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Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuttaka, a Collection of 
Discourses of Buddha. — By Justin Hartley Mooee, 
A.M., Columbia University, New York. 

In working upon a translation of the Ita-vuttaka, sometimes 
called the Logia-book of Buddha, it occurred to me that a study 
of the meters of the metrical portions might perhaps yield some- 
thing of value as regards both the age of the work and the 
authenticity of some of its doubtful passages. In this hope I 
was largely disappointed. But although no satisfactory clue as 
to the date of the work has been given by this metrical analysis, 
yet it is possible that further similar examination of other books 
of the Buddhist canon may permit us to assign to each its proper 
relative date. 

More definite and satisfactory results, however, were obtained, 
when it came to making a threefold comparison of the Pali 
meters with those of the Veda, the epics, and the later classi- 
cal forms. For comparison with the Vedic meters, I have 
made use of Arnold, Vedic Metre, Cambridge, 1905, and have 
employed such of his terminology as was needed; for the San- 
skrit meters I have relied on Hopkins' Great Epic of India, 
N. Y.,. 1901, pp. 191-362; and for Pali upon the articles of 
Oldenberg and Simon mentioned below. 

The text of the Ita-vuttaka which I have used is that of 
Windisch, published by the Pali Text Society of London in 
1890, and in comparison with this I have collated the King of 
Siam's edition of the work in Siamese characters. The Iti- 
vuttaka is composed of one hundred and twelve sections, each 
of which consists of a poetical discourse or saying by Buddha 
(these poetical passages contain from four to thirty verses) and 
of a prose introduction. 

Three meters are used, sloka, tristubh, and jagatl. Of these 
I shall examine more particularly the first, the sloka, which is 
the most frequent and most important. The large Arabic num- 
bers used in citing various lines of the work refer to the various 
sections, and the small letters, a, b, c, etc., to the verses of 
these sections. 

Sloka. — There are in Pali, as in Sanskrit, two kinds of sloka- 
stanza: first, the sloka proper or distich, of four padas (the 



318 .7. H. Moore, [1907. 

pada being octosyllabic), and second, the much less common 
mahapankti or tristich of six padas. As the same laws of 
caesura and rhythm apply to each, I include the two varieties in 
the metrical tables below. 

Feet. — Every distich stanza has a well-marked division or 
caesura at the end of the second pada, so that the stanza falls 
naturally into two halves. Each pada may be divided into two 
feet of four syllables each. As no metrical difference between 
the two halves of the stanza exists, there are really not eight 
different feet, but four. With regard to the six-line sloka, 
or mahapankti, the stanza is divided into three equal parts, 
mutually independent as to rhythm. The opening feet of the 
first, third and fifth padas may be called first feet. 

Syntactical union. — Although there be this metrical isolation 
of successive verse-couplets, there is very frequently a syntacti- 
cal union of each pada with the one following. In fact, we 
occasionally find two stanzas forming a single sentence. 

Caesura. — The cadence of the sloka naturally depends largely 
on the sense. It is invariable in the Iti-vuttaka that there be a 
strong caesura at the end of the second pada, and also caesuras, 
somewhat weaker, at the close of the first and third padas, but 
still strong enough to prevent the lines being run together. It 

is found, also, that when the second foot is of the form — 

there is usually a caesui-a within the pada itself, after the fifth 
syllable. Out of twenty-four instances there are but two excep- 
tions (51 i, 77 a). Hopkins notes the same rule in epic Sanskrit 
(op. cit., p. 221). 

Run-on verses. — In Sanskrit one pada is somtimes merged 
with the following in such a manner that the two are insepara- 
ble at the end of a line. This is usually the case when a long 
list of objects is cited, as noted by Hopkins, page 196, but in 
the Iti-vuttaka such a running together of lines never occurs. 

Hiatus and Rhyme. — Hiatus is found everywhere. This is 
partly due to the absence of the application of such rules of 
sandhi as are carried through in Sanskrit; it is partly owing to 
the structure of the Pali language, which is characterized by 
an avoidance of final consonants. Rhyme, which according to 
Hopkins (p. 200) is not uncommon in epic Sanskrit, is non- 
existent in the Iti-vuttaka. Alliteration is rare and is probably 
largely unconscious and accidental. A marked alliterative 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuttaka. 319 

effect is found in § 90, an interesting jingle, where in the course 
of sixteen lines the word agga is used eleven times, with more 
than one meaning. 

At this particular point in our investigation of the sloka, 
before going into the varieties of feet, I wish to acknowledge 
in a more especial way my indebtedness to two articles in 
ZDMG., the first by Oldenberg, vol. 35, pp. 181-188, entitled 
Bemerkungen zur Theorie des Sloka, and the other by Simon, 
vol. 44, pp. 83-97, entitled Der Sloka in Pali. While both 
papers are very suggestive, the latter was especially valuable 
for my purpose, based as it is upon a quantitative analysis of 
the 725 verses of the Dhammapada, 2622 from the Thera-Theri- 
gatha, and '2430 chosen from the Jatakas. In analyzing the 
meters of the Iti-vuttaka I have followed Simon's method in all 
respects, except that I have treated the eighth syllable of each 
line as anceps, since Simon's tables themselves show an equal 
frequency of long and short syllables, and since this eighth 
has no effect on the character of the rhythm. 

Odd Padas. I append herewith an analytical table of the 
first and second feet of the odd padas ; in this table hypermetric 
feet are not included, but will be treated separately. The even 
padas will be tabulated and described later. 



Forms 


of First and Second Feet, or varieties 


of Odd Padas. 


+3 

O 

o 

■a 
1st foot, a 


Or 

i 

i 

3 


r 


3i 

3 
3 
1 


3i 

3 
3 


3i 

•3 
1 


31 

1 

3 


3i 
3 
1 

3 
.__ 

4 


3i 

3 
1 
1 




— — u — 

— v — — 


43 

75 
59 


1 

■ 3 


12 
1 
4 


2 
3 


1 

4 
2 


2 
1 
1 




85) 

92 ]■ 245 
68) 


o - o - 
o o 

o — — — 


14 
17 
37 


6 


7 
1 


2 


3 

e 
1 








30) 

17 J- 89 
43) 


1 

1 1 1 
I I e 

C 1 1 

e e c 


33 2 

18 ! 1 
25 ! 1 


2 




3 
3 
1 






39) 

22 [ 90 
29) 


o o 

o o — o 
u - o o 


33 

13 

22 

3 

1 

1 

3 

395 


1 






1 
1 


1 
1 


2 




84) 

14 J- 74 
26) 


-u u - 
- o o 
%j o u — 
U V u o 






____ 


-- 7 - 


3 

1 


6 
1 

2 
2 




41 


27 


7 


15 


4 


509 



320 J. H. Moore, [1907. 

Some little explanation is necessary before making comment 
on this table. Two consonants, as well as a niggahlta (Skt. 
anusvara) followed by a consonant, make a syllable heavy 
(Henry, Grammaire Palie, p. 3) o y r long by position. Wher- 
ever, in lines which at first glance appear hypermetric, a word 
containing an anaptyctic or svarabhaktic vowel occurs, this 
vowel is naturally disregarded in the analysis, and the line is 
treated as regular, e. g. ariya is analysed as a trochee. No 
catalectic lines occur, and hypercatalectic lines will be found 
treated in another section of this paper. 

An examination of the foregoing table of different combina- 
tions of syllables in the odd padas reveals many things of inter- 
est. There are sixteen possible combinations of the four sylla- 
bles of the first foot, and eight of the second foot. Although 
there be this large number of possible combinations, it will, 
nevertheless, be seen that there is a marked preference for cer- 
tain particular combinations of long and short syllables. Among 
the more marked of these peculiarities may be cited the follow- 
ing : — (a) If the fourth syllable is short, the fifth must usually 
be short also. In the Iti-v. and Jataka a short fifth is 16 times 
as common as a long, in the Thera-theri-gatha, 23 times, and in 
the Dhammapada, 40 times as common. 

(b) A succession of four iambs is very rare, there being no 
instances in Dhp., 3 in Iti-v., 4 in Thera-Th., and 6 in Jat. 

(c) Even three iambs are uncommon in proportion to the num- 
ber of lines, since there is only about 3$ of such succession in 
the, Iti-v., and only 4$ in the other works. 

(d) A succession of four trochees is very rare, there being 
none in Dhp. or Thera-Th., one in Iti-v., and two in Jat. A 
succession of three trochees is almost equally uncommon ; the 
Iti-v. and Thera-Th. have each one instance; the Dhp. has 
none; the Jat. eight. 

(e) It appears from the table, furthermore, that if the sixth 
and seventh syllables of a verse are either both long or both 
short, the fifth syllable is then usually of a different quantity. 
In this respect the four works stand in a regular sequence as 
regards the proportionate frequency of a different quantity in 
the fifth foot. In the Iti-v. the fifth syllable as a different quan- 
tity from the sixth and seventh, whether both of those syllables 
be long or whether they be short, is nine times as frequent ; in 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuttaka. 321 

the other works the proportions are respectively Dhp. 8-1, 
Thera-Th. 7-1, Jat. 6-1. The Iti-v., therefore, has the 
strongest proneness thus to differentiate the fifth syllable, the 
Jfitaka the weakest. 

Bare Vipulas. — As to the vipulas, or second feet, we may 
first dismiss briefly the least common ones of the odd padas, 
viz., the third pseon or ionic a minore, w o - y , the second 
paeon or diiambus, u — <j y , and the ionic a maiore or third 
epitrite, — o y . In Sanskrit, for example, the first of these 
occurs sporadically in all parts of the Mahabharata, but is 
not found in the Ramayana. The same foot forms about 2$ of 
the second feet in the Iti-vuttaka. The next close u - <_. u does 
not often occur in the epic sloka, and in Pali it is very rare. The 
use of this vipula more than anything else separates and distin- 
guishes Pali meter from the anustubh of the Veda, and the 
meter of the later Rig-Veda, which Arnold calls the epic 
anustubh. In anustubh it is the most common foot, forming 
the ending of the first and second padas indifferently. Its 
use as a close to the first (or third) pada sinks in epic anustubh 
to one-half the frequency, and in Pali and epic Sanskrit its 
employment is sporadic. With reference to the next vipula, 
— o y , we find that in the Pali sloka it has an average occur- 
rence of one-half of a percent., about the same frequency in 
anustubh, is sporadic in the epic sloka, but in epic anustubh 
it forms 8$ of the second feet. 

The most common vipula. The most frequently used second 
foot in Pali is u - - y . It forms in the Iti-v., Dhp. and 
Thera-Th. about 80$,- in the Jat. about 70$ of the endings of 
the first pada. In the epic Sanskrit, it is also the prevalent 
ending, but in anustubh has but a frequency of one per cent. 
In all four Pali works this vipula is used oftenest with the first 
group of openings, or first feet, as shown in the table. The 
percentages of the use of this particular vipula with the first 
group are Iti-v. 40$, Dhp. 41$, Thera-Th. 40$, Jat. 36$. 

Other vipulas. — The next popular vipula is the form u, 

which most commonly follows a third epitrite u -, in the 

first foot. It is slightly more than half as common as u — y 
after this opening, in the Iti-v., and slightly less than half as 
common in Thera-Th. and Jat., but in the Dhp. only one-fifth 
as common. This vipula forms less than one per cent, of the 



322 J. H. Moore, [1907. 

second feet in anustubh, about five per cent, in epic anustubh, 
but in epic sloka is fairly frequent. As to the vipula - <j o y , 
it is usually preceded by a diiambic or third epitritic opening 
u - <j - . The third epitrite is the more common. 

Opening feet. — With regard next to the first feet of the odd 
padas, there exists much greater freedom than in the second 
feet. As said before, there are sixteen variations, and it is 
noteworthy that at least one example of each is found in the 
comparatively small compass of the Iti-v. The foot u u <j u 
does not occur at all in the other works, and the varieties — u <j o 
and v u o - are not in the Dhp. 

The most common group of first feet in all four works is the 

first group, o - , - u , . Insignificant are 

differences in the four works as to which one of these is the 
favorite. Thus in Iti-v. and Thera-Th. the second epitrite, 

- u , is of slightly greater frequency, while in Dhp. and J&t. 

the third epitrite, " — , is a little in excess. 

The second group of opening feet, o - o - , oo — , <_> , 

differs from the former group in having the initial syllable short, 
and we notice that this difference has a marked effect on the fre- 
quency of the opening, as is shown by the figures in the table. 
This preference for a long first syllable is much stronger in Iti-v. 
than in the other three works. An interesting contrast m'ay be 
made here between the Pali sloka and the Vedic anustubh. In 
the latter the first syllable is anceps, whereas in Pali, on exam- 
ining all the sixteen varieties of openings, we find that a long 
first syllable is about twice as common as a short. 

The next two groups of opening feet agree in having a short 
fourth syllable, and it has already been said that when such is 
the case, the fifth is usually short also. 

Lanman, Sanskrit Header, p. 300, states that in the Sanskrit 
epic sloka, the syllables 2, 3 and 4 in odd padas may not have 
the form of an anapaest, u <j -, or a tribrach, w o o. In general 
this is true also in Pali, but it is not invariable, since there 
are 11 examples of o w y for the second, third and fourth 
syllables in the Iti-v., 13 in Dhp, 73 in Thera-Th., and 47 in Jat. 

Evex Padas. — Turning now from the odd to the even padas, 
we at once notice a remarkable difference in the character of 
the second foot, since it is here almost invariably of the form 
u-o y . In the Iti-v. among 519 feet, only eight have not this 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuttaka. 323 

diiarabic close ; these eight verses are 15b, 18d, 20d, 20f, 73b, 
75r, 85d, 105b. 

The number of hypermetric even padas is smaller than in 
odd padas, since there are 12 hypermetric verses in even padas 
in Iti-v. as compared with 24 in odd padas. These hypermetric 
lines will be treated later. 

The opening foot of the even padas is variable, although not 
so greatly as the opening foot of the odd padas. I subjoin an 
analysis of the varieties of third foot in the Iti-v. 

Table of third feet, or openings of even padas. 





Group 


I. 


— \J - 


- 110) 

- 100 v 


210 


u 

KJKJ - 


-- 61, 
- 23 \ 


84 




Group 


II. 





k, 51 I 




— u- 


w 53 1 

v, 38 f 


157 


Kj KJ - 


v 15 J 





294 



Group III. 
- - u u 40 1 

KJ — KJ KJ 10 



y 59 

I 

KJ KJKJKJ J 



■ Kj \J KJ 9 j 



Group TV. 
•u- 41 

::: o \ 9 

,o- 1 j 



A comparison of this table with the similar one in Simon's 
analysis of the other three Pali works (p. 93), shows that the 
first group, in which all four feet agree in having a long third 
and fourth syllable, contains more than one-half the number of 
third feet in the Pali sloka. The first syllable is more than 
twice as often long as short. The second syllable is anceps, 
with a slight predominance of longs, the longs being propor- 
tionately more common in the Iti-v. than in the other three 
works. 

The second group differs from the first in having the last 
syllable short. There is a preference again here for a long first 
syllable ; the second is anceps, the long quantity being more 
numerous. 

When the third and fourth syllables are short, as in group 
three, the second syllable is then long ; there are but thirty- 
three exceptions to this rule in all of the four Pali works com- 
bined, a total of 6422 lines. 

Certain special rules as regards even padas may be discovered 
from the above table, as for example the absence of a succession 



324 J. H. Moore, [1807. 

of four iambs in the Iti-v. There are, however, three instances 
of this succession of syllables in the Dhp. ; twelve in the 
Thera-Th. ; and twenty-one in the Jat. Three iambs in succes- 
sion are also rather uncommon ; of this there are nine instances 
in the Iti-v., twelve in the Dhp., forty-three in the Thera-Th., 
and seventy-one in the Jat. 

In the epic sloka (Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, page 300) sylla- 
bles 2, 3 and 4 of even padas cannot form a tribrach, u u u, an 
anapaest, u « -, or amphimacer, — o — . Such is not the case in 
Pali, since the Iti-v. has nine examples of the tribrach, the 
Dhp. four, Thera-Th. eleven, and Jat. nine ; of the anapaest 
there are five examples in Iti-v., five in Dhp., fourteen in 
Thera-Th., and seventeen in Jat. ; of the amphimacer there are 
four in Iti-v., ten in Dhp., forty-one in Thera-Th., and seventy- 
five in Jat. 

■Hy perimetric Lines. — A number of the sloka lines in the 
Iti-v. are hypermetric. In itself this fact is not surprising, 
and the same phenomenon is found in Sanskrit. A good treat- 
ment of hypermetric verses in Sanskrit is found in Hopkins, 
o. c, pp. 252-261. None of the padas of the Iti-v. are cata- 
lectic, all of the hypermetric verses being, therefore, hypercata- 
lectic. While there is usually one extra syllable in lines of this 
kind, we find four sloka lines of ten and one of eleven sylla- 
bles. As stated before, even padas are less often hypermetric 
than odd padas ; of the former there are thirteen (18f, 281, 29 j, 
291, 32f, 42h, 64h, 70h, 75b, 77f, 81f, 99d, 1121) and out of 
these thirteen, one line is found three times (32f, 64h, 70h) ; of 
the latter, the odd padas, there are twenty-four hypermetric 
lines (16c, 20i, 21i, 29i, 37a, 37g, 61i, 70e, 75e, 75m, 75o, 76y, 
76a', 81a, 85a, 91a, 91c, 93k, 95i, 99k, 103i, 103s, 106i, lllg ; 
of these 20i and 21i are the same). There is one instance (27k) 
in a passage, probably an interpolation, of a hypermetric pada 
within a tristubh-jagati stanza. 

As stated above, a line is not treated as hypermetric where 

the extra syllable is due to an epenthetic vowel. For example, 

such a line as 

niccam araddhaviriyehi (78k) 

is scanned - o uuo-u I have not counted line 81a 

yassa sakkariyamanassa 
as hypermetric, since the second word is most likely a passive 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuitaka. 325 

ppl. of sakkaroti, Sanskrit sat kr, where the vowel a in Pali is 
epenthetic. Similar vowels occur in the Avesta. Another 
derivative of kr is found in 103s, where the extra syllable is an 
epenthetic vowel. 

A few lines are hypermetric, as Windisch has indicated in his 
introduction, p. viii, because the designation for some particular 
virtue, perhaps, a word of two or more syllables, is contrasted 
with the term for the corresponding vice, of three or more 
syllables. Seven lines (29i, 18f, 29j, 32f, 64h, 70h, 103i) are 
hypermetric from this cause. Thus the line 

adayhamanetoa cetasa (29j) 
"with uninflamed mind," refers back to the line 

dayhamanena cetasa (28 j) 
"with inflamed mind," in the preceding section. 

The fact that a line is hypermetric does not necessarily 
impugn the genuineness of the line. We may take as examples 
of this the following padas — 

dukkham viharati tddiso (28 1) 
sukkham viharati tddiso (29 1) 
sukhumaditthivipassakam (81f) . 
In each of these the regular cadence o - y> o is present, the first 
foot having an extra syllable ; the sense of the passage in each 
case is clear, and the various. Mss. are practically identical in 
the readings of each. 

A case where a variant reading gives a normal meter is found 

in 106i 

ucchadanena nhapanena. 

This line would have the same sense ("by anointing and by 
bathing ") were we to follow the reading of the Ms. M, namely 
ucchadanena nhanena. 
Elision. — Two hypermetric lines have hiatus, and conse- 
quently the extra syllable may be avoided by supposing elision 
to have taken place ; these lines are 

appassuto apunnakaro (We) 
vimutto upadhisankhaye (112 1) 
Leaving aside now the above lines in which the extra syllable 
may be accounted for by anacrusis, elision, incorrect reading, 
or especially through contrast of one word in the hypermetric 



326 J. II Moore, 11907. 

line with a word one syllable shorter in another stanza, we have 
to face the fact that there exist some hypermetric lines for 
which no explanation can be given. Such for example are the 
odd padas 20i, 27k, 37a, 37g, 61i, 75e, m, o, 76a', 81a, 85a, 
91a, 93k, 95i, 99k, lllg, and the even padas 42h, 77f, 99d. 

Lines of ten syllables are 16c, 91c, both of which are odd 
padas ; one curious line of eleven syllables, an even pada, 
occurs at 75b, namely : 

na kapaniddhike na vanibbake. 

Tristubh and Jagati. — Of the 112 sections of the Iti- 
vuttaka mentioned in the openifig of this paper, 98 were in 
sloka verse. The remaining fourteen are with three exceptions 
either in tristubh or jagati. The three exceptions are probably 
later interpolations or corruptions of the text, and are written 
in a mixture of sloka, tristubh and jagati. These are touched 
upon below. A pleasing variety is sometimes produced in 
tristubh stanzas by the occasional introduction of a jagati verse. 
This occurs in 38f, 46d, 69c, 69e and 841, while a sporadic 
tristubh appears occasionally within a jagati stanza, as in 87c 
and 98c. Alternation of the two meters is found in one pas- 
sage, 47i-h, the first and third lines being in tristubh and the 
second and fourth in jagati. In the poetical portion of § 100 
we find the first and fourth verses in jagati and the two inter- 
vening verses in tristubh. 

A metrical examination of 27i-p shows' that there is a rhyth- 
mical irregularity in the passage, as well as textual corruption, 
as indicated by faulty grammar. The stanza in question has 
seven lines, composed respectively in tristubh, jagati, hyper- 
metric sloka, jagati, tristubh, jagati, tristubh. As will be 
seen from the notes on this passage in my forthcoming transla- 
tion of the Iti-vuttaka, several lines are of very questionable gen- 
uineness, and for that reason none is included in the following 
statistics. 

Tristubh. — The commonest tristubh line in epic Sanskrit, as 
pointed out by Hopkins, p. 275, has the form y - y - y v y - 
u — y . There are twenty-nine lines of this kind in the Iti-v. 
The first and last syllables are anceps. No example of a long 
third syllable is found ; only two lines have a short fifth 
and only three a long seventh. The characteristic scheme of 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-mittaJea* 



U — u — — \J y) 



the tristubh verse in the Iti-v. is, therefore, 
u - <_>. The caesura is after the fourth or fifth syllables, slightly 
oftener after the former. Certain deviations from this norm 
occur, such as 

38g of the form u — u — u 

■ica (' — u — — u w u u 

8-th u — — v yj u <_> 

OOO v/ — V U — KJ \j — U — — 

34h " " " --u- o-- . 

The last of these lines is remarkable for its succession of 
six long syllables. In this particular case it is to be noted, 
however, that only the best Ms., M, reads * in the third and 
sixth syllables ; all the other Mss. have 1. Grammatically the 
long vowel is required. 

The two lines, 38h and 109b — 

tarn ve munim antimadehadharim 
yogakkhemam ayati patthayano, 
are irregular only in having the fourth syllable short. It is 
possible in Pali, when the caesura comes after a short syllable 
as in these two lines, for the syllable in question to receive 
metrical lengthening. 

Only one tristubh is hypercatalectic 

paripunnasekham apahanadhammam (46a) 
in which instance the first syllable may be taken as anacrusis, 
as the line is normal in other regards, although it may be noted 
that the second part has the rare form u u « - . 

The line yo cm satimd nipako jhayl (34g) may perhaps be 
treated best as a catalectic tristubh, with the irregular opening 
of a first paeon, - u u <j . 

Jagatl. — Turning next to the jagatij or line of twelve sylla- 
bles, we find that here, too, the Iti-v. follows a definite metrical 
scheme, which is represented 

'_' — v — — Kj \j — u — yj %r . 

Of this type there are twenty-nine. The third and fifth sylla- 
bles might be represented as common, but there is found a very 
strong preference for a short third and a long fifth. Twelve 
lines are different from this norm, or are hypermetric. 

Caesura. — The caesura in the jagatl as in the tristubh falls 
either after the fourth or fifth syllable, but the jagatl differs 
vol. xxviii. 22 



328 J. II. Moore, [1907. 

from the tristubh in having a preference rather for the caesura 
to fall after the fifth syllable. 

It is possible also that in jagatl verse, as mentioned before in 
treating of the tristubh, a short syllable may receive metrical 
lengthening if followed by the caesura, as for example in the 
line 

tayo pana akusale nirdkare (87b). 
Other instances of a short syllable before a caesura, where the 
norm requires a long one, are found in lines 44c, 47e and 100a. 
Two hypercatalectic jagatis occur, of which the first, 
anupddisesd pana sampardyikd (44e), 
may be treated as a normal jagatl with anacrusis. The other 
line, however, 

nibbdnadhdtu anissitena tddind (44b), 
even though it has the regular opening and close of a jagatl' 
contains in the middle portion a superfluous long syllable. 
There is no hint of a Ms. corruption, and we have no help from 
variant readings. Cf. Hopkins, p. 287 and p. 468. 

Irregular jagatis. — Certain lines in jagatl passages are 
neither normal nor hypercatalectic, as for example, 
tesarn so attho paramo visvjjhati (98g) 
dtdpl bhikkhu nipako jhanaldbhi (47j). 
In both of these cases also we have no assistance from variant 
readings, and cannot, therefore, allege Ms. corruption as an 
explanation of the metrical difficulty. 

Textual corruption. — There do exist, however, two or three 
stanzas in the Iti-v. in which Ms. corruption is apparent. In 
these few cases, not only is one line irregular, but a longer suc- 
cession of bizarre metrical effects is found. . In 47f and g, for 
example, we find 

samdhito mudito vippasanno ca 
kdlena so sammd dhammarn parivimamsamano, 
or substituting the quantities for the words, we have 

\_r — \r — \J \J — — v — — *-» 

\j — Kr V U ■ 

These lines are metrically hopeless, and there is no help to be 
obtained from variant readings. Still other passages offering 



Vol. xxviii.] Metrical Analysis of the Pali Iti-vuttaka. 329 

metrical difficulty are 38j-o, and 69. The fifth line of the first 
of these passages, viz. 

sokdvatinnam janatam apetasoko 
or giving its quantities 

u — — [uojou— u 

might be emended so as to read tarn instead of janatam, by 
which emendation the line would become a regular tristubh. 
The justification of this 'emendation is strengthened, perhaps, 
by the occurrence of the same word janatam three lines previ- 
ous. If the emendation be allowed, then, the first two lines 
are in jagatl, the last four in tristubh. 

In the second of these two passages, viz. 69, a-h, a cor- 
ruption of the text is certain. 

yassa rtigo ca doso ca 

avijjd ca virdjitd 

so-mam samuddam sagaham sarakkhasam 

umibhayam duttaram -accatdri 

sangdtigo maccujaho nirupadhi 

pahdsi dukkham apunabbhavdya 

atthangato so na samanam -eti 

amohayi maccurdjan- ti brumtti. 
The first two lines are in sloka, the third is a regular jagatl, 
the fourth is a tristubh with the rare opening - u o - , the fifth 
line is a regular jagatl, the sixth is a tristubh with the uncom- 
mon middle foot o <j o — , the seventh again a tristubh, and the 
last one a tristubh of the very strange form 

o — <_> o — u u — y . 

Conclusion. — Pending a comparative study of the meters of 
the different Pali works much more far reaching than has yet 
been made, nothing can be said regarding the relative age of 
stanzas of the Iti-v. written in sloka, tristubh, or jagatl. 

All three of these meters are much more free than the corre- 
sponding rhythms in classical Sanskrit, as is to be expected. 
The sloka has changed in a marked degree from the Vedic type, 
yet it has at the same time distinct differences from the epic 
sloka. It is impossible to say whether the Pali sloka is a direct 
outcome of Vedic imitation, and it is likewise impossible to 
postulate any connection or rapport with the later stages of 



330 J. H. Moore, Metrical Analysis, etc. [1907. 

Sanskrit metrical development, as it might well be true that 
certain metrical preferences, for example, a long first syllable, 
are due to the idiosyncrasies of the language. 

A more positive result of our analysis is the discovery that 
the eleven and twelve-syllable meters show less variety than the 
sloka. Each has in Pali a well-fixed form, with fully as much 
regularity of syllabic quantities as has epic Sanskrit (cf. Hop- 
kins, p. 273-320), if indeed there is not even more. But this 
statement must not be. applied to Pali in general until many 
other works have been analysed. The fact that the Iti-v. 
employs jagatl as often as tristubh might seem to point to a. 
late date, but whether this equal occurrence of tristubh and 
jagati is the result of chance or intention, no one can say.