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SHALMANESER III AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE 
ASSYRIAN POWER 

A. T. Olmstead 
University of Illinois 

When Shalmaneser III ascended the throne of his father in 
860, he was no longer a young man, for the reign of Ashur-nasir- 
apal had lasted no less than twenty-five years, and he himself 
owned a son old enough to accompany him on distant campaigns 
two years later. His first step was to make a clean sweep of his 
father's officials, who were replaced with others nearer his own 
age. Ashur-bel-ukin was appointed turtanu; Ashur-bana-usur 
became the chief musician; Abu-ina-ekalli-lilbur, whose name, 
'May the father grow old in the palace,' indicated a hereditary 
position, very appropriately was chosen chamberlain of the palace. 
Not one of the men who surrounded the person of the king or ruled 
in the provinces had previously held office high enough to be 
entered in the eponym lists. 1 

Thanks to the efforts of Ashur-nasir-apal, the foreign situation 
was by no means threatening, though it offered encouraging oppor- 
tunities for war if the new king cherished such ambitions. During 
the entire quarter-century, Assyria had enjoyed a peace with 
Babylonia which had never been formally broken, even when 

1 This article continues previous studies in the earlier history of Assyria in 
AJSL 36. 125 ff.; JAOS 37. 169 ff.; 38. 209 ff. The chief sources are the 
royal inscriptions, best published in N. Rasmussen, Salmanasser den IPs 
Indskriften, 1907; for criticism of the sources and further bibliography, cf. 
Olmstead, Historiography, 21 ff. Added material is found in the Assyrian 
Chronicle, last publication, Olmstead, JAOS 34. 344 ff. Most valuable are 
the Balawat Gate reliefs, Pinches, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates 
of Balawat, 1880; King, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, 1915; 
cf. for discussion, Billerbeck, BA 6. 1 ff. The Babylonian expeditions are dis- 
cussed in AJSL 37. 217 ff. The provincial development is investigated JAOS 
34. 344 ff.; Amer. Political Science Rev. 12. 69 ff. Lack of space prevents dis- 
cussion of the scanty cultural data, of the rise of the Haldian kingdom, and 
of the earlier Hebrew history. A map of the northeast frontier is given at 
the close of this article; four others will be found JAOS 38. 260 ff. My 
colleagues of the Cornell Expedition, Professor J. E. Wrench of the University 
of Missouri, and Dr. B. B. Charles of Philadelphia, have drawn my attention 
to added topographical data found in Arabic, Syriac, Armenian, and Byzan- 
tine Greek, but all have been verified. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 347 

Nabu-apal-iddina violated his neutrality by sending troops to the 
support of the Assyrian rebels in the middle Euphrates valley. 
Neither on the east, where the restless Median tribes were just 
beginning to appear on the Assyrian horizon, nor on the west, 
where the Aramaean invasion for the moment had been checked, 
was immediate danger to be apprehended. Syria offered much 
valuable booty, but it was too disunited and too distant for any 
fear on the part of Assyria. On the north alone was there cause 
for concern. Urartu, or, to use the term preferred by the natives 
themselves, Haldia, was developing a formidable power behind 
the protection of the Armenian mountains, and had already 
forced a reluctant notice from the scribes of Ashur-nasir-apal. 
Indeed, the last recorded campaign of the reign had been necessi- 
tated by the intrigues of that state, and the failure of the official 
historians to mention the part played by Urartu was simply con- 
fession of failure to win back the lost laurels. 

Nor did his son dare a direct attack on Haldia at first. In the 
very beginning of his accession year, for he had been enthroned 
early, Shalmaneser collected his foot-soldiers and his chariots and 
entered the defiles of Simesi land, the rough Tiyari region where 
almost to our own day the Christian mountaineers have preserved 
a hardly-won independence. No opposition had been previously 
encountered, mute evidence that the wars of his father on this 
frontier had not been without result, that the country to the 
immediate northeast of Nineveh now recognized the Assyrian 
overlordship. The first acquisition of the reign was Aridi, the 
fortress of Ninni, commanding the valley of the Upper Zab. 2 
The scene of plunder, the pillar of heads, the burning alive of 
youths and maidens, indicated that the new king was to be no 
less harsh in dealing with rebels than his terrible father. In con- 
sequence, all the chiefs from whom Ashur-nasir-apal had exacted 
tribute, Hargians, Harmasians, Simesians, Simerians, Sirishians, 
and Ulmanians, appeared before his son. 3 

Climbing out of the Zab valley, Shalmaneser descended into 
Hubushkia 4 by a mountain pass and over hills which reached to 

2 Aridi is probably Julamerik. 

3 Mon. I. 14 ff. — The chronological difficulties as to separation of the first 
two years disappear if we use only the earliest source, the Monolith, and take 
the 'in the beginning of my reign in my first year' as lumping together the 
first two years, the date Aim XIII marking the dividing line. 

4 Hubushkia is Sert according to the Sargon tablet, 307, Thureau-Dangin, 
Huitieme Campagne de Sargon, xi. The route was then by the pass back of 
Julamerik and down the Bohtan Su. 



348 A. T. Olmstead 

heaven like the point of an iron dagger, where a passage for the 
chariots could be made only with much labor on the part of the 
pioneers. The capital of the same name was soon a smoking ruin, 
and its Nairi prince, Kakia, after a struggle in the mountains, 
begged the royal pardon. The Haldian frontier was reached at 
Sugania, a tiny fortress perched upon a high rock at the junction 
of two small affluents of the Upper Tigris. Around the arched 
bridge it commanded, the Assyrians constructed a circular camp 
with a gate at either exit of the road. 6 The king set forth in his 
chariots, attended by others in which were carried the standards. 
Arrived at the doomed city, he dismounted, and, still surrounded 
by his body guards, shot his arrows against the fortress. The 
main attack was launched by the archers, but sappers, protected 
by long leather robes, were employed to loosen the stones in the 
walls, and other soldiers attempted an assault with ladders. The 
natives resisted with bow and spear until the houses were fired, 
when they abandoned the struggle. Opposite the town, a pillar of 
heads was erected, and the survivors, naked save for the peculiar 
'liberty caps' and up-tilted shoes, their necks bound in a yoke to 
a long rope and their hands tied behind their backs, were dragged 
before the official who stood, club of office in hand, to receive them. 
Operations recommenced with a skirmish in the open. Opposed 
were the little Haldians, clad in short robes or entirely naked, 
armed with long or short lances, and defended by the short round 
shield and greaves. In their formation, pairs of archers and 
shield-bearing lancers, they had followed Assyrian custom. Four- 
teen of the surrounding villages went up in smoke, the men were 
impaled on stakes set in the wall, the severed heads were hung in 
the gates. The invaders cut down the palm trees, surprisingly 
far north until we remember that today they still flourish fruitless 
on the warm shores of Lake Van, and captive horses recall to our 
minds the fact that Armenia has always been famous for the 
fineness of its breed. The strangest trophy was a rough platform 
on wheels, so ponderous that eleven men were needed to pull it 
along by means of ropes over their shoulders. On it was a huge 
grain jar, no less than eight feet high, held in place by a man 
mounted beside it, and guarded by pole s in the hands of the three 

6 Sugania cannot be Shokh, the Kurdish name of Tauk, Layard, Nineveh 
and Babylon, 420, as Billerbeek, BA 6. 8, since Hubushkia is now known 
to be Sert. The troops may have gone, not via Bitlis, but by the valley to 
the east where Sakh and Sakh Dagh may represent Sugania. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 349 

men behind. In camp, the grain was ground, the dough mixed 
on the floor, and the bread baked in the round mud oven. The 
eunuch camp-prefect made frequent trips in his chariot to oversee 
the collection of the booty, which was packed in camp under his 
business-like direction. 

The army descended to a plain for its next encampment, a 
rectangular walled enclosure, studded with battlemented towers 
within whose protection, in 'one corner, stood the royal tent. 
Quitting this place, the army pushed on over mountains so steep 
and by roads so execrable that it was necessary for the attendants 
to drag the chariot horses up the slopes by main force. Without 
encountering further resistance, Shalmaneser reached Lake Van at 
a village where the mountains ranged about the curving shore. 
The procession to the water's edge was formed, first the two royal 
standards, then the monarch on foot, his high officials, the musi- 
cians playing on harps, finally the bulls and rams destined for the 
sacrifice. The royal effigy had been carved on a low cliff over- 
hanging the water, where Shalmaneser appeared as he was wont 
to be seen on state occasions, richly robed and with scepter and 
tiara, but unarmed, in token of the peaceful character of his mis- 
sion. The standards were set up, with a tall candlestick by their 
side, the king assumed an attitude of adoration, two bulls and four 
rams were slaughtered and presented on the three-legged altar 
before the stele, the libations were set forth in a jar on an ox-footed 
support. Portions of the slain animals were thrown by the soldiers 
into the lake to be consumed by the fish, turtles, and wild swine 
that swarmed the shore or the waters. 

The raid had caused much damage to a corner of Haldia, but it 
was only a corner, and Arame, the Haldian king, had not even 
been engaged. 6 Winter was approaching and the passes would 
soon be closed; Shalmaneser, therefore, decided to return, and by 
the same route. On his way, Asau of Gilzan brought in his gifts, 
the horses, cattle, and sheep we have come to expect, and with 
them two humped camels of the Bactrian breed. 7 The winter 
months were utilized by Shalmaneser in securing recognition of 
his suzerainty in Babylonia. Nabu-apal-iddina made a formal 
alliance which brought him under Assyrian control as surely as 

6 Arame is the traditional king of Armenia, Aram according to Moses of 
Chorene, 1. 13 f.; cf. Rawlinson, JRAS (OS) 12. 446 n.l. 

7 Account based primarily on the Balawat sculptures, eked out by the 
Monolith and by the topographical data. 



350 A. T. Olmstead 

any 'ally' of Rome; the gods acknowledged his direct rule when 
he sacrificed to Marduk and Nabu in Babylon and Borsippa. 8 

The Armenian campaign had been a mere reconnaissance in 
force, but it had indicated with sufficient clearness that it would 
be no easy matter to develop successes on this frontier, and it had 
suggested that the material returns might not pay the expenses 
of equipping an army. If plunder were desired, Syria always lay 
open to attack, and it was in this direction that the next offensive 
was planned. Lucky and unlucky days played a large part in 
Assyrian life; we realize the difference from the modern concep- 
tion when we find the army leaving Nineveh on the thirteenth of 
Airu, the beginning of May. Hasamu and Dihnunu were traversed, 
and the boundary of Bit Adini was reached at Lalate, whose inhab- 
itants thought only of flight to the hills. A battle was contested 
under the walls of Kiraqa, and Ahuni, the new master of Adini, 
was forced to take refuge behind its fortifications. Resistance still 
continued and the Assyrian troops were in danger of attack from 
the rear. They did succeed in securing possession of the Aramaic 
settlement of Bur Marna, the 'Spring of our Lord,' and when the 
pillar of heads was set up, the threat was sufficient to bring in the 
contributions of Habini of Til Abni and of Gauni of Sarugi, whose 
name is connected with the Hebrew patriarch Serug. 9 

Rafts laid on inflated skins carried the Assyrians across the 
Euphrates to Qummuh, the tribute of Qataz-ilu was received as in 
867, Paqarhubuni submitted, 10 the domains of Adini were left 
behind, and the cities of Gurgum were reached in the plain about 
Marqasi, the modern Marash. 11 Shalmaneser was gratified by the 
gifts handed over by Mutallu, which included his daughter and 

8 MDOG 28. 24 f. places the offerings before the account of the Anu-Adad 
temple and is dated in the month Muhur ilani, day five, year one of my royalty, 
that is, 859. The alliance, Synchr. Hist. 

9 Hasamu, the Hasame of the Harran Census, is Hossiwe, on the west end 
of Jebel Abd el Aziz, Kraeling, Aram and Israel, 59, n. 2. Schiffer, Aramaer, 
64, on the basis of the Harran Census, restored Saru. . . as Sarugi, the well- 
known Seruj of later times. Kiraqa is restored by Rasmussen, ad loc. The 
country of Giri Adad is missing, but Sayce, RP 2 4. 59, rightly restored Ashsha 
on the basis of Ashur nasir apal, Ann. 3. 94, where he is called Giri Dadi. 

10 Here written Pakarruhbuni, identified by Streck, ZDM6 1908, 765 n. 2, 
with the land Paqaiahubi written on a bone ring, Lehmann-Haupt, Materialien, 
83. It must be near Samosata, as the Diarbekir-Samsat-Marash road was 
evidently taken. 

11 Cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 95. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 351 

her dowry. When he turned southwest, he found his way blocked 
by a coalition of all the more important North Syrian chiefs which 
had come together at Lutibu. Ahuni of Adini, Sangara of Car- 
chemish, Sapalulme of Hattina, 12 and Haianu of Samal were the 
leaders. The last country had already been known to the Egyp- 
tians as Samalua, and its present ruler, Haya, had been preceded 
by an unnamed father and a grandfather Gabbar. 13 The conflict 
resulted in a tactical victory for the Assyrians, but the allies suc- 
ceeded in preventing the siege of Samal and Shalmaneser had to 
console himself for the loss of its spoil with the barren honor of 
erecting a stele under the Amanus at the source of the Saluara 
River. 14 

The way was open to the south. The Assyrian forces crossed 
the Orontes and appeared before the Hattinian fortress of Alisir, 
not far from where in time to come was the site of the mighty city 
of Antioch. 35 Again the allies blocked the way, aided now by Kate 
of Que or Cilicia, 16 by Pihirim of Hiluka, the name whence came 
our Cilicia, though at this time it was north of the Gates, and by 
Bur Anata of Iasbuqa, 17 an Aramaean as his name compounded 
with the goddess Anath shows. Again the allies went down to 
defeat and Bur Anata fell into the hands of the conquerors, but 
once more the victory was followed by no important results and 
Shalmaneser was forced to content himself with tribute from the 
'kings of the sea coast.' 

The quadrangular camp with overhanging towers was pitched 
on the seashore, and the king took his stand before it under an 



12 In JAOS 38. 247, I doubted the correctness of the reading Hattina for 
the more usual Patina. The spelling in the Boghaz Koi document, Ha-at^ti- 
ni-wi-na, Forrer, SB Berl. Akad., 1919, 1032, proves that I was too conserva- 
tive. 

13 List of Thothmes III, 314; Tomkins, TSBA 9. 251; H. 633; the native 
record, von Luschan, Mitth. Or. Sammlungen, 14. 375; Littmann, SB Berl. 
Akad., 1911, 976; Samalu was taken in 728 by Muawiya, Tabari in Brooks, 
JHS 18. 199; it was a part of the Syrian Thaghr and was taken by Harun al 
Rashid in 780, see al Baladhuri, 170; Yaqut, s. v. 'Pamalu (colloquial Samalu),' 
Hitti, Origins of the Islamic State, 263, but the Assyrian, as so often, proves 
the pointing of the Arabic. 

"For the Saluara River, cf. Sachau, SB Berl. Akad., 1892, 329 ff. 
16 Amiaud-Scheil, ad loe., read Alimush. 

16 So restored by Rasmussen on the basis of Obi. 132, as against Harper, 
ad loc, who reads Kateshu. 

17 Schiffer, Aramaer, 89 n. 2, compares the Ishbak of Gen. 25. 2. Add also 
Ada the .... taianf 



352 A. T. Olmstead 

umbrella, surrounded by his guards and attendants, the most 
important of whom were the three turtanus who faced him. The 
master of ceremonies, turning backward, beckoned for the ambas- 
sadors to approach. The two representatives of Tyre and Sidon, 
accompanied by their sons, thereupon advanced, their hands 
raised in adoration. Their beards were pointed, their double robes 
were long and clinging, their turbans were wound with ribbons 
which fell to their necks, their shoes were upturned. Behind them 
came the tribute bearers, some with trays filled with oriental sweet- 
meats, others with boxes on their padded shoulders or huge 
caldrons carried like caps on their heads. The last of the proces- 
sion stood in the water to unload their boat, for it was too shallow 
to permit reaching the land. The boats were long, narrow craft, 
each with two men, who steered and rowed, or rather poled them 
along, by oars without oarlocks. Ropes attached to the upstand- 
ing heads of camels at the high prows and sterns held them fast 
to the shore. They were piled high with bales, dark blue wool, 
wool, lapis lazuli, shamu, ingots of gold, silver, lead, and copper. 
Cloth was carried on poles suspended from men's shoulders, and 
one great jar required special attention as it was handed from the 
boat to the shore. Whole trees and beams of cedar, in themselves 
sufficient to repay the Assyrians for the long trip, were brought 
down and piled up. Across the water could be seen a rocky islet, 
which bore a town with high battlemented walls and possessed 
two gates. From it came forth, their hands laden with gifts, the 
chief and his wife, her skirt tucked up, her hair flowing. 18 

A second stele was set up at Atalur, on a cliff by the seashore, 
where one day Antioch's seaport, Seleucia, was to be located, and 
where the king's predecessor, Ashur-rabi, had already left a 
memorial of his presence. 19 The return journey was equally 
prosperous. The Hattinians, clad in short girdled tunics and pro- 
tected only by round helmets and neck-pieces, were easily defeated 
in detail. The Assyrian soldiers seized them by the hair, stabbed 



18 Schlumberger fragments, Lenormant, Gazette Arch., 4, pi. 22 ff . 

19 Obi. gives Lallar as the name of the mountain and this has regularly been 
quoted as if it had as good or better authority than Atalur. Our study, 
Historiography, 26 f ., showing the inaccuracy of the Obi. for this earlier period, 
should forever banish Lallar from topographical discussions. The form Atalur 
is further confirmed by Mt. Atilur, following Libnanu (Lebanon), II R 51, 1. 
It cannot possibly be in the Alexandretta region (Billerbeck, BA 6. 79 f.), 
as a glance at the route placed on the map will show. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 353 

them, and decorated their chariots with the severed heads. Several 
of the Hattinian towns, Taia, Nulia, Butamu, fell into the Assyrian 
hands. Hazazu was a good-sized fort on a low artificial mound 
which witnessed to the respectable antiquity that already lay 
behind it. When the troops in heavy armor began the escalade 
and the town was already on fire, the townspeople could not resist. 
The king received his prisoners under a canopy held by his servants 
and placed before the round camp. Great was the contrast 
between the richly-clad Assyrian officials who introduced them 
and the long line of captives, some without a stitch of clothing, 
their necks in a rope and their hands tied behind them, the women 
with their hair hanging down their backs and clothed in gowns 
which reached only to elbows and ankles. Tribute from another 
Arame, the king of Gusi, closed the year. 20 

The eponym office was assumed by the king himself in 858. 
Nineveh was again left on the lucky thirteenth of Airu. Accom- 
panied by the crown prince, he hastened by the direct road to Til 
Barsip, the capital of Bit Adini, which commanded one of the 
most important fords of the Euphrates, where to this day the 
islands show in summer and a ferry crosses. The city was large 
as such cities went, the ramparts on the land side were strong, a 
quay cut to the river through the conglomerate testified to commerce 
by water, and the character of the people was indicated by the 
expected Hittite sculpture in basalt. 21 Leaving the capital to 
be reduced in a later campaign, Shalmaneser crossed the stream 



20 Mon. I. 29 ff. ; for Hazazu, cf . JAOS 38. 248 n. 67 ; F. J. Arne, V Anthropolo- 
gic, 20. 24, found seeming traces of palaeolithic remains at Tell Azaz. Taia is the 
Tae of Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 144, the modern Kefr Tai, not far from Aleppo, 
Tomkins, Bab. Or. Rec, 3. 6. Nulia may be Niara, Ptol. 5. 14, 10; Hartmann, 
ZA 14.339. The sea is that of Antioch, Winckler, Forsch. 1. 104. Butamu is 
the Badama of Yaqut, s.v., in the Azaz district, 'its mention being in the tradi- 
tion of Adam,' that is, it was believed to have had an early origin. For Gusi, 
note that Heraclius sent his brother Theodore against the Arabs, and they 
came to Gusit, a village near Antioch, where there was a stylite named Simeon, 
and here they were defeated by the enemy, Michael Syr., trans. Dulaurier, 
J A 4 <ft S. 13. 321. 

21 For Til Barsip, the present Tell Ahmar, cf. Thompson, PSBA 34. 66 ff.; 
Hogarth, Accidents of an Antiquary's Life, 173 ff. ; Liverpool Annals, 2, 177; 
Bell, Amurath, 28 ff.; Sayce, PSBA 33. 174, identifies it with a Greek 
Barsampse which I do not recognize. 

23 JAOS 41 



354 A. T. Olmstead 

in full flood and collected the plunder of six of the Adini cities. 22 
While the monarch remained in his camp with his eunuchs, the 
crown prince led his troops against Dabigu, a double-walled city 
with battlemented outworks in the plain, and defended against 
assaults by ladders or through mines by archers armed with short 
swords. 23 In the siege of Til Bashere, the king seated himself 
under a canopy erected between the camp and the beleaguered 
city, that he might watch the operation of a new contrivance, a 
ram on six wheels, directed by a man in a sort of cupola on the top, 
which was attacking the tower guarding the lone gate in the long 
wall. The defenders dropped stones upon it, but in vain ; the city 
on the low mound which gave so commanding a position to the 
crusading Turbessel was taken, and the inhabitants deprived of 
hands and feet and impaled about the walls, above which pro- 
jected the gable of the palace of 'Hittite fashion' so popular among 
the Assyrians a century later. The citizens of the upper town, 
bearded men wearing liberty caps, with long double robes open 
at the side and pointed shoes, were led with ropes about their 
necks; the matrons, their hair below the waist and bare-legged, 
followed meekly, and dromedaries and mules brought out the 
couches and other furniture which were considered worthy of 
removal. The whole convoy was under the direction of the crown 
prince, whose uncertain stand in his chariot was made easier by 
the protecting arm of his attendant. His presence was also indi- 
cated by the smaller tent at the side of the larger one occupied 
by his father and by the double guard which watched the camp. 24 

"The other four are ... .a(?)ga; Tagi, the Tuka of Tiglath Pileser IV; 
Surunu, the Saruna of the same, Rost, Tiglat-Pileser, 85, possibly Sauron 
east of Niara, more probably Sarun northwest of Tell Basher; if the next 
is read as naturally, Paripa, it may with Sachau, ZA 12. 48, be identified with 
Paphara, Ptol. 5. 14, 10; if Patalpa, with Schiffer, Aramaer, 64, it might be 
connected with Tulupa, six miles from Turbessel (Tell Basher), William of 
Tyre, 17. 17. 

23 Dabigu is the modern Dabiq, Sachau, ZA 12. 48. The caliph Suleman 
followed the custom of his family in making it his headquarters during attacks 
on Masslsa, died here in 717 A. D., and was buried in the tell called Tell 
Suleman, Yaqut, s. v. In 778, Uthman made Dabekon his base against Ger- 
manicia-Marash, Theoph., 421, cf. 431. 

24 The same curious refusal to accept a reading which might connect with 
an important later site which has been manifested in the case of Anat and 
Bagdadu, is seen in Til Bashere. Sayce, RP 2 4. 62 n. 1, cf . Hiising, OLZ 1. 360, 
had already made the identification, but Peiser, KB 1. 160, after correctly 
transliterating in his text, in his translation follows Delitzsch, Parodies, 264, 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 355 

Changing his direction, Shalmaneser fell upon the territories 
of Carchemish. The capture of Sazabe 25 brought the coalition to 
terms, and the narrative for the remainder of the year is made 
up of the list of tribute furnished by the various princes. That the 
numbers have grown in the process of transmission is to be expected, 
but in spite of this, we are given a valuable insight into the eco- 
nomic life of North Syria. The ruler of Hattina or Unqi brought 
three talents of gold, a hundred of silver, three hundred of copper, 
the same of iron, a thousand articles of that metal, a thousand 
dresses and cloaks, twenty talents of purple, five hundred cattle, 
and five thousand sheep. For its collection, it was necessary to 
penetrate the great swamp of Unqi, access to which could be gained 
only by flat-bottomed boats that could pass anywhere in the 
shallows. Two men, their long hair bound with fillets and their 
clothes as abbreviated as might be expected of an aquatic folk, 
rowed and steered them by oars hung in thongs, while the wild 
ducks flew before them. Shalmaneser did not trust himself to 



with Mabashere. Hogarth, Accidents, 165, reports the find of many Hittite 
cylinders and other small objects, but wrongly calls it Pitru. It is referred 
to by Matthew of Edessa, 1. 5. Tell Bashir was a fortified qal'a and an exten- 
sive kura, inhabited by Armenian Christians, with outlying settlements and 
markets, well cultivated and peopled, Yaqut, s. v. Its greatest claim to fame 
is that, as Turbessel, it was the capital of the famous Crusader, Jocelyn of 
Courtenay, Rey, Colonies franques, 322. Gregory the Priest, the Armenian 
historian, Rec. Hist. Crois., Hist. Arm. 1. 162 ff., tells us that Masud, after 
the capture of Marash, invaded the territory of Thil Avedeatz, now called 
Thlpashar, in 1149; the next year he unsuccessfully attacked it; two years 
later it surrendered to the son of Zangi, lord of Aleppo, though the inhabitants 
were allowed to withdraw to Antioch. Dr. B. B. Charles, who visited it in the 
spring of 1908, writes as follows: 'The mound lies in the rolling plains five 
hours southeast of Aintab, and is the most impressive object in the whole 
region. It is long and narrow, about a hundred feet high, and is surrounded 
by a low ellipse of mound formation which marks the line of an early wall, 
with gateway at east and west. Just beyond the west gate is the ziaret of 
Qara Baba, "Black Father." Well-squared blocks of basalt and red pottery 
may indicate Hittite occupation. The mound is called Seraser or Seleser 
Hissar, which may be a Kurdish twisting of Sary Hissar, Yellow Castle, or 
it may even be a corruption of Jocelyn.' Curiously enough, in 1837, its name 
was Qyzyl Hissar, 'Red Castle,' Poujoulat, Voyage, 1. 438. Sayce, RP* 1. 109, 
followed by Kraeling, Aram and Israel, 20, is incorrect in connecting the Bishri 
of Tiglath Pileser I with Tell Basher. 

26 Sazabe may be the Shadbo of the Syriac Mar Mu'ain legend, Delitzsch, 
Parodies, 268, and the Sesben of Thutmose III, 248, Tomkins, TSBA, 9. 245, 
Sayce, PSBA 33. 175. 



356 A. T. Olmstead 

such uncertain protection, but contented himself with a position 
on the shore across the water from where, on a low mound in the 
midst of the swamp, stood the capital, a double-gated fortress with 
battlemented walls. Under the parasol which the damp heat 
demanded, he received the Hattinian monarch, aping the Assyrian 
with his long fringed robe and shawl. With him were his nobles, 
with long hair on head and face, long robes carefully draped, and 
the inevitable Hittite upturned shoes. Among them was to be 
observed a man with a strongly negroid face, mute witness to race 
mixture. The plundering was thorough, and the attendants car- 
ried off their goods in baskets and sacks, skins filled with wine, 
trays heaped with valuables, tusks of elephants. From a smaller 
castle, also on a mound in the water, came other suppliants, bear- 
ing the same gifts, but with different dress, short robes which 
exposed their bare limbs, and the regulation shoes, Aramaeans 
who had forced themselves in by the side of their Hittite neighbors. 
A third castle in the swamps furnished additional gifts of horses 
and cattle, the latter to this day driven in huge herds along the 
watery ways. One of these Aramaeans trudged along, on his back 
a huge wine jar which was destined to be placed later on a tripod 
by the table under the tent which Shalmaneser had caused to be 
pitched some distance back from the shore. The tragedy behind 
the curt statement of the annals, 'his daughter with her rich dowry 
I received,' is sensed in the half-grown Hittite maiden, her hair 
barely reaching to her neck, who stretched out her hands in vain 
supplication to the relentless conqueror who had determined to 
immure her in his harem. 26 

Sangara was not so rich as the king of Hattina, for the commer- 

26 References in Egyptian records and in the Amarna letters are to Coele- 
Syria, not to Unqi. The earliest certain reference is in 832 where the Assyr. 
Chron. uses it while the Obelisk has Hattina. Tiglath Pileser IV regularly 
uses Unqi, Ann. 92, 145.; 'Amq occurs in the native Zakar inscription. It 
was known to the Greeks as Amykes Pedion, Polyb. 5. 59, 10; and Amyke, 
Malalas, 1. 257. The form 'Umqa is said to occur in Syrian Martyrologies. 
The Romans from Marash sustained a defeat here in 694, Baladhuri, 189, cf . 
Brooks, JHS 18. 207, cf . 189. As a kura, first of Antioch and then of Aleppo, 
it was the source of most of the grain which supplied the former city, Yaqut, 
s. v. In 1272, it was ravaged by the Mongols, the expedition of Lajin passed 
through it in 1298, in 1381 it was the scene of a decisive defeat of the Arabs 
from Aleppo by the Turkumans, Weil, Gesch., 4. 73, 211, 539. Amaiq was 
occupied by John Comnenas in 1136, Chron. L. Arm., Rec. Hist. Crois., Hist. 
Arm., 1. 616. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 357 

cial predominance of North Syria was yet to be gained by Car- 
chemish. His gifts were but three talents of gold, seventy of silver, 
thirty of copper, a hundred of iron, twenty of purple, five hundred 
weapons, five hundred cattle, and five thousand sheep, horses, 
buffaloes, and goats, but he made up the account by presenting 
a hundred noble maidens, whom the scribe cynically lists between 
the weapons and the cattle. Four of Sangara's castles, all located 
along the banks of the Euphrates, on low mounds and without 
the usual overhanging platforms, were forced to disgorge. The 
citizens, headed by Sangara himself and his two beardless sons, 
were not unattractive; profiles less sharp than those of the Assyr- 
ians, noses straight, short hair and beards. The common sort 
had retained their ancestral garb, the conical twisted turbans, 
the long double robes, the upturned shoes, but Assyrian fashions 
had conquered the nobility, who wore the long single robe and the 
coat with plain sleeves which characterized the victors. Haianu 
of Samal offered ten talents of silver, ninety of copper, thirty of 
iron, three hundred articles of clothing, the same number of cattle, 
and ten times that number of sheep, two hundred cedar beams, 
two homers of cedar BE, as well as his daughter. 

Whatever we may think of these indemnities, the direct result 
if not the direct incentive of the expedition, and however exag- 
gerated these statistics may be, we have no reason to doubt the 
amount of the yearly assessments, for their very modesty is the 
best proof of their authenticity. Hattina gave a talent of silver, 
two of purple, a hundred cedar beams; Samal gave ten manas of 
gold, a hundred cedar beams, and a homer of cedar BE; Agusi 
gave ten manas of gold, six talents of silver, five hundred cattle, 
and five thousand sheep; Carchemish provided but a mana of 
gold, a talent of silver, and two of purple; Qummuh furnished 
twenty manas of silver and three hundred beams. 

The interest of this passage is great. For the first time, we are 
afforded, not statistics of booty taken in raids, but a formal 
tribute list. Noteworthy is the disproportion between the indem- 
nity demanded from those who resisted or rebelled and the annual 
tribute which was barely one percent of the other. It paid to 
submit. 27 

Ahuni of Adini was not one of those who preferred an inexpen- 
sive submission, for in the very next year, 857, Shalmaneser was 

27 For fuller discussion, cf. Olmstead, Amer. Political Science Review, 12. 
69 ff. 



358 A. T. Olmstead 

again called to the west. Inspired by the growing power of 
Haldia, Ahuni broke his pledges and led the whole of his army 
against the Assyrian border. The Monolith, erected four years 
later, describes in detail the manner in which Shalmaneser marched 
forth at the head of his troops for the third time on the same lucky 
thirteenth, the thirteenth of July; the contemporary record, set 
up in Til Barsip itself immediately after its occupation, admits that 
the operation was entrusted to his general. It was this general 
who drew nigh to the mountain which the enemy had chosen as 
a battle ground, who blew like the fierce windstorm that breaketh 
the trees, let fly his troops like a hawk against his opponents, 
and drove Ahuni like a thief out of the camp, so that the king 
might despoil his royal treasures. The name was changed to 
Kar Shulmanasharidu in honor of the sovereign whose fort it 
became. Two mighty lions of basalt, inscribed with a record of 
the conquest, were placed in the southeast gate, while inside the 
walls was a stele in basalt where Shalmaneser was to be seen 
addressing the rival prince with his conical cap. 28 The other 
occupied cities were given similar Assyrian names. Chief among 
them was Pitru on the Sagura river, known to readers of the 
Bible as Pethor, the home of Balaam, which had its name changed 
to Ashur-utir-asbat, 2 ' J and Mutkinu on the opposite shore, where 
Tiglath Pileser had settled colonists, only to have them ousted 
by the Aramaeans in the days of Ashur-rabi. 3 ' 1 Bit Adini was not 
completely Assyrianized, for a century later Amos saw the cutting- 
off of the scepter-bearer of Beth Eden still in the future, and its 
captivity was remembered as late as the days of Sennacherib 
(Amos 1. 5; 2 Kings 19. 12). 

The season was still early and a far-reaching plan of operations 
had been worked out, with intent to punish the Armenian prince 
who dared contest the control of the Euphrates crossing. Turning 
back from the river, the Assyrians filed along the slopes of the 



28 Thompson, PSBA 34. 66 ff.; Hogarth, Accidents, op. p. 175; Bell, 
Amurath, 28 ff. 

29 That Pitru is the Pethor in Aram Naharaim of Numb. 22. 5; Deut. 23. 5, 
has been accepted since the earliest days of Assyrian study. It is the Pedru 
of Thothmes III, Mtiller, Asien, 291. Sayce, PSBA 33. 177, locates it at 
Seresat. The Sagura is the Sajur, Delitzsch, Paradies, 183. The other cities 
were Aligu (Asbat la kunu); Nappigi (Lita Ashur); Ruguliti (Qibit Ashur); 
Shaguqa, the Shaqlq Dabbin, a small fort near Antioch, Yaqut, s. v. 

»° JAOS 37. 180; 38. 211. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Poiver 359 

huge Sumu mountain down into Bit Zamani, and thence through 
the wild mountain paths of Namdanu and Merhisu to Enzite in 
Ishua. At the source of the Tigris, at Saluria and under Mount 
Kireqi, amidst the most savage of scenery and among tribes as 
wild today as they were when their ancestors resisted the march of 
Assyrian armies, the full-grown West Tigris emerges in a gorge 
whose walls had already been adorned with the sculptures of the 
first Tiglath Pileser. At this time, Shalmaneser carved the first 
of the reliefs which were to commemorate his visit to so astound- 
ing a spot. 31 

31 The Tigris Grotto was visited by the Cornell Expedition, but there is 
little to add to the excellent account of Lehmann-Haupt, Armenien, 1. 430 ff.; 
Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 1901, 226 ff.; Belck, Ztf.f. Ethnologie, 1899, 248 ff. 
The question of identifications has not been so successfully handled. The 
modern name is undoubtedly Belqalen, as we established by repeated question- 
ing, but this is as undoubtedly a Kurdish corruption of Dhi'l Qarnain, for in 
the days of Yaqut, s. v., Dijle, the castle above 'Ain Dijle, was known as Hisn 
Dhi'l Qarnain, 'Alexander's Castle.' Dhi'l Qarnain, belonging to Amida, was 
conquered by Iyad in 639, Waqidi, quoted Tomaschek, SB Wien, 133. 4, 16, 
who also quotes Evlia Effendi as giving Shatt i Zhu'l Qarnain as the Tigris 
source, but I cannot verify the reference. Finally, Taylor, in the middle of 
the last century, heard the term applied to the whole country beyond the 
castle, Jour. Boy. Geog. Soc, 35. 42. In view of all this, it is difficult to see 
how Lehmann-Haupt can say 'Wenn die Kurden Bylkalen mit Dhulkarnain 
in Verbindung bringen, ... so ist dies eine jeglicher wissenschaftlicher 
Zulassigkeit entbehrende Volks-Etymologie,' Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 1901, 
229 n.l. The identification is in its turn a misunderstanding, for which Yaqut 
himself affords the correction. According to an earlier account, for which he 
gives an elaborate pedigree, 'the first source of the Dijle is at a place called 
'Ain Dijle, two and a half days from Amid, at a place known as Haluras, from 
a dark cavern.' He then inserts an interpolation referring to Nahr el Kilab, 
the Arghana stream, as the first tributary, coming from Shimshat, and to 
Wadi Salb, between Mayafarkin and Amid, that is, the Ambar Chai. The 
earlier account then continues 'It is said it issues from Haluras, and Haluras 
is the place at which 'Ali the Armenian suffered martyrdom.' Then comes a 
second interpolation taking up the tributaries, beginning with Wadi Satidama, 
which comes from Darb al Kilab. We must insist on this interpolation, as 
otherwise our passage would refer to the Wadi Salb which in reality is excluded 
as being an affluent, not the original stream. Haluras may be traced back 
to the Syriac Holuris and the Armenian Olorh ( Vartan, quoted by Tomaschek, 
I. c). The name is further seen in the pass Illyrison, near the pass Sapcha, 
and eight miles from Phision, the modern Fis, Procop. Aed. 3.3; its earliest 
form is Ulurush, Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 177, of 736. We may not compare 
Saluria, which survives in Salora on the Dibene Su just north of the town of 
that name. Nor may Illyrison be connected with Lije, for this is the Elugia 
of Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 181, the Legerda (MS. legerat) of Tac. Ann. 14. 25, 



360 A. T. Olmstead 

The pass of Enzite next saw the advance of the Assyrian forces. 
Having thus penetrated within the border range, they crossed the 
Arsania, the eastern branch of the Euphrates, and entered Suhme, 
stormed its capital Uashtal, and took its ruler, Sua, prisoner. 
Thence they descended into Daiaeni, where they were again in 
territory once raided by Tiglath Pileser. Shalmaneser, if we may 
accept the double testimony of inscriptions and sculptures that 
he was present in person, was at last before the capital of Arame, 
Arzashkun, on a rocky elevation north of Lake Van, double walled 
and with towers. In the ensuing action, the little Haldians, armed 
with swords and javelins, and wearing helmets, short skirts, and 
pointed shoes, put up a good resistance, and even dared to seize 
the bridles of the cavalry and chariot horses in the vain attempt 
to stop the Assyrian advance. The mounted archers completed 
their discomfiture, the footmen stabbed them or hacked off the 
legs of the dead and wounded. They managed to reach the gates, 
and under the protection of their companions' shields, set fire to 
the city. The town was soon burning and the main body of the 
Haldians, hurrying through the mountains, found that they had 
arrived too late. Arame was driven back in confusion to the hills 
where he suffered a second defeat. The accustomed pillar of 
heads and the stakes with impaled prisoners were followed by the 
erection of a stele on Mount Eretia. Only then could the Assyr- 
ians march down to the lake and repeat the ceremonies which 
had marked the beginning of the reign. 32 

as Lehmann-Haupt points out, Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 1900, 439, n., though 
in Ztf. f. Ethnologic, 1899, 253, he argues that the correct form of the modern 
place is Lije, Ilije being folk etymology ! For Kireqi, cf . Craig, ad loc. ; Streck, 
ZDMG 1908, 759. Ishua is the Isuwa of the Boghaz Koi tablets, according 
to Streck, Babyloniaca, 2. 245. The identity of Alzi with Enzite is proved by 
Obi. 42 which gives all the names save Enzite whose place is taken by Alzi. 
32 Mon. 2. 40 ff.—The start from the Tigris Tunnel proves the use of the 
pass called Citharizon in Byzantine times when it had a special official to 
guard it. Billerbeck, BA 6. 39, argues for the Harput pass, but this would 
be very roundabout from the Tigris Tunnel, and the distance actually traversed 
north of the barrier chain is too short for an advance from so far west. We 
ourselves came south through the Harput pass, but we went almost to Diar- 
bekir before turning north again to the Tunnel. The Mush pass is too far 
east to be connected with Alzi. The Arsania is still called the Arsanias Su, 
and Suhme must be the region about Mush. Arzashku may well be the Ardzik 
west of Melazgerd, Maspero, Hist. 3. 61, n. 4. Belck, Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 
1893, 71, identifies Akuri or Agguri near Ararat with Adduri. Eretia may be 
Ereshat near Arjish; just before were the cities Aramale and Zanziuna, with 
a king . . . utu. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of -Assyrian Power 361 

Over mountains so high that the attendants must needs lead 
the chariots, the army continued to Gilzan, where camp was 
pitched before the chief castle which was situated on a high hill 
beyond a stream. The inhabitants, led by their chief Asau, were 
clad in the long double robe, up-turned shoes, and filleted hair, 
which characterised the Hittites and contrasted so strangely with 
their Semitic countenances. Some brought kettles on their heads 
or skins of wine slung over their backs; others drove horses, cattle, 
sheep, goats, not to forget the seven two-humped camels. To 
judge from the bronze door representations, they were barely the 
size of ponies; after the lapse of a generation, the Obelisk pre- 
sented them grown to twice the height of a man, and the tribute 
had likewise grown, adding all sorts of minerals and royal robes. 
Asau was ordered to receive within his temple a stele of Shal- 
maneser, and the campaign was brought to a close by the capture 
of Shilaia, the fort of Kakia of Hubushkia. 33 

So long-continued an expedition, sweeping around a stretch of 
territory a thousand miles in an air line, seems almost incredible, 
and perhaps the task was divided among various armies. Even if 
the hastiest of raids, it must have completely exhausted the 
Assyrians. Quite naturally, the year 856 witnessed but two cam- 
paigns of decidedly minor importance, in which the king took no 
part. Ahuni of Adini still persisted in his 'rebellion' ; the castle of 
Shitamrat, on a steep rock by the side of the Euphrates, was taken 
in three days — according to the scribe who here quotes literally 
a passage from the records of the king's father. 34 The land of 
Zamua, so often visited by the troops of Ashur-nasir-apal, was 
now coming to be called Mazamua; the inhabitants fled before 
the Assyrian advance to a sea on which they embarked in ships of 

33 Mon. 2. 60 ff .— Billerbeck, BA 6. 43 f., takes the expedition due east 
across the boundary mountains, along the Khoi-Dilmun road, then due south 
and not far west of the Urumia sea, finally back to Assyria by the Keleshin 
pass. Something is evidently wrong with our source, the topographical 
confusion is so extraordinary, especially in the concluding statement that after 
the capture of a Hubushkian fort, the army came out by the pass Kirruri above 
Arbela. This, of course, is the worst nonsense, as a glance at the relative 
positions of Hubushkia, Kirruri, and Arbela will show. Perhaps the best 
conjecture is that the army went down the valley of the Bitlis Chai. 

34 Mon. 2. 69 ff.; cf. Ashur-nasir-apal, Ann. 1, 50 f.; Streck, ZA 19. 236. 
The Euphrates was not crossed, therefore the identification with Rum Qal'a, 
Maspero, Hist. 3. 68 n. 3, is impossible. 



362 A. T. Olmstead 

urbate wood, but the invaders pursued on rafts of skins and 'dyed 
the sea with their blood like wool.' 36 

The contemporary Monolith inscription gave no campaign for 
855. A few years later, the door sculptures showed the subjuga- 
tion of Anhite of Shupre. One scene illustrated the siege of Uburi. 
The main fortification was in three sections, each with a gate, the 
central portion on a high hill, the others on somewhat lower ones. 
There were two outforts, one already in the hands of the besiegers. 
The attack, under the personal direction of the king, was carried 
on entirely by archers, on foot or in chariots. An unnamed city 
was also shown, again situated on three hills. On one was an 
outfort, with the wall extending down to lower ground. From 
the crest of the next, the walls of the main settlement stretched 
across a gully and covered all the third elevation. What the cap- 
tives had already suffered is indicated grimly by a high isolated 
pillar before which were heaped three piles of heads. The crown 
prince had already appeared in the battle, well protected by the 
tall shield in the hands of his squire; he now took charge of the 
train of captives, the men naked and yoked, the women in long 
robes, though the only hint of booty was a lone horse. The cap- 
tives were presented to a high official, the governor of Tushhan, 
who stood at the gate of the walled city on a low hill. This cam- 
paign, which in reality was carried out not earlier than 853, was 
in later editions of the annals moved forward to fill the gap in 
the year 855. 36 

A glance at the Assyrian Chronicle shows why the Monolith 
placed no foreign expeditions in this year 855. A new turtanu, 
Dan-Ashur, has by 854 taken the place of the Ashur-bel-ukin of 
857, and a new chamberlain, Bel-bana, appears in 851. The for- 
mer officials, we can hardly doubt, fell into disgrace as a result of 
a palace revolution, and it was this crisis at home which prevented 
an expedition. 

We cannot too much regret the misfortune which has prevented 
us from learning more of this Dan-Ashur. We may be sure he was 
a man of exceptional force, for otherwise he could not have ruled 
Assyria, in spite of disaffection, for more than a quarter of a cen- 



35 Mon. 2. 75 ff. — For Mazamua, cf. Billerbeck, Suleimania, 38 ff.; the sea 
can only be Zeribor, ibid. 47. The route would be that back of Penjwin, 
Murray, Guide, 323, which probably is connected with the Bunagishlu pass. 
The cities are Nikdime and Nikdera. 

36 Bulls, 66 f.; restored from Obi. 52 ff. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 363 

tury. Near the end of this long period, from 833 onward, when he 
and his royal master had both long since passed their prime, the 
conduct of the wars was regularly entrusted to Dan-Ashur, and, 
what is still more to the point, the fact was mentioned in the royal 
annals. With this amazing tribute to the position he had secured, 
we may bracket the attempted pushing back of the period when 
he came to power. The same Obelisk edition which gives him such 
great honor, just once breaks its custom of dating by the regnal 
years. This is in 856, when the date given is the eponymy of 
Dan-Ashur, though the official from whom the year was actually 
named, Ashur-bana-usur, held that office in 826 as he had thirty 
years before! We shall meet Dan-Ashur again, as the cause for 
the great revolt at the end of Shalmaneser's reign. 37 

Affairs at home once more in order, it was possible to turn to 
foreign conquests. In the opening days of May, the Assyrian 
armies undertook a new enterprise which was important enough 
in itself, and was to have still greater significance in the minds of 
modern students, for in this year 854 Assyria was brought face to 
face with a little state in Palestine which was to secure undying 
fame by its religion and its literature. 

The first stop was at the river Balih, where a certain Giammu 
had retained his independence in the heart of Mesopotamia. The 
inhabitants feared at the royal approach, and themselves, that is 
to say, the Assyrian partizans, put Giammu to death. Shal- 
maneser entered the towns of Kitlala and Til sha Balahi, and pro- 
ceeded to make the land an integral part of Assyria, in sign of 
which the Assyrian gods were placed in the temple and a cere- 
monial feast was celebrated in the palace of the late ruler. The 
booty from his treasury was carried off to Assyria, and the failure 
to name a new king indicated that the incorporation, long ago 
demanded by the necessities of the case, was at last being carried 
into effect. 38 

The next objective was Kar Shulman asharidu, as Shalmaneser 
insists on calling Til Barsip, and once more the Euphrates was 
passed at its flood. At Ashur utir asbat, to which he grudgingly 
gives its native name of Pitru, he received tribute from the kings 

37 See further Olmstead, JAOS 34. 347; Historiography, 27. 

38 Mon. 2. 78 ff— The reading Til sha Balahi, Tiele, Gesch., 200, is finally 
proved by the Palihi of the Boissier fragments, RT 25. 82; Tell Balikh is 
another name for the Tell Mahra celebrated in Syriae literary history, Yaqut, 



364 A. T. Olmstead 

of the vicinity, among whom were Sangara of Carchemish, Kun- 
dashpi of Qummuh, Arame of Gusi, Lalli of Melidia; further up 
the Euphrates, Haianu of Samal, Kalparunda of Hattina and 
Gurgum. The goal of all his efforts in this region was Halman, as 
important then as a religious center as it is today, under its half- 
westernized name of Aleppo, as a center of trade and transporta- 
tion. In the beginning of the fourteenth century, it had been 
brought by Subbi luliuma within the Hittite empire, its king had 
proved his loyalty by his death at the hands of the Egyptians in 
the battle of Kadesh, another ruler had made himself a subject 
ally by a treaty with Dudhalia, and a Hittite inscription still 
survives. Then there is silence until we find Shalmaneser sacrific- 
ing to the local Adad, in the central shrine for that most character- 
istic of West Semitic deities. In this manner, Shalmaneser made 
good his title to be considered, by gods as by men, the rightful 
ruler of North Syria. 39 

39 The earliest site of Aleppo was at Ain Tell, one hour north of the city, 
where neolithic remains were found by Neophytus-Pallary, L' Anthropologic, 
25. 12 ff. The H'-r'-bw of the Amenemhab inscription may be Aleppo, Muller, 
Aden, 256; Researches, I, pi. 33. The chief of Hy-r'-b' at Kadesh, Lepsius, 
DenkmaUr, 3. 161; cf. Breasted, Records, 3. 154; Hy-r'-p' of the Hittite 
treaty, 27, is taken as Aleppo, ibid. 171; but Muller, MVAG 7. 5. 38 argues 
that no North Syrian state is represented, and connects it with Herpa. It is 
Halba in the Boghaz Koi records, Winckler, OLZ 10. 351 n. 1. Petrie argues 
from its non-appearance in the Amarna letters that Nariba-Nerab is the earlier 
site, Hist. Egypt, 2. 316, but he forgets the Hittite inscription, cf. Olmstead- 
Charles-Wrench, Hittite Inscriptions, 44 ff. In the classical period, the name 
survived in the name of the stream, Chalos according to the reading of the 
MSS. in Xenophon, Anab. 1. 4. 9, the correct form being probably the Chalbas, 
Choerob. in Theodos. f. 44, in Bekker, Anecd. Gr. 1430, the modern Quweq. 
Seleucus Nicator changed its name to Beroea, App., Syr. 57; Yaqut, s. v. 
Haleb. Here the Jewish high priest Menalaus was murdered by Antiochus 
Eupator, 2 Mace. 13 : 4; Jos. Ant. 12. 385. Demetrius II besieged his brother 
Philip here, and Strato, tyrant of Beroea, called in Mithridates the Parthian 
to take the Seleucid king prisoner, Jos. Ant. 13. 384. Heracleon of Beroea 
revolted from Antiochus Grypus in 95 B. C, Posidonius (4)4, Athen. 4. 38; 
Trogus, 39, actually says he reigned, that is, as king of Syria. His son Diony- 
sius was later tyrant of Beroea, Strabo 16. 2, 7; cf. linger, Philologus, 55. 116 ff. 
In the time of Strabo, I. c, it was a small town. The editors of the Delphine 
Pliny, ad 5. 19, read a coin of Antoninus Pius as Sy(riaca) Be(roea) L(egionem) 
E(xcepit), thus proving it the seat of a legion, and that this was at one time 
the IV Parthica seems indicated by the Kuartoparthoi from Beroea of Theo- 
phyl. 2. 6, 9. It was on the road of Julian, Ep. 27. Ptol. 5. 14, 13 makes Cha- 
lybonitis and Chalybon distinct from Beroea. As Beroea, it appears in the 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 365 

Soon after, the invaders were in the territory of Irhuleni of 
Hamath, and no difficulty was experienced in looting the frontier 
cities and in burning the royal palaces within. Parga, for example, 
stood on a low artificial mound defended by a stream and by its 
high battlemented towers, above whose walls appeared to the 
wayfarer high buildings with flat roofs and many windows. The 
assault was launched under the protection of a small fort and was 
assisted by a moveable ram, or rather sow, with staring eyes, 
projecting snout, and heavy necklace, moved forward by a kneeling 
man behind whom stood archers encased in the rear. The defend- 
ers were unusually brave, for they fought from the open space in 
front, as well as from the walls. 40 Adennu, a smaller fort of the 
same character and with the same situation, was attacked by the 
king in person and with all his troops. It was finally taken by 
escalade, 41 and the Assyrians advanced without further resistance 
up the Orontes valley, through orchards laden with figs, to 
Qarqara 42 . Although the fort was small and the mound on which 
it stood was not particularly elevated, its battlemented towers 
were much above the average height and its position was strategic, 
for its loss would permit direct attack upon Hamath. 

At this point, Shalmaneser found his way blocked by a coalition 
of a size rarely seen in Syria. At the head, Shalmaneser places 
Bir idri or Hadadezer of Damascus, a name which certainly is not 

Antonine Itinerary, 193 f., but not as a road center. As Callicome, it is a 
center to a route to Edessa, 191, and to Larissa, 195. The identity of the two 
is shown by identity of distance, 18 m.p., of Beroa-Calcida and Callicome- 
Calcida, cf. also the distance, 24 m.p., Callicome-Bathnas. At first, its church 
was under Antioch, Geo. Cypr., 861, later it became autocephalic, Not. in 
Gelzer, Byz. Ztf., 1. 250. It last appears as Barawwa, Yaqut, s. v. Haleb. 
Among its captivities may be mentioned those by Chosrhoes, Chron. Edess. 
105; by Nicephorus, Glycas, 570; by Timur, Neshri, ed. Noldeke, ZDMG 
15. 360. The Arabic literature on IJaleb is enormous, and we may simply 
note the vivid picture by Ibn Jubair, 251 ff., and the reference to the Hittite 
inscription, ascribed to Ali b. Abu Talib. 

40 Dhorme, RA 9. 155, identifies Barga with the place in Amarna, K. 57. 
The third city was Argana. 

41 Adennu is the modern Dana in the Jebel er Rlha in the center of one of 
the ruin fields explored by the Princeton Expedition. It is the Atinni of 
Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 130; and probably the Adinnu of the letters H. 314, 
500, 642, as well as the Atinu of H. 762, cf. Johns, A JSL 22. 229. Hartmann, 
ZDPV 23. 145, however, identifies with Tell Lotmln, northeast of Hamath, 
the al Atmln of Yaqubi, Sachau, ZA 12. 47. 

42 For Qarqara, cf . Olmstead, Sargon, 52. 



366 A. T. Olmstead 

the same as the Biblical Ben Hadad, but whose relation to the 
other known rulers of that city is shrouded in mystery. 43 Accord- 
ing to the Assyrian statistics, his troops consisted of twelve hun- 
dred chariots, the same number of cavalry, and twenty thousand 
foot. Irhuleni comes next with seven hundred chariots, the same 
number of cavalry, and ten thousand foot. Somewhat to our 
surprise, the third place is taken by Ahabbu of Sirla' or Ahab of 
Israel, though this particular incident is not mentioned in the 
sacred book. Exaggerated as the two thousand chariots and the 
ten thousand soldiers assigned to him may be, they do prove 
that Israel was a fairly considerable state as states went in Syria, 
while the fact that Ahab has the largest number of chariots found 
in the coalition is the more remarkable since the Biblical narrative 
of the wars with Ben Hadad imply that Israel was particularly 
deficient in this respect. Of the less important contingents which 
played a part in this epoch-making conflict, we have five hundred 
Guai from Cilicia, a thousand Egyptians, whose aid may not be 
unconnected with the appearance of the name of Osorkon II in 
Ahab's palace at Samaria, 44 a series from the Phoenician states, 
ten chariots and ten thousand foot from Irqanata, two hundred 
from Mattan baal of Arvad, the same from Usanata, thirty char- 
iots and ten thousand foot from Adoni baal of Shiana, a thousand 
camels from Gindibu, the Arab, first indication that the true Arabs 
are following the Aramaeans in their invasion of the Fertile Cres- 
cent, and ten thousand foot from Baasha, the son of Ruhubi, 
the Ammonite. 45 

43 The whole problem is discussed in detail by Luckenbill, A JSL 27. 267 ff. 

« Reisner, Harvard Theol. Rev. 3. 248 ff. 

46 Irqanata is the Erkatu ('-r-q'-tw) of the 42d year of Thothmes III, Lepsius, 
Denkmdler, 3. 30; Muller, Asien, 247; Breasted, Recotds, 2. 214 f., the Irqata 
of the Amarna letters where the mention of Sumuru (Simyra-Sumra) shows it 
to be identical with 'Arqa, Gen. 10. 17, which has the same form, 'Arqa, in 
the annals of Tiglath Pileser IV, 146. For the classical Arke-Caesarea and 
the modern 'Arqa, cf. Robinson, Bibl. Res., 3. 579. Usanata is the Usnu of 
Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 146. The order is Simirra, Arqa, Usnu, Sianu. 
Delitzsch, Paradies, 282, identified it with Qal'at el-Hosn, but there is no 
proof that this was occupied until crusading times; also, it was on the sea 
shore, Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 125. It may be Orthosia-Artuzi, whose earlier 
name is unknown. Shiana is the Siana of the Tiglath Pileser passage, the Sin 
of Gen. 10. 17; and the Sinnas of Strabo, 16. 2. 18, in the mountains not far 
from Botrys-Batrun. It is usually identified with a certain Syn, 'ein halb 
Meile vom Nahr 'Arqa,' mentioned by Breitenbach in his Reise of 1486-87, 
quoted, Gesenius, Handworterbuch, s. v. Sini, but the place is absent on later 
maps and we heard of no such locality when in this region. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 367 

On their own confession, the battle did not begin auspiciously 
for the Assyrians. The king ensconced himself in a tent set up on 
a rock near the river. The sculptures make a very unusual admis- 
sion, for they show the troops of Hamath, archers with pointed 
helmets or in chariots much like the Assyrian, pressing over the 
Assyrian dead to meet the main forces of the king. The written 
record claims a complete victory. The blood of the vanquished 
was made to flow down over the passes of the district, the field 
was too narrow to throw down their bodies, the broad field alone 
availed for their burial, and at that, their corpses blocked the 
Orontes like a dam. The number of slain grew with the passage 
of time, from fourteen thousand to twenty thousand five hundred, 
to twenty-five thousand, to twenty-nine thousand. Pursuit was 
continued from Qarqara to Kilzau and to the Orontes, — and the 
Monolith inscription comes to a sudden end. Had this famous 
conflict, because of its connection with Israel perhaps the best 
known of Assyrian battles, been the overwhelming victory claimed, 
we should not have to record the careful avoidance of Syria which 
marks the last few years. 46 Immediately after the battle, the 
coalition fell to pieces, and Ahab determined to attack his late ally, 
the king of Damascus. With the aid of Jehoshaphat of Judah, 
Ram oth-G Head was besieged, but Ahab met his death and the 
host disbanded (2 Kings, 22). 

Our written records give for the year 853 a raid against Habini 
of Til-Abni. Without the sculptures, we should never have sus- 
pected the importance of the expedition or of Habini himself. 
His reception was in truth very different from that accorded other 
conquered rulers. He did indeed make obeisance, bowing his head 
before the king as he stood resting on his bow, but he made his 
approach from his fully fortified camp, in chariots which in form 
as in trapping of the horses were in the best Assyrian style, and 
he was accompanied by attendants who exemplified all the latest 
fashions of the Assyrian upper classes. Their hair hung in a mass 
at the nape of the neck, and their beards were long and square cut, 
like that of Shalmaneser himself, and in sharp contrast to the 
pointed beards affected, not only by the princes of the other sub- 
jugated peoples, but by the lower class Assyrians as well. Habini 
wore the long fringed robe and the fringed jacket with diagonal 
opening, and had just laid aside his ornamented Assyrian sandals. 

" Mon. 2. 87 ff.; zigat, Delitzsch, MDOG 36. 16; Olmstead, Historiography, 
22. 



368 A. T. Olmstead 

In him, we obviously have a ruler well out of the ordinary, thor- 
oughly Assyrianized, and too important to be harshly treated. 

Turning north, the Assyrians reached the town of Kulisi, 47 
a small castle on the Tigris with double wall and two-storied 
gateway. The inhabitants, with the short skirts and round 
Haldian shields, were stabbed and mutilated, their severed limbs 
piled in heaps, their heads covered the burning city. Their rebel 
chief and his followers were impaled naked about the walls or 
along the river. 

Up the valley of the Tigris the Assyrians continued until they 
reached the 'source of the Tigris, the place whence the waters flow, 
the cave of the river' pictured in the sculptures. In one scene, the 
mountains sweep in a long curve around the water, on the far 
side of which is a fortress, with square gateway between towers. 
Stone pillars with round balls on their tops flank the opening. In 
the water, a sculptor works, mallet on chisel, at a representation 
of the king, which is complete save that the surrounding cartouche 
is still to be incised. So perfect is the royal figure that an official 
already stands on a platform erected among the rocks and adores 
his master's effigy. Other Assyrians lead up a ram for the sacrifice 
and drag on his back a reluctant bull destined to meet the same 
end. In a second scene, we have a long parade of soldiers, foot and 
horse, up the course of the stream. At their head is the king, whose 
sad lack of horsemanship is indicated by his riding straight-legged 
and with huge stirrups tied to the horse-blanket, not, in the only 
fashion known to the oriental expert, with hunched-up knees and 
bareback. The royal chariot and those which bear the standards 
are, of course, a part of the picture and so are the calf and the ram 
destined for the sacrifice. Through three openings, we see trees 
and soldiers, waist-deep in the icy waters, who uphold torches to 
lighten the gloom. On the rock at the entrance is the niche with 
the conventional royal figure, while on a smaller rock in the 
water stands the sculptor putting on the finishing touches under 
the direction of the official who stands by his side. The accuracy 
of the picture is proved by the reliefs surviving unto this day, 
one on the wall of the passage where the Tigris for the moment 
comes to the light before again plunging into the mountain, the 
other in a huge upper cave decorated with great stalactites and 
stalagmites, where in prehistoric times the river once found its 



47 The royal city of Mutzuata. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 369 

outlet. Above still towers the cliff up which lead rock-cut stairs, 
and on its summit are the terraces that mark the site of the settle- 
ment which once dominated the source of the sacred stream. 48 

The two years which followed were occupied by the Babylonian 
troubles. 49 From 850 to 837, our information is scanty i the 
extreme. Such and such an event took place in such and such a 
year of the reign, that we may confidently set down, but details 
of strategy and topography elude us. At first, the west demanded 
attention. The still unconquered cities belonging to Sangara 
of Carchemish were reduced and then came the turn of Arame, 
king of Agusi. His capital, Arne, was unusually well-defended. 
It was situated on a high mound, its walls were of a decided height, 
and instead of the usual adobe, stone was used in its construction, 
the resulting slope presenting very real difficulties to the attacking 
party. An action before the walls forced the natives to retire 
within their fortifications, but the fight was continued by the 
bowmen on both sides. The Assyrian reserves hastened from the 
distant camp over the dismembered bodies which still covered the 
ground from the former battle, and assaulted the city to such 
effect that it fell an easy prey with all its animal wealth. 60 

In those days, Shalmaneser contested another battle further 
south with the twelve Syrian allies, headed again by Bir-idri and 
Irhuleni. The cities of Sangara and of Arame were raided the 
next year (849). Passing along the line of the Amanus, he overran 
Mount Iaraqu and descended into the lower-lying cities of Hamath. 
He first encamped before Ashtamaku, a double-walled and battle- 
mented fort on a low mound. The attack was confided to the 
crown prince, who, at the head of his cavalry and chariots, rode 
over the dead in pursuit of the fleeing leaders of the enemy. One 

48 Bulls, 75 ff.; cf. Belck, Verk. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 1900, 455; Lehmann- 
Haupt, Armenien, 1. 430 ff. 

49 Discussed in detail, Olmstead, AJSL 37. 217 ff. 

60 Bulls, 84 ff.; cf. Maspero, PSBA 20. 125 ff. Arne, the Arnu of H. 321 and 
the Arranu of H. 502, may possibly be identified with Qarne, from which we 
have horses along with those from Kusa (Caesum?), Dana, Kullania, and Isana, 
all in this general region, H. 372; Pinches, PSBA 3. 13. This may be the 
Qarnini of the revenue list, III R, 53, 36, and the Kama of the Medinet Habu 
list of Ramses III, Sayce, PSBA 25. 310. Agusi appears again in 743, when 
it was under Mati ilu, Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 60 ff. ; and as the Gusit near 
Antioch of Michael the Syrian, trans. Delaurier, JA 4 Ser., 13, 321. The 
reliefs add agda. 

24 JAOS 41 



370 A. T. Olmstead 

of them escaped up the slope to the city, the horse of the other 
stumbled and the occupant was compelled to stretch out his hands 
in surrender. The archers shot at the city until the dead hung 
down over the walls and the defenders begged for mercy. Another 
city, in a grove of scrub oak near the river, was taken by escalade, 
and the decapitated heads of its defenders floated along on the 
waves of the stream. Bir-idri and the allies who had come to the 
help of Irhuleni were defeated, and ten thousand of their troops 
destroyed. Irhuleni was shut up in his double-walled fortress with 
its gable-roofed houses, where he had made himself comfortable 
on a couch of Assyrian form, with the flay flapper and shawl of 
the eunuch attendant and with the long fringed robe and drapery 
of an Assyrian monarch. These could not protect him from the 
Assyrian fury and he too was forced to ask for quarter. Irhuleni 
was permitted to retain his Assyrian dress, even to the pointed 
helmet, provided only he bowed down in worship, and the youthful 
prince destined to be his successor was allowed to approach in his 
chariot and surrounded by his fellows; the common people were 
treated more roughly, their clothes stripped off, their necks inserted 
in a yoke, their women in too scanty clothing bewailing their 
disgrace with hand raised to head. On his return journey, Appar- 
anzu, one of Arame's villages, was taken, and the Assyrians 
received the tribute of the Hattinian Kalparunda, gold, silver, 
lead, horses, and cattle, sheep and clothes. The campaign was 
ended, as was many another, by the cutting of cedar beams in 
the Amanus. 61 

Only a raid across the upper Euphrates to Paqarahubuni in the 
mountains marked the year 848, and the next saw only one against 
Iatu, reached by the pass of the Ishtars and so in Kashiari. 62 The 
year 846 again found Shalmaneser fighting the allies in central 
Syria. They had proved, in spite of his boasts of victory, no mean 
enemies, and he now made one supreme effort to overcome them. 
The 'numberless levies of troops from the whole of his wide extend- 
ing dominions were called out' to the number of one hundred and 
twenty thousand, a maximum for the size of the Assyrian armies 
and an indication of the gravity of the crisis. The supreme effort 



51 Bulls, 00 ff. — Apparanzu is Abarraza of the Antonine Itinerary, on the 
Ciliza-Zeugma road, a genuine route, though the distances are far too sjnall. 
Perhaps the Kiepert, map identification with the Baraja on the Quweq is 
correct. 

"JAOS 38. 213. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 371 

was made and Syria remained unconquered. Haldia was, there- 
fore, emboldened to adopt a forward policy, and the more pressing 
needs on this frontier permitted Syria to rest for the present. The 
sources of the Tigris were again reached, and another rock record 
was prepared, the barrier range was penetrated by the Tunibuni 
pass, and the Haldian cities were overrun as far as the sources of 
the Euphrates. Such sacrifices as the sacred spot demanded were 
offered, and the rock was inscribed not far from where the tribute 
of Daieni was received from its ruler Asia. 53 

An expedition to the Armenian highlands was once more fol- 
lowed by a period of inactivity. The year 844 witnessed merely 
a brief campaign, into Namri land, across the river Azaba, the 
Zab, and against Marduk-mudammiq, whose good Babylonian 
name testified to Babylonian influence in this neighbor land. On 
the Assyrian approach, he took to the hills, leaving behind his 
riches and his gods, and his vacant office was granted to a new 
ruler whom we know only as Ianzu, the native Kashshite word 
for king. 54 For the succeeding year, the scribe could think of 
nothing but a cedar-cutting trip to the Amanus. 55 

Conditions had become more propitious in central Syria by 842. 
At the instigation of the Hebrew prophet Elisha, Ben Hadad, if 
he be the same as Hadadezer, had been smothered while sick, and 
Hazael, the usurping son of a nobody, had taken his place (2 Kings 
8. 7 ff.). The confederacy completely broke down as a result and 
the war with Israel entered a more active phase with the attempt 
of Jehoram to win back Ramoth-Gilead. Where the Barada 
breaks through the Anti-Lebanon, under Mount Sanir, 56 Hazael 

53 Bulls, 98 ff. — All the Tigris inscriptions, latest edition, Lehmann-Haupt, 
Materialien, 31 ff., seem to date from this expedition, cf. especially Belck, 
Verh. Berl. Anlhr. Ges., 1900, 455. The Cornell expedition secured squeezes 
of these inscriptions, now deposited in the Oriental Museum of the University 
of Illinois through the kindness of Dr. B. B. Charles of Philadelphia. From 
the Tigris source, the Assyrians could have entered Armenia only by the 
Citharizon or the Mush pass; the former is eliminated by identification with 
that of Enzite, therefore it must be the latter. 

64 The Kashshite vocabulary, first published Delitzsch, Kossaer, 25; better 
by Pinches, JRAS 1917, 102. 

66 Obi. 93 ff . 

66 Saniru must be placed about Suq Wadi Barada, where the river 
of that name breaks through the Anti-Lebanon, with which agrees the 
location of Sanir north of Damascus by the Arabs, e. g., Baladhuri, 
112. The gloss in Dt. 3. 9, in its present form, states that 'the Sidonians call 
Hermon Sirion and the Amorites call it Senir,' which disagrees with the Assyr- 



372 A. T. Olmstead 

made his stand, but his fortified camp was stormed with a loss 
of sixteen thousand foot, eleven hundred and twenty-one chariots, 
and four hundred and seventy cavalry. The Assyrians felled the 
orchards which filled the fertile valley and appeared before 
Damascus. The walls were too strong for assault and Shalmaneser 
had not the patience for a formal siege, so was forced to content 
himself with a plundering raid in the Hauran mountains, to the 
east and south, whose rich volcanic soil, then as now, made it the 
granary of the Syrian area. 57 

Shalmaneser then struck back to the coast, through that plain 
of Esdraelon which has always been the route from Damascus 
and the Hauran to the sea. On a projecting cliff which he calls 
Bali-rasi, 'Baal's Head,' and which may well be intended for the 
projecting headland of Carmel where Elijah had contended with 
the priests of Baal a few years before, he placed a stele. 58 Shortly 
after, he received tribute from the Tyrians, the Sidonians, and 
Iaua of the house of Humri, or, being interpreted, Jehu, the son 
of Omri. 59 

ian and Arab location, unless we attach Senir to the whole Anti-Lebanon 
including Hermon, which is improbable. The gloss seems to have been earlier 
than the Chronicler, though the manner in which he states, 1 Chron. 5. 23, 
that the half tribe of Manasseh increased 'from Bashan to Baal Hermon and 
Senir and Mount Hermon,' shows that he did not have it in its present form. 
That the addition of Mount Hermon is not, with Curtis, ad loc, 'a phrase 
explaining Senir as Mount Hermon,' is shown by the Greek, where Lebanon 
is added and is no doubt original. The author of Canticles 4. 8, a North Israel- 
ite, also realized that they were separate, though closely connected. Ezek. 
27. 5 shows the use of fir trees from Senir for ship planks. A striking fact 
which should not be overlooked is that the Greek on Dt. 3. 9, with the excep- 
tion of the single MS. x, almost the most Massoretic of all the Greek MSS., 
Olmstead, AJSL 34. 152, does not support the reading Sirion at all but gives 
the Phoenician name of Hermon as Sanior, that is, the same consonants as 
Senir. 

57 KTA 30; Rogers, Parallels, 298 f.; for death of Hadadezer, cf. Lucken- 
bill, Exp. Times, 23. 284. 

68 Identical in name, though not in location, with the Theuprosopon south 
of Tripolis, Strabo 16. 2, 15. The current identification is with the Dog River 
north of Beirut, where we actually have several unidentified stelae, Sayce, 
RP 2 4. 44, n. 2; cf. Boscawen, TSBA 7. 341. Against it is the lack of proof 
for the use of the Beirut-Damascus road in antiquity and the difficulty of 
return from the Hauran by this route; there is no statement that the king 
visited Tyre and Sidon, though the order of mention might indicate passage 
from south to north, in which case the old camel route, now the line of the 
railroad from Damascus to Haifa, would have been followed. 
"Ill R. 5, 6; Bulls, Supplement. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 373 

After Ahab's death before Ramoth-Gilead, his weakly son 
Ahaziah reigned two years (853-852) and in want of issue was 
followed by his brother Jehoram (852-842). The next year, the 
long reign of Jehoshaphat came to an end and another Jehoram 
ruled Judah (851-843). Jehoshaphat had been a loyal vassal of 
Ahab and we can hardly consider the identity of name accidental. 
Mesha of Moab revolted and declared in his unique inscription 
that he saw his pleasure on Omri's son, so that Israel perished 
with an everlasting destruction. 60 We must be selfishly thankful 
that he caused it to be inscribed before the episode was finished, 
when Moab was wasted by the invasion of the three kings, and 
only the sacrifice of his first-born forced them to decamp hurriedly 
(2 Kings 3). The usurpation of Hazael offered excellent oppor- 
tunities to reclaim Ramoth-Gilead, but its successful siege only 
led to the usurpation of Jehu and the murder of Jehoram of Israel 
and Ahaziah (843-842) of Judah. 

By the religious reforms of Jehu, Yahweh ruled supreme in the 
royal court, but it was not so sure that he held first place in men's 
hearts. Tyre of necessity opposed his rule, and Athaliah, with the 
manly spirit of her mother, took over the inheritance of her mur- 
dered son and Baal's house received the dedications of the Yahweh 
temple. As Shalmaneser passed through Israelite territory, Jehu 
appeared before him and the reliefs of the Black Obelisk immor- 
talize the Hebrew ruler as he bowed to the earth before the great 
king and his attendant eunuchs. A file of men in long double gar- 
ments brings huge ingots of unworked metals, gold, silver, and lead, 
small golden pails of not inartistic design, bowls, cups, and ladles. 
Some carry on their backs sacks filled with precious objects, one 
holds a scepter, another raises aloft a high thin drinking goblet, 
others bear bundles of weapons (III R 5, 6). 

For the years again succeeding, the Assyrian material is most 
scanty. A cedar-cutting trip to the Amanus in 841 confirms the 
success of the year previous, and the invasion of Qaue in the year 
following was a belated chastisement of the forces which had taken 
part in the battle of Qarqara fourteen years before. For 839, the 
official scribe has carelessly omitted the campaign; the Chronicle 
and the sculptures on the Obelisk show that it was against Marduk- 

60 Latest edition, S. Sidersky, Rev. Archeologique, 5 ser. 10. 59 ff., with 
bibliography. 



374 A. T. Olmstead 

apal-usur, the ruler of Suhi on the middle Euphrates. 61 The 
Obelisk shows the wild beasts in the palm groves along the river, 
the tribute of golden pails, bowls, the bars of lead, the elephants' 
tusks, the varicolored cloths draped over poles and carried between 
two men. 

There succeeded a campaign against Danabi in North Syria 
and a last attempt to reduce the cities of Hazael in 838 was no 
more of a success. Tyre, Sidon, and Byblus furnished fresh proof 
that the Phoenicians were prepared to pay any reasonable tribute 
if their control of the trade routes should be free from interference; 
Hazael was a different proposition and Shalmaneser was forced 
to be content with placing on a bit of black marble the ludicrously 
inappropriate inscription 'Booty from the temple of the god Sher 
of Malaha, residence of Hazael of the land of Damascus, which 
Shalmaneser, the son of Ashur-nasir-apal, king of Assyria, brought 
within the walls of the city of Ashur'. 62 

The complete failure of Assyria in the west meant ruin for those 
who had taken her side. Hazael again began to attack Jehu, and 

61 Forrer, MVAG 20. 3, 9 ff., has shown that the third line of the obverse 
of the Chronicle fragment Rm. 2, 97, is to be restored Su(?)-hi instead of Qum- 
muhi as I have done, that the scribe has omitted this from the Obelisk inscrip- 
tion, although leaving traces in the numbers of campaigns and in spite of the 
pictured representations. He has also shown that Shulmu-bel-lamur, eponym 
of 840, should be assigned to Ahi-Suhina. Thus all my attributions of office 
and place attacked should be shifted one move until the eponymy of Shal- 
maneser. This is confirmed by the appearance of the same officials in the same 
office elsewhere and fills the gap of office in 829 in my edition. Unfortunately, 
he does not know my studies of the Chronicle, published in Sargon, 1908, and 
in JAOS 34. 344 ff ., 1914. In general, his reconstructions of the various docu- 
ments were anticipated, but his independent discovery has corroborative 
value. All dates before 785 are reduced by him one year, as he explains the 
difficulty in the group 789-785 as due to two eponyms in one year for 786; 
I still prefer my explanation of scribal error as worked out in the complete 
edition. He begins the Sargon fragment with 720, ascribes lines eight to ten 
to 713, and the last four and two respectively to 707 and 706. Again I may 
state that my earlier reconstruction and dating seem preferable. In particu- 
lar he notes that while we knew of a trip in 713 to Ellip, 'dass auch eine Unter- 
nehmung nach Musasir stattfand ist neu,' though thirteen years ago the 
whole matter was discussed in my Sargon. 

62 Obi. 99 ff.; Assyr. Chron. for Qummuh in 841 and Danabi in 839; the 
marble 'perle 1 , KTA 26; MDOG 39. 45. Danabi is Tennib SSW. of 'Azaz, 
Noldeke, ZA 14. 10; the Tinnab, a large town of Aleppo, Yaqut, s. v. It is 
very doubtful if it is to be identified with the better known Tunip of Egyptian 
times, of. Miiller. Asien 257 f . 



Shahnaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 375 

the whole of the east Jordan country, Gilead and Bashan, the 
tribal territories of Gad, Manasseh, and Reuben, to Aroer on the 
Arnon which a few short years ago Mesha had boasted his own, 
fell into his hands (2 King 10. 32 ff), and Amos condemned the 
manner in which Damascus had threshed Gilead with threshing 
implements of iron (Amos 1. 3 ff). Jehu was more successful in 
the sister kingdom, where Athaliah (842-837) by her insistence 
on the ancestral Baal cult had alienated the powerful priesthood 
of her adopted country. The infant son of Ahaziah had been 
saved by his aunt Jehosheba from the slaughter of the remainder 
of the seed royal; her husband Jehoiada, the chief priest of Yah- 
weh, persuaded the foreign body-guard to support the legitimate 
claimant. Athaliah was slain, and the enraged populace destroyed 
the Baal temple with the Tyrian priest Mattan. 

Jehoahaz (815-799) was still less able to defend himself against 
Hazael, who took for himself the whole Philistine plain, and 
Jehoash (837-798) of Judah saved himself from complete ruin 
only by sending to Hazael all his treasures. The son of Hazael, 
the last Bar-Hadad, was a man of lesser caliber, and Israel recov- 
ered its lost cities (2 Kings 12 f.; 6 f.). 

Foiled in the south, Bar-Hadad turned his attention to North 
Syria, where Hamath was now ruled by a certain Zakar, who in 
all probability came originally from Laash, the Luhuti of Shal- 
maneser's record, for he adds it to Hamath as territory ruled. 
Thanks to his god, Baalshamain, he was made to rule in Hazrak, 
the Biblical Hadrach and the Assyrian Hatarika, on the Orontes 
a short distance south of Hamath. 63 If before this Hazrak had 
belonged to Damascus, we can understand why Bar-Hadad formed 
an alliance against him. Of the ten kings, we have mention of 
Bar-Gush, king of Agusi or Arpad, the king of Quhweh or Cilicia, 
the king of the Umq we have learned of as the equivalent of Hat- 
tina, the king of Gurgum, the king of Samal, the king of Meliz 
or Melitene; it is the usual catalogue of the kings of North Syria. 
They fell upon him suddenly and all laid siege to Hazrak, raised 
a wall higher than the wall of that city, and dug a ditch deeper 
than its moat. Then did Zakar lift up his hands to Baalshamain 
and Baalshamain answered him and sent by the hand of seers and 
men .expert in numbers and thus did Baalshamain say: 'Fear not, 
for I have made thee king and I will stand by thee and I will 

63 For the exact site, concealed by Pognon, cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, 3. 175- 



376 A. T. Olmstead 

rescue thee from all these kings who have made siege against 
thee.' So Zakar appointed men of Hazrak for charioteers and for 
horsemen to guard her king in the midst of her, he built her up 
and added a district to her and made it her possession and made it 
his land. And he filled with men all these fortresses on every side 
and he built temples in all his land. The stele, written in a curious 
mixture of Aramaic and Phoenician, did he set up before Al-Ur, 
not to speak of his other gods, Shamash and Sahar and the gods of 
heaven and the gods of earth, and upon it he wrote that which his 
hands had done. 64 

Thus the western policy of Assyria was a failure, her friends 
suffered, and the only interest of succeeding campaigns lies in the 
new fields attempted. Through Nairi, the Assyrians marched to 
Tunni, a mountain of silver, muli, and white limestone, took cut 
stone from the quarries, and left in return a stele. They ended 
with Tabal or eastern Cappadocia, where twenty-four kings handed 
over their quota, and with Que, where the lands of Kate, the 
nasaru, were ravaged (837). 65 The next year Uetash, the fort of 
Lalli of Milidia (Melitene), was assaulted and the kings of Tabal 
presented their tribute. With 835, the Obelisk begins to narrate 
events at first hand, and consequently we have somewhat more 
detail, but the events themselves are scarcely more important. 
The Ianzu established in Namri in 844 had become hostile, was 
driven to the mountains, and made a prisoner. Twenty-seven 
kings of the Parsua land paid their dues when he appeared in 
their country, and in the Missi land Shalmaneser found a posses- 
sion of the Amadai. This at least is worthy of our most careful 
notice, for it marks the first appearance of the Medes in written 
history. The return journey saw a stele erected in Harhar and its 
inhabitants led in captivity to Assyria. 66 

The year following saw the Assyrians on the opposite frontier. 

M Pognon, Ins. s&mitiques, 2, no. 86; I have in general followed the text 
and translation of Torrey, JAOS 35. 353 ff . 

65 The difficult Obi. 104 ff. is now largely supplanted by the Berlin Ins., 
3. 1 ff.; cf. Delitzsch, MDOO 21. 52 f.; Meissner, OLZ 15. 145 ff. 

66 Obi. 107 ff. — The Hashmar pass must be that between Bane and Sakkiz, 
later taken by Sargon, Thureau-Dangin, Campagne, iii, which is 2180 m. high. 
The route would be down the Jaghatu Su. Parsua and Missi are located by 
the Sargon tablet, cf . the map in Thureau-Dangin, op. tit. The cities of Namri 
are Sihishalah, perhaps Shlag, Bit Tamul, probably Tamontal, Bit Sakki, 
almost certainly Sakkiz, Bit Shedi, Kuakinda, Tarzanabi, Esamul, Kinablila. 
Between the Amadai and Harhar is given Araziash. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 377 

Que was entered through the Amanus Gates and Timur was taken 
from Kate, but this was only a raid, as was the seizure of Muru, 
a fort of the still independent Arame of Agusi, though a palace 
was erected therein. A more extensive raid was that of 835 when 
Tulli, who had just displaced Kate, surrendered as soon as he saw 
his fort Tanakun in Assyrian possession. His gifts included silver, 
gold, iron, cattle, and sheep. The inhabitants of Lamena found 
refuge in the hills and the expedition ended with the capture of 
Tarzi, Tarsus, which was at this time taking the place of Mallus 
as the central point in the Cilician plain, as the terminus of the 
great route which led through the Cilician Gates to the plateau 
of Asia Minor, and as the outlet of the famous Hittite silver mines 
to the north of the mountains whose wealth was to make the name 
of Tarshish world famous. Tulli was in his turn deposed, his 
place taken by Kirri, brother of the former ruler, and cedars were 
cut in the Amanus for use in the city of Ashur. 67 . 

The absence of references to Haldia in the last few years is 
noticeable and cannot be accidental. A change of rulers which 
meant a change of dynasty, Sardurish the son of Lutiprish taking 
the place of Arame, seemed to promise a check for his dangerous 
neighbor. Strange to relate, Shalmaneser did not himself under- 
take this expedition, perhaps the most important in the second half 
of the reign. Stranger still, the official annals emphasize the fact 
that it was led by Dan-Ashur, the turtanu. First to be reached 
was Bit-Zamani, whose independence, however qualified, strikes 
us as a little peculiar, until we examine the state of organization 
on this frontier. Ishtar-emuqaia, governor of Tushhan at the 
bend of the Tigris, appears as early as 868, 68 but Ninib-kibsi-usur 
in 839 rules only the Nairi lands, and the cities Andi, Sinabu, 
Gurruna, Mallani, and the land Alzi, 69 and it is not until 800 that 

67 Obi. 132 ff. — Tanakun is identified with a Greek Thanake which I cannot 
locate, Sayce, Expos. Times, 15. 284. Its site is probably Topraq-Qale, on 
the Cilician side of the Amanus Gates. The reference to the mountains and 
its seeming position on the direct road from the Gates to Tarsus led me to 
locate it at Yalan Qale at the east end of the pass through the Jebel Nur. 
For name, we may compare the Limenia of the Tecmorian ins., Ramsay 
Hist. Geog., 413. The Chronicle repeats the 'against Que' a second time under 
this year; Forrer, M VAG 20. 3, 13, may be correct in seeing in this proof of 
two expeditions in one year, but his identification with Lamos-Lamotis-Lamas 
Su southwest of Tarsus, though seductive, is not quite sure. 

68 Andrac, Stelenreihen, no. 99. 

69 Ibid. no. 47; cf. Forrer, op. cit. 12. 



378 A- T. Olmstead 

Marduk-shimeani appears as governor of Amedi. 70 Haldia was 
entered by the Ammash pass and the Euphrates was crossed. 
Shalmaneser claims the usual victory over his Haldian opponent, 
but if it were in reality a defeat, we could understand more easily 
why Sardurish could induce the Hattinians to dethrone and kill 
their pro-Assyrian prince Lubarna and place on his throne a 
usurper named Surri. Again Dan-Ashur was given command. 
Surri died a natural death which the scribe attributed to the 
offended majesty of the god Ashur, and his erstwhile followers 
handed over his sons and accomplices for impalement. Sasi 
declared his adherence to the Assyrian cause and was made king, 
subject to heavy tribute of metals and ivory. The royal figure 
was installed in the temple at Kunulua, but no attempt was made 
to turn the region into a province. 71 

Only a rapid raid against Kirhi and Ulluba is listed for the year 
830, and the geography shows that there had been retrocession 
of the Assyrian sphere of influence under the attacks and intrigues 
of Haldia. Dan-Ashur crossed the Upper Zab the next year and 
forced the payment of tribute from Datana of Hubushkia, then 
produced a similar result in the case of Maggubbi of Madahisa, 
and drove out Udaki from Zirta, capital of the Mannai. The last 
reference is of interest, for it affords the first knowledge of the 
people who were to be associated so constantly with the Assyrians 
in their last hundred years. The next to be invaded was Haruna, 
whose capital, Masashura, was taken, and whose prince, Shul- 
ushunu, was granted peace. Artasari of Paddira is likewise an 
interesting individual, for his name, compounded with the com- 
monest Iranian element, shows how the new race was coming in. 
Parsua, still attempting to retain complete independence, was the 
last to be visited. 72 

'» Ibid. no. 39. 

71 Obi. 141 ff .— The form Seduri is probably due to assimilation to the god 
Siduri; that he was identical with Sardurish was first indicated by Sayce, 
JRAS NS 14. 404. Belck, Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges., 1894, 486 (cf. Lehmann, ZA 
11. 200 ff.), and often, argues that the Sardurish of the native inscriptions, 
Sayce 1 f., was earlier and different from our Seduri, but without a shred of 
proof and contrary to all the evidence, cf . Olmstead, Sargon, 36 n. 35, and now 
also Forrer, MVA6 20. 3, 22. For Ammasherub, cf. Hommel, Gesch., 600. 
Name and location alike prove identification with the Mush pass, the Gozme 
Gedik of 6645 ft., Lynch, Armenia, 2. 396. 

72 Obi. 159 ff .— Rasmussen, Indskriften, 39, identifies our Datana with the 
Dadi of Hubushkia of Shamshi-Adad, Ann. 2. 37. For Zirta or Izirta, cf. 
Olmstead, Sargon, 107, n. 21; Thureau-Dangin, Campagne, iv; it may now 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 379 

Conditions were becoming increasingly bad. The king might 
celebrate his thirty-year jubilee with all due ceremony, 73 but 
Dan-Ashur was in control of the administration, Haldia was con- 
tinually increasing in power, and the tribes to the north and west 
were throwing in their lot with it instead of Assyria. One more 
effort was made by Dan-Ashur to answer complaints at home by 
conquests abroad. While the king remained in his palace, the 
unwearied old man undertook an ambitious expedition. Datana 
of Hubushkia was the first to feel his heavy hand and then Musasir, 
another state destined to play a most important part in the next 
century. The fortress of Saparia captured, he felt that he could 
venture against Haldia itself. Failing here, he turned east and 
went down to Gilzan where Upu presented his tribute as did the 
men of the neighboring states. From Parsua, he descended to 
Namri, and so through the pass of Simesi above Halman back to 
Assyria. 74 

be located at Sauch Bulaq. The Mannai are the Minni of Jer. 51. 27; the 
Minyas of Nicolaus of Damascus, Jos. Ant. 1. 95; cf. Rawlinson, JRAS(OS) 
12. 446. For the common Shurdia, I read Pad-di-ra, a very easy correction 
palaeographically, comparing the Paddira of Shamshi-Adad, Ann. 2. 7, and 
the Paddir of Ashur-bani-apal, Cyl. B. 3. 59. The raid was, therefore, up 
the Zab to Merwan, then to Kochanes and the Kaliresh pass to Ushnu. 
Beyond, the course is conjectural. 

73 For the second time, the king did something before the face of Adad and 
Ashur, but the crucial word is doubtful. Norris, Assyr. Diet., 106, quoted 
Amiaud-Scheil, Salmanasar, 70, would read bu-u-[na] and Rasmussen makes 
out the first half of the na. With this reading, we would naturally translate 
with Amiaud-Scheil, 'fixer la face en presence dAssur et Adad,' cf. for bunu 
Muss-Arnolt, Diet., ad loc, and compare, with Tiele, Gesch., 204, the similar 
celebrations in Egypt in honor of the completion of the thirtieth year of the 
reign. The present view seems to read pu-u-[ri] which would mean holding 
the office of eponym a second time, cf. Peiser, KB 4. 106 n. ; Muss-Arnolt, s. v., 
for possible connection with the Purim feast. Pleasant as it would be to have 
an Assyrian prototype of that much-discussed feast, it is certain that Shal- 
maneser was not eponym until 828, after our inscription had been completed, 
and thus the puru interpretation is thrown completely out of court. 

74 Obi. 174 ff. — The route taken was up the Zab to about Merwanen where 
he touched a corner of Hubushkia, and then east to Musasir, the region of 
the Nihail chain, as the Sargon Tablet shows. The raid across the Haldian 
border must have taken place about Bash Qala or Khoshab. Saparia is Zibar 
on the Upper Zab, and may be connected with the older name Subartu. He 
then went down into Gilzan to the east, about Dilman. The states mentioned 
after Gilzan are Mannai, Burisai, Harranai, Shashganai, Andiai, a people whose 
name began with a vertical stroke and ended with .... rai, and he then 
still further descended to a state whose name begins with two and then one 



380 A. T. Olmstead 

With this campaign of 828, the narrative of the Obelisk comes to 
an abrupt end. The scribe claims the usual great success, but his 
best skill cannot conceal its virtual failure. There is not even the 
briefest mention of the numerous structures erected during the 
reign, though we may be sure that it was the original plan to 
inscribe their recital on the well-carved stone. When we turn to 
the Assyrian Chronicle, we find under this same year 828, not an 
expedition against foreign enemies, but the single ominous word 
'revolt,' and the word is repeated for five years more. For a quar- 
ter of a century, Dan-Ashur had been the actual ruler of the 
empire, and so notorious was his usurpation of the supreme power 
that it was he and not his nominal master to whom was ascribed 
the glory of successful campaigning in the magnificent series of 
reliefs which were to commemorate the reign. In contrast to the 
sharp individuality with which Dan-Ashur stands out, Shalmaneser 
is a colorless figure. His relations with his turtanu, who held office 
for a quarter of a century, a term almost without parallel in the 
east, do not speak for his strength of character. We know how he 
left the command of armies in his later years to Dan-Ashur, 
although his turtanu must have been at least as old as himself; 
in his earlier years, he claims to have exercised the leadership in 
person, but the more truthful pictorial records make it certain 
that in some cases he was not present, and of others we may make 
the same conjecture. When he does appear in the field, he rarely 
descends from the chariot to engage actively in the fighting. In 
the chariots, both he and the crown prince require a third man to 
hold the shield and by an arm thrown about the waist to prevent 
them from falling to the ground. The one occasion when Shalman- 
eser appears on horseback, it is with the awkwardness of a man 
not accustomed to ride and unable to keep a firm seat. In his 

horizontal stroke, and took their cities of Pirria and Shitiuaria, evidently along 
the west shore of Lake Urumia. The Parsua cities are Bushtu, Shalahamanu 
and Kinihamanu. Bushtu is a common name, and may be identical with 
others. Burisai may be found in the Burasi-Berozi on the upper Dilman 
stream with Billerbeck, Suleimania, 156. Harrania is the Harrana of Knudt- 
zon, Gebete, 35, an oracle which asks whether the Ishkuzai who are in the 
Mannai region will leave the pass of the city of Hubushkia and go to Harrania 
and Anisus. Andiu is said by Adad nirari to be far distant, Kalhu ins., 9; 
and Sargon, Ann. 81, confirms its close connection with Hubushkia and the 
Mannai. Sayce, RP 2 4. 51, n. 3, identifies Shitiuaria with the Haldian Shati- 
raraush. The conclusion is topographically impossible; the pass of Simesi is 
too far north, Halman-Holwan equally too far south. The topography of the 
preceding marches forces us to believe that the Hashmar pass is meant. 



Shalmaneser III and Establishment of Assyrian Power 381 

foreign policy, he imitated his father, even to the copying of his 
father's set phrases in his own formal inscriptions. He was most at 
home in the audience chamber, where he could hold the arrows 
gracefully in one hand, the bow in the other, resting on the ground, 
the ornamental sword remaining at his side, displaying the tiara 
and fillet, the long hair ribbons, the fringed robe and shawl that 
came to his sandalled feet. 75 Significant, too, is the fact that the 
highest court officers, many of the commanders in the field, the 
prefect of the camp, all the men most closely connected with his 
person, were eunuchs, and we may without too much danger 
of error conjecture that Dan-Ashur himself belonged to the same 
unfortunate and detested class. 

Shalmaneser had been accompanied on his expeditions by his 
son, the crown prince, as early as 858, and thenceforth the reliefs 
represent him with considerable frequency. If we are to identify 
him with Ashur-dan-apal, he must have been by this time no less 
than forty-five years old. A prince of such mature age could 
hardly suffer in silence a usurpation of power so great that the 
turtanu's name was glorified in the official records destined to go 
down to posterity, while his own exploits, though represented 
anonymously in the earlier sculptures, were in later times entirely 
missing. The unanimity with which all Assyria arose is in itself 
proof of the general feeling that his cause was just. At the head 
of the revolt stood Nineveh which might find some excuse in the 
neglect of the king. Ashur had been the special protege of Shal- 
maneser. Practically every building of importance, the double 
wall, the Anu-Adad temple, the Ishtar and Ashur temples, all 
had been restored in the most generous fashion. 76 Yet Ashur, 
too, went over to the enemy. Imgur-Bel had been adorned with 
the magnificent palace-gates to whose bronze decorations we owe 
the proof of the age of Ashur-dan-apal, but the gift could not 
restrain it from revolt. Shibaniba and Dur-Balat in the first 
range of mountains to the northeast, Zaban with its command 
of the debatable land, Arrapha with its control of the mountains, 
the sacred city of Arbela, all of Upper and Lower Assyria acknowl- 
edged the new claimant to the crown. The majority of the newly- 
acquired provinces and dependencies seized the opportunity to 
free themselves. The Aramaeans in particular, Shima, Tidu, 
Nabalu, Kapa, Huzirina, Amedi, Til-Abni, Hindanu, Kurban, 

75 TSBA 6. pi. 8. 

76 Andra, MDOG 54. 21. 



382 A. T. Olmstead 

all the states whose names have become familiar from the reports 
of the last two reigns, 77 swelled the armies of the pretender. A 
definite understanding between these Aramaeans and the revolting 
Assyrians existed, as is shown by the letter 'concerning the rebel' 
which was written in Aramaic by Kabti, the scribe of Ashur-dan- 
apal. 78 Only Kalhu remained true to the old king and his eunuchs. 
To meet the reproach that the turtanu and not Shalmaneser 
was the actual ruler, the king had taken upon himself the eponym 
office in the very year the revolt broke out, but the expected result 
had not followed and the insurrection continued unabated. In 
its midst, Shalmaneser passed away, and left the insurrection as 
a heritage to his son Shamshi-Adad (825-812). Two more years 
the rebels held out and then the revolt collapsed. Why, with 
everything in its favor in the beginning, it ultimately failed, is 
one of the mysteries we so often meet in tracing the history of 
reform movements. Like so many attempted reforms, the most 
obvious result was the damage accomplished. "Coming at a time 
when the man-power was already weakening, it marked the defi- 
nite passage into decline, a decline which ended only with the fall 
of the dynasty. 79 . 

" Shamshi Adad, Ann. 1. 45 ff. — Shibaniba was the province of the eponym 
for 787, Johns, Deeds, no. 653, and cf. Olmstead, JAOS 34, 364. It occurs in 
Sennacherib, Bavian ins., 9, which locates it close to that place. Dur-Balat 
is the near-by Kurdish hamlet of Balata where we spent a smoky evening 
protected from a blizzard. Adi is not far away, no less than the Shekh Adi 
which is the center of the Yezidis or 'Devil Worshippers.' Amat is Amada 
east of Akra. Kapa is Hassan Kef. Parnunna is the seat of an eponym in 
755 and probably in 785, Olmstead, I. c. For Kurban, cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 
152. Others are Ishshibri, Bit Imdira, Shibtinish, Kibshuna, Urakka, Dariga. 

78 Copy of ancient letter sent to Sargon, H. 872; Johns, Jour. Theol. Stud., 
6. 631. Hommel, PSBA 18. 182, identifies Ashur-dan-apal with Sardanapallus, 
and Belyses with Marduk-balatsu-iqbi. He might have added the date given 
by Eusebius to Sardanapallus, 835, yet Sardanapallus must be Ashur-nasir-apal. 

"For the provisional government, cf. Olmstead, Amer. Political Science 
Rev., 12. 69 ff.; add now the scanty information in Andrae, Stelenreihen, to 
the discussion of the officials of the reign, Olmstead, JAOS 34. 346 ff. No 
attempt to discuss the buildings or indeed the general culture is made in 
this article.