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THE STORY OP CHANG K'lEN, CHINA'S PIONEER IN 
WESTERN ASIA 

TEXT AND TRANSLATION OF CHAPTER 123 OF SSI-MA 
TS'IEN'S SHI-KI 

Friedrich Hirth 
Professor Emeritus, Columbia University 

INTRODUCTION 

The only complete translation of this Chinese text, which is as 
difficult as it is important, is the French version published by 
M. Brosset in the Nouveau Journal Asiatique (tome 2, Paris, 
1828, p. 418-450) under the title 'Relation du pays de Ta-ouan.' 
Like Abel Remusat's works on cognate subjects, it was an under- 
taking of great merit and quite a revelation to the scientific 
world of its time, ninety years ago; but a comparison with the 
original Chinese text will convince Sinologues that a new trans- 
lation, incorporating the greatly modified identifications and 
interpretations of later research, is an absolute necessity. 

In Brosset 's translation, misconceptions of the author's state- 
ments are unfortunately so frequent that readers anxious for 
correct historical or geographical information must be warned 
not to take facts for granted without a thorough scrutiny of the 
original. To illustrate the dangers besetting scholars unfamiliar 
with the spirit of the Chinese language, there is perhaps no 
more instructive example than the first sentence in § 12. There 
it is said of Chang K'ien, after his visit to Bactria, that, 'having 
sojourned there fully a year, he returned, skirting the Nan-shan' 
(cf. § 61 : 'all along the Nan-shan') . Not grasping the meaning 
of the character ping (Giles, no. 9282), which, according to 
Chang Sh6u-ts'ie's commentary of 737 a. d., is in this case to 
be read pang and has the sense of lien (Giles, no. 7109), 'to con- 
nect, to adjoin,' the very words of our pang Nan-shan passage 
being quoted in K'ang-hi (Rad. 117 : 5, 12) from the SU-H as an 
example, M. Brosset translates: 'Apres un an de delai, revenant 
au mont Ping -nan,' and adds in a footnote: 'Montagne dans 
le Tibet.' To guess the meaning of Chinese words from the 
7 JAOS 37 



90 Friedrich Hirth 

mere sound of a transcription without having seen the Chinese 
characters themselves is a dangerous experiment. Under the 
sound ping, Giles's Dictionary has no less than twenty characters 
with as many, or more, different meanings ; and about as many 
characters are found under the sound p'ing with the aspirated 
initial. Among the latter we find p'ing, 'a plain' (no. 9311). 
This had apparently induced Baron von Richthofen (China, 1. 
449, 454) to reproduce Brosset's translation with an additional 
note saying that 'der Name Ping-nan zeigt, dass das Gebirge 
im Siiden eines ebenen Landstrichs lag.' The Ts'ien-han-shu 
in its biography of Chang K'ien (chap. 61, p. 2) contains a 
parallel passage, rendered correctly by 'following the southern 
mountains' in Wylie's version ('Notes on the "Western Regions,' 
in Journal of the Anthrop. Institute of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, vol. 10, Feb. 10, 1880, p. 67) . 

Wylie's timely and highly meritorious contribution toward a 
much neglected field of study, however, also contains a great 
many mistranslations, and should in important cases never 
be used without consulting the original Chinese text. Alexander 
Wylie, whose name, as Henry Howorth appropriately remarks 
(op. cit. 9. 53), 'is a household word wherever the study of 
China and its borders is prosecuted,' had been afflicted with a 
serious breakdown in health, ending in total blindness, just at 
the time when he yielded to Howorth 's persuasion to take in 
hand his translation from the Ts'ien-han-shu for the Anthro- 
pological Institute. On the whole his work gives a fair idea of 
the subject ; but a revision of it will, sooner or later, have to be 
undertaken. 

It is necessary to use the greatest caution in consulting 
the late T. W. Kingsmill's paper, first published in the Journal 
of the China Branch of the B. A. 8., new ser. 14. 1-29, under the 
title 'The Intercourse of China with Central and Western Asia 
in the 2d Century b. c.,' and reprinted in JBA8, new ser. 14. 
74-104, under the title 'The Intercourse of China with Eastern 
Turkestan and the Adjacent Countries.' 

I have prepared the present new translation primarily in 
order to get a clear idea of the material which will have to 
serve as an introduction to renewed studies required for a second 
edition of my book China and the Roman Orient, published in 
1885 ; and I now place it before students of Oriental history and 



The Story of Chang K'ien 91 

Chinese literature with the hope that they may improve my ren- 
dering and interpretation by their criticisms. Of Professor 
fidouard Chavannes' gigantic work, the translation of the 
Shi-ki (Les Memoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien traduits et 
annotes, Paris, Leroux, tomes 1-5, 1895-1905), only five volumes 
have appeared, carrying us to Ssi'-ma Ts'ien 's chapter 47; and 
some considerable time may elapse before the publication of 
chapter 123 (cf. Chavannes' Synoptic Table of chapters in the 
Shi-ki and the T'ung-Men-kang-mu, vol. 1, pages ccxliv-ccxlix of 
his Introduction). In the meantime I would refer readers to 
this scholar's admirable critical essay on the Chinese historian's 
work, in his Introduction, pages i-ccxlix. It will be seen from 
Chavannes that we are not able to fix the exact year of the death 
of Ssi'-ma Ts'ien; but, in all probability, the great work which 
has earned for him the title of 'the Herodotus of China' must 
have been completed about the year 99 b. c. (p. xlv), perhaps 
even a few years later, to give him time for the despatch of ten 
embassies to the Far West after the appointment, in 100 b. c, 
of Ch'an-fong as King of Ta-yiian. His father, Ss'i-ma T'an, 
who, like himself, held the post of court astrologer, and who, 
besides having conceived the plan of writing the Shi-ki, may be 
responsible for certain portions of that work, had died in 110 
b. c. (p. xxxiv, note). It follows, therefore, that he cannot have 
had any connection with that part of our Ta-yiian chapter which 
deals with facts lying beyond that date; and if Ssi'-ma, the 
father, has been at all concerned in drafting portions of our text, 
his co-operation is not likely to have extended beyond its first 
half— say paragraphs 1 to 79 of the present translation— which 
I am inclined to look upon as being based chiefly on Chang 
K'ien 's original report to the Emperor. 

The Imperial Library of the Sui dynasty, to judge from its 
Catalogue (Sui-shu, chap. 33, p. 23 B), contained a book in one 
chapter entitled- Chang-k'ien-ch'u-kuan-chi, i. e. 'Account of 
Chang K'ien 's Expeditions Abroad,' which has apparently not 
been handed down to later periods, since it is not mentioned 
in the Catalogues of the T'ang and Sung dynasties, though 
Chang Tsung-yiian, in his Sui-king-tsi-chi-k'au-chong, chap. 6, p. 
46, says that the title is quoted in the chapter on foreign coins in 
Hung Tsun's work, the Ts'iian-chi, published in 1149 a. d. But 
this may be a secondhand quotation. I place greater confidence 



92 Friedrich Hirth 

in a reference to it in the Ku-kin-chu (chap. 3, p. 3), where the 
grape is referred to as having been introduced into China by 
Chang K'ien. From what the critics in the great Catalogue 
of the Imperial Library of Peking (Tsung-mu, 118, p. 4) say in 
connection with an analysis of the Ku-kin-chu text, this para- 
graph must have been written during the Tsin dynasty, about 
300 a. d., when Tsui Pau, the compiler of the older and original 
text now known as the Ku-kin-chu, apparently preferred the 
Chang-k'ien-ch'u-kuan-cM to the Shi-ki as an authority. Since 
no author's name is mentioned in connection with the title, this 
chi, or memoir, may go back to Chang K'ien 's own Report. It 
is, however, not quoted in the Tsi-min-yau-shu (about 500 b. c. ; 
see my notice of it in T'oung Poo, 6. 436-440, and Bretschneider, 
Botanicon Sinicum, 1. 11 ft.), where a number of foreign plants 
not referred to in our Shi-ki account, such as the pomegranate 
(t 'u-lin = Ind. darim), sesamum orientale, garlic, and coriand- 
rum sativum, are distinctly stated to have been introduced into 
China by Chang K'ien. These and other cultural wanderings 
are there quoted from various older works, partly lost. Alto- 
gether Chinese literature throws considerable light on such sub- 
jects as have been treated for Europe in Hehn's Kulturpflanzen 
und Hausthiere. A great many plants and animals were 
brought to China, either by Chang K'ien himself or by later 
expeditions sent by Wu-ti and his successors. Of these, certain 
breeds of the horse, also the vine and the lucerne, are the only 
ones referred to in the Shi-ki. Nevertheless, the one hero who 
must be looked upon as the pioneer of all that came from the 
West was Chang K'ien, whose return to China in 126 b. c. opened 
a new epoch in the development of Chinese civilization. Another 
work which, I am led to believe from Bretschneider 's Botanicon 
Sinicum (1. 25), was at some time or other ascribed to Chang 
K'ien himself, is the Hai-wai-i-wu-ki, i. e. 'Record of Remarkable 
Things beyond the Seas.' The title does not, however, seem 
very descriptive of the account of an overland expedition like 
Chang K'ien 's. 

I have in the present translation and in the accompanying 
Index rendered the several geographical terms occurring in the 
Chinese text by their Western equivalents, as accepted by most 
present-day Sinologues, without entering upon the arguments 
which have in the course of a century brought about so many 



The Story of Chang K'ien 93 

important changes since the time of Deguignes and Remusat. 
Readers may, however, consult with advantage two papers closely 
related to our subject: S. K. Shiratori, 'Ueber den Wu-sun- 
Stamm in Centralasien' in Keleti Szemle, 3 (1902), p. 103-140, 
and 0. Franke, 'Beitrage aus chinesischen Quellen zur Kennt- 
niss der Tiirkvolker und Skythen Zentralasiens ' in Abhand- 
lungen der Kgl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissensch., 1904, Anhang. 
The Chinese text reproduced is that of the K'ien-lung edition 
of 1739. It has been compared with the original by Mr. T. Y. 
Leo, late Secretary of the Chinese Legation in "Washington, D. C, 
a son of Liu Si-hung, the first Chinese envoy appointed to 
Germany (Giles, Chinese Biogr. Diet., no. 1299), and one of 
the few native scholars taking real interest in "Western research 
in Chinese literature, to whom I am also indebted for many 
valuable suggestions in connection with my translation. 



TRANSLATION* 

(1) Our first knowledge of Ta-yiian [Ferghana] dates from 
Chang K'ien. (2) Chang K'ien was a native of Han-chung 
[in the south of Shen-si province] ; during the period of K'ien- 
yiian [140-134 b. c] he was a lang [a titular officer of the 
imperial household; a yeoman]. (3) At that .time the Son 
of Heaven made inquiries among those Hiung-nu who had sur- 
rendered [as prisoners] and they all reported that the Hiung-nu 
had overcome the king of the Yiie-chi and made a drinking-vessel 
out of his skull. The Yiie-chi had decamped and were hiding 
somewhere, all the time scheming how to take revenge on the 
Hiung-nu, but had no ally to join them in striking a blow. (4) 
The Chinese, wishing to declare war on and wipe out the Tartars, 
upon hearing this report, desired to communicate with the Yiie- 
chi; but, the road having to pass through the territory of the 
Hiung-nu, the Emperor sought out men whom he could send. 
Chang K'ien, being a lang [cf. § 2], responded to the call and 
enlisted in a mission to the Yiie-chi; he took with him one 

* The numbers - in parentheses indicate the sections similarly numbered 
in the text as reproduced herewith. 



94 Friedrich Mirth 

Kan Fu, a Tartar, formerly a slave of the T'ang-i family, 
and set out from Lung-si [Kan-su], crossing the territory of 
the Hiung-nu. (5) The Hiung-nu made him a prisoner and sent 
him to the Shan-yii [Great Khan, or King], who detained him, 
saying: 'The Yue-ch'i are to the north of us; how can China 
send ambassadors to them? If I wished to send ambas- 
sadors to Yiie [Kiangsi and Ch'okiang], would China be 
willing to submit to us?' He held Chang K'ien for more 
than ten years, and gave him a wife, by whom he had a son. 
(6) All this time Chang K'ien had kept possession of the 
Emperor's token of authority, and, when in the course of 
time he was allowed greater liberty, he, watching his opportu- 
nity, succeeded in making his escape with his men in the direc' 
tion of the Yue-ch'i. (7) Having marched several tens of days 
to the west, he arrived in Ta-yiian. The people of this country, 
having heard of the wealth and fertility of China, had tried in 
vain to communicate with it. (8) "When, therefore, they saw 
Chang K'ien, they asked joyfully: 'Where do you wish to go?' 
Chang K'ien replied: 'I was sent by [the Emperor of] China to 
the Yue-ch'i, and was made prisoner by the Hiung-nu. I have 
now escaped them and would ask that your king have some one 
conduct me to the country of the Yue-ch'i ; and if I should suc- 
ceed in reaching that country, on my return to China, my king 
will reward yours with untold treasures. (9) The Ta-yiian 
believed his account and gave him safe-conduct on postal roads 
to K'ang-kii [Soghdiana], and K'ang-kii sent him on to the 
Ta-yue-ch'i. (10) The king of the Ta-yiie-ch'i having been killed 
by the Hu ['Tartars'; in this case the Hiung-nu], the people 
had set up the crown prince in his stead [in the Ts'ien-han-shu 
it is the queen who is appointed his successor]. They had 
since conquered Ta-hia [Bactria] and occupied that country. 
The latter being rich and fertile and little troubled with robbers, 
they had determined to enjoy a peaceful life; moreover, since 
they considered themselves too far away from China, they had no 
longer the intention to take revenge on the Hu [Hiung-nu] . (11) 
Chang K'ien went through the country of the Yue-ch'i to Ta-hia 
[Bactria] , yet, after all, he did not carry his point with the Yiie- 
chi. (12) After having remained there fully a year, he returned, 
skirting the Nan-shan. He wished to return through the country 
of the K'iang [Tangutans] , but was again made a prisoner by the 
Hiung-nu, who detained him for more than a year, when the 



The Story of Chang K'ien 95 

Shan-yii died and the 'left' Luk-li [possibly Turk. Ulugla, 
'highly honored'] prince attacked the rightful heir and usurped 
the throne, thus throwing the country into a state of confusion. 
At this time Chang K'ien, with his Tartar wife and T'ang-i Fu 
[i. e. Kan Fu, see above, § 4], escaped and returned to China. 

(13) [The Emperor of] China appointed Chang K'ien a 
T'ai-chung-ta-fu ['Imperial Chamberlain'] and gave T'ang-i Fu 
the title Fong-sM-kiin ['The Gentleman attending the Embassy'] . 
(14) Chang K'ien was a man of strong physique, magnanimous 
and trustful, and popular with the foreign tribes in the south 
and west. (15) T'ang-i Fu was formerly a Hu [Tartar; Hiung- 
nu?]. Being an excellent bowman, he would, when supplies 
were exhausted, provide food by shooting game. (16) When 
Chang K'ien started on his journey, his caravan consisted of 
more than a hundred men ; thirteen years later, only two lived 
to return. (17) The following countries were visited by Chang 
K'ien in person: Ta-yiian [Ferghana], Ta-yiie-chi [Indoscyth- 
ians], Ta-hia [Bactria], and K'ang-kii [Soghdiana] ; there were 
besides, five or six other large adjacent countries concerning 
which he gained information and on which he reported to the 
Emperor in the following terms. 

(18) Ta-yiian [Ferghana] is to the southwest of the Hiung- 
nu and due west of China, at a distance of about 10,000 li. (19) 
The people are permanent dwellers and given to agriculture; 
and in their fields they grow rice and wheat. They have wine 
made of grapes (p'u-t'au) and many good horses. The horses 
sweat blood and come from the stock of the t'ien-ma [heavenly 
horse, perhaps the wild horse] . (20) They have walled cities and 
houses ; the large and small cities belonging to them, fully seventy 
in number, contain an aggregate population of several hun- 
dreds of thousands. (21) Their arms consist of bows and hal- 
berds, and they shoot arrows while on horseback. (22) North of 
this country is K'ang-kii [Soghdiana] ; in the west are the Ta- 
yue-chi; in the southwest is Ta-hia [Bactria] ; in the northeast 
are the Wu-sun; and in the east Han-mi and Yii-tien [Khotan]. 
(23) All the rivers west of Yii-tien flow in a westerly direction 
and feed the Western Sea; all the rivers east of it flow east and. 
feed the Salt Lake [Lopnor] . The Salt Lake flows underground. 
To the south of it [Yii-tien] is the source from which the Ho [the 
Yellow Eiver] arises. The country contains much jadestone. 



96 Friedrich Hirth 

The river flows through China; and the towns of Lou-Ian and 
Ku-shi with their city walls closely border on the Salt Lake. The 
Salt Lake is possibly 5000 li distant from Chang-an. (24) The 
right [i. e. western] part of the Hiung-nu live to the east of the 
Salt Lake as far as the great wall in Lung-si. To the south they 
are bounded by the K'iang [Tangutans], where they bar the road 
[to China] . 

(25) Wu-sun may be 2000 li northeast of Ta-yiian; its people 
are nomads [following their flocks of cattle] , and have the same 
customs as the Hiung-nu. Of archers they have several tens of 
thousands, all daring warriors. (26) Formerly they were subject 
to the Hiung-nu, but they became so strong that, while maintain- 
ing nominal vassalage, they refused to attend the meetings of the 
court. 

(27) K'ang-kii [Soghdiana] is to the northwest of Ta-yiian, 
perhaps 2000 li distant. It also is a country of nomads with 
manners and customs very much the same as those of the Yue-ch'i. 
They have eighty or ninety thousand archers. The country is 
coterminous with Ta-yiian. It is small. In the south it is 
under the political influence of the Yiie-chi; in the east, under 
that of the Hiung-nu. 

(28) An-ts'ai [Aorsi] lies to the northwest of K'ang-kii, per- 
haps at a distance of 2000 li. It is a nomad state, and its man- 
ners and customs are in the main identical with those of K'ang- 
kii. It has fully a hundred thousand archers. The country lies 
close to a great sea [ia-tsb, lit. 'great marsh,' the Palus Maeotis, 
i. e. the Sea of Azov] which has no limit, for it is the Northern 
Sea. 

(29) The Ta-yiie-cM [Indoscythians] are perhaps two or 
three thousand li to the west of Ta-yiian. They live to the north 
of the K'u,i-shui [Oxus]. South of them is Ta-hia [Bactria] ; 
in the west is An-si [Parthia] ; in the north, K'ang-kii [Sogh- 
diana]. They are a nomad nation, following their flocks and 
changing their abodes. Their customs are the same as those of 
the Hiung-nu. They may have from one to two hundred thou- 
sand archers. In olden times they relied on their strength, and 
thought lightly of the Hiung-nu ; but when Mau-tun ascended 
the throne he attacked and defeated the Yiie-chi. Up to the 
time when Lau-shang, Shan-yii of the Hiung-nu, killed the king 
of the Yiie-chi and made a drinking vessel out of his skull, the 



The Story of Chang K'ien 97 

Yiie-chi had lived between Tun-huang [now Sha-chou] and the 
K'i-lien [a hill southwest of Kan-chou-f u] , but when they were 
beaten by the Hiung-nu, they fled to a distant country and 
crossed to the west of Yuan [Ta-yiian], attacked Ta-hia 
[Bactria], and conquered it. Subsequently they had their 
capital in the north of the K'ui-shui [Oxus] and made it the 
court of their king. The minority which were left behind and 
were not able to follow them, took refuge among the K'iang 
[Tangutans] of the Nan-shan, and were called Siau-Yiie-cM 
(Small Yiie-chi). 

(30) An-si [Parthia] may be several thousand li west of the 
Ta-yiie-chi. (31) The people live in fixed abodes and are given 
to agriculture ; their fields yield rice and wheat ; and they make 
wine of grapes. (32) Their cities and towns are like those of 
Ta-yiian. (33) Several hundred small and large cities belong 
to it. (34) The territory is several thousand li square; it is a 
very large country and is close to the K'ui-shui [Oxus]. (35) 
Their market folk and merchants travel in carts and boats to 
the neighboring countries, perhaps several thousand li distant. 
(36) They make coins of silver; the coins resemble their king's 
face. Upon the death of a king the coins are changed for others 
on which the new king's face is represented. (37) They paint 
[rows of characters] running sideways on [stiff] leather, to serve 
as records. (38) "West of this country is T'iau-chi; north, is 
An-ts'ai. 

(39) Li-kan [Syria] and T'iau-chi [Chaldea] are several 
thousand li west of An-si and close to the "Western Sea. (40) 
It [referring to T'iau-chi] is hot and damp. (41) The inhabi- 
tants plow their fields, in which they grow rice. (42) There 
is a big bird with eggs like jars. (43) The number of its 
inhabitants is very large, and they have in many places their 
own petty chiefs; but An-si [Parthia], while having added it 
to its dependencies, considers it a foreign country. (44) They 
have clever jugglers. (45) Although the old people in An-si 
maintain the tradition that the Jo-shui and the Si-wang-mu are 
in T'iau-chi', they have not been seen there. 

(46) Ta-hia [Bactria] is more than 2000 li to the southwest of 
Ta-yiian, on the south bank of the K'ui-shui [Oxus]. (47) The 
people have fixed abodes and live in walled cities and regular 
houses like the people of Ta-yiian. (48) They have no great 



98 Friedrich Eirth 

king or chief, but everywhere the cities and towns have their 
own petty chiefs. (49) While the people are shrewd traders, 
their soldiers are weak and afraid to fight, so that, when the 
Ta-yiie-chi migrated westward, they made war on the Ta-hia, 
who became subject to them. (50) The population of Ta-hia 
may amount to more than a million. (51) Their capital is called 
Lan-sh'i, and it has markets for the sale of all sorts of mer- 
chandise. (52) To the southeast of it is the country of Shon-tu 
[India] . (53) Chang K'ien says [in his report to the Emperor] : 
'When I was in Ta-hia, I saw there a stick of bamboo of Kiung 
[Kiung-chou in Ssi-ch'uan] and some cloth of Shu [Ssi-ch'uan]. 
When I asked the inhabitants of Ta-hia how they had obtained 
possession of these, they replied : ' ' The inhabitants of our coun- 
try buy them in Shon-tu [India]." Shon-tu may be several 
thousand li to the southeast of Ta-hia. The people there have 
fixed abodes, and their customs are very much like those of 
Ta-hia ; but the country is low, damp, and hot. The people ride 
on elephants to fight in battle. The country is close to a great 
river. According to my calculation, Ta-hia must be 12,000 
li distant from China and to the southwest of the latter. Now 
the country of Shon-tu being several thousand li to the south- 
east of Ta-hia, and the produce of Shu [Ss'i-ch'uan] being found 
there, that country cannot be far from Shu. Suppose we send 
ambassadors to Ta-hia through the country of the K'iang [Tan- 
gutans], there is the danger that the K'iang will object; if we 
send them but slightly farther north, they will be captured by 
the Hiung-nu; but by going by way of Shu [Ss'i-ch'uan] they 
may proceed direct and will be unmolested by robbers.' 

(54) The Son of Heaven on hearing all this reasoned thus: 
Ta-yiian and the possessions of Ta-hia and An-si are large coun- 
tries, full of rare things, with a population living in fixed abodes 
and given to occupations somewhat identical with those of the 
Chinese people, but with weak armies, and placing great value 
on the rich produce of China ; in the north the possessions of the 
Ta-yiie-chi and K'ang-kii, being of military strength, might be 
made subservient to the interests of the court by bribes and thus 
gained over by the mere force of persuasion. In this way a 
territory 10,000 li in extent would be available for the spread 
among the four seas of Chinese superior civilization by communi- 
cating through many interpreters with the nations holding 



The Story of Chang K'ien 99 

widely different customs. As a result the Son of Heaven was 
pleased to approve Chang K'ien 's proposal. (55) He thereupon 
gave orders that, in accordance with Chang K'ien 's suggestions, 
exploring expeditions be sent out from Kien-wei of the Shu king- 
dom [the present Sii-chou-fu on the Upper Yangtz'i] by four 
different routes at the same time : one to start by way of Mang ; 
one by way of Jan [both names referring to barbarous hill tribes 
on the southwestern frontier ; cf . Sh'i-ki, chap. 116, p. 2] ; one 
by way of Ssi [or Si] ; and one by way of Kiung [Kiung-chou 
in Ssi-ch'uan] and P'o [the present Ya-chou]. (56) These 
several missions had each traveled but one or two thousand li 
when those in the north were prevented from proceeding farther 
by the Ti and Tso tribes, and those in the south by the Sui and 
K'un-ming tribes [placed by the commentators in the southwest 
of Sii-chou-fu], who had no chiefs and, being given to robbery, 
would have killed or captured the Chinese envoys. (57) The 
result was that the expeditions could not proceed farther. They 
heard, however, that about a thousand li or more to the west 
there was the 'elephant-riding country' called Tien-yiie [pos- 
sibly meaning 'the Tien,' or Yunnan, part of Yiie or South 
China], whither the traders of Shu [Ssi-ch'uan] were wont to 
proceed, exporting produce surreptitiously. Thus it was that by 
trying to find the road to Ta-hia [Bactria] the Chinese obtained 
their first knowledge of the Tien country ( Yiin-nan) . 

(58) The original idea to penetrate from China through the 
country of the southwestern barbarians was abandoned, because, 
in spite of the heavy expense incurred, the passage could not be 
effected; but it was in pursuance of Chang K'ien 's report regard- 
ing the possibility of finding a road to Ta-hia [Bactria] that 
attention had again been drawn to these barbarians. It had been 
due to Chang K'ien 's knowledge of their pasture-grounds, when 
following, in the capacity of a subcommander, the general-in-chief 
sent out against the Hiung-nu, that the army did not fall short of 
provisions. For this the Emperor invested him with the title 
'Marquis of Po-wang.' This was in the year 123 b. c. (59) 
"When, in the following year, Chang K'ien took part in the 
Yu-pei'-p'ing [about 80 miles east of Peking] campaign against 
the Hiung-nu in the capacity of a commander of the Guards 
under General Li [Li Kuang, according to Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 
61, p. 4] as commander-in-chief and the latter was blocked 



100 Friedrich Hirth 

by the enemy with considerable losses to his army, Chang 
K'ien failed to come soon enough to the rescue. For this 
he was liable to the penalty of death; but, on payment of a 
ransom, his punishment was reduced to degradation to the 
rank of a private. (60) In the same year China sent the Piau-ki 
general (Ho K'ii-ping) to conquer the western ordu [capital] 
of the Hiung-nu. He took several tens of thousands [of troops] 
and pushed forward as far as the K'i-lien-shan [a hill in the 
south of the present Kan-chou-fu] . (61) In the following year 
(121 b. c.) the Hun-sho prince with all his people tendered his 
allegiance to China, and in the west of Kin-ch 'ong [Lan-chou-f u] 
and in Ho-si [in the west of Kan-su] all along the Nan-shan as 
far as the Salt Lake [the Lopnor] there remained no Hiung-nu. 
The Hiung-nu would from time to time come there to waylay 
travelers, but such visitations were of rare occurrence indeed, and 
two years later the Chinese forced their khan to retreat into the 
north of the desert. The Son of Heaven thereupon consulted 
Chang K'ien several times about Ta-hia and other countries, 
and since K'ien had lost his marquisate he submitted the fol- 
lowing report : 

(62) 'When your servant was living among the Hiung-nu, 
he heard that the king of the Wu-sun was styled K'un-mo, and 
that the K'un-mo 's father was [chief of] a petty state on the 
western borders of the Hiung-nu. The Hiung-nu attacked and 
killed his father, and the K'un-mo, at his birth, was cast away 
in the wilderness, where meat was brought to him by a blackbird 
and a she-wolf nursed him with her milk. (63) The Shan-yii 
[khan of the Hiung-nu] regarded this as a wonder and, having 
raised the child to manhood, made him a military leader, in 
which capacity he distinguished himself on several occasions. 
(64) The Shan-yii restored to him the people of his father and 
made him governor of the western ordu [city, or fortified camp]. 
On receiving charge of his people, the K'un-mo attacked the 
neighboring small states with tens of thousands of bowmen, 
gained experience in warfare, and, after the Shan-yii 's death, 
withdrew his forces to a distant retreat, declining to appear at 
the court of the Hiung-nu. (65) The latter dispatched a force 
of picked troops to attack him, but, being unable to conquer him, 
regarded him as a spirit whom they had better keep at a distance 
and whom they would not seriously attack, though they con- 



The Story of Chang K'ien 101 

turned to claim [nominal] jurisdiction of the Shan-yii over the 
K'un-mo. (66) Now the Shan-yii has recently been defeated 
by China, in consequence of which the Hun-sho prince's former 
territory has become deserted; and since the barbarians covet 
the rich products of China, this is an opportune time to bribe 
the Wu-sun with liberal presents, and to invite them to settle 
farther east in the old Hun-sho territory. Should they become 
attached to the Chinese as a brother nation by intermarriage, 
the situation would be in favor of their listening to our proposi- 
tion, and if they do this, it would be tantamount to the cutting off 
of the right [i. e. western] arm of the Hiung-nu nation. Once 
we are connected with the "Wu-sun, the countries to the west of 
them might be invited to come to us as outer subjects.' 

(67) The Son of Heaven approved of Chang K'ien 's proposal 
and appointed him a commander in his bodyguard as well as 
leader of an expedition consisting of 300 men, each with two 
horses, and oxen and sheep in myriads. He also provided him 
with gifts of gold and silk stuffs worth millions, and with 
assistant envoys, holding credentials, whom he might send to 
and leave behind in other nearby countries. (68) When Chang 
K'ien arrived at Wu-sun, he keenly resented the humiliation 
offered to him, the ambassador of China, by a mere king of the 
Wu-sun, K'un-mo, in receiving him in audience with court cere- 
monial like that adopted with the Shan-yii of the Hiung-nu. 
Knowing the greed of these barbarians, he said: 'If the king 
does not pay due respect to these gifts, which have come from 
the Son of Heaven, they will be withdrawn.' The K'un-mo 
rose and offered obeisance before the gifts, but all other cere- 
monies passed off as of old. (69) Chang K'ien explained the 
Emperor's ideas as follows: 'If the Wu-sun are able to move 
eastward to the country of the Hun-sho, China will send a 
princess to become the K'un-mo 's consort.' (70) The Wu-sun 
country was divided, for the King was old and, considering 
China very distant and being unaware of its greatness, had here- 
tofore submitted to the Hiung-nu, and this for a long time 
indeed. Moreover, his own country was also nearer them, so 
that his ministers, who were afraid of the Tartars, did not wish 
to move away, and, since the king was not free to arrive at a 
decision of his own choice, Chang K'ien was unsuccessful in 
inducing him to adopt his suggestion. 



102 Friedrich Hirth 

(71) The K'un-mo had more than ten sons, the second of 
whom, called Ta-lu, was an energetic leader of the masses. In 
this capacity he set himself up in a separate part of the country 
with more than ten thousand horsemen. Ta-lu 's elder brother, 
the crownprince, had a son called the Ts'on-ts'ii [according to 
Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 96 B, p. 3, a title]. When the crownprince 
met with an early death, his last words to his father, the K'un- 
mo, were: 'Let the Ts'on-ts'ii become crownprince, and do not 
allow any other man to take his place.' The K'un-mo, in his 
grief, consented; and so on the death of his father the Ts'on-ts'ii 
became crownprince. Ta-lu was angry at being prevented from 
acting as crownprince and, having imprisoned his brothers, rose 
with his people in rebellion against the Ts'on-ts'ii and the 
K'un-mo. The latter, being old, was in constant fear that Ta-lu 
might kill the Ts'on-ts'ii ; he therefore gave the latter more than 
ten thousand horsemen to settle elsewhere, while retaining the 
same number of horsemen for his own protection. 

The population was thus divided into three parts; and, not- 
withstanding that the majority were under his authority, the 
K'un-mo did not dare to take it upon himself to conclude that 
treaty with Chang K'ien. (72) Chang K'ien, therefore, sent 
assistant ambassadors in several directions to the countries of 
Ta-yiian [Ferghana], K'ang-kii [Soghdiana], Ta-yiie-ch'i [Indo- 
scythians], Ta-hia [Bactria], An-si [Parthia], Shon-tu [India], 
Yii-tien [Khotan], Han-mi [?] and the adjacent territories. 
(73) Wu-sun furnished guides and interpreters to accompany 
Chang K'ien on his return, and the latter, traveling with several 
dozen natives and as many horses sent by the people of Wu-sun 
in acknowledgment [of the Emperor's gifts], thereby afforded 
them the opportunity to see China with their own eyes and thus 
to realize her extent and greatness. (74) On his return to 
China, Chang K'ien was appointed Talking ['Great Traveler/ 
or head of the office of foreign affairs] with rank as one of the 
nine ministers of state. (75) More than a year after this he 
died. 

(76) The envoys of Wu-sun, having seen that China was a 
very populous and wealthy country, reported to this effect on 
their return home, and this increased the estimation in which 
she was held there. (77) More than a year later, some of 
the envoys whom Chang K'ien had sent to the Ta-hia countries 



The Story of Chang K'ien 103 

returned with natives of those countries, and after this the 
countries of the Northwest began to have intercourse with China. 
Since Chang K'ien had been the pioneer in such intercourse, 
envoys proceeding to the West after him always referred to the 
Marquis of Po-wang as an introduction in foreign countries, the 
mention of his name being regarded as a guaranty of good faith. 

(78) After the death of K'ien, the Hiung-nu heard of China's 
relations with "Wu-sun, at which they became angry and wished 
to make war on it. When China sent missions to Wu-sun, her 
ambassadors continually passed through the south of that coun- 
try to Ta-yiian [Ferghana] and Ta-yiie-chi [Indoscythians] , and 
since the people of Wu-sun were afraid, they sent ambassadors 
and tribute horses, expressing their wish to bring about family 
relations by marriage with a Chinese imperial princess. The 
Son of Heaven consulted his ministers, who all said: 'Let them 
first offer marriage gifts and we shall then send the maiden.' 

(79) At first the Son of Heaven consulted an oracle in the 'Book 
of Changes,' which said that 'the divine horse will come from the 
northwest.' The horses received from Wu-sun were termed 
'heavenly horses,' but when the 'blood-sweating [han-Me] 
horses' obtained from Ta-yiian [Ferghana] were found much 
stronger, the name 'Wu-sun horses' was changed to ' [horses of 
the] extreme west,' and the Ta-yiian horses were called 'heavenly 
horses. ' 

At this time China began to build the great wall to the west 
of Ling-kii [near the present Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su], and 
first established the district of Tsiu-ts'iian, through which one 
could reach the countries of the Northwest. Thus more embas- 
sies were despatched to An-si [Parthia], An-ts'ai [the Aorsi, 
or Alans], Li-kan [Syria under the Seleucids], T'iau-ch'i 
[Chaldea], and Shon-tu [India], and as the Son of Heaven had 
such a fancy for the horses of Ta-yiian, ambassadors [sent to 
procure these horses] followed upon one another's heels all along 
the route. Such missions would be attended by several hundred 
men, or by a hundred men, according to their importance. 
The gifts carried by them emulated in the main those sent 
in the time of the Marquis of Po-wang; but later on, when 
they had ceased to be a novelty, they were made on a smaller 
scale. As a rule, rather more than ten such missions went 
forward in the course of a year, and at the least five or six. 



104 Friedrich Eirth 

Those sent to distant countries would return home after eight 
or nine years, those to nearer ones, within a few years. 

(80) This was the time when China had extinguished Yiie/ 
in consequence of which the barbarians in the southwest of Shu 
(Ss'i-ch'uan) became alarmed and asked that Chinese officers be 
appointed, and attended court. Thus were created the districts 
of I-chou, Yiie-sui, Tsang-ko, Shon-li, and Won-shan, [the gov- 
ernment] being guided by the wish that these territories should 
form a link in the development of the route to Ta-hia [Bactria] . 
(81) And so the envoys Pai Shi'-ch'ang and Lii Yiie-jon were 
sent out in more than ten parties in a single year from these 
newly founded districts for Ta-hia [Bactria], but again and 
again they were held up by the K'un-ming tribes, who killed 
them and robbed them of the presents they carried, so that they 
were never able to reach Ta-hia. (82) Thereupon China raised 
an army from the convicts of the metropolitan district (san-fu ; 
cf. Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 76, p. 18, and other quotations in Pien- 
tzi-lei-pien, chap. 91, p. 9 B) and sent the two generals Kuo 
Ch'ang and Wei Kuang in command of tens of thousands of 
soldiers of Pa and Shu [Ss'i-ch'uan], to fight the K'un-mings who 
had intercepted the Chinese ambassadors, 2 when several tens of 
thousands of the tribesmen were beheaded or made prisoners 
by the Chinese army before it withdrew. (83) After this 
ambassadors sent to the K'un-ming were again robbed, and 
a passage through this country was still found to be impractica- 
ble. (84) On the other hand, missions to Ta-hia [Bactria] by 
the northern route, via Tsiu-ts'iian, had by their frequency 
caused the foreign countries to be less and less interested in 
the Chinese ambassadorial gifts, which they no longer appre- 
ciated. (85) Since the work of the Marquis of Po-wang in 
preparing the way for intercourse with foreign countries had 
earned for him rank and position, officials and attendants who had 
accompanied him vied with one another in presenting to the 

1 Clearly referring to Nan-yiie, South China, conquered by General Lu 
Po-to in 112 b. o., Hirth, Chines. Ansichten uber Bronzetrommeln, p. 30. 
Cf. Mayers, Chinese Header's Manual, p. 138, and Giles, Chinese Biog. 
Diet., p. 548, who both give the year as 120 b. c. 

2 A footnote by the scholiast Sii Kuang, who died 425 a. d., refers this 
expedition to the year 109 B. c. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 105 

throne memorials in which they discussed the wonders, advan- 
tages, and disadvantages of certain foreign countries; and 
when the memorialists asked to be nominated as envoys, the 
Son of Heaven, on account of the extreme distance of the coun- 
tries to be visited and owing to the scarcity of men expressing 
a willingness to go, would comply with such requests and would 
even provide credentials to candidates for ambassadorial posts 
without asking any questions as to whence they had come. In 
order to encourage enterprise in this direction numbers of 
embassies were fitted out and sent forward, though among those 
who returned there were bound to be some who had either pur- 
loined the presents entrusted to them or failed to carry out the 
imperial instructions. 

The Son of Heaven on account of the experience of these quasi- 
envoys, would merely investigate cases as being highly criminal 
and punishable in order to stir up a feeling of resentment. By 
causing them to atone for their guilt [by payments?] they were 
led to apply again for ambassadorial appointments. Chances for 
such appointments now becoming numerous, those concerned in 
them made light of infringements of the law, and the lower offi- 
cials connected with them would also give exaggerated accounts 
of the conditions of the foreign countries in question. Those 
who reported on some great projects in connection with foreign 
countries would be given plenipotentiary posts, whereas reports 
on less important ones would be rewarded with mere assistant- 
ships, for which reason reckless and unprincipled men became 
eager to follow examples thus set. The ambassadors, being 
mostly sons of poor families, appropriated the gifts sent by the 
government, and would undersell them for their private benefit. 
Foreign countries, in their turn, got tired of the Chinese ambas- 
sadors, whose tales consisted of conflicting accounts. 2 * They 



%Mr. T. T. Leo remarks in connection with the above sentence: 'This 
is the interpretation by Fu K'i&i [2d century a. d.]. According to Ju 
Shun [as quoted in a scholium to our passage] the passage would read: 
"The foreign countries in their turn got tired of the Chinese ambassadors, 
for many men [of the foreign countries] had complained that each had been 
more or less cheated and insulted several times by the Chinese." Judging 
by what follows, I am inclined to think the latter interpretation is the 
more logical. Ju Shun was a scholar of the "Wei' Kingdom of the San-kuo 
period [3d century a. d.].' 

8 JAOS 37 



106 Friedrich Hirth 

imagined that a Chinese army would not be near enough to reach 
them, and that they were free to annoy the Chinese ambassadors 
by cuttting off their food supplies. The ambassadors were thus 
reduced to a state of starvation, and their exasperation took the 
form of actual hostilities. Lou-Ian and Ku-shi, which, though 
merely small countries, were thoroughfares to the West, attacked 
and robbed the Chinese ambassadors [Wang K'ui and others] 
more than ever, and unexpected troops of the Hiung-nu would at 
all times intercept westbound envoys. Ambassadors would 
therefore strive to outvie one another in spreading reports of the 
calamities threatening China from those foreign countries, which 
had walled cities and towns, but whose armies were weak and 
could easily be vanquished. 

(86) On this account the Son of Heaven sent the Tsung-piau 
marquis [Chau] Po-nu to lead some tens of thousands of cavalry 
of the feudal states and regular troops toward the Hiung-nu 
River, wishing to engage the Tartars, but the latter retreated 
without giving battle. (87) In the following year Po-nu 
attacked Ku-shi. He took the lead with more than seven hun- 
dred light cavalry, captured the king of L6u-lan, and defeated 
Ku-shi'. He then displayed the prestige of his army in order 
to 'corner' Wu-sun, Ta-yiian, and other countries. On his 
return, he was raised to the rank of a marquis of Tso-ye. 3 (88) 
Wang K'ui, who had been repeatedly ill-treated as an ambas- 
sador by Lou-Ian, had reported this to the Son of Heaven, 
who raised an army and ordered him to assist Po-nu in 
bringing L6u-lan to terms. For this, Wang K'ui was made 
Marquis of Hau. 4 (89) A line of military stations was now 
established between Tsiu-ts'iian and the Yii-mon Gate. (90) 
Wu-sun now presented a marriage gift of a thousand horses, 
upon which China sent a relative of the emperor's, the Princess 
of Kiang-tu, as a consort for the king of the Wu-sun. The 
latter, the K'un-mo, appointed her his right [i. e. less-honored] 
consort. The Hiung-nu, on their part, also sent a daughter in 
marriage to the K'un-mo, who appointed her his left [i. e. most- 
honored] consort. The K'un-mo said 'I am old,' and he induced 
his grandson, the Ts'on-ts'ii, to marry the [Chinese] princess. 

*A footnote says that this happened in the year 108 B. c. 
* According to a footnote, in 107 B. c. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 107 

(91) The "Wu-sun had great store of horses; rich men had as 
many as four or five thousand each. 

(92) Once, when a Chinese ambassador had come to An-si 
[Parthia], the king of that country caused twenty thousand 
horsemen to welcome him at the eastern frontier, which was 
several thousand li distant from the royal capital. When he 
reached the capital he found that he had passed some dozens 
of walled cities, densely populated. When the ambassador 
returned to China they, in their turn, sent envoys to accompany 
the mission back to China, in order that they might see China's 
greatness with their own eyes. They offered as tribute big birds' 
eggs [ostrich eggs] and jugglers from Li-kan [Syria, etc.]. And 
the small countries to the west of Yuan, namely Huan, Ts'ien, 
and Ta-i [?], and those to the east of Yuan, namely, Ku-sh'i, 
Han-mi, Su-hie, and others, followed the Chinese ambassadors 
with tribute and had audience with the Son of Heaven, who was 
thereby highly gratified. (93) Also, a Chinese ambassador 
traced the source of the Ho River, which had its rise in Yii-tien 
[Khotan] . The hills there yielded great quantities of jadestone, 
picked up and brought to China [by the ambassadors] . (94) The 
Son of Heaven, in accordance with old maps and books, gave the 
name of K'un-lun to the hill in which the Ho Eiver had its 
source. 

(95) At this time the Emperor often made tours of inspection 
to the seaside, when he was generally accompanied by numbers of 
foreign guests, upon whom he would bestow abundant provisions, 
in order to impress them with the wealth of China. On such occa- 
sions crowds of onlookers were attracted by the performances of 
wrestlers, mummers, and all such wonderful entertainments, and 
by lavish feasts of wine and meat, by which the foreign guests 
were made to realize China's astounding greatness. They were 
also made to inspect the several granaries, stores, and treasuries, 
with a view to showing them the greatness of China and to 
inspiring them with awe. Later on the skill of these jugglers, 
wrestlers, mummers, and similar performers was further devel- 
oped, their efficiency was increased from year to year. (96) It 
was from this period that the coming and going of ambassadors 
of the foreign countries of the northwest became more and more 
frequent. (97) The countries west of Yuan [Ferghana], 
which, being of the opinion that they were too far away from 



108 Friedrich Eirth 

China, had as yet calmly stood upon their national pride, could 
not be won over by our polite civilization into a state of vassalage. 
(98) Westward from Wu-sun as far as An-si [Parthia], the 
Hiung-nu lived nearby, and since they had [once] been a source 
of trouble to the Yue-ch'i [Indoscythians] , it was still a fact that 
if an envoy of the Hiung-nu, armed with a letter of the Shan-yii, 
were sent abroad, all the countries en route would give him safe- 
conduct and provisions without daring to make trouble of any 
kind, whereas the ambassadors of China could not obtain provi- 
sions without a money payment, nor could they continue their 
journeys on horseback without buying the necessary beasts. 
The reason for this was that the people of these countries thought 
that, China being far off and wealthy, the Chinese must buy 
what they wished to get; indeed they were more afraid of the 
Hiung-nu than of the Chinese ambassadors. (99) In the neigh- 
borhood of Yuan [Ferghana] wine was made from grapes. Rich 
people stored ten thousand stones and more of it without its 
spoiling. (100) The people liked to drink wine, and their 
horses liked lucerne (mu-su = medicago sativa) . The Chinese 
envoys imported their seeds into China. The Son of Heaven 
thereupon first planted lucerne and vines on rich tracts of 
ground, and by the time that he had large numbers of 'heavenly' 
horses, and when many ambassadors from foreign countries 
arrived, by the side of Imperial summer palaces and other 
retreats one might see wide tracts covered with vineyards and 
lucerne fields. 

(101) The people occupying the tracts from Ta-yiian [Fer- 
ghana] westward as far as the country of An-si talked different 
dialects, but their manners and customs being in the main iden- 
tical, they understood each other. (102) They had deep-set 
eyes, most of them wore beards, and as shrewd merchants they 
would haggle about the merest trifles. They placed high value 
on women, and husbands were guided in their decisions by the 
advice of their wives. (103) These countries produced no silk 
and varnish, and they did not know the casting of coins and 
utensils. 5 When some deserters from the retinue of a Chinese 
embassy had settled there as subjects they taught them 

"According to Su Kuang, a. d. 352-425, some texts have t'iS, 'iron,' 
for ts'iSn, 'coins.' 



The Story of Chang K'ien 109 

how to cast weapons and utensils other than those that they 
already had. Having secured Chinese yellow and white metal 
[i. e. gold and silver], 8 they used this for making utensils; they 
did not use it for money. (104) And since Chinese ambas- 
sadors became numerous, the young men who had been attached 
to those missions would generally approach the Son of Heaven 
with [what seemed] a well worked-out project. (105) Thus 
they reported: 'The superior horses found in Ta-yiian are 
concealed [kept out of sight] in the city of Ir-sh'i, which is 
unwilling to give them to the Chinese ambassadors.' (106) Now, 
since the Son of Heaven was fond of the horses of Ta-yiian, he 
was pleased with this report and sent certain strong men [sports- 
men, turfmen?], Ch'6 Ling and others, with a thousand pieces 
of gold and a golden horse in order to ask the king of Ta-yiian 
for the superior horses in the city of ir-sh'i. (107) The Yuan 
country being overstocked with Chinese produce, the people held 
counsel among themselves, saying: 'China is far away from us, 
and in the Salt Lake [region] numbers of travelers have met 
with destruction. To the north of it one falls into the hands of 
Hu [Tartar] robbers; in the south there is dearth of water 
and vegetation; moreover, they are everywhere cut off from 
cities without any chance of foraging in many cases. Chinese 
missions, consisting of merely a few hundred members, have quite 
commonly lost more than half their staff by starvation. If this 
be so, how much less could the Chinese send a big army ? What 
harm can they do to us? The horses in Ir-sh'i are the most 
precious horses of Yuan.' (108) And they refused to deliver 
the horses to the Chinese ambassadors. The latter became very 
angry and with scathing words smashed the golden horse and 
returned. (109) The notables, in their turn, were incensed 
and said: 'The Chinese ambassadors have treated us with 
extreme contempt. ' They ordered the envoys out of the country, 
and caused them to be intercepted at Yii-ch'ong on the eastern 

6 Wu Jon-kie, of the 12th century A. D., in his critical work IAang-han- 
h'an-wu-p'u-i, chap. 8, p. 8 B, quotes K'ung Ying-ta, one of the authors 
of the Sui-shu and one of the best-known commentators of the classics, 
574-648 a. d., as saying that to the ancients huang-lcin, 'yellow metal,' 
and huang-t'ii, 'yellow iron/ were identical with the t'ung, 'copper,' 
of his time. He also thinks that pai-Tcin means both 'silver' and 'tin,' 
the latter yielding bronze in combination with copper. 



110 Friedrich Hirth 

frontier, where the ambassadors were killed and robbed of their 
belongings. 

(110) Upon hearing this the Son of Heaven was very wroth. 
The ambassadors previously sent to Yuan, namely Yau Ting-han 
and others, reported : ' The army of Yuan is weak ; if we attack 
it with no more than three thousand Chinese soldiers using 
crossbows, we shall be sure to vanquish it completely. ' The Son 
of Heaven, having previously sent the Marquis of Tso-ye with 
seven hundred cavalry to attack Lou-Ian, with the result that 
the king of that country was captured, approved of the plan 
suggested by Yau Ting-han and others, and, wishing to bestow 
a marquisate on his favorite concubine, Madam Li, appointed 
Li Kuang-li leader of the campaign, with the title Ir-sh'i tsiang- 
kiin [i. e. General Ir-sh'i] and ordered him to set out with six 
thousand cavalry of the feudal states and several hundred thou- 
sand men, being recruits selected from the riffraff of the prov- 
inces, and to march upon Yuan with the intent of advancing 
on the city of Ir-shi and taking possession of its superior horses, 
for which reason he was styled 'General Ir-sh'i.' Chau Shi- 
ch'ong was appointed kiin-chong [adjutant-general?], the late 
Marquis of Hau, Wang K'ui, was sent as a guide to the army, 
and Li Ch'o was appointed a governor in charge of the army 
regulations. This happened in the year 104 b. c. (Ill) And 
great swarms of locusts arose to the east of the great wall 
and traveled west as far as Tun-huang. When the army of 
General Ir-shi had crossed the Salt Lake [Lopnor], the small 
states on the road were alarmed; they strengthened their city 
defenses and refused the issue of provisions. Sieges were of no 
effect. If the cities surrendered, the army would secure pro- 
visions; if they did not, it would in the course of a few days 
retire. When it came to Yii-ch'ong, the Chinese army con- 
sisted of not more than a few thousand men, and these were 
exhausted from lack of food. At the siege of Yii-ch'ong the 
Chinese troops were utterly routed with great losses in killed 
and wounded. General Ir-shi with Li Ch'o, Chau Shi-ch'ong, 
and others reasoned thus: 'If our drive on Yii-ch'ong ended 
in failure to take the city, how much less can we advance on 
the king's capital?' Consequently, after a campaign of two 
years the army was led back. When it reached Tun-huang only 
one or two out of every ten soldiers were left. (112) The 



The Story of Chang K'ien 111 

general sent a message to the Emperor in which he said : ' Owing 
to the distance of the expedition we often were short of provi- 
sions and our soldiers were troubled not so much by battles 
as by starvation; their numbers were not sufficient to conquer 
Yuan.' He proposed for the time being to stop the war and to 
set out again when better prepared. (113) When the Son of 
Heaven heard this report he was much incensed and ordered 
the Yii-mon [Gate] to be closed, saying: 'If any members of 
the army dare to enter, they shall lose their heads.' Ir-shi was 
afraid and remained at Tun-huang. (114) That summer [103 
b. c] China had lost more than twenty thousand men of Tso-ye's 
army against the Hiung-nu. The dukes, ministers, and councils 
called upon to deliberate all wished to give up the expedition 
against the army of Yuan and to direct special efforts to attack- 
ing the Tartars. (115) The Son of Heaven [thought that] hav- 
ing sent a punitive expedition against Yuan, a small country, 
without bringing it to terms would cause Ta-hia [Bactria] and 
the like countries to feel contempt for China, and the superior 
horses of Yuan would never be forthcoming ; also "Wu-sun and 
Lun-t '6u would make light of harassing the Chinese ambassadors, 
[and China] would thus become the laughing-stock of foreign 
countries. (116) The Emperor therefore preferred an indict- 
ment against Tong Kuang and others who had reported that 
making war on Yuan was particularly inopportune, [and an 
army consisting of] ticket-of-leave men and sharpshooters, to 
whom were added the young riffraff and roughriders of the 
boundary, was organized within rather more than a year. When 
it left Tun-huang this army consisted of sixty thousand men, 
not counting those who followed as carriers of secret supplies of 
extra provisions; a hundred thousand oxen; more than thirty 
thousand horses ; donkeys, mules, and camels numbering myriads, 
and a commissariat well stocked with provisions, besides arms 
and crossbows. All parts of the Empire had to bestir themselves 
in contributing offerings. (117) In this campaign against Yuan 
no less than fifty military governors were appointed. In the 
city of the king of Yuan there were no wells, and the people had 
to obtain water from a river outside the city, whereupon experts 
in hydraulics were sent to divert the course of the river, thus 
depriving the city of water, besides effecting an opening through 
which the city might be laid open to access. ( 118 ) In order to pro- 



112 Friedrich Hirth 

tect Tsiu-ts'iian, an additional contingent of a hundred eighty 
thousand frontier troops was stationed in the newly established 
districts of Kii-yen and Hiu-chu in the north of Tsiu-ts'iian and 
Chang-ye. (119) There were further sent the offenders under 
the seven clauses of the law on minor offenses from the whole 
empire, as carriers of provisions for the Ir-shi expedition force; 
wagoners with their carts went in endless lines to Tun-huang; 
and in anticipation of the defeat of Yuan, two horse-breakers 
were appointed as equerries [with the rank of] military gov- 
ernors to handle the superior horses to be selected. (120) There- 
upon [General] Ir-shi had to march out again, and since he had 
now more soldiers, the smaller countries he passed through did 
not fail to welcome him with provisions for his army. When he 
came to Lun-t'ou, however, that city would not submit, so, after 
a siege of a few days, it was laid in ruins. After this event the 
march to the west proceeded without impediment as far as the 
[outskirts of the] city of Yuan. (121) On its arrival there the 
Chinese army consisted of thirty thousand men. An army of 
Yuan gave battle, the victory being gained by the efficiency of the 
Chinese archery ; and this caused the Yuan army to take refuge 
in their bulwarks and mount the city walls. (122) General 
Ir-shi' wished to attack Yu-ch'ong, but was afraid his detention 
thereby would allow Yuan to resort to additional stratagems. 
He therefore went direct to Yuan, cut off the source of its water- 
supply by diverting the course of the river upon which it 
depended, and the city was in great straits. Yuan was invested 
by the Chinese for more than forty days. On battering the 
outer city wall they captured one of the notables of Yuan, a 
prominent leader named Tsien-mi. 

The people of Yuan became panic-stricken and withdrew into 
the inner city, where their notables held counsel among them- 
selves, saying: 'The reason why the Chinese make war on us 
is that our king, Mu-kua, 7 held back the superior horses and 
killed the Chinese ambassadors. If we now kill our king, Mu- 
kua, and surrender the superior horses, the Chinese army will 
raise the siege ; on the other hand, if they do not raise the siege 

'According to Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 17, p. 14, Mu-ku, which, accord- 
ing to Yen Sh'i-ku, appears to be similar in sound to the original western 
name. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 113 

there will be war to the death. It is not yet too late.' The 
notables of Yuan were all of this opinion. They therefore assas- 
sinated their king, Mu-kua, and sent his head to General Ir-shi 
by their notables, saying: 'If the Chinese will cease making 
war on us, we will let you have all the superior horses you 
desire and will supply the Chinese army with provisions ; but, if 
you do not accept our terms, we will kill all the superior horses, 
and help will soon come from K'ang-kii [Soghdiana]. In that 
case we should keep within the city, while K'ang-kii would keep 
outside, fighting against the Chinese army, which ought carefully 
to consider as to the course it will adopt.' In the meantime 
K'ang-kii kept watch on the Chinese army, and, this being still 
numerous, did not dare to attack. General Ir-shi" consulted with 
Chau Shi-ch'ong and Li Ch'6. It was reported that Yuan had 
recently secured the services of a Chinese [lit. 'a man of Ts'in'] 
who knew how to bore wells, and that the city was still well 
supplied with provisions; that the chief malefactor whom they 
had come to punish, was Mu-kua, whose head had already 
come to hand; and that, if under the circumstances they 
did not raise the siege, Ta-yiian would make strenuous efforts 
to defend the city, while K'ang-kii would lie in wait until 
the Chinese were worn out, and then come to the rescue of 
Yuan, which would mean certain defeat to the Chinese army. 
The officers of the army agreed with these views. (123) Yuan 
was allowed to make a treaty. They delivered up their superior 
horses and permitted the Chinese to make a selection from them, 
besides furnishing great quantities of provisions for the com- 
missariat. The Chinese army took away several dozens 
[shu-sh'i, 'several times ten'] of superior horses, besides more 
than three thousand stallions and mares of inferior quality. 
(124) They also appointed a notable of Yuan, named Mei-ts'ai, 
who had formerly treated the Chinese ambassadors well, as 
king of Yuan, with whose swearing-in the campaign ended. 
After all, the Chinese were unable to enter the inner city, and, 
abandoning further action, the army was led back. 

(125) When General ir-shi" first started to the west from 
Tun-huang, the countries en route were unable to furnish provi- 
sions, owing to the size of his army. He therefore divided it 
now into several sections, which took the southern and northern 
routes respectively. The military governor, "Wang Shon-shong, 



114 Friedrich Hirth 

and the former superintendent of the Colonial Office, Hu 
Ch 'ung-kuo, with more than a thousand men, marched by another 
route to Yii-ch'ong, whose city head refused the issue of pro- 
visions to the army. "Wang Shon-shong, though he was two 
hundred li distant from the main body of the army, recon- 
noitered, but made light of the situation, while upbraiding 
the people of Yii-ch'ong. The latter persisted in refusing 
the issue of provisions and, having ascertained by spies 
that Wang Shon-shong 's army was becoming reduced in numbers 
day by day, they one morning attacked the latter with three 
thousand men, killed Wang Shon-shong and the other leaders, 
and routed his army, of which only a few men escaped with 
their lives to rejoin General Ir-shi and the main army. (126) 
General Ir-shi now entrusted Special Commissioner of Govern- 
ment Grain Shang-kuan Kie with the investment of Yii-ch'ong, 
whose king fled to K'ang-kii, pursued thither by Shang-kuan 
Kie. K'ang-kii had received the news of China's victory over 
Ta-yiian and delivered the fugitive king to Shang-kuan Kie, who 
sent him well bound and guarded by four horsemen to the 
commander-in-chief. On their way these men said to one 
another: 'The king of Yii-ch'ong is China's bitterest enemy. 
If we now let him live, he will escape, and then we shall have 
failed in an important undertaking.' Although wishing to kill 
him, none of the four dared to strike the first blow, when a 
cavalry officer of Shang-kui, named Chau Ti, the youngest among 
them, drew his sword and cut off the king's head. He and 
Shang-kuan Kie with the king's head then rejoined the com- 
mander-in-chief. 

(127) When General Ir-shi set out for the second time, the Son 
of Heaven had sent ambassadors to call upon Wu-sun to send 
big forces for a joint attack on Ta-yiian. Wu-sun sent only two 
thousand men, cavalry, wavering between two courses of action 
and being unwilling to proceed. (128) When the smaller coun- 
tries through which General Ir-shi passed on his return march to 
the east heard of the defeat of Ta-yiian, they all sent sons and 
younger brothers [of their kings] to follow the Chinese army 
in order to be presented to the Son of Heaven and to be offered 
as hostages to China. (129) In the campaign under General 
Ir-shi against Ta-yiian the Kiin-chong [Adjutant General?] 
Chau Shi-ch'ong's chief merit had consisted in vigorous fight- 



The Story of Chang K'ien 115 

ing; Shang-kuan Kie had distinguished himself by daring to 
break into the enemy's lines; Li Ch'6 had acted as adviser 
in strategical schemes ; and when the army passed the Yii-mon 
Gate there were left of it scarcely more than ten thousand men 
and a thousand horses. In the second campaign the army had not 
suffered so much from the scarcity of provisions, nor from losses 
in battle, as from graft practised by leaders and officers, many of 
whom filled their pockets without any regard for the welfare 
of the rank and file, numbers of whom had under these condi- 
tions lost their lives. (130) In consideration of the fact that 
the campaign had to be conducted at a distance of ten thousand 
li from home, the Son of Heaven overlooked these offenses and 
created Li Kuang-li Marquis of Hai-si; further, he gave 
the title of Marquis of Sin-ch'i' to Chau Ti, the horseman who 
had beheaded the king of Yii-ch'ong; the Kiin-chong [Adjutant 
General?] Chau Shi-ch'ong was honored by being created a 
kuang-lu-ta-fu [noble of the first grade] ; Shang-kuan Kie was 
made a shau-fu [director in the Imperial Household] ; Li Ch'o 
was appointed prefect of Shang-tang; three of the officers of 
the army received ministerial posts ; and more than a hundred 
men received appointments as ministers to the feudal states, 
or as prefects, or [positions with salaries corresponding to] two 
thousand stones [of rice]. [Positions yielding incomes corre- 
sponding to] one thousand stones, or less, were given to a thou- 
sand men each ; and all acts of bravery were rewarded by 
official positions exceeding the expectations of the recipients. 
Former convicts who had gone with the army received no 
rewards. Soldiers of the rank and file were presented with 
gifts of the value of forty thousand kin [pieces of gold] . (131) 
Four years were required to finish the entire campaign against 
Yuan, from its beginning to the second return of the armies. 

(132) Rather more than a year after the conquest of Ta-yiian 
by China, when Mei-ts'ai was invested as king of Ta-yiian, the 
notables of that country, attributing the reverses of their 
country to his method of flattering the ambassadors, conspired 
against Mei-ts'ai, assassinated him, and installed Ch'an-fong, a 
younger brother of Mu-kua, as king of Yuan. (133) They sent 
his son as a hostage to China, and China returned a conciliatory 
mission with presents. (134) China subsequently sent more 
than ten embassies to the foreign countries west of Ta-yiian, 



116 Friedrich Hirth 

to collect curiosities and at the same time to impress upon such 
countries the importance of the victory over Ta-yiian and the 
establishment of a tu-yii [military governor?] at Tsiu-ts'iian 
in the Tun-huang region. 8 (135) "Westward from here to the 
Salt Lake [Lopnor] the road at many points was protected by 
military stations, and in Lun-t'ou there were several hundred 
soldiers stationed as farmers, the special commissioners in charge 
of the farms being required to guard the cultivated land and 
to store the crops of grain for the use of embassies sent abroad. 
(136) Concluding remarks of the historian. — It is said in the 
Yu-pon-kP : 'The Ho [i. e. the Yellow River] rises in the K'un- 
lun, the ascent of which occupies more than two thousand five 
hundred li. [This hill is so high that] the light of sun and 
moon may be obscured by its shadow. Its summit contains the 
spring of sweet wine and the pool of jade.' Now, since by the 
expedition of Chang K'ien to Ta-hia [Bactria] the source of 
the Yellow River has been traced, we ask, "Where do we see 
the K'un-lun mentioned in the 'Life of Yii'? Indeed, the 
account of the nine Provinces of the Emperor Yii, with their 
hills and water-courses, as described in the Shu-king, is much 
nearer the truth. As regards the wonderful tales contained in 
the 'Life of Yii' and the Shan-hai-king, I do not dare to say 
anything about them. 

TEXT 

The Chinese text reproduced on the following pages is that of 
the K'i6n-lung edition of 1739 (see page 93). 

"The scholiast Sii Kuang here assumes another name (Tuan-ts'uan) to 
be the correct reading for Tsiu-ts'iian. Tuan-ts'uan, Mr. Leo points out, 
belonged to the jurisdiction of Tun-huang. 

* 'Life of the Emperor Tu,' a work not how otherwise known in Chinese 
literature, and not mentioned in the Catalogue of the Imperial Library of 
the Han Dynasty. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 



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CHRONOLOGICAL SYNOPSIS 

B. C. 

176 Mau-tun, Great Khan (Shan-yii) of the Hiung-nu, defeats 
the Yiie-chi for the second time (Sh'i-ki, chap. 110, p. 13; 
cf. Shiratori, p. 115, and Franke, p. 13). 

165 (according to Klaproth; but doubtful, according to Shira- 
tori, p. 115). Lau-shang, Mau-tun 's successor, annihilates 
the Yiie-chi, kills their king, and makes a drinking-cup out 
of his skull. The Yiie-chi flee to the west, and first 

164 ( ?) settle down near Lake Issyk-kul, driving out the Sak- 
wang (Saka princes?), called also Sak-chung (Saka tribes? 
the character for Sak being modern Sai; see Giles, no. 
9541 10 ). The Sak-wang, according to Ts'ien-han-shu (chap. 
96 A, p. 10 B), migrated south and became rulers in Ki-pin 
(Kashmir), and the Sak-chung were scattered about and 
settled in several other states. The scholiast Yen Shi'-ku 
(7th cent. A. d.) identified these Sak-chung with the Shak- 
chung (Shak = modern sh'i, the character used in the tran- 
scription for Sakya-muni Buddha, Giles, no. 9983) of the 
Buddhists. My present personal view, which however may 
ultimately prove quite untenable, is that the Sak princes and 
the Sak tribes driven away by the Yiie-chi' near Lake Issyk- 
kul may have been an eastern branch of that great Saka 
family of whom Herodotus (7. 64) says: ol yap Uipmu iran-as 
toiis ~2,Kv0as KaXiovai 2a/<as ; in other words, that they were east- 
ern Scyths, the term 'Scyth' being explainable as having 
originated from an old plural sak-ut, ' the Sakas. ' However, 
this may be all wrong. There was at least one Chinese scholar 
in the sixth century who held quite different views, though my 
Chinese friend, Mr. T. Y. Leo, does not regard him highly 

10 The Cantonese and, therefore, probable ancient sound of this character 
is sak, and not sbk, as Franke, p. 47, transcribes it, apparently on the 
strength of Parker's adoption, in Giles's Dictionary, of Wade's S (= 6) in 
lieu of a, in many of his renderings of Cantonese sounds. The character 
for our sat is correetly described as sak on p. 795 of Eitel-Genahr 's Diction- 
ary of the Cantonese Dialect, as well as in Williams's and all other 
Cantonese dictionaries. 



134 Friedrich Hirth 

as an authority; still his theory, of which I distinctly dis- 
claim any indorsement, deserves to be mentioned. Sim Tsi, 
whose biography has been preserved in Pe'i-shi (chap. 83, 
p. 10), offended the religious feelings of Wu-ti of the Liang 
dynasty (502-549 A. d.) by his criticisms of the Emperor's 
lavish devotion to Buddhist ceremonial, and fled to the Wei' 
dominions in order to save his head. In his 'Memorial on 
Buddhism' (Lun-fo-kiau-piau) he discusses the term 'Sak- 
chung' of the Ts'ien-han-shu. These Sak tribes, he says, 
were originally the barbarians of the Yiin clan (Giles, no. 
13,844), who at the time lived in Tun-huang, were driven 
out by the Yue-chi, and on their flight came to the south of 
the Tsung-ling (see Sii Sung's commentary on the Saka 
passage in the Ts'ien-han-shu) . 

In tracing this Yiin clan back to its origin, as represented 
in Chinese literature, we have to refer them to those non- 
Chinese races who, according to legendary tradition, once 
lived within the dominions of the model emperors Yau and 
Shun (about the 23d century b. c.) and were banished to 
the distant border as being unfit to live with the more 
civilized Chinese. According to the Tso-chuan (9th year 
of Duke Ch'au ■= 533 b. c), the Yiin clan is connected with 
T'au-wu, one of the 'Pour Wicked Ones' banished by Shun 
(cf. Hirth, The Ancient History of China, p. 85 f.). For 
'the ancient kings located T'aou-wuh in (one of) the four 
distant regions to encounter the sprites and other evil things, 
and so it was that the villains of the surname Yun dwelt 
in Kwa-chow' (Legge, The Ch'un Ts'ew, with the Tso-chuen, 
p. 625 ; cf. also T'ung-tien, chap. 189, p. 3, and Sii Sung's 
Si-yu-shui-tau-ki, chap. 3, p. 8 B seq.). If this tradition 
were more than a mere prehistorical legend, we might be 
led to assume that Sii Sung's commentary considered the 
Sak tribes expelled by the Yiie-chi near Lake Issyk-kul as 
belonging to the stock of Tangut or Tibetan nations, rather 
than to the Scythians of Herodotus. 
160 (approximately; see Shiratori, p. 117, and Franke, p. 15). 
The Wu-sun, formerly under Hiung-nu rule near Kua-chou, 
move to the west, drive out the Yue-chi, and occupy their 
territory near Lake Issyk-kul, shaking off allegiance to the 
Hiung-nu. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 135 

145 (?) Ss'i-ma Ts'ien born (Chavannes, 1. xxiv). 

140 Wu-ti becomes Emperor of China. 

138 Chang K'ien leaves China on a mission to the Yiie-ch'i and 

is made a prisoner by the Hhmg-nu. 
128 Chang K'ien escapes, reaches the court of the Yue-chi via 

Ta-yiian and K'ang-kii, and spends a year in Ta-hia 

(Bactria). 
127 Chang K'ien returns and, traveling along the northern slope 

of the Nan-shan, is again detained by the Hiung-nu near 

Lake Lopnor. 
126 Chang K'ien again escapes and arrives in China with a 

report of his discoveries, acquainting the Chinese of the 

existence of powerful countries in western Asia, including 

India, and the alleged source of the Yellow Eiver near 

Khotan. 
123 Chang K'ien created Marquis of Po-wang. 
122 Chang K'ien degraded. 
121 The young general Ho K'ii-ping defeats the Hiung-nu (see 

Chavannes, 1. lxvii). 
115 Chang K'ien 's mission to Wu-sun, whence he details sub- 
ambassadors to various countries including India (?). 

About a year after his return 
114 Chang K'ien dies. 
113 Chang K'ien 's sub-ambassadors return to China with natives 

of Western Asia. 
112 War against Yiie (South China). Attempts made to reach 

India by a direct route. 
111-110 Ss'i-ma Ts'ien 's sojourn in the southwest, where he may 

have become familiar with the K'un-ming and other tribes. 
110 Death of Ss'i-ma T'an, Ss'i-ma Ts'ien 's father. 
108 Chau Po-nu defeats the hitherto refractory kingdoms of 

L6u-lan and Ku-shi. 
106 A line of military stations established west of the Great 

Wall at Yii-mon. The road to Ta-yiian opened to traffic. 

The Son of Heaven seeks to procure from Ta-yiian the 

superior horses kept at the city of Ir-shi (Nish, Uratube). 

The sale of them is refused, and the Chinese ambassador is 

killed at Yii-ch'ong, east of Ta-yiian. 



136 Friedrich Hirth 

104 Li Kuang-li appointed leader of a campaign against Ta- 
yiian to enforce the sale of the Ir-shi' horses. 

103 Li Kuang-li, returning without having reached Ta-yiian, 
is forbidden to enter China and ordered to form a new 
army at the Great Wall. 

102 Li Kuang-li 's second campaign against Ta-yiian. 

101 Ta-yiian, defeated, becomes a tributary state of China. 

100 Mei'-ts'ai superseded as king of Ta-yiian by Mu-kua's 
brother, Ch'an-fong. Since after this time the SM-ki speaks 
of 'more than ten embassies' having been sent to the west 
(§ 134), it seems as though a number of years at least 
elapsed before Ssi'-ma Ts'ien ceased to work on it. 

98 Ssi'-ma Ts'ien disgraced (see Chavannes, 1. xxxvi-xl). 

87 Death of Wu-ti, whose posthumous title (Wu-ti) is not used 
by Ssi'-ma Ts'ien. The latter must, therefore, have died (or 
abandoned work?) before that year (Chavannes, 1. xliv). 



INDEX 

(The numbers refer to the sections of both the Translation and the 
Chinese Text.) 

AGRICULTURE, in Ta-yiian, 19; in An-si, 31; in T'iau-chi', 40, 41; in 
military colony at Lun-t'6u, 135. 

AN-SI (Canton Dial. On-sak = Arsak, Parthia, first suggested by Kings- 
mill, The Intercourse of China, p. 8, n. 11), in the east of Yiie-chi, 29; 
described, 30-38; its cities like those of Ta-yiian, 32; a large country near 
the Oxus, 34; its people shrewd traders, 35; coins, 36; its relation to 
T'iau-chi, 43; Chinese legendary traditions maintained by old people in, 
45; great, rich, and civilized like China, 54; assistant envoy sent to, by 
Chang K'ien from Wu-sun, 72; regular missions to, 79; Chinese 
embassy welcomed by cavalry on eastern boundary, 92; royal capital 
several thousand U distant from boundary, 92 ; Parthians visit China with 
gifts, 92. 

AN-TS'AI (=:Aorsi, called A-lan in later Chinese records, the Alans of 
history, see Hirth, 'Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu,' JAOS 30.37 ff.), 
a nomad nation on the banks of a great marsh (the Palus Maeotis), 28; 
in the north of Parthia, 38; regular missions to, 79. 

ARCHERS, mounted, in Ta-yiian, 21; number of, with the Wu-sun, 25, 64; 
in K'ang-kii, 27; in An-ts'ai, 28; with the Yiie-chi, 29; to attack 
Ta-yiian, 110, 116; win battle, 121; see also Kan Fu. 

ARMY, reported as weak in Ta-hia, 49, 54; in An-si, 54; in Ta-yiian, 54, 
110; as strong with Yiie-chi and K'ang-kii, 54; supposed difficulties a 
Chinese army marching to the west would meet, 107 ; Li Kuang-li 's first, 
against Ta-yiian, 110; routed, returns with great losses, 111; failure 
due to starvation rather than to poor fighting, 112; forbidden to return 
home, 113; second, against Ta-yiian organized, 116-117; frontier troops 
stationed in Tsiu-ts 'iian, 118; loses half its men en route to Ta-yiian, 
116, 121; fails to enter the inner city of Ta-yiian, 124; on way back to 
China divided into sections, 125; suffers enormous losses during its 
second campaign, 129; see also Archers; Convict Regiments; Engi- 
neers; Generals; Graft; Horses; Military Governors; Provisions; 
Rewards ; Wagons. 

BAMBOO stick brought from Ssi-ch'uan to Bactria via India, 53. 

BIRD, feeds child exposed by king of Wu-sun in wilderness, 62; in 
T'iau-chi, see Ostrich. 

BOATS used for distant journeys in An-si, 35. 

'BOOK OP CHANGES' consulted by Wu-ti, 79. 

BOWS AND ARROWS, see Archers. 

BRONZE, Wu Jon'-kie's reference to, 103 (footnote). 

CARAVANS through Central Asia developed by the Emperor's demand for 
horses, 79; size and frequency of, 79; frequency causes Chinese articles 

10 JAOS 37 



138 Friedrich Hirth 

to be less cared for in the west, 84; lose half their members en route, 107. 

CARTS, used for distant journeys in An-si, 35. 

CATTLE BREEDING, see Nomad Nations. 

CHALDEA, see T 'iau-chi. 

CH'AN-FoNG, Mu-kua's brother, King of Ta-yiian, 132; his son sent as 
a hostage to China, 133. (Chavannes, 1. lxxviii, calls him Chan, connect- 
ing fong with the following verb wei; but the occurrence of the name in 
Ts'iSn-han-shu, chap. 96 A, p. 18 B, in a different connection seems to 
show that P'an Ku did not share that view.) 

CHANG-AN, capital of China, 23. 

CHANG K'MN, where born, 2; his mission to find the Yiie-chi and 
captivity among the Hiung-nu, -4, 5 ; escapes, 6 ; arrives in Ta-yiian, 7 ; 
reaches Ta-hia (Bactria) by way of K'ang-kii (Soghdiana) and the 
Yii6-chi (Indoscythians), 9, 10, 11; fails in his mission, 11; spends a 
year in Bactria and returns, skirting the Nan-shan, 12; his second 
captivity among the Hiung-nu, 12; his Tartar wife, 5, 12; on his return 
to China is given a court title, 13; his personality, 14; nearly all his 
attendants lost during his first journey, 16; countries visited by him, 17; 
his report on geographical discoveries as submitted to emperor, 18-53; 
his plan to discover India, 53; suggests creation of Chinese sphere of 
influence in Western Asia, 54; his familiarity with their pasture grounds 
in a campaign against the Hiung-nu gains for him the title 'Marquis 
of Po-wang,' i. e. 'the Wide Outlook,' in 123 b. c, 58; degraded for 
mistake as a leader in 122 b. c, 59 ; to regain his position submits scheme 
to invite Wu-sun to remove east to vacant territory near boundary of 
China, 61-66; proposes marriage of Chinese princess to king of Wu-sun, 
66; appointed commander of imperial bodyguard and sent on diplo- 
matic mission to Wu-sun as proposed by himself, 67-74; returns to 
China with natives of Wu-sun, 73; appointed chief of Foreign Office, 
74; his death (in 114 b. a), 75; his name referred to by later travelers 
to the west as a guarantee of good faith, 77; trade with west con- 
formed to precedent created by, 79; his (supposed) discovery of the 
source of the Yellow River confirms legendary accounts of the Shu-Icing, 
136. 

(It appears that about a hundred years ago a dilapidated monument 
existed among the hills on the south shore of Lake Issyk-kul. When 
Sung-yiin (died in 1835, cf. Giles, Biogr. Diet. no. 1843), as Governor of 
Hi, heard of its existence, he ordered one of his military officers to have 
a rubbing made of the inscription on it. This shows a number of char- 
acters which, as they are taken out of their context and placed on record 
in Sii Sung 's Si-yu-shui-tau-lci, chap. 5, p. 8 B, give no sense whatever. 
The natives were said to call the monument 'Chang K'ien's Tablet.' 
Sii Sung, in spite of repeated inquiries, did not find a traee of it.) 

CHANG- Yfi, district on western boundary, 118. 

CHAU PO-NU, general, sent against the Hiung-nu, 86; captures King of 
L6u-lan and defeats Ku-shi, 87; created Marquis of Tso-y6, 87, 114; 
losses against the Hiung-nu, 114. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 139 

CHATJ SHii-CH'oNG, general, appointed to serve under Li Kuang-li, 110, 
111; consulted by Li Kuang-li at siege of city of Ta-yuan, 122; dis- 
tinguished by vigorous fighting, 129; ennobled as kuang-lu-ta-fu, 130. 

CHAU TI, a cavalry officer who beheaded the king of Yii-ch'ong, 126; 
created Marquis of Sin-ch'i", 130. 

CHIEFS, petty, see Government, Form of. 

CHINA, not unknown by reputation to countries of Western Asia (Ta-yuan), 
7; Bactria and Parthia compared with, in point of greatness, wealth, 
and civilization, 54; sphere of influence of, in Western Asia suggested 
by Chang K'ien, 54; did not extend west of Ta-yuan, 97; produce of, 
coveted by Western Asiatics, 54; slackened demand for produce of, 84, 
85; deserters from, settle in countries between Ta-yuan and An-si, 103. 

CH '6 LING, a turfman ( ?) , sent to buy horses in Ta-yuan, 106. 

CITY DWELLERS, in Ta-yuan, 19, 20; in An-si, 31, 54; in Ta-hia, 47, 53; 
in Shon-tu, 53; in China, 54; see also Nomad Nations. 

COINS, Parthian, 36; none between Ta-yuan and An-si (doubtful, see 
Iron), 103. 

COMMISSARIAT, see Provisions; Military Governors. 

CONSORT, right and left, the latter being superior in rank [cf. the left 
Lukli prince, 12], 90. 

CONVICT REGIMENTS formed in dangerous campaigns, 82; in second 
campaign against Ta-yuan, 116, 119. 

CURIOSITIES collected in the Far West by ambassadors, 134. 

DIPLOMATIC SERVICE, demoralized, 85; for missions to the West see 
Chang K'ien; Envoys; Po-wang. 

DISTANCES from the Hiung-nu to Ta-yuan several tens of days, 7; 
Chang-an to Salt Lake 5000 li, 23; Wu-sun 2000 li northeast of 
Ta-yuan, 25; K'ang-kii 2000 li northwest of Ta-yuan, 27; An-ts'ai 2000 
li northwest of K'ang-kii, 28; Yiie-chi 2000 or 3000 li west of Ta-yuan, 
29; An-si several thousand li west of Yiie-chi', 30; Li-kan and T'iau-chi' 
several thousand li west of An-si, 39; Ta-hia more than 2000 li south- 
west of Ta-yuan, 46; Shon-tu several thousand li southeast of Ta-hia, 
53; Ta-hia 12,000 li southwest of China, 53. (Note that the li in 
countries west of Ta-yuan should be held to correspond to a stadium.) 

ELEPHANTS, used in war, 53; used in a country southwest of China, 57. 

ENGINEERS, hydraulic, attached to the army against Ta-yiian to cut off 
water supply of city, 117; Chinese, able to bore wells, 122. 

ENVOYS, assistant, to accompany Chang K'ien to Wu-sun, 67; sent by 
Chang K'ien to the several countries of the west, 72, some of whom 
return with natives of the west, 77; regular missions to An-si, An-ts'ai, 
Li-kan, T'iau-chi, and Shbn-tu, 79; sent by way of Yunnan, intercepted, 
robbed and killed by K'un-ming tribes, 81-83; cheated and ill-treated 
in foreign countries, incite government to take action, 85; coming and 
going of, more and more frequent, 96; failed to make impression 
on the proud nations of the west, 97; Chinese, at a disadvantage 
as compared with Hiung-nu, 98; inexperienced, make false reports, 104; 
intercepted and killed at Yu-eh'ong, 109; deserving army officers 



140 Friedrich Mirth 

appointed as, to feudal states, 130; sent to Ta-yuan acknowledging elec- 
tion of new king, 133; to collect curiosities, 134; see also Chang K'ien. 

EXPEDITIONS, exploring, to Western Asia, see Chang K'ien; in the 
direction of India, 55; to Wu-sun, 67, see also Wu-stjn; Caravans; 
Envoys. 

FERGHANA, see Ta-yuan. 

FoNG-SHI-KuN, title given to Kan Fu, 13. 

GENERALS serving in campaign against Ta-yiian, relative merits of, 129; 
rewards bestowed on, 130. 

GOLD sent to Wu-sun as a gift, 67; to Ta-yiian for purchase of horses, 
106; see also Metals. 

GOVEENMENT, form of:— 

Kings: Hiung-nu, see Shan-yu; Ta-yiian, 8, 106 et passim; Yu6-ehi, 10, 

29; Wu-sun, see K'un-mo; An-si, 36. 
Petty chiefs (city government) : T'iau-chi', 43; Ta-hia, 48. 
Satraps: see Httn-sho. 
Barbarians: 55-58. 

GRAFT, in army administration, 129; rewards bestowed in spite of, 130. 

GRAPES, see Wine. 

GREAT WALL, in Lung-si, 24; at Ling-kii, built to protect trade to the 
west, 79. 

GUIDES, 8, 73. 

HAI TRIBES, prevent expedition to India, 56. 

HAI-SI, Marquis of, see Li Kuang-li. 

HALBERDS in Ta-yiian, 21. 

HAN-CHUNG, Chang K'ien born in, 2. 

HAN-HM:, 'sweating blood,' said of a superior breed of horses (possibly 
a transcription of some foreign sound), 19, 79. 

HAN-MI, small country east of Ta-yuan, 22; assistant envoys sent to, 72; 
sends tribute, 92. 

HIU-CHU, district, 118. 

HIUNG-NU (Huns) living under Chinese rule as prisoners (?) furnish 
information about the YiiS-ch'i (Indoseythians), 3; territory of, between 
China and Yii6-chi', 4; Great Khan of, tries to mislead Chang K'ien as 
to whereabouts of the Yiifi-ch'i, 5; their 'Luk-li' prince occupies throne, 
12; western division of, between Salt Lake and the Great Wall, 24; 
politically influence K'ang-kii, 27; impediment to northern road to India, 
53; Chang K'ien familiar with their pasture grounds in campaign 
against, 58; campaign against, under Li Kuang in 122 b. c, 59; under 
Ho K'ii-ping, 60; a prince of the western, tenders his allegiance to 
China in 121 b. c, 61; his population forced to retreat to the north in 
119 B. c, 61, 66; kill chief of Wu-sun and expose heir to throne in 
wilderness, 62; the prince, on attaining maturity, frees himself from 
allegiance to, and withdraws with his Wu-sun people to the distant west, 
64; intercept westbound envoys, 85; driven away by Chau Po-nu, 86; 
give one of their princesses in marriage to King of Wu-sun, 90; harass 
the Yu6-chi as far as An-si, 98; their ambassadors to the west treated 



The Story of Chang K'ien 141 

better en route than those of the Chinese, 98; would threaten a Chinese 
army marching to the west, 107; Chau Po-nu beaten by, 114; see also 
Chang K'ien; Huns; Shan-yu; Yue-chi. 

HIUNG-NtT EIVEE, 86. 

HO K'u-PING (leader against the Hiung-nu), his campaign of 122 b. c, 
60. (He died at the age of 24 in 117 b. c, and his tomb, ornamented 
by the oldest specimen of stone sculpture of a horse we possess on 
Chinese soil, was recently discovered by the French archeological mission 
of 1914. See Journal Asiatique, 11. ser. 5. 471 ff.) 

HO EIVEE, supposed to pass through Lopnor, 23; its imaginary source 
near Khotan, 93 ; legendary accounts of Shu-Icing regarding, confirmed 
by Chang K'ien 's discovery, 136. 

HOESES in Ta-yiian (Ferghana), 19; sent as gift to China from Wu-sun, 
73, 78; importation of, from the west led to regular caravan trade, 79; 
classification and nomenclature, 79; a thousand, sent as a marriage gift 
by Wu-sun, 90 ; rich men in Wu-sun own four or five thousand, 91 ; kept 
at the city of Ir-sh'i, 105-108; horse-breakers appointed to accompany 
army against Ta-yiian, 119; two breeds of, being taken away by the 
victorious Chinese from the capital of Ta-yiian indicates that the more 
precious animals had been imported there from some other place, 123; 
see also ir-shi. 

HO-SI (in modern Kan-su), 61. 

HOSTAGES to Chinese court, small countries send princes as, with the 
returning victorious army, 128; son of king of Ta-yiian one of the, 133. 

HU, see Tartars. 

HUAN, small country west of Ta-yiian, 92. 

HUANG-HO, see Ho Eiver. 

HU CH 'UNG-KUO, leader in an expedition against Yii-ch 'ong, 125. 

HUNS, identified with the Hiung-nu. (See Hirth, "Ueber Wolga-Hunnen 
und Hiung-nu," So. d. philos.-philol. Kl. d. Kgl. layer. ATcad. d. Wiss. 
Munehen, 1900, pp. 245-278.) 

HUN-SHo (thus transcribed on the strength of a tsi-lan scholium in Tl'ung- 
kien-lcang-mu, 4, p. 124; = Chavannes' hoen-sii), prince, chief of the 
western Hiung-nu, tenders his allegiance to China, 61; his territory 
deserted, 66, 69. 

I-CH6U, modern Yun-nan-fu, 80. (This is Marco Polo's Yachi, which name 
Yule, 3d ed., 2. 67, connects with this I-ch&u, of the Han dynasty. He 
should have noted, however, that the second syllable chou in all probabil- 
ity did not form part of the aboriginal name, and that the old sound of 
the first syllable must have been yik.) 

I -KING, see 'Book or Changes.' 

INDIA, see Shon-tu. 

INDOSCYTHIANS, see Yue-chi. 

INDUS, river of Shon-tu, 53. 

INTEEPEETEES, 54, 73. 

IEON, none between Ta-yiian and An-si (?), 103. 

IE-SHt The old sound of these two syllables was most probably either 



142 Friedrich Hirth 

ish or nish. The modern sound of the character for the first syllable, 
now pronounced w, is ni in five of its combinations with certain radicals 
according to Chalmers, K'ang-hi, p. 28 f., the best authority as regards 
the correct description of sounds by the Chinese method, and, since the 
omission of radicals in ancient texts is by no means unknown (see the 
examples, to which I may add others referred to by me in JAOS 30. 27), 
I do not hesitate to look upon nish as a possible equivalent in its ancient 
sound for modern ir-shi. I am, therefore, inclined to fall in with 
de Lacouperie's proposition (Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civili- 
zation, pp. 220 and 224; cf. also K. Shiratori, quoted in Dr. T. Fujita's 
paper ' The Castle Kwei-shan in Ta-yuan kuo and the Boyal Court 
of Yueh shih' in the Journal of the Japanese Oriental Society, 6. 194 f.) 
to connect this name Nish with the home of the celebrated Nisean horses 
of classical lore. Though located by Herodotus on 'a large plain in 
Medic territory,' later classical authors (see Heinrich Stein in a foot- 
note to the Nisean horse passage in his edition of Herodotus, 7. 40) name 
different localities much farther east. Pliny (6. 113) speaks of 'regio 
Nisiaea Parthyenes, ' and Stein continues in his footnote : ' Noeh ostlieher 
haftete der Name an den Hochthalern des Mufghab (Margos), dem in 
Vendid. 1. 26 erwahnten "Ni§aya welches zwisehen Mouru (Merv) und 
Baksdi (Balkh) liegt"; wahrend nach einer unsicheren Notiz oei 
Hesych.V. Nij<roio5 linrovs und Suid. fcnrej j^ffoios jene Pferde in der 
zwisehen Sogdiana und Bdktriana gelegenen Landschaft 'S.areurriydva 
(irtp 'EWdSi y\<i<ro~g vrjvos) heimisch waren. Bitter, Erdk. 9. 364, findet 
sie in der turkomannischen Zueht der Atak, die noeh heute dureh ganz 
Persien wegen ihrer Grosse, Ausdauer und Sehnelligkeit selbst vor der 
arabischen Race ausgezeichnet ist, und deren edle Zucht wohl zum Teil 
in einigen Stutereien der Perser-Monarehen in den medischen Hochebenen 
eingefuhrt werden konnte. ' Could not this be the ir-shi of the Shi-ki? 
It looks almost as if the multiplicity of regions which, like the cities 
claiming the privilege of being the birthplace of Homer, are named as 
producers of the best horses the world could boast of at the time, can 
be easily explained, if we allow some Persian, Parthian, or Soghdian 
proper name like Nish, Greeianized into Nijcram, etc., had in the course 
of centuries grown into a technical term, designating at different periods 
the chief claimant for horse breeding par excellence. Modern dictionaries 
furnish what may be almost looked upon as an analogy to this process 
in the term ' Tattersall 's, ' once the famous horse-market in London, 
which has since become a designation of large horse-markets in all 
countries. It seems that by following up Bitter's proposition we may be 
allowed to locate the " Tattersall 's " of the Shi-M pretty near the city 
of Ta-yuan, possibly on Ta-yuan territory itself. We may thus arrive 
at a compromise between de Lacouperie's view, rejected by Chavannes, 
and that of Chavannes, who refers us (p. xlv, note) to the Chinese 
identification, made in the 7th century a. d., when tradition may still 
have been alive, of the city of Ir-shi' with the Osrushna of Buddhist 
travelers, i. e. the present city of TTratube, about a hundred miles east 
of Samarkand. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 143 

'IR-SHi, GENERAL,' title bestowed on Li Kuang-li, q. v. 

JADESTONE found on hills near Khotan, 23, 93. 

JAN, hill tribe, 55. 

JO-SHUI (the 'weak water,' Mwp do-fo^s, a legendary river or lake, 
placed by the Chinese near the supposed western terminus of the 
world), 45. 

JUGGLERS, in T'iau-ch'i, 44; of Li-kan brought as tribute by Parthians 
to China, 92; become popular in China, 95. 

KAN FIT, Chang K'ien 's Tartar (Hiung-nu?) companion, 4; returned 
with Chang K'ien, 12; given a title, 13; his personality, 15; an 
excellent bowman, 15. 

K'ANG-Kti (Soghdiana), connected by postal roads with Ta-yiian (Fer- 
ghana), conveys Chang K'ien to the Yue-chi, 9; visited by Chang K'ien 
in person, 17; in the north of Ta-yiian, 22; northwest of, and con- 
terminous with, Ta-yiian, 27; nomads, under political influence of 
Yiie-ehi and Hiung-nu, 27; in the north of Yii6-chi, 29; small, 27, but 
strong in military, 54; assistant envoy sent to, by Chang K'ien from 
Wu-sun, 72; an ally of Ta-yiian, 122; Chinese troops advance as far 
as, when the fugitive king of Yii-ch 'ong is delivered to them, 126. 

KHOTAN, see Yti-TrtN. 

K'lANG (Tangutans), 12; southern neighbors of western Hiung-nu; cut 
off road to China, 24; remnants of Yiie-chi take refuge with, 29; on 
way to India, 53. 

KIANG-TU, Princess of, given in marriage to old king of Wu-sun, who 
marries her to his grandson, 90. 

KI£N-WEi (= Sii-eh6u-fu), starting-point of exploring expedition to find 
India, 55. 

K 'I-LI2N-SHAN, lull near old seats of Yue-chi, 29, 60. (The tomb, recently 
discovered, of the young general Ho K'ii-ping is supposed to resemble 
this hill in shape. See illustration in Journal Asiatique, 11. ser. 5. 472. 
Regarding the location of this hill see Shiratori, p. 103 f.) 

KIN, lit gold, money, 130. 

KIN-CH'ONG (Lan-chou-fu), 61. 

KITING, district in Ss'i-eh'uan ( = Kiung-ch6u), bamboo from, 53; a 
starting-point on the road to India, 55. 

KUANG-LU-TA-FTJ, title of nobility, 130. 

K'UI-SHUI = the Oxus, 29, 34, 46. 

KuN-CHONG — adjutant general ( ?) , 110, 129, 130. 

K'UN-LUN, name of a hill oeeurring in old books as that where the Ho, 
or Yellow River, rises, given to hills near Khotan by Chinese ambassadors, 
93, 94, 136. (See Franke, p. 33 f.) 

K 'UN-MING TRIBES (in south-west of Sii-chou-fu), given to robbery, 56; 
prevent expedition to India, 56; to Bactria, 81-83. 

K 'UN-MO, title of the King of Wu-sun, 62; see also Wu-SUK. (Regard- 
ing the many attempts at the etymology of the term, see Shiratori, p. 
136.) 

KUO CH'ANG, general sent against the K'un-ming tribes in 109 b. c, 82. 



144 Friedrich Hirth 

KU-SH'i, a city on the banks of the Salt Lake, 23; as a thoroughfare to 
the West interferes with Chinese missions, 85; battle of, in 108 B. C. 
raises the prestige of the Chinese in Wu-sun and the farther West, 87; 
sends tribute to China, 92. 

Kti-YEN, district, 118. 

LAN-CH6U-FU = Kin-ch'ong, 61. 

LANG, title of an officer in the imperial household, a yeoman (?), 2, 4. (See 
Chavannes, Les MSmoires, 2. 201, n. 1; it seems that the holder of this 
otherwise indefinable title was exempt from taxes, cf. Chavannes, 3. 552, 
n. 4; but cf. also an essay under lang-Tcun in Liang-han-lc'an-wu-p'u-i, 
chap. 10, p. 12 f. Perhaps a term like the German Junker in Kammer- 
juriker.) 

LANGUAGES and dialects between Ta-yuan and An-si, 101. 

LAN-SHf, capital of Ta-hia, 51. 

LAU-SHANG, Great Khan of the Hiung-nu, 29. 

LI, the Chinese mile (equivalent to about 3 stadia, but corresponding in 
Western Asia to the stadium of classical authors; see China and the 
Roman Orient, p. 222 ff.), 18, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 39, 46, 53. 

LIANG-CH6U-FU, see Ling-ku. 

LI CH'o, general under Li Kuang-li in the campaign against Ta-yuan, 110, 
111; consulted by Li Kuang-li at siege of eity of Ta-yuan, 122; 
strategical adviser, 129; appointed prefect of Shang-tang, 130. 

LI FU-JoN, Madam Li, favorite concubine of the Emperor Wu-ti, sister 
of the general Li Kuang-li, 110. 

LI-KAN (called Ta-ts'in in later records), 39; regular traffic with, 79, 92. 
(A designation of Syria under Antiochus VI, whose army had invaded 
Parthia with ill success in 129 B. c, not long before the arrival at the 
court of the YtiS-ch'i of Chang K'ien and who may have merely transmitted 
the information on countries not visited by him in person; I am in 
doubt as to the identity of the name and abandon the idea of Rekem, or 
Petra.) 

LI KUANG (a general in many campaigns against the Hiung-nu), Chang 
K 'ien 's chief in 122 B. c, 59. 

LI KUANG-LI, appointed generalissimo in the campaign against Ta-yuan, 
receives the title 'General ir-sh'i,' in anticipation of his forcing the city 
of ir-sh'i (Nish?) to deliver the celebrated horses named after it and 
said by Ta-yuan to be withheld there, 110; despite great hardships 
reaches eastern frontier of Ta-yuan and returns, having lost the greater 
part of his army, 111; reports his failure, 112; forbidden to return 
home, remains at Tun-huang, 113 ; his seeond campaign, 120-131 ; created 
Marquis of Hai-si, 130. 

LING-Ktt (Liang-ch6u-fu), great wall at, 79. 

LOCUSTS devastate country when Chinese army starts against Ta-yuan, 
111. 

LOPNOE, see Salt Lake. 

L6U-LAN, a city on the banks of the Salt Lake, 23 ; a thoroughfare to the 
West, interferes with Chinese missions, 85; king of, captured in 108 b. c, 
87, 110. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 145 

LUCERNE, see Mu-su. 

LUK-LI (= perhaps some derivative of Uigur, uluk, 'erhaben, gross,' 
Radloff, Wb. 1693?), title of a Hiung-nu prince, 12. The first character, 
usually standing for ku, 'valley,' is to be read luk ad hoc. Chalmers, 
K'ang-hi, p. 441 B; K'ang-M, Bad. 150, 1. 

LUNG-SI (= modern Kan-su), 4, 24. 

LUN-T'6U, a city on the road to the West, able to harass Chinese expe- 
ditions, 115; laid in ruins for refusing provisions to Chinese army, 120; 
soldier farmers stationed at, to hoard up provisions for embassies, 135. 
(Cf. Ed. Biot. 'Memoire sur les colonies militaires et agricoles des 
Chinois,' in Journ. Asiatique, 4. ser. 15. 341 f.) 

LU-Yttfi-JoN, unsuccessful leader of caravans to Bactria, 81. 

MAEOTIS, Palus, see An-ts'ai. 

MANG, hill tribe, 55. 

MARKETS, in An-si, 35; in Ta-hia, 51. 

MAU-TUN, Great Khan of the Hiung-nu, 29. 

MEDICAGO SATIVA, see Mu-su. 

MEI-TS'AI (possibly some such name as Moas, or Manas, which appears 
on Saka coins in India, of. A. Cunningham, 'Coins of the Sakas' in 
Numismatic Chronicle, vol. 10, 3d ser., p. 103 ff., of whom the man called 
Mei'-ts'ai may be a namesake, though certainly not the identical king, 
whose coins were found chiefly in the neighborhood of Taxila), king of 
Ta-yiian, succeeding Mu-kua, 124; killed by his people for being too 
friendly to China, 132. 

METALS, melting of, taught by Chinese deserters in countries between 
Ta-yiian and An-si, 103. (Cf. an essay on the technicalities of this 
passage in Liang-han-k'an-wu-p'u-i, chap. 8, pp. 8 and 9.) 

MIGRATIONS of the Wu-sun from original seats among Hiung-nu east 
of Lopnor to distant west, 62-65; see also Yufi-CHI. 

MILITARY GOVERNORS, special (Jciau-yu), appointed for the army 
against Ta-yiian, 117; appointed as horse-breakers to conduct horses from 
Ta-yiian, 119; (tu-yii) appointed after the war to reside in Tsiu-ts'iian, 
134. 

MINISTERS, of State, high rank in civil service, 74; appointed for army 
service, 130. 

MU-KUA (or Mu-ku), King of Ta-yiian, responsible for trouble with 
China, sacrificed by his people and succeeded by Mei-ts'ai, who was 
friendly to the Chinese, 122; his younger brother made king by his 
people, 132. 

MUMMERS, 95. 

MU-SU, the Emperor Wu-ti covers large tracts of land with mu-su as 
fodder for his horses, 100. (Canton dial, muk-suk, i. e. the lucerne, 
medicago sativa, probably the transcription of some foreign word, like 
Turkish burchak, if we allow for a change the word may have undergone 
from the original meaning within the last two thousand years. For 
burchak, of which the old Chinese sound muk-suk would be quite possible 
as a transcription, now denotes another seed plant used for fodder, the 
vetch, according to Radloff, Worterbuch der Turk-Dialed e, 4, col. 1832: 
Kara burchak, 'die Wicke (vicia).') 



146 Friedrich Hirth 

NAN-SHAN, a range of hills separating Tibet from Eastern Turkestan, 

and its continuation towards the east, 12, 29, 61. 
NISH, see ir-shi. 
NOMAD NATIONS: Wu-sun, 25; K'ang-kii, 27; An-ts'ai, 28; Yiie-chi, 

29. Cf. City Dwellers. 
'NORTHERN SEA,' term applied to the Great Marsh (Palus Maeotis), 28. 
NOTABLES (Kui-jon), the real power in Ta-yiian, 109 et passim. 
ORACLE consulted, see 'Book of Changes.' 
OBDU, Western, of the Hiung-nu, the Wu-sun leader (K'un-mo) made 

governor of, 64; conquered by the Chinese, 60; see also Ho K'u-ping. 
OSTEICH, the, in T'iau-chi, 42; eggs of the, brought to China by 

Parthians, 92. 
OXUS EIVEB, see K'ui-shtji. 
PA, part of modern Ssi'-ch 'uan, 82. 

PAI SHi-CH'ANG, unsuccessful leader of caravans to Bactria, 81. 
PARCHMENT, writing material in Parthia, 37. 
PABTHIA, see An-si. 
PIAU-KI, general, see Ho K'u-ping. 

P'O (=Ya-ch6u in Ssi'-ch 'uan), a starting point on the road to India, 55. 
PO-NU, see Chau Po-ntj. 
POPULAR CUSTOMS, between Ta-yiian and An-si, 101, 102; like those of 

the Hiung-nu, see Wu-sun; Yue-chi; like those of the Yiie-chi, see 

K 'ang-ku ; An-ts 'ai ; like those of Ta-hia, see ShSn-tu. 
POPULATION, in Ta-yiian, 20; in T'iau-chi', 43; in Ta-hia, 50. 
POSTAL ROADS in Ta-yiian to K'ang-kii, 9. 
PO-WANG, Marquis of, title bestowed on Chang K'ien in 123 B. c, 58; 

name commands respect in western countries, 77; trade conformed to 

precedent created by, 79; successors to, as ambassadors to the West men 

without distinction, 85. 
PREFECTS, posts of, given as rewards to army officers, 130. 
PROVISIONS given to Hiung-nu, but refused to Chinese envoys to the 

West, 98 ; difficulties in procuring, from cities en route by Chinese army, 

111; drawn from all parts of the empire for second army against 

Ta-yiian, 116; carriers of, selected from offenders against the law, 119; 

readily granted en route, 120 ; Ta-yiian grants, to the Chinese army, 123 ; 

difficulty of procuring, causes Chinese army to proceed in sections by 

different routes, 125; city of Yii-ch'ong refuses issue of, 125; shortness 

of, due to graft, 129 ; station for the supply of, for embassies to the We3t 

established at Lun-t'6u, 135. 
P'U-T'AU = p6rpv-s. See Kingsmill in JBAS, new ser. 14. 85 n. See also 

Vine and Wine. The Chinese term p'u-t'au for 'grape' occurs for the 

first time in Chinese literature in our text. 
REWARDS to army officers, 130. 
RICE, grown in Ta-yiian, 19; in An-si, 31; in T'iau-chi, 41; see also 

Stones op Rice. 
RIVERS flowing east and west in Central Asia, 23. 
ROBBERS, few, in Ta-hia, 10; obstruct road in Salt Lake region, 107; 

see also K'un-ming Tribes. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 147 

SALT LAKE (Lopnor), believed to receive the headwaters of the Yellow 
River, which is said to flow underground to the south of it, 23; Western 
Hiung-nu east of, 24; country east of, became clear of Hiung-nu in 121 
B. c, 61; proposal to invite Wu-sun to fill vacant territory, 66; Chinese 
victories near, 87 ; region near, dangerous to travelers, 107 ; Chinese army 
against Ta-yuan crosses, 111; road to the West as far as, lined with 
military stations, 135. 

SAN-FU, the metropolitan district, 82. 

SEA, WESTERN = Caspian or Aral, 23; = Persian Gulf, Bed Sea, or 
Mediterranean, 39; NORTHERN, term applied to the Palvs Maeotis, 28. 
(Regarding the terminology of such names as si-hai and pei-hai, cf. 
Liang-han-Tc'an-wu-p'u-i, chap. 8, p. 7.) 

SHA-CH6U, original home of YiiS-ch'i nation, 29. 

SHANG-KUAN Klfi invests city of Yii-ch'ong and captures its fugitive 
king in K'ang-kii, 126; as a leader distinguished by breaking into the 
enemy 's lines, 129 ; receives a court title, 130. 

SHANG-KUI, a prefectural city in the present Kan-su province, birthplace 
(or, garrison?) of Chau Ti, 126. 

SHANG-TANG, a prefecture, 130. 

SHAN-HAI-KING (the 'Hill and Sea Classic'), Ssi'-ma Ts'ien refrains 
from saying anything about its (probably much too wonderful) tales, 136. 

SHAN-Yu (cf. the legend Sanaob on coins of Saka kings referred to the 
Chinese term by Cunningham in Num. Chron. 3d ser. 8 and 12 ; the term 
is explained as corresponding to Turkish t'dngri kudu, or the Chinese 
t'iSn-tel, i. e. 'Son of Heaven,' Sehott in Sb. der Ale. der Wiss. Berlin, 
1. Dec. 1887, p. 7 of reprint), title of the Great Khan, or King, of the 
Hiung-nu, 5, 29, 63, 64, 66 et passim; death of, 12; envoys armed with 
letters from, respected more than those from China in countries west of 
Wu-sun, 98. 

SHAU-FU, a court title, 130. 

SHON-LI, a district near modern Ya-ch6u-fu in Ssi'-ch'uan, 80. 

SH8N-TU (=Sindh, India) southeast of Ta-hia, 52; unrecorded early 
trade of, with Ssi'-ch'uan, 53; popular customs of, like those of Ta-hia, 
53; Chang K'ien 's plan to discover, 53; fruitless attempts to open 
direct communication with, 55-58; assistant envoys sent to, by Chang 
K'ien from Wu-sun, 72; missions to (via Bactria?), 79. 

SHU (Ssi'-ch'uan), bamboo and cloth from, 53; easiest thoroughfare to 
India, 53, 55; traders of, surreptitiously export produce to Tien-yue' on 
the road to India, 57; territories in the southwest of, added to Chinese 
dominion, to serve as thoroughfares to Far West, 80, 82. 

SHU-KING, legendary accounts regarding the source of the Yellow River 
referred to in, seem to be confirmed by Chang K'ien 's discovery, 136. 

SIAU-YttE-CHi, 29. 

SILK, sent to Wu-sun, 67; none in Ta-yuan and countries west of it, 103. 

SILVER, see Metals. 

SIN-CH 'I, Marquis of, see Chau Ti. 

SINDH = India, see Shon-ttj. 



148 Friedrich Hirth 

SI-WANG-MU (lit. 'Western King's Mother,' a legendary being in the 
extreme west), 45. 

SOGHDIANA, see K'ang-ku. 

SOLDIERS, see Army. 

SON OF HEAVEN, see Wtt-ti. 

SSi, a station on the supposed road to India, 55. 

SSi-CH'UAN, see Shu. 

STONES OF RICE, an annual income in kind, as a reward to army 
officers, 130. 

SU-HIfi, small country east of Ta-yuan, 92. 

SUI TRIBES, 56. 

Sti KUANG, scholiast, 82 n. 

'SWEATING BLOOD,' said of horses, see Han-hu£. 

SYRIA, see Li-kan. 

TA-HIA (Bactria), occupied by the Yiie-ch'i (Indoscythians), 10, 11, 29; 
visited by Chang K 'ien in person, 17 ; in the southwest of Ta-yuan, 22 ; 
south of Yti6-chi, 29; described, 46-53; people bad warriors, but good 
traders, 49; great, rich, and civilized like China, 54; Wu-ti consults 
Chang K'ien about, 61; assistant envoys sent to, by Chang K'ien from 
Wu-sun, 72; attempts to reach by the southern route (Yiin-nan, Ssii- 
ch'uan, etc.) interfered with by K'un-ming tribes, 81; northern route 
via Tsiu-ts'iian, 84. 

TA-HING, 'Chief of Foreign Office,' title bestowed on Chang K'ien, 74. 

TA-I, small country in the west of Ta-yuan, 92. 

T'AI-CHUNG-TA-FU, title bestowed on Chang K'ien, 13. 

TA-LU, a son of the King of Wu-sun, 71. 

T'ANG-I, family owning a Tartar (Hiung-nu?) slave, 4. 

T'ANG-I FI7, so called because he must be held to have been adopted by 
the T 'ang-i family, see Kan Ftj. 

TANGUTANS, see K'iang. 

TARTARS (7m), generally designating the Hiung-nu (Huns) with the 
several nomadic Turkish, Mongolic, and Tungusic tribes forming their 
empire, 4, 10, 86, 107. 

TA-TSo, 'the Great Marsh ' = Pains Maeotis, or Sea of Azov, near the 
country of the Alans, see An-ts 'ai. 

TA-YtiAN, i. e. Great Yuan, in opposition to Siau-yiian, i. e. Little Yuan, 
a small country east of it and probably named after it. I am now 
inclined to look upon Yuan as the real name of the country, ta being 
an epithet placed before it as in the case of Ta-ts'in and Ta-yii6-chi'. 
For, although our chapter is entitled ' Ta-yuan ' and the country is so 
styled especially in Chang K'ien 's own report to the emperor, Yuan 
without the prefix ta is, in our text, often used for it, not merely in 
combinations as in yuan-ma, 'horses of Yuan,' or yuan Tcuei-jon, 'the 
notables of Yuan,' but also in phrases where it could not well be inter- 
preted as a mere abbreviation, e. g. po yuan, 'to defeat Yuan.' From 
paragraphs 101 to 103 it would appear that the population of Ta-yuan 
had many characteristics in common with the nations adjoining it in the 
west as far as An-si (Parthia). This seems to justify us in looking 



The Story of Chang K'ien 149 

upon Ta-yiian as a northeastern portion of the former Bactrian empire 
which, for some reason or other, may have escaped conquest by the 
Yti6-chi. The people grow rice, the cultivation of which must have 
come to them from India by way of Bactria (Hehn, KvMurpflanzen und 
Hausthiere, 8th ed., 1911, p. 504 ff.), and store wine from the grape, in 
which respect they may have adopted the practice of Greek settlers in 
Bactria. It seems quite possible that the name by which such a semi- 
Greek population became known to the surrounding Tartar tribes, espe- 
cially the Hiung-nu or the Wu-sun, from whom Chang K'ien may have 
obtained his first notice of the country, was Yavan, of which Yuan is a 
fair linguistic equivalent. For, 'the Yavanas are the Greeks of the 
Asiatic dominions and especially the Bactrians, situated just beyond 
the borders of India.' Cf. C. C. Torrey, 'Yawan and Hellas,' JAOS 
25. 304; Dr. Bdkins, in his paper 'What did the ancient Chinese know 
of the Greeks and Romans?' /. China Branch, B. A. S., vol. 18, 1883, 
p. 5; E. Bournouf, J A 10. 238 f.; T. de Lacouperie, Western Origin of 
Early Chinese Civilization, p. 221. 

TA-YuAN (Ferghana), first known through Chang K'ien, 1; reached by 
Chang K'ien, 7; connected by postal roads with K'ang-kii (Soghdiana), 
9; visited by Chang K'ien in person, 17; Chang K'ien 's account of, 
18-22; great, rich and civilized like China, 54; assistant envoy sent to, 
by Chang K'ien from Wu-sun, 72; horses from, stronger than those 
from Wu-sun, 79; restrained by reputation of Chinese victories near 
Lake Lopnor, 87; small countries east and west of, 92; best horses of, 
kept at the city of iir-shi', 105; not afraid of an attack by the Chinese, 
107; refuses to deliver the horses of ir-sh'i, 108; first army sent against, 
fails, 110-113; second campaign decided upon, 114-116; its organization, 
117-119; city of the king of, has no wells, 117; Chinese army reaches, 
120; battle won by Chinese archers; Ta-yiian army takes refuge in 
city, 121; water supply cut off and city invested, negotiations for peace 
resulting in the delivery of horses and the establishment of Chinese 
supremacy, 122-124; campaign against, occupies four years, 131; kings 
of, see Mu-kua; Mei-ts'ai; Ch'an-fong. 

TA-YuAN AND AN-SI, countries between: language, 101; appearance 
and character of the people, 102; position of women, 102; have no silk 
or varnish, 103; taught melting and casting of metals by Chinese, 103. 

TA-YVE-CHi, see Yiit-CHl. 

TI tribes, prevent expedition to India, 56. 

T'lAU-CHi (Chaldea), in the west of Parthia, 38, 39; described, 40-45; 
governed by petty chiefs, considered a foreign country by Parthia, 43; 
legends of Jo-shui and Si-wang-mu, 45; regular missions to, 79. 

T'IfiN-MA, 'heavenly horse' (the wild horse?), 19, 79. (Regarding the 
legendary origin of the 'heavenly horse,' see Shi-ki, Chavannes, 3. 
236 f.) 

TI£N-Ytj£, country on the supposed road to India, 57. 

ToNG KUANG reproved for advising discontinuance of war against 
Ta-yiian, 116. 

TRADE, in An-si, 35; in Ta-hia, 49, 51; from China to Bactria via India, 



150 Friedrich Hirth 

53; smugglers from Shu (Ssi'-ch'uan) send goods to Tien-ytie' on the road 
to India, 57; between China and western countries dates from Chang 
K'ien's mission, 77; by caravans to and from Western Asia stimulated 
by demand for good horses, 79; see also Caravans; Expeditions; 
Tribute. 

TRANSCRIPTIONS (of foreign sounds) : (Ta-) Yuan = Yavan; Luk-li = 
derivative of uluk, great (?), 12; p'u-t'au=/3ATpv-s, 19; An-ts'ai = 
Aorsi, 28; An-si = Arsak, 30; Shon-tu = Sindh, 52; muk-suk = bur- 
ehak (?), 100; iir-shi = Nish, NVeua (?), 105. (Note that final r 
may be represented by final t or final n in old Chinese not later than the 
13th century, ef. Hirth, 'Chinese Equivalents of the letter R in Foreign 
Names,' in Joum. China Branch, B. A. S., vol. 21, 1886, p. 214 ff., or by 
final fc, ef. T. de Laeouperie, 'The Djurtchen of Manchuria,' JBAS 
21. 436.) 

TRIBUTE brought by Parthia and small countries on the way to China, 92. 

TSANG-KO, a district comprising parts of modern Ssi'-ch'uan, Hu-nan, 
Kui-chou and Kuang-si, 80. 

TS 'IfiN, a small country in the west of Ta-yuan, 92. 

TSIJ5N-MI, a notable of Ta-yfian, captured at the siege of the city, 122. 

TS 'IN, a man of, i. e. a Chinese, 122. 

TSIU-TS 'tiAN, district near the Great Wall, established to facilitate trade 
with Far West, 79; military stations near, 89, 135; army to protect 
boundary in, 118; resident military governor appointed for, 134. 

TS'oN-TS't), title of the son of the crown prince of Wu-sun, 71; given 
Chinese princess in marriage by his grandfather, the K'un-mo king, 90. 

TSO-Yfi, MARQUIS OF, see Chau Po-nu. 

TSUNG-P'IAU, see Chau Po-nu. 

TUN-HUANG, near old seats of Yue-chi, 29; locusts near, 111; Chinese 
army returns to, 111, 113 ; second army leaves, 116, 119, 125. 

TU-Yti, title of a resident military governor, 134. 

VARNISH, 103. 

VINE, seeds of the, (seedlings?) imported from Ta-yfian and planted near 
the Imperial summer palaces, 100 ; see also Wine. 

WAGONS and carts with army against Ta-yuan, 119. 

WALL, see Great Wall. 

WANG K'UI, leader of caravans to the west, 85; created Marquis of 
Hau, 88 ; attached to the army against Ta-yfian, 110. 

WANG SHoN-SHoNG, military governor, defeated and killed on an expe- 
dition to Yfi-eh'ong, 124. 

WEi KUANG, general sent against the K'un-ming tribes in 109 b. c, 82. 

WESTERN SEA (si-hai), see Sea, Western. 

WHEAT (barley?), grown in Ta-yfian, 19; in An-si, 31. 

WINE, grape, in Ta-yfian, 19, 99, 100; in An-si, 31; see also Vine. 

WOLF, a She-, becomes legendary wet-nurse of king of Wu-sun exposed 
in wilderness, 62. (Note that a she-wolf is mythologically connected 
with the origin of many Turkish tribes, which may also account for 'the 
symbolic use by them of a wolf's head at particular functions,' ef. 



The Story of Chang K'ien 151 

E. H. Parker, A Thousand Tears of the Tartars, p. 178; Kingsmill, 
JBAS 14. 85 n. 

WOMEN influence husbands in countries between Ta-yiian and An-si, 102. 

WoN-SHAN, a district corresponding to modern M6u-ch6u in Ss'i-ch'uan, 
80. 

WRESTLERS, 95. 

WRITING, in Parthia, 37. 

WD-SUN (a nation in the neighborhood of* Lake Issyk-kul, on the southern 
slope of the T'ien-shan, according to Sii Sung, Si-yii-shui-tau-M, chap. 
4, p. 11, whither they had migrated from Kua-chou, their former homes 
at the time of the Contending States during the fifth and fourth cen- 
turies b. c, according to the scholiast in Sh'i-Tci, 110, p. 12; cf. Ts'ien- 
han-shw, chap. 96 B, p. 1 B, and other passages; cf. also Shiratori, p. 
103 ff. ; probably of Turkish stock like the Hiung-nu; cf. note under Wolf, 
Shiratori, op. cit., and Pranke, pp. 17-21), in the northeast of Ta-yiian, 
22; a nomad nation like the Hiung-nu, 25; formerly subject to 
Hiung-nu, 26; legendary origin of their King K'un-mo, 62; retreat 
from their original territory among the western Hiung-nu to the more 
distant west, 64; maintain their independence, 65; Chang K'ien pro- 
poses their filling vacant territory near western boundary of China and 
bribing them by presents and the marriage of their king with a Chinese 
princess to become friends of China, 66; Chang K 'ten's expedition to, 
67-74; court ceremonial of, corrected by Chang K'ien, 68; declines to 
move to the east, 69, 70, 71; guides, interpreters, and other natives 
accompany Chang K'ien back to China, 73; and return to their homes 
full of the impressions they have received of China's greatness, 76; 
missions to China interfered with by Hiung-nu, so that Wu-sun asks 
for a Chinese princess in marriage, 78; horses from, compared with 
those from Ta-yiian, 79; restrained by reports of Chinese victories near 
Lake Lopnor, 87; a Chinese princess sent for marriage to, 90; rich in 
horses, 91; China's prestige with, depends on success in far -western 
warfare, 115; not very quick in complying with Wu-ti's wish to attack 
Ta-yiian, 127. 

WU-TI, the emperor (generally referred to as the Son of Heaven, Wu-ti 
being his posthumous designation), informed of their flight to the west, 
anxious to find the Yite-ehi as allies against the Hiung-nu, 3, 4; falls 
in with Chang K 'ten's plan of extending Chinese sphere of influence to 
Western Asia, 54; approves of Chang K'ien 's scheme of befriending the 
Wu-sun nation, 67; consults 'Book of Changes' about horses; his craze 
for western horses develops caravan trade, 79; highly pleased by results 
of mission to Parthia, 92; likes company of foreigners, 95; feasts given 
to them lay the foundation for the popular taste among the Chinese 
for the performances of jugglers, wrestlers, mummers, etc., 95; creates 
vineyards and lucerne fields, 100; his fondness for the horses of Nish 
fir-shi) becomes the source of a campaign against Ta-yiian, 106-110; 
angry at Li Kuang-li's failure to punish Ta-yiian, 113; his ambition 
about China's reputation in western Asia, 115; tries to engage Wu-sun 



152 Friedrich Hirth 

to fight Ta-yiian, 127; foreign princes anxious to be presented to, 128; 
bestows rewards on generals, 130. 

YAU TING-HAN, former ambassador to Ta-yiian, proposes war, 110. 

YELLOW RIVER, see Ho River. 

YtJ-CH'oNG, city on the eastern frontier of Ta-yiian, Chinese envoys 
intercepted and killed at, 109; first Chinese army against Ta-yiian 
routed at the siege of, 111; Li Kuang-li avoids, 122; reconnoitering 
body of Chinese troops defeated by, 125; invested by the Chinese, 126; 
its king pursued to K'ang-kii, delivered, and killed, 126. 

Yttfi (=Nan-yfi6), 5, 57; wars against, in 112 b. o. referred to (?), 80. 

Yufi-CHI (Indoscythians; for an exhaustive digest removing many 
prejudices entertained by European scholars, cf. Franke, p. 21 ff.), 
their disappearance from the neighborhood of China reported to the 
Emperor Wu-ti by Hiung-nu (Hun) prisoners, 3; desired by the Chinese 
as allies against the Hiung-nu, 3, 4; Chang K'ien conducted to, 9; 
defeated by the Hiung-nu, conquer Ta-hia (Bactria), 10, 29, 49; visited 
by Chang K'ien in person, 17; in the west of Ta-yiian, 22; politically 
influence K'ang-kii, 27; described, 29; popular customs of, like those 
of Hiung-nu (of An -si according to Is 'iSn-han-shu) , 29; old seats and 
migration to the west, 29; capital and court north of the Oxus (somewhere 
about Bukhara), 29; strong in military, 54; assistant ambassadors 
sent to, 72; ambassadors to, passed south of Wu-sun, 78; population on 
the road to, beyond Wu-sun help Hiung-nu rather than Chinese envoys 
by supplying provisions, 98. 

Yiifi-STJI, a district on the boundary of Yun-nan and Ssi'-ch'uan, 80. 

Ytt-MoN GATE, in the Great Wall, line of military stations near, 89; 
closed up, 113; Chinese second army returns to, 129. 

Ytt-PGN-KI, 'Life of the Emperor Yii,' Ssi-ma Ts'ien's view of its 
wonderful tales, 136. (This is not one of the chapters styled pon-Tci and 
devoted to the lives of emperors by Ssi-ma Ts'ien himself, but a work 
not preserved in our days, cf. Chavannes, 1. clxxii f.) 

Yti-TMN (Khotan), east (sic) of Ta-yiian, 22; the watershed of rivers 
in Central Asia, 23; produces jadestone, 23; assistant envoys sent to, 
by Chang K'ien from Wu-sun, 72; quarries near, yield jadestone brought 
to China, 93 ; Yellow River supposed to rise near, 93.