] 

116. Hagiographa chaldaice. Leipzig (Teubner), 1873. pp. xxv, 366. 
[cf. No. 290.] 

117. [Variants in the Aramaic Haftaroth from MS. in Erfurt.] Sym- 
micta i. p. 139. 

118. Eine vergessene Handschrift des sogenannten Fragmententar- 
gums. N.K.G.W.G. 25 Jan. 1888 ; No. 1, pp. 1-3. [Mittheilungen iii. 
pp. 26-27.] 

119. Erklarung chaldaischer Worter. Erstes Stuck. A.K.G.W.G. 
Bd. xxiii. [Semitica i. pp. 33 68.] 

120. Iudae Harizii macamae hebraice. Gottingse, 1883. pp. iv, 204. 

121. Lipman Zunz und seine Verehrer. Mittheilungen ii. pp. 108-162. 

122. Juden und Indogermanen. Eine Studie nach dem Leben. Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 262-351. 

123. Wie man Hebraisch versteht. N.K.G.W.G. 25 Jan. 1888 ; 
No. 1, pp. 3-9. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 28-33.] 

O. 124. Initia chromatologiae Arabicae. Dissertatio inauguralis .... 
xxiii M. Junii A. MDCCCIL publice defendit auctor Paulus Boetticher, 
Berolinus. Berolini (Trowitzsch), pp. 30. 

125. Materialien zur Geschichte und Kritik des Pentateuchs. Leip- 
zig, 1867. pp. xvi, 231. [cf. No. 286.] 

126. Psalmi i.-xlix. arabice in usum scholarum editi. Gottingen, 1875. 
pp. ii, 83. 

127. Psalterium, Job, Proverbia arabice; Gottingen, 1876. pp. xii. 328. 

128. Die vier Evangelien arabisch, aus der Wiener Handschrift her- 
ausgegeben. Leipzig, 1864. pp. xxxii, 143. 

129. P. Lagardii ad analecta sua syriaca appendix. [Apocalypse of 
John, parts of the commentary of Hippoiytus in Arabic] 1858. Lip- 
sise (Teubner), Londini (Williams & Norgate). pp. iv, 28. 

130. Die arabische Uebersetzung des evayyeliov Sea reooapuv. N.K.G. 
W.G. 17 March, 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 150-158. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 30-38.] 

131. Petri Hispani (Pedro de Alcala) de lingua Arabica libri duo. 
Gottingee, 1883. pp. viii, 440. 

132. Analyse der alten arabischen Typen der Gottinger Gesellschaft 
der Wissenschaften. N.K.G.W.G. 24 Nov. 1886 ; No. 18, pp. 564, 565. 
[Mittheilungen ii. p. 184.] 

133. 'E(j>6Xtuov in Arabien. Mittheilungen iii. p. 111. [see Mittheilungen 
ii. p. 356.] 

134. ^-yuXo . N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 135-141. 
[Mittheilungen ii. pp. 15-21.] 

ccxx American Oriental Society* s Proceedings, April 1892. 

135. Sura. N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889 ; No. 11, pp. 296-298. [Mitthei- 
lungen iii. pp. 204-206.] 

136. TS&pdog = Jb . N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886; No. 4, pp. 145-147. 
[Mittheilungen ii. pp. 25-27.] 

H. 137. Aus einem Briefe des Lie. Dr. P. Boetticher an Prof. Fleischer 
[in regard to Syriac studies in the British Museum]. Halle, 6 Sept. 1852. 
Z.D.M.G. vi. 1852. p. 583. 

138. Aus einem Briefe des Dr. P. Boetticher an Prof. Fleischer [in re- 
gard to Syriac studies in the British Museum]. London, 15 Marz, 1853. 
Z.D.M.G. vii. (1853) pp. 407-409. [cf. also N.K.G.W.G. 1881, p. 357.] 

139. Aufforderung zur Subscription [for the Anecdota Syriaca as orig- 
inally planned, and the Didaskalie der Apostel arabisch]. Z.D.M.G. vii. 
(1853) pp. 613-614. 

140. Aus einem Briefe des Herrn Prof, de Lagarde [in regard to in- 
tended Syriac publications]. Gottingen, 4 Nov. 1874. Z.D.M.G. xxviii. 
(1874) p. 680. 

141. Didascalia apostolorum syriace. (Cent exemplaires.) Lipsise 
(Teubner), 1854. pp. vii, 121. [cf. No. 47.] 

142. Reliquiae iuris ecclesiastici antiquissimae, syriace primus edidit 
A. P. de Lagarde. MDCCCLVI. Lipsise (Teubner). pp. viii, 144. [cf. 
No. 44.] 

143. Analecta Syriaca. (Xysti yvti/uai', Gregorius Thaumaturgus ; Iu- 
lius Romanus ; Hippolytus Romanus ; Diodorus Tarsensis ; Theodorus 
Mopsuhestenus ; Georgii Arabum episcop. epistola ; Aristotelis Kepi 
Koa/nov Trpbg ' 'AMijavdpov ; Socrates de anima ; Isocrates elg kyfiovLnov; Plu- 
tarchus de exercitatione, nepl aopyyalag ; Pythagorse Sententise ; Dio- 
des?; Vita Alexandri magni.) Lipsise (Teubner), Londini (Williams 
& Norgate), 1858. pp. xx, 208. 

144. Titi Bostreni contra Manichaeos libri quatuor syriace. Berolini 
(Schultze), 1859. pp. iv, 186. [cf. No. 46 ; and for an additional extract 
cf. No. 32, pp. 94, 95.] 

145. Geoponicon in sermone syriacum versorum quae supersunt. 
Lipsise (Teubner), Londini (Williams & Norgate), 1860. pp. iv. 120. [cf. 
No. 151.] 

146. Libri Veteris Testamenti Apocryphi syriace, e recognitione Pauli 
Antonii de Lagarde. Lipsise (Brockhaus), Londini (Williams & Nor- 
gate), 1861. pp. xxxix, 273. 

147. Clementis Romani recognitiones syriace. Lipsiae (Brockhaus), 
Londini (Williams & Norgate), 1861. pp. viii, 167. [cf. Z.D.M.G. xvi. 
(1862) pp. 548-552.] 

148. Praetermissorum libri duo e recognitione Pauli de Lagarde. Got- 
tingse, 1879 (sumptibus editoris). pp. iv, 252. Syriac in Hebrew charac- 
ters, containing: a. Elise nisibeni interpres. pp. 1-96. b. Gregorii 
Abulfarag in librum Psalmorum adnotationes. pp. 97-252, 

Gottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxxi 

149. Veteris Testamenti ab Origene recensiti fragmenta apud Syros 
servata quinque ; prsemittitur Epiphanii de mensuris et ponderibus liber 
nunc primuna integer et ipse Syriacus. Gottingae (Dieterich), 1880. pp. 
iv, 356.* 

150. Horae Aramaicae. Berolini, 1847. 

151. De Geoponicon versione Syriaca commentatio. (Aus dem Herbst- 
programme der luisenstadtischen Realschule zu Berlin besonders abge- 
druckt.) Lipsiae (Teubner), Kal. Oct. 1855. [Gesammelte Abhandhmgen, 
pp. 120-146.] 

152. [On the Syriac version of Homer.] Academy, 1 Oct. 1871. [Sym- 
naicta i. p. 106.] 

153. Abulfaradsch. Herzog-Plitt Real-Encyclopadie, vol. i. p. 110. 
153a. Gregorius von Nazianz ; Dionys der Areopagite. N.K.G.W.G. 

22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, pp. 17-19. [Mittheilungen iv. pp. 18-20.] 

153b. Cai[a]phas. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 16. [Mitthei- 
lungen iv. p. 18.] 

154. Noch einmal die Schatzhohle. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890; No. 
1, pp. 4-15. [Mittheilungen iv. pp. 6-16 : cf. No. 273.] 

155. Psalm cxiv. im Sidra rabba. N.K.G.W.G. 19 March 1890 ; No. 4, 
pp. 101-106. [Mittheilungen iv. pp. 44-48.] 

156. Die Stichometrie der syrisch-hexaplarischen Uebersetzung des 
alten Testaments. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 1890; No. 13, pp. 430-433. [Mit- 
theilungen iv. pp. 205-209.] 

157. Die neuen syrischen Typen des Hauses Drugulin. N.K.G.W.G. 
7 Nov. 1888 ; No. 14, pp. 375-386. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 99-110.] 

158. Noch einmal iiber Drugulins neue syrische Typen. Mittheilungen 
iii. pp. 261-280. 

159. Die Interpunction in meiner Bibliotheca Syriaca. Mittheilungen 
iii. p. 281. 

160. Persische, armenische und indische Worter im Syrischen. 
Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 1-84. 

161. Die syrischen Worter JVQJ und TV^ . N.K.G.W.G. 3 Dec. 
1881, pp. 400-404. ' ' 

162. pain-. N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890; No. 1, p. 1. [Mittheilungen 
iv. pp. 1-2.] 

163. ^ . N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 15. [Mittheilungen iv. 
p. 17.] 

164. ^Dh] = erben. Mittheilungen ii. p. 65. 

165. wo-fcJjJ-j . Mittheilungen iii. p. 23. 

166. 5aa«A, . Mittheilungen iii. p. 23. 

166a. Bibliothecae Syriacae a Paulo de Lagarde collectae qua3 ad phi- 
lologiam sacram pertinent. Gottingen (Dieterich), 1892, pp. 412. (Pub- 
lished after L's death, with assistance of A. Rahlfs. Contains : a. 

ccxxii American Oriental Society' 's Proceedings, April 1892. 

Fragments of the Syriac translations of the LXX. not published in the 
photolithographic ed. of Ceriani ; b. Evangeliarium hierosolymitanum. 
Cf. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 99-110, 281.) 

I. 167. Beitrage zur baktrischen Lexicographic 1S68. [cf. Nos. 
168, 286.] 

168. Addenda to " Beitrage zur baktrischen Lexicographic" Z.D. 
M.G. xxii. pp. 329-331. [Symniicta i. pp. 103,104.] 

169. Einige Bemerkungen iiber eranische Sprachen ausserhalb Erans. 
Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 243 (251)-295. [On change in pagina- 
tion, see Armenische Studien, p. 202.] 

170. Bemerkungen iiber die Awesta-Schrift. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 
1886 ; No. 4, pp. 158-168. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 38-48.] 

171. Verzeichniss der vom Verfasser vorliegender Studien besproch- 
enen, erschlossenen oder erwanten baktrischen Worter. Anhang zu Ar- 
menische Studien, pp. 209-216. 

J. 172. Die persischen Glossen der Alten. Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 
pp. 147-242. [2d ed.? see p. 233.] 

173. Persische Studien. [A.K.G.W.G. vol. xxxi.] Gottingen, 1884. pp. 
76, 140. 

174. Asadis persisches Glossar. [cf. N.K.G.W.G. 1 July 1885 ; No. 5, 
p. 185.] 

K. 175. Zur Urgeschichte der Armenier. 1854. 

176. [Vorrede of " Zur Urgeschichte der Armenier".] Reprinted, Aus 
dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 65-69. 

177. Armenische Studien. [A.K.G.W.G. Bd. xxii.] Gottingen (Die- 
terich), 1877. pp. 216. [cf. No. 293.] 

177a. Nachtrag zu den armenischen Studien, §1688. Persische Studien 
(No. 173), p. 176. 

178. Vergleichung der armenischen Consonanten mit denen des Sans- 
krit, von Dr. Paul Boetticher. Z.D. M.G. vol. iv. (1850) pp. 347-369. 

179. Erklarung [in regard to the etymology of Togharma]. Z.D.M.G. 
vol. xxiv. (1870) p. 237. [Symmicta i. p. 104.] 

180. Die von Agathangelus erwahnte Ordnung des armenischen Feu- 
daladels, eine Uebersicht. Agathangelus etc. (No. 53), p. 161. 

Li. 181. Epistolae Novi Testamenti coptice, edidit Paulus Boetticher. 
Hahe (Anton), 1852. 

182. Der Pentateuch koptisch. Leipzig, 1867. pp. xxxviii, 504. [cf. 
No. 286.] 

183. Psalterii versio Memphitica. Accedunt Psalterii Thebani frag- 
menta Parthamiana, Proverbiorum Memphiticorum f ragmenta Berolin- 
ensia. Gottingen, 1875. pp. viii, 156. 

Gottheii, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxxiii 

184. Bruchstiicke der koptischen Uebersetzung des alt en Testa- 
ments. A.K.G.W.G. vol. xxiv. pp. 63-104. 

185. ^gyptiaca. Gottingen (Dieterich), 1883. pp. viii. 296. [cf. No. 295.] 

186. Catenae in Evangelia aegyptiacae quae supersunt. Gottingen, 
1886. pp. vii, 243. [cf. No. 296.] 

187. Die koptischen Handschriften der Gottinger Bibliothek. A.K. 
G.W.G. vol. xxiv. pp. 3-62. 

188. Der Fluss Orontes. N.K.G.W.G. 19 Nov. 1890; No. 13, p. 430. 
[Mittheilungen iv. pp. 205 ff.] 

189. Der Titel des Patriarchen Joseph. [Cf. Steindorf, Zeitsch. f. 
JSgypt. Spr. u. Alt. 1889.] N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889 ; No. 11, pp. 319- 
322. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 226-229.] 

190. Noch einmal t'e pnute efoneh. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 282-286. 

HI. 191. Zur Erklarung der aramaischen Inschrift von Carpentras. 
N.K.G.W.G. 19 June 1878 ; No. 10, pp. 357-372. [Symmicta ii. pp. 56-65.] 

192. Moabitica. (Contains inter al. letter of Lagarde to National- 
zeitung, Berlin, 20 Feb. 1876.) Symmicta ii. pp. 41-55. 

193. [On Prof. Konstantin Schlottman and the Moabitic antiquities.] 
Symmicta ii. pp. 65-87. 

194. Der angebliche Petrus-Papyrus. Nachtrag zu Symmicta ii. 
41-87. Protestantische Kirch enzeitung, 1880, No. 17 (cf. also National- 
zeitung, 2 April, 11 Sept. 1880). [Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, 
pp. 117, 118.] 

X. 195. Le opere italiane di Giordano Bruno ristampate da Paolo de 
Lagarde. Gottinga, 1888. 2 vols. pp. 770. vol. i. Candelaio. La cena 
de le ceneri. De la causa, principio et uno. De I'infinito, universo et 
mondi. vol. ii. a. Spaccio de la bestia trionfante. b. Cabala del cavallo 
Pegaseo. c. De gl'heroici furori. [cf. No. 297.] 

196. Mittheilungen tiber Giordano Bruno. N.K.G.W.G. 31 March 
1882 ; No. 7, pp. 153-163. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 82-88.] 

197. Die Akten des letzten Prozesses gegen Giordano Bruno. N.K.G. 
W.G. 2 June 1886 ; No. 8, p. 261. [Mittheilungen ii. p. 65.] 

198. Se non e vero, e ben trovato. N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889 ; No. 11, 
pp. 293, 294. [Mittheilungen iii. p. 201.] 

199. Giordano Brunos Vispure. N.K.G.W.G. 29 May 1889; No. 11, 
pp. 294-296. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 201-204.] 

200. Ignoranti portum nullus suus ventus est. (Giordano Bruno 715, 
36.) N.K.G.W.G. 22 Jan. 1890 ; No. 1, p. 1. [Mittheilungen iv. p. 1.] 

201. Guetre. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 121-124. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. p. 1-4.] 

202. Bottarga = bottarica. N.K.G.W.G. 17 March 1886 ; No. 4, pp. 131 
-135. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 11-15.] 

ccxxiv American Oriental Society'' s Proceedings, April 1892. 

O. 203. Deutsche Schriften. Erster Band. Gottingen (Dieterich), 1878. 
pp. 256. Zweiter Band. ibid. 1881. pp. 112. Gesammtausgabe letzter 
Hand. Gottingen, 1886. pp. 536. 

204. Petition an die Versammlung der Stadtverordneten von Berlin. 
Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 80-86. (with answers.) 

205. Ueber die gegenwartige Lage des deutschen Reichs ; ein Bericht. 
Deutsche Schriften i. pp. 67-153. [Gesammtausgabe, pp. 127-215.] 

206. Die Reorganisation des Adels. Deutsche Schriften ii. pp. 61-70. 
[Gesammtausgabe, pp. 363-374.] 

207. Die Finanzpolitik Deutschlands. Deutsche Schriften ii. pp. 71- 
94. [Gesammtausgabe, pp. 375-398.] 

208. Die graue Internationale. Deutsche Schriften ii. pp. 95-110. 
[Gesammtausgabe, pp. 399-414.] 

209. [Neuenkirchen und der Wert der Ueberlieferung.] Mittheilun- 
gen i. pp. 206, 207. 

210. Ein preussischer Staatsanwalt. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 85-98. 

211. In Memoriam (die in dem bekannten Prozess gegen den Professor 
Geffeken aufgelaufenen Aktenstueke). Mittheilungen iii. pp. 164-200. 

212. Konservativ ? Deutsche Schriften, Gesammtausgabe, pp. 5-20. 

213. Ueber die gegenwartigen Aufgaben der deutschen Politik. 
Deutsche Schriften, Gesammtausgabe, pp. 31-46. 

214. Drei Vorreden : 1. Zu den politischen Aufsatzen. Gottingen, No- 
vember 1874 ; 2. Zum ersten Band der deutschen Schriften. ibid. Os- 
tern 1878 ; 3. Zum andern Bande der deutschen Schriften. Ibid. Feb. 
1881. Gesammtausgabe, pp. 99-112. 

215. Diagnose. Gesammtausgabe, pp. 113-126. Zuerst gedruckt in 
den politischen Aufsatzen, November 1874. 

216. Programm fur die konservative Partie Preussens. Deutsche 
Schriften, Gesammtausgabe, pp. 415-476. 

217. Die nachsten Pflichten deutscher Politik. Deutsche Schriften, 
Gesammtausgabe, pp. 493-535. 

P. 218. Ueber das Verhaltniss des deutschen Staates zu Theologie, 
Kirche und Religion : ein Versuch nicht-Theologen zu orientiren. 
Deutsche Schriften i. pp. 5-54. [Gesammtausgabe, pp. 47-97.] 

219. Die Religion der Zukunft. Deutsche Schriften i. pp. 217-256. 
[Gesammtausgabe, pp. 279-318.] 

220. Die Stellung der Religionsgesellschaften im Staate. Deutsche 
Schriften ii. pp. 17-36. [Gesammtausgabe, pp. 319-338.] 

221. Ueber einige Berliner Theologen und was von ihnen zu lernen ist. 
Aus dem vierten Bande der Mittheilungen besonders abgedruckt. Got- 
tingen (Dieterich), 1890. pp. 49-128. 

222. Bescheinigung tiber den richtigen Empfang eines von Herrn Otto 
Ritschl an mich gerichteten offenen Briefs. Gottingen (Dieterich), 1890. 
pp. 29. [Mittheilungen iv. pp. 163-190.] 

Gottheil, Bibliography of loorks of Lagarde. ccxxv 

223. The question whether marriage with a deceased wife's sister is 
or is not prohibited in the Mosaic writings answered. [N.K.G.W.G. 
18 June, 1882 ; No. 13, pp. 393-408.] Gottingen (Dieterich), 1882. [Mit- 
theilungen i. pp. 125-134.] 

224. Die revidirte Lutherbibel des Halleschen Waisenhauses. G.G.A. 
15 Jan. 1885 ; No. 2, pp. 57-96. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 335-373.] 

Cfc. 225. Zum Unterrichtsgesetze. Deutsche Schriften i. pp. 155-215. 
[Gesammtausgabe, pp. 217-278.] 

226. Noch einmal zum Unterrichtsgesetze. Deutsche Schriften ii. pp. 
37-60. [Gesammtausgabe, 339-362.] 

227. Die Promotionen zum Doctor der Philosophic betreffend. Mit- 
theilungen iii. pp. 113-131. [cf. Deutsche Schriften, pp. 247-255.] 

228. Ueber die Klage dass der deutschen Jugend der Idealismus fehle. 
Deutsche Schriften, Gesammtausgabe, pp. 477-491. 

229. Vier im Auftrage der philosophischen Facultat der Georgia- 
Augusta verfasste Diplome. Mittheilungen iii. pp. 42-47. 

R. 230. Woher stammt das x der Mathematiker ? Mittheilungen i. 
pp. 134-137. 

231. Die Handschriftensammlung des Grafen von Ashburnham. N.K. 
G.W.G. 15 Jan. 1884; No. 1, pp. 14-31. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 1-18.] 

232. [Abstract of a letter on the " Nachtwachen von Bonaventura" 
attributed to Schelling.] Academy, 15 Nov. 1871. [Symmicta i. p. 

233. [Note on Jean de Robethon.] Mittheilungen i. p. 207. 

S. 234. Gedichte. Deutsche Schriften i. pp. 55-66 ; Deutsche Schrif- 
ten ii. pp. 11-16 (not in the Gesammtausgabe, but printed separately). 

235. Gedichte. Gottingen, 1885. pp. 64. 

236. Am Strande: Gedichte. Gottingen, 1887. pp. 52. 

237. Aus Friedrich Riickerts Nachlasse. Symmicta i. pp. 177-208. 

238. Erinnerungen an Friedrich Ruckert. Mittheilungen ii. pp. 82- 

239. Hymns of the Old Catholic Church of England. 1850. 

T. 240. Nachrichten iiber einige Familien des Namens Boetticher. 
Als Handschrift gedruekt, 1867. 

241. Mittheilungen iiber Paul Anton de Lagarde. Mittheilungen iii. 
pp. 34-41. 

241a. Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben : Actenstlicke und Glossen. 
Gottingen (Dieterich), 1880. pp. 120. 

242. [Answer to criticisms of Hiibschmann, Schrader, Noldeke, etc.] 
Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 88-116. 

243. [Ueber Prof. H. Hiibschmann und Prioritats-anspriiche.] Sym- 
micta ii. pp. 123-136. 

ccxxvi American Oriental Society } s Proceedings, April 1892. 

244. Zwei Proben moderner Kritik (on Profs. Th. Noldeke and H. 
Hubsehmann). Symmieta ii. pp. 90-122. 

245. Zur Nachricht (on a projected Bibliotheca Syriaea and Biblio- 
theea ^Egyptiaea, and report on further Septuagint studies). N.K.G. 
W.G. 16 Nov. 1881 ; No. 14, pp. 357-360. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 56-57.] 

246. Zusammenfassung (on the recensions of Brugsch, Spiegel, and 
Weber). Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 73-77. 

247. Erklarung (in refutation of the charge of plagiarism made by 
Prof. Fritz Hommel against Prof. Paul Haupt). N.K.G. W.G. 28 June 
1882 ; No. 15, pp. 451-454. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 137-140.] 

248. Erwiderung (answer to Noldeke). G.G.A. 1 June 1887 ; No. 11, 
p. 446 ff. [Mittheilungen ii. p. 352.] 

249. [On R. Gosche as Professor and Semitic Scholar.] Mittheilun- 
gen iii. pp. 277-280. 

a. 250. Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte des alten Orients (von Alfred 
von Gutschmid, Leipzig, 1876). Philologischer Anzeiger von E.v. 
Leutsch, vii. pp. 532-540. [Symmieta ii. pp. 20-27.] 

251. Nouveaux m61anges Orientaux (Paris, 1886). G.G.A. 15 April 
1887 ; No. 8, pp. 289-312. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 238-261.] 

1>. 252. Die clementinischen Schriften, mit besonderer RUcksicht 
auf ihr literarisches Verhaltniss (von Dr. Jo. Lehmann, Gotha, 1869). 
G.G.A. 30 June 1869 ; No. 21, p. 1034-1037. [Symmieta i. pp. 2-4 : cf. p. 

253. Clementis Alexandrini opera ex recensione Guilielmi Dindorfii 
(Oxonii, 1869). G.G.A. 25 May 1870 ; Nt>. 21, pp. 801-824. [Symmieta, i. 
pp. 10-24.] 

254. S. Thasci Caecili Cypriani opera omnia recensuit .... Guil- 
ielmus Hartel (Wien, 1868). G.G.A. 5 April 1871 ; No. 14, pp. 521-543. 
[Symmieta, i. pp. 65-78.] 

255. Untersuchungen tiber die Quellen und die Abfassungszeit der 
Geoponica (von Wilhelm Gemoll, Berlin, 1883). G.G.A. 7 Nov. 1883 ; 
No. 45, pp. 1432-1436. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 192-194.] 

256. Studies on the Complutensian Polyglott (by Prof. Delitzsch, 
London). G.G.A. 16 Jan. 1878 ; No. 3, pp. 68-69. [Symmieta ii. p. 19.] 

d. 257. Das neue Testament Tertullians, aus den Schriften des 
letzteren moglichst vollstandig reconstruiert .... von Herman Roensch 
(Leipzig, 1871). G.G.A. 21 June 1871 ; No. 25, pp. 970-975. [Symmieta 
i. pp. 99-101.] 

258. Italafragmenta der paulinischen Briefe .... veroffentlicht von 
L. Ziegler . . Eingeleitet durch ein Vorwort von Prof. Dr. E. Ranke (Mar- 
burg, 1876). Philologischer Anzeiger von E.v. Leutsch, ix. pp. 56-58. 
[Symmieta ii. p. 27.] 

259. Pauli Orosii historiarum adversum paganos libri vii. ; accedit 
eiusdem liber apologeticus : recensuit .... Carolus Zangemeister (Vindo- 

Gottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde. ccxxvii 

bonse, 1882). G.G.A. 29 March 1882 ; No. 13, pp. 385-388. [Mittheilun- 
gen i. pp. 120-122.] 

260. Die lateinischen Uebersetzungen des Ignatius. — Judae Harizii 
macamae. — Petri Hispani de lingua Arabica libri duo.— ed. Paulus de 
Lagarde. G.G.A. 23 and 30 May 1883; Nos. 21, 22, pp. 641-653. [Mit- 
theilungen i. pp. 163-171 : cf. also p. 381.] 

e. 261. Beitrage zur Kritik des iiberlieferten Textes im Buche Gen- 
esis (von I. Olshausen, Monatsb. d. Kon. Ak. d. Wiss., Berlin, June 
1870). G.G.A. 28 Sept. 1870; No. 39, pp. 1549-1560. [Symmicta i. pp. 
50-57. J 

262. The fifty-third chapter of Isaiah according to the Jewish 
Interpreters (by Ad. Neubauer, S. R. Driver, and E. B. Pusey, Ox- 
ford and London, 1877). G.G.A. 1877, pp. 737-748. [Symmicta ii. pp. 

263. Die Entwicklung des altisraelitischen Priesterthums .... (von 
Dr. S. Maybaum, Berlin, 1880). G.G.A. 5 and 12 Jan. 1881 ; Nos. 1, 2, 
pp. 38-40. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 54, 55.] 

264. Die biblische Urgeschichte untersucht (von Karl Budde, Gies- 
sen, 1880). G.G.A. 14 Nov. 1883; No. 46, pp. 1441-1447. [Mittheilun- 
gen i. pp. 196-200.] 

265. Wilhelm Gesenius' hebraisches und chaldaisches Handworter- 
buch iiber das alte Testament (neunte Auflage, Leipzig, 1883). G.G.A. 
1 April 1884 ; No. 7, pp. 257-288. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 208-239.] 

266. Das Buch des Propheten Ezechiel (von Karl Heinrich Cornill, 
Leipzig, 1886). G.G.A. 1 June 1-886 ; No. 11, pp. 437-452. [Mittheilun- 
gen ii. pp. 49-64.] 

267. Etudes d'histoire religieuse: la modernite des Prophetes (by 
Ernest Havet, Paris, 1891). G.G.A. 1 July 1891 ; No. 14, p. 497. [Mit- 
theilungen iv. pp. 342-365.] 

268. Targum Onkelos (herausgegeben und erlautert von Dr. A. Ber- 
liner, Berlin, 1884). G.G.A. 1 Nov. 1886 ; No. 22, pp. 861-880. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 163-182.] 

g. 269. The divans of the six ancient Arabic poets Ennabigha, An- 
tara, Tharafa, Zuhair, Alqama, and Imruulqai§ (ed. by W. Ahlwardt, 
London, 1870). G.G.A. 8 March 1871 ; No. 10, pp. 382-394. [Symmicta 
i. pp. 57-65.] 

270. Le Livre de Sibawaihi : texte arabe (publie par Hartwig Deren- 
bourg, tome premier, Paris, 1881). G.G.A. 6 June 1883 ; No. 23, pp. 
705-710. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 171-174.] 

271. W. R. Smith's Buch iiber das Verwandtschafts- und Eherecht der 
alten Araber. N.K.G.W.G. 2 June 1886 ; No. 8, pp. 262-277. [Mit- 
theilungen ii. pp. 66-81.] 

h. 272. Thesaurus Syriacus .... (ed. R. Payne Smith, fasciculus ii., 
Oxonii, 1870). G.G.A. 12 July 1871 ; No. 28, pp. 1081-1114. [Symmicta 
i. pp. 78-99.] 

ccxxviii American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April 1892. 

273. Die Schatzhohle, syrisch und deutsch (herausgegeben von Carl 
Bezold, 1883, 1888, Leipzig). G.G.A. 20 Oct. 1888 ; No. 22, pp. 817-844. 
[Mittheilungen iii. pp. 49-76 ; with an appendix, ibid. pp. 77-79 : cf . No. 

j. 274. [Answer to Fr. Spiegel's review of " Arica " and " Wurzel- ' 
forschungen."] Beilage zu Gersdorf's Leipziger Repertorium der 
deutschen und auslandischen Literatur, 1852, x., heft 4, 1853. [Aus 
dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 8-25 : contains also reprint of 
Spiegel's articles and answers.] 

275. Pand namah i Adarbad Maraspand (being a prize essay in the 
name of M. Haug, Ph.D., Bombay, 1869). G.G.A. 14 and 21 Sept. 1870 ; 
Nos. 37, 38, pp. 1441-1485. [Symmicta i. pp. 24-50.] 

276. Les quatrains de Kheyam, traduits du Persan (par J. B. Nicolas, 
Paris, 1867). G.G.A. 4 May 1870 ; No. 18, pp. 703-713). [Symmicta i, pp. 

277. Die Umschreibung der iranischen Sprachen und des Armenischen 
(von H. Hubschmann, Leipzig, 1882). G.G.A. 28 Feb. and 7 March 
1883 ; Nos. 9, 10, pp. 257-294. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 140-163.] 

278. Die Acvins oder arischen Dioskuren (von L. Myriantheus, Miin- 
chen, 1876). Philologischer Anzeiger von E.v. Leutsch, viii. pp. 251- 
254. [Symmicta ii. pp. 29-31.] 

I. 279. [Answer to- H. Brugsch's review of " Epistulae Novi Testa- 
menti coptice."] Aus dem deutschen Gelehrtenleben, pp. 25-65. 
(Brugsch's review is also printed.) 

280. Erwiederung auf den Aufsatz des Herrn Brugsch in diesem Jahr- 
gange der Zeitschrift, Seite 115 ff. Z.D.M.G. vii. (1853) 456. [Aus dem 
deutschen Gelehrtenleben, p. 63.] 

281. Koptische Untersuchungen (von Karl Abel, Berlin, 1876). Deutsche 
Rundschau, Bd. viii. (1876) pp. 464-467. [Symmicta ii. pp. 34-39.] 

282. Les actes des Martyrs de l'Egypte, tir6s des MSS. coptes de la 
Bibl. Vaticane et du Musee Borgia .... (par Henri Hyvernat, vol. i., 
Paris, 1886). G.G.A. 15 Dec. 1887 ; No. 25, pp. 983, 984. [Mittheilungen 
iii. pp. 24, 25.] 

p. 283. Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons 
(von Theodor Zahn, erster Theil, Tatians Diatessaron, Erlangen, 1881). 
G.G.A. 15 and 22 March 1882; Nos. 11, 12, pp. 321-334. [Mittheilungen 
i. pp. 111-120.] 

284. Theodor Zahn, Tatians Diatessaron. G.G.A. 7 Nov. 1883 ; No. 
45, pp. 1436-1438. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 194-196 : cf . No. 130.] 

q. 285. Sussfeld, Paul, Die Erziehung der deutschen Jugend (Berlin, 
1890). G.G.A. 1 Sept. 1890 ; No. 18, pp. 705-736. [Mittheilungen iii. pp. 
290-323 (pp. 322 and 323 not in G.G.A.).] 

Grottheil, Bibliography of works of Lagarde, ccxxix 

t. 286. [Three short notices : of Materialien (No. 125) ; Pent, koptisch 
(No. 182); Beitr. Baktr. Lexicog. (No. 167).] Z.D.M.G. xxii. (1868) 
p. 361. 

287. Onomastica Sacra, Strassburg. G.G.A. 4 Oct. 1871 ; No. 40, p. 
1598. [Symmicta i. p. 102.] ; do. zweite Ausgabe, G.G.A. 15 July 1887 ; 
No. 15, p. 588. 

288. Psalterium juxta Hebraeos Hieronymi. (Leipzig, 1872. Teubner's 
Mittheil., p. 22.) [Symmicta ii. p. 33.] 

289. Prophetae chaldaice, e codice Reuchliniano edidit Paulus de La- 
garde. (Leipzig, 1872. Teubner's Mittheil., p. 8.) [Symmicta ii. p. 31.] 

290. Hagiographa chaldaice. (Leipzig, 1873. Teubner's Mittheil., pp. 
23, 24.) [Symmicta ii. p. 32.] 

291. Anklindigung einer neuen Ausgabe der griechischen Ueber- 
setzung des alten Testaments (von Paul de Lagarde, Gottingen, 1882). 
G.G.A. 12 April 1882 ; No. 15, pp. 449-452. [Mittheilungen i. pp. 122- 

292. Symmicta (von Paul de Lagarde, Gottingen, 1877). G.G.A. 1877, 
pp. 449-454. [Symmicta ii. pp. 7-11.] 

293. Armenische Studien (von Paul de Lagarde, Gottingen, 1877). 
G.G.A. 16 Jan. 1878 ; No. 3, pp. 65-68. [Symmicta ii. p. 18.] 

294. Johannis Euchaitorum metropolitae. . . . Johannes Bollig. . . . de- 
scripsit. . . . Paulus de Lagarde edidit (Gottingen, 1882). G.G.A. 19 
April 1882 ; No. 16, pp. 481-483. [Mittheilungen i. p. 124.] 

295. iEgyptiaca, Pauli de Lagarde studio et sumptibus edita (Gottin- 
gae, 1883). G.G.A. 7 Nov. 1883 ; No. 45, pp. 1409-1432. [Mittheilungen 
i. pp. 176-192.] 

296. Selbstanzeige meiner letzten Schriften : a. Probe einer neuen 
Ausgabe der lateinischen Uebersetzungen des alten Testaments, 1885 ; 
6. Catenae in evangelia aegyptiacae quae supersunt, 1886 ; c. Novae 
psalterii graeci editionis specimen, 1887 ; d. Purim, 1887 ; e. Onomastica 
Sacra, zweite Ausgabe, 1887 ; /. Mittheilungen, zweiter Band, 1887. 
G.G.A. 15 July 1887; No. 15, pp. 577-594. [Mittheilungen ii. pp. 370- 

297. Le Opere italiane di Giordano Bruno, ristampate da Paolo de La- 
garde (Gottingen, 1888, 1889). G.G A. 1 Feb. 1889; No. 4, pp. 113-145. 
[Mittheilungen iii. pp. 131-163.] 

In addition to the above communications, the following papers 
were presented to the Society — a number of them, however, being 
read only by title : 

On some physical characteristics of the Arabian peninsula ; by 
Mr. Talcott Williams, of Philadelphia, Pa. 

On the legend of Soma and the eagle ; by Prof. M. Bloonrfield, 
of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

ccxxx American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, April 1893. 

On the group of Vedic words ending in -pitva ; by the same. 

On waheb besupha, Numbers xxi. 14 ; by Dr. S. A. Binion, of 
New York City. Published in the (London) Academy, of Sept. 
3, 1892. 

On Canticles iv. 9 ; by the same. 

On the historical and literary relations of the early Christians 
to the Essenes ; by Dr. Kaufman Kohler, of New York City. 

On the Sumero-Akkadian question ; by Dr. Christopher John- 
ston, Jr., of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. To 
be published, with the following paper, in the Journal, xv., 
No. 3. 

On two Assyrian letters, K84, iv.R 2 45, No. 1 ; and K828, 
Pinches's texts, p. 8 ; by the same. 

On the religious and linguistic character of the Gnostic JEons ; 
by Prof. A. L. Frothingham; Jr., of the College of New Jersey, 

On the Juda30-Aramaean dialect of Salamas ; by Prof. R. J. H. 
Gottheil, of Columbia College, New York City. To be published 
in the Journal, xv., No. 3. 

A Catalogue of Oriental manuscripts in the library of Columbia 
College ; by the same. 

On problematic passages in the Rig- Veda ; by Prof. E. W. 
Hopkins, of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. Published in 
the Journal, xv. 252-283. 

On the Aryan future tense ; by the same. Published in the 
American Journal of Philology, xiii. 1-50. 

On Bdtim 16 benHyim, Neh. vii. 4 ; by Prof. Paul Haupt, of 
the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

On a new Hebrew particle ; by the same. 

On denominal verbs in Semitic ; by the same. 

On the questions : Is the game of chess mentioned in the Tal- 
mud? and by what names? by Dr. Alexander Kohut, of New 
York City. Published in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldnd- 
ischen Gesellschaft, xlvi. 130-135. 

On a supplementary inscription to the " Aboo Habba" tablet ; 
by Prof. Morris Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia. * 

A brief account of the Subhasita-ratna-samdoha / by Prof. 
C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Extracts from the Jfiiminiya-Brahmana' and Upanisad-Brah- 
mana ; by Dr. Hanns Oertel, of Yale University, New Haven, 
Conn. Published in the Journal, xv. 233-251. 

On a media3val Syriac charm ; by Mr. Willis Hatfield Hazard, 
of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. To be published in 
the Journal, xv., No. 3. 

A translation of the first Makamat of Nasif el Yaziji's Book 
of the meeting of the two seas ; by Prof. Charles W. Benton, of 
the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.