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Jointly organized by 
Hong Kong Museum of Hislory. 
Pro\ isional Urban Council 
Lin Ze.\u Koundalion 
Association of Chinese Histonans 



ft 畤小政 W 存港 》史(# 物館 

钵則徐 基金會 
中 Hit^fr 

聊 M -f: 辦 




客刺承 * 龙 c 




'測 徐、 I 片 戰爭與 香港」 隱研討 

International Symposium on 

Lin Zexu, the Opium War and Hong Kong 

ate: 18-19.12.98 




木 騰與魷 輕」 鼸 = 

'Lin Zexu and the Opium War " Exhibitii 

開 幕日期 Date of Opening: 1 



簿備 委昌會 



主席 



丁新 豹博士 



(林 則徐 基金會 會長) 
(中國 史學會 副會長 兼秘義 
(香港 歷史博 物館總 館長) 



秘書長 

王 浩先生 
莊建 平教授 
邱小 金女工 



(林 則徐基 金會秘 書長) 
(中 國史學 會副秘 書長) 
(香 港歷史 博物館 館長) 



許集 美教授 
王汝 豐教授 



劉潤 和博士 



(林 則徐 史學會 常務副 會長) 

(中 國史學 會副秘 書長) 

(中國 社會科 學院近 代史研 究所研 究員) 

(武漢 大學) 

(厦門 大學) 

(香 港歷 史博物 館名譽 顧問) 
(香 港中 文大學 歷史系 教授) 
(香 港大 學亞洲 硏究中 心副王 1' 壬) 
(香 港珠 海書院 中文系 教授) 



Canada-Hong Kong Resource Centre 

1 Spadioa Crescent, Rm. Ill • Toronto, Canada • M5S 1A1 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2009 with funding from 
Multicultural Canada; University of Toronto Libraries 



http://www.archive.org/details/linzexuyapianzhaOOhong 



與# ^名單 

List of Parti cipants 

(按 英文姓 氏字母 排列) 
( Listed in alphabetical order) 

內地: 

Mainland: 

1. 戴學 稷教授 (福 建省 社會科 學院) 

Prof. Dai Xueji (Institute of Social Sciences, Fujian) 

2. 鄧開 頌教授 (廣 東省社 會科學 院歷史 所港澳 史室) 

Prof. Deng Kaisong (Office of Hong Kong and Macau History, Institute of Social 
Sciences, Guangdong ) 

3. 郝貴 遠教授 (中 國社 會科學 院世界 歷史硏 究所) 

Prof. Hao Guiyuan (Institute of World History, Chinese Academy of Social 
Sciences) 

4. 黃順 力教授 (M 門 大學歷 史系) 

Prof. Huang Shunli (Department of History, University of Xiamen) 

5. 蔣大 椿教授 (中國 社會科 學院近 代史研 究所) 

Prof. Jiang Dachun (Institute of Modern History, Chinese Academy of Social 
Sciences) 

6. 來新 夏教授 (南 開大 學地方 文獻研 究室) 

Prof. Lai Xinxia (Local Document Research Institute, Nankai University) 

7. 李鴻 生教授 (廣 東省 社會科 學大學 I 廣 東歷史 學會) 

Prof. Li Hongsheng (University of Social Sciences, Guangdong I History Society, 
Guangdong ) 



8. 林慶 元教授 (福 建師範 大學歷 史系) 

Prof. Lin Qingyuan (Department of History, Fujian Normal University) 



9. 林子 東教授 (福 建省 社會科 學界聯 合會) 

Prof. Lin Zidong (Federation of Social Sciences, Fujian) 



10. 凌 青教授 (林 則徐基 金會) 

Prof. Ling Qing (Lin Zexu Foundation) 

11. 劉蜀 永教授 (中國 社會科 學院近 代史硏 究所) 

Prof. Liu Shuyong (Institute of Modem History, Chinese Academy of Social 
Sciences) 

12. 王汝 豐教授 (中 國人民 大學歷 史系) 

Prof. Wang Rufeng (Department of History, The People's University of China) 

13. 蕭致 治教授 (武漢 大學歷 史文化 學院) 

Prof. Xiao Zhizhi (Academy of History and Culture, University of Wuhan) 

14. 楊國 楨教授 (Jl 門大學 歷史硏 究所) 

Prof. Yang Guozhen (Institute of Historical Research, University of Xiamen) 

15. 張椿 年教授 (中國 社會科 學院世 界史研 究所) 

Prof. Zhang Chunnian (Institute of World History, Chinese Academy of Social 
Sciences) 

16. 周新 國教授 (揚州 大學) 

Prof. Zhou Xinguo (University of Yangzhou) 

17. 莊建 平教授 (中國 社會科 學院近 代史研 究所) 

Prof. Zhuang Jianping (Institute of Modern History, Chinese Academy of Social 
Sciences) 



辆: 
Local: 

18. 區家 發先生 (香 港考古 學會) 

Mr. Au Ka-fat (Archaeological Society, Hong Kong) 



19. 陳溢 晃先生 (旅行 家雜誌 I 華南研 究會) 

Mr. Chan Yat-fong (LuXinjia Magazine I South China Research Circle) 



20. 趙令 揚教授 (香港 大學中 文系) 

Prof. Chiu Ling-yeong (Department of Chinese, University of Hong Kong) 

21. 周子 峰先生 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Mr. Chou Chi-feng (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 

22. 周佳 榮博士 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. Chow Kai-wing (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 

23. 朱益 宜博士 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. Yik-yi Chu (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 

24. 鍾寶 賢博士 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Di>Chung Po-yin (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 

25. 方 駿博士 (香 港教 育學院 社會科 學系) 

Dr. Fang Jun (Department of Social Sciences, Hong Kong Institute of Education) 

26. 馮志 明博士 (香港 歷史博 物館) 

Dr. Fung Chi-ming (Hong Kong Museum of History) 

27. 林學 忠先生 (香 港中國 近代史 學會) 

Mr. Lam Hok-chung (Modern Chinese History Society of Hong Kong) 

28. 林啓 彥博士 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. Lam Kai-yin (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 

29. 林錦 源先生 (香港 歷史博 物館) 

Mr. Lam Kam-yuen (Hong Kong Museum of History) 

30. 李志 剛牧師 (香 港中國 近代史 學會) 

Rev. Lee Chee-kong (Modern Chinese History Society of Hong Kong) 

31. 李金 強博士 (香 港浸會 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. Lee Kam-keung (Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University) 



32. 李安 維先生 (香 港浸會 大學教 育系) 

Mr. Lee On-wai (Department of Education Studies, Hong Kong Baptist 
University) 



33. 李谷 城博士 (香 港珠海 書院亞 洲研究 中心) 

Dr. Li Kwok-sing (Centre for Asian Studies, Chu Hai College) 

34. 老冠 祥博士 (香 港珠 海書院 亞洲硏 究中心 I 香 港中國 近代史 學會) 
Dr. Lo Kwun-cheung (Centre for Asian Studies, Chu Hai College I Modern 
Chinese History Society of Hong Kong) 

35. 羅天 佑博士 (香 港教 育學院 社會科 學系) 

Dr. Lo Tin-yau (Department of Social Sciences, Hong Kong Institute of 
Education) 

36. 馬幼 垣教授 (香 港嶺南 學院中 文系) 

Prof. Ma Yau-woon (Department of Chinese, Hong Kong Lingnan College) 

37. 莫 稚先生 (香 港考古 學會) 

Mr. Mo Zhi (Archaeological Society, Hong Kong) 

38. 吳志 華先生 (香港 歷史博 物館) . 
Mr. Louis Ng Chi-wa (Hong Kong Museum of History) 

39. 吳 M 霞博士 (香 港中文 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha (Department of History, Chinese University of Hong 
Kong) 

40. 洗玉 儀博士 (香港 大學亞 洲研究 中心) 

Dr. Elizabeth Sinn (Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong) 

41. 蕭國 健博士 (香 港珠海 書院中 文系) 

Dr. Siu Kwok-kin (Department of Chinese, Chu Hai College) 

42. 施其 樂牧師 (皇 家亞 洲學會 (香港 分會) ) 

Rev. Carl T. Smith (Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch ) 



43. 譚志 強博士 (香 港珠 海書院 亞洲硏 究中心 I 香 港中國 近代史 學會) 

Dr. Tarn Chi-keung (Center for Asian Studies, Chu Hai College I Modern Chinese 
History Society of Hong Kong) 

44. 丁新 豹博士 (香港 歷史博 物館) 

Dr. Joseph S.P. Ting (Hong Kong Museum of History) 

45. 黃浩 潮先生 (教 育署 課程發 展處) 

Wong Ho-chiu (Curriculum Development Institute, Education Department) 

46. 葉國 洪博士 (香 港浸會 大學教 育系) 

Dr. Yip Kwok-hung (Department of Education Studies, Hong Kong Baptist 
University) 

澳門: 
Macau: 

47. 陳樹 榮先生 (澳門 曰報) 

Mr. Chan Su-weng (Macau Daily News) 

48. 陳瑋 恒先生 (澳門 雜誌) 

Mr. Chan Wai-hang (Macau Magazine) 

49. 徐 新先生 (澳 門政 府文化 司署) 

Mr. Choi San (Instituto Culturial, de Macau) 

50. 霍啓 昌博士 (澳門 大學) + 
Dr. K. C. Fok (University of Macau) 



51- 鄭德 華博士 (澳門 大學中 文系) 

Dr. Zheng Dehua (Department of Chinese, University of Macau) 



台灣: 

Taiwan: 

52. 蘇 精教授 (佛光 大學南 華管理 學院) 

Prof. Su Ching (Nanhua Management College, Foguang University) 

53. 王爾 敏教授 (中 央研 究院近 代史研 究所) 

Prof. Wang Er-min (Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica) 

離: 

Overseas: 

54. 白 德博士 (澳洲 ) 

Dr. Solomon Bard (Australia) 

55. 許 舒博士 (澳洲 ) 

Dr. James W. Hayes (Australia) 



56. 黄宇 和博士 (澳 洲悉尼 大學歷 史系) 

Dr. John Wong Yue-wo (Department of History, University of Sydney, Australia) 




18- 19-121998 



Organizing Committee 



Chairman 




Prof. Ling Qing 


(Lin Zexu Foundation) 


Prof. Zhang Chunnian 


(Association of Chinese Historians) 


Dr. Joseph S. P. Ting 


(Hong Kong Museum of History) 


Secretary 




Mr. Wang Hao 


(Lin Zexu Foundation) 


Prof. Zhuang Jianping 


(Association of Chinese Historians) 


Ms. Rosa S.Y. Yau 


(Hong Kong Museum of History) 


Memeber 




Prof. Xu Jimei 


(Lin Zexu Foundation) 


Prof. Wang Rufeng 


(Association of Chinese Historians) 


Prof. Liu Shuyong 


(Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) 


Prof. Xiao Zhizhi 


(University of Wuhan) 


Prof. Yang Guozhen 


(University of Xiamen) 


Dr. Lau Yun-wo 


(Hong Kong Museum of History) 


Dr. Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha 


(Chinese University of Hong Kong) 


Dr. Elizabeth Sinn 


(University of Hong Kong) 


Dr. Siu Kwok-kin 


(Chu Hai College) 




針 Vk— 



T^T International 
Symposium on 

渔 Lin Zexu, 
! '|j theppiumWar 

"HoneKonfi 



78- 19-12 1998 



日期 
時間 



林則徐 、 鴉片 戰爭與 香港」 國際研 討會開 幕典禮 
暨 「林 則徐 文物」 移 交儀式 



-九 九八年 十二月 十八日 (星 期五) 

上午 九時十 五分至 十時正 

九龍尖 沙咀漆 咸道南 一百號 
香港歷 史博物 館地下 



程序 

9 : 15 
9 : 20 
9 : 23 



9 : 30 



9 : 35 



9 : 40 

9 : 43 

10 : 00 



香 港臨時 巿政局 博物館 委員會 王國興 議員致 歡迎辭 。 

國 際硏討 會主辦 單位代 表致辭 

- 林則徐 基金會 會長凌 青教授 

- 中 國史學 會副會 長張椿 年教授 

王國 興議員 致送紀 念品予 林則徐 基金會 和中國 史學會 , 由凌青 
教授及 張椿年 教授代 表接收 。 

由林則 徐基金 會常務 副會長 許集美 教授與 保良局 主席黃 永樹先 
生分別 送贈林 則徐石 雕像及 林則徐 行書立 軸之象 徵物予 王國興 
議員 , 以誌 各文物 順利移 交至香 港歷史 博物館 。 

王國興 議員致 送紀念 品予林 則徐基 金會和 保良局 , 由許 集美教 
授及 黃永樹 先生代 表接收 。 

各 主禮嘉 賓及國 際研討 會之參 加者團 體合照 。 

主 禮團往 博物館 一樓大 堂觀賞 「林 則徐 與鴉片 戰爭」 展覽 / 
「林 則徐 、 鴉片 戰爭與 香港」 國際研 討會正 式開幕 。 



The Opening Ceremony of the International Symposium on 
"Lin Zexu t the Opium War and Hong Kong" and 
the Handing-over Ceremony of the Donation Items on Lin Zexu 



Date : 18.12.98 (Friday) 

Time : 9:15 a.m. ― 10:00 a.m. 

Venue : Lecture Hall, G/F, the Hong Kong Museum of History, 

100 Chatham Road South, Tsim ShaTsui, Kowloon 

Schedule 

9:15 a.m. : Arrival of guests and the officiating party 

9:20 a.m. Welcome speech by the Officiating Councillor, Mr. Wong Kwok-hing on behalf 

of the Museums Select Committee, Provisional Urban Council 



9:23 a.m. : Speeches by the joint organizers of the Symposium 

- Prof. Ling Qing, President of the Lin Zexu Foundation 

- Prof. Zhang Chunnian, Vice-President of the Association of Chinese 
Historians 

9:30 a.m. : Presentation of souvenirs from the Officiating Councillor to the Lin Zexu 

Foundation and the Association of Chinese Historians, received by Prof. Ling 
Qing and Prof. Zhang Chunnian respectively, as a token of thanks for their 
assistance rendered in the preparation of the Symposium 

9:35 a.m. Handing-over of a stone statue of Lin Zexu by Prof. Xu Jimei, the Vice- 

President of the Lin Zexu Foundation, and a piece of Lin Zexu's calligraphy by 
Mr. Steven W.S. Wong, Chairman of Po Leung Kuk, to the Councillor who will 
accept the donation on behalf of the Provisional Urban Council 



9:40 a.m. Presentation of souvenirs by the Officiating Councillor to the Lin Zexu 

Foundation and Po Leung Kuk, received by Prof. Xu Jimei and Mr. Steven W.S. 
Wong respectively, as a token of thanks for their donation 



9:43 a.m. Taking group photo of all the officiating guests and speakers 



10:00 a.m. Preview of the exhibition entitled "Lin Zexu and the Opium War' on 1/F by the 

officiating party/ 

Commencement of the Symposium 



T.Ki International 
i_[ Symposium on 

歷 Lin Zexu, 
J2- the Opium War 




18- 19-121998 



論 文提要 



1 - 論文提 要按其 所屬組 別之次 序排列 。 

2 - 因時 間所限 , 籌 委會恕 未能爲 逾期遞 交之提 要提供 覆印本 及譯本 。 
3 • 所有 譯本僅 作參考 , 一 切以原 文爲準 。 



Abstracts 

1 - The abstracts are listed in session order. 

2 • We apologize that we have not been able to include all abstracts and 

their respective translation due to late submission and time constraint 
for translation. 

3 - Translations are provided simply for reference. If any discrepancies 

are found, the original abstract should prevail. 



Canada-Hong Kcng Rcrs-rce Centre 

1 Spadina Crescent, Rm. Ill • Toronto, Canada , M5S 1A1 



T^T International 
X| Symposium on 



^^LinZexu, 

the Opium War 

^/C^ Hong Kong 



78- 19-121998 



向西 方學習 的行者 



由於禁 烟戰爭 的需要 ' 林 則徐首 先開眼 看世界 (採訪 夷情) ' 其主 要途徑 是通過 大量翻 譯外國 
書報 以及調 查研究 來搜集 各方面 的資料 , 這 主要包 括軍事 、 政治 、 經 濟方面 的情報 ' 國外 對中國 
問題 的看法 , 世界各 國的基 本知識 ' 各國的 律法, 軍事方 面的科 學技術 知識等 。 繼 而向西 方學習 
(師夷 長技) , 學習和 引進西 方的先 進技術 ' 如爲虎 門炮台 購置數 百門西 洋大炮 ' 購 置配備 强火力 
的 西洋舰 船等 。 這對他 所領導 的反侵 略戰爭 發揮了 要作用 。 

林 則徐開 闢了中 國人走 向世界 ' 學 習西方 的道路 ' 是適 應了歷 史發展 的需要 。 



Pioneer of Learning from the West 

(Translation) 

LING Qing 

The anti-opium campaign urged Lin Zexu to extend his vision to the outside world and seek 
knowledge of foreign affairs. Under his command, many Western books and periodicals were translated 
into Chinese, and researches were made to gather information about the West, including military, political 
and economic situations, the Westerners' views of China, general knowledge of the Western countries, the 
International Law and military technologies. He also proceeded to learn and import Western techonologies, 
such as setting up hundreds of Western cannons at the forts of Humen and purchasing Western warships 
with high firepower. These armaments played an important role in the subsequent battles against the 
British. 

Lin Zexu opened up a new route for the Chinese to develop a global vision and to learn from the 
West. His undertakings played a significant role in the historical development of modern China. 



' :: ^ On Zexu, 

theJDpium War 

" Hong Kong 



18- 19-12-1998 



林則 鶴海灘 與香港 



n 膽' i 



林則 徐是淸 朝的封 彊大吏 , 行 事不違 "天朝 體制" , 但由 於他出 生和主 要活動 於中國 沿海地 
區, 海洋 發展的 "小 傳統" 對他 有潛移 默化的 影響。 他對 "以海 爲田" 的海洋 經濟模 式有所 認識, 
體現 出重視 海洋發 展的思 想傾向 ; 對媽 祖信仰 的認同 , 顯示 他的心 態具有 海洋文 化的某 些基因 。 
他面 向海洋 , 探求西 方知識 , 也接 觸到西 方海洋 社會經 濟的若 干方面 。 把西 方海洋 經濟的 惡性形 
式 一鴉片 貿易和 "侵 凌他國 之術" 一掠奪 海外殖 民地聯 系起來 , 是林 則徐重 視海防 和香港 問題的 
思 想基礎 。 



本文從 海洋的 視角觀 察林則 徐的行 爲方式 ' 可 作爲認 識這位 中國民 族英雄 的另一 種解讀 。 



Lin Zexu's Vision of the Oceans and Hong Kong 

(Translation) 

YANG Guozhen 

As a prominent provincial official of the Qing government, Lin Zexu's behaviour always 
adhered to the "system of the Celestial Empire". Since he was born in a coastal province and had spent 
large part of his life administering the coastal regions of China, the "minor tradition" of maritime 
development had exerted a subtle influence over his vision of the oceans. Economically, he had learnt to 
"view the ocean as farmland" and paid close attention to its development. His approbation of the belief in 
Mazu, the Sea Goddess reflects some kind of bond existing between him and the maritime culture. He 
extended his vision beyond the oceans, made endeavours to search for Western knowledge and came in 
contact with some aspects of the Western maritime economy. His distinct insight allowed him to associate 
opium trade with the Western powers' expansion of territory through ocean hegemony and colonisation, 
and urged him to pay close attention to coastal defence and the British occupation of Hong Kong. 

In hope of understanding this national hero of China from a new perspective, this paper will 
examine Lin Zexu's mode of behaviour from a maritime point of view. 




《林 则徐 眼中的 世界》 



以编译 《四 洲志》 为中心 



萧致治 



林则 徐是我 国近代 "幵 眼看 世界" 的第 一人。 他 看到的 是个什 么样的 世界? 
本 文即以 《四 洲志》 为 中心, 来探索 他所了 解的世 界各个 国家的 历史和 现状。 

《四 洲志》 是 一本世 界知识 宝库。 该书 是在林 则徐主 持下, 由译员 将英人 
慕瑞 编著的 《地理 大全》 择要译 出的基 础上, 经过 林则徐 精心编 辑而成 的一本 
编译 著作。 内 容包括 亚洲、 非洲、 欧洲、 美洲各 个国家 和地区 的地理 位置、 历 
史 沿革、 政治 制度、 军事 情况、 财政 经济、 对外 关系、 文化 宗教、 民情 风俗、 
行政 区划、 土特产 品等, 称得上 是一本 简明世 界百科 全书。 

过去, 人们普 遍认为 《四 洲志》 是 由译员 翻译, 林本 人只在 文字上 作过" 润 

色"。 其实 不然。 因为: 一、 林 对原著 进行了 精选。 原 著长达 L500 页, 林只从 
中 精选了 11 万 多字, 不及 全书的 1/15: 二、 编排 上和原 著大不 相同: 三、 林 
改 正了原 著中某 些错误 和不妥 提法: 四、 林 则徐编 译时还 补充了 一些中 国史籍 
记载 和必要 说明; 五、 译 文经过 林则徐 修饰, 文笔 流畅, 还 附入他 本人的 见解。 
因 此说该 书系林 "编 译", 是 符合实 情的。 

通 过编译 《四洲 志》, 林则徐 眼中的 世界, 已由 以中国 为中心 的狭小 范围扩 
大 到整个 地球。 当 时世界 各地, 社会发 展极不 平衡。 有的 己进入 工业发 达的资 
本主义 社会, 有的 还处在 穴居野 处的原 始社会 时期。 《四 洲志》 对世 界各个 国家、 
各 个地区 的社会 情况, 无论 进步、 落后, 无论 君主、 民主, 无 论是大 是小, 均 
就 所知, 一一 作了 记述, 内容十 分广泛 丰富, 其中 包括许 多天下 奇闻, 读后令 
人耳 目为之 一新。 

林 则徐从 1839 年 3 月 L0 日抵 达广东 禁烟, 到 L840 年 10 月 3 日被 革职, 
共 计不过 19 个月。 他 在办理 禁烟、 加强 海防的 同时, 还收 集了如 此丰富 的有关 
世界 各方面 情况的 资料, 开了 中国人 探索西 方的新 风气, 对帮助 人们了 解世界 
起 了巨大 的推动 作用。 特别在 当时, 探听外 国情况 被认为 是犯罪 行为, 甚至可 
能 被扣上 "里通 外国" 的大 帽子。 林 则徐敢 于冒天 下之大 不韪, 竭尽全 力收集 
外国 资料, 还 在百忙 中学习 英语, 其 精神实 在可饮 可敬。 



Lin Zexu's Vision of the World 

(Translation) 

XIAO Zhizhi 

Lin Zexu is the first person to "look at the world with open eyes" in the history of modern China. 
What was the world like in his eyes? This paper draws materials from Sizhou zhi (Commentary of the Four 
Districts) to explore Lin's vision of the history and situation of the other countries on earth. 

Sizhou zhi is a repository of world knowledge. Significant passages from Hugh Murray's 
Cyclopaedia of Geography were translated into Chinese and compiled carefully by Lin Zexu to form 
this book. It outlines the geographical location, history, political institutions, military capacity, economic 
condition, foreign relations, culture, religion, custom, regional administrative structure and local produce of 
many countries in Asia, Africa, Europe and America. It is in fact a simplified world encyclopedia. 

It has been thought that Sizhou zhi was derived from the efforts of the translators and the only 
contribution made by Lin was polishing the translations. In fact, Lin did much more than that. (1) Lin 
selected carefully around 1 10,000 words, less than one-fifth of the 1 500-page original work, to be 
translated into Chinese; (2) The arrangement of information is distinct from the original; (3) Lin corrected 
some mistakes and inappropriate approaches in the original work; (4) Complementary information from 
Chinese texts and remarks were incorporated; (5) The fluent translations were the result of Lin's polishing. 
Lin also put down his opinions. Therefore, it is justifiable to say that the book was compiled and translated 
by Lin. 

Through the compilation and translation of Sizhou zhi, Lin broadened his horizon from a narrow 
China-oriented perception to a global one. At that time, developments of individual regions in the world 
were extreme. While some societies were highly industrialised and capitalistic, the others were far from 
civilised. Sizhou zhi has a rich content with comprehensive descriptions of many regions ranging from big 
to small, advance to backward, and monarchic to democratic. Many unheard-of fantastic tales were 
incorporated. Readers would find the work very illuminating. 

From his arrival at Guangzhou on 10 March 1839 to his dismissal on 3 October 1840, Lin 
stayed in Guangzhou for no more than 19 months. Concurrent to his suppression of opium and 
strengthening of coastal defence, Lin also collected enormous information about the world. The book 
played a significant role in arousing the Chinese interest in the exploration of the West and helping them 
understand the world. In fact, gathering foreign information was considered a crime at that time. Lin was 
taking the risk of being accused of "collaborating with foreign countries". His courage in taking such risk 
and his painstaking efforts in gathering information and learning English indeed deserve great respect. 




係 an 蛋力 战卞 

mm. 

徐继畲 (1795-1873), 宇 健南, 号 松龛, 幼从 家学, 18 岁应 县试、 州试, 皆 
秀才 第-- 名。 19 岁 中举。 32 岁登 进士, 朝考 第一, 称 43 元。 碰 吉士, 授 
修。 后补 陝西道 监察 御史。 又 考选为 陝西道 辨史。 道光 十六年 攉广西 浔洲府 知府。 
次年调 fHi 建延 (平) 建 (宁) 邵 (武) 道。 道光 十八年 抵任。 此后, 久驻 福建、 广东 
十 余年, 官 至福建 巡抚, 并 两度奉 命兼署 闲浙总 督篆, 为 清朝之 封錄 大吏。 曾参 
与 禁烟、 抗 英等斗 争。 著有 《滇环 志略》 , 是 鸭片战 争时期 放跟看 世界的 先驱者 

--、 主张严 禁吸食 鸦片的 严禁派 

鸦片的 大量输 入令白 4 艮大 量外 流。 黄 爵滋、 林则 徐等极 力主张 禁烟。 徐继會 
也 提出了 具体的 禁烟办 法: "先 责而 后贱, 先富而 后贫, 先 内而后 外, 先豪猜 而后 
良弱" 。 主张 通过 访察, 把那些 平素表 现即该 诛杀而 又吸食 鴉片的 人先行 捕杀示 
众, 每年大 县不过 1Q 人, "^攻 逸减, "操之 M 蹙 而持之 不少懈 " 。 如此坚 
持 十年, 能改 的改, 不 改的或 诛杀, 或 死亡, 鴉片当 可禁绝 u 可见 他是坚 定的严 

二、 由主战 到倾向 主抚的 制抚兼 行主张 

道光二 十年, 鸦 片战争 爆发, 英军企 图进犯 广东, 由 于林则 徐严密 防守, 无 

F 术 可乘, 而北犯 福建 复门 n 时 任福建 汀漳 道署理 道台的 徐继畲 曾积极 设防、 筹 
划 固守、 坚持 抵抗。 然而, 战争的 失败, 使他 感到痛 心和囷 惑而逐 步倾向 主抚。 
究其 原因, 主 要是: 受主 和派的 影响和 对道光 皇帝的 唯命是 从, 以 及企图 采用以 
商制夷 的梆夷 玫策。 

三、 放眼看 世界的 先驱者 

鸦片战 争时期 ,面对 "侵 略的 西方" 和 "先 进的 西方" 的双重 挑战, 中国向 
何 处去? 林则徐 等先迸 的中国 人正在 苦苦地 思索、 探求。 徐继會 也在同 西方^ [民 
主义 发生 联系的 过程中 , 逐 步认识 到闭关 自守的 落后, 从而 放眼看 世界, ^ 、研究 
外情, 编撰 了介绍 西方历 史地理 的著作 一 《滚环 志略》 u 这是中 国人了 解西方 
的必 渎书之 --。 该 书所介 绍的西 方民主 思想、 变革 思想、 宗教 思想、 经济思 想等, 
对于后 来的洋 务派和 维新派 人士 以及 中国同 盟会会 员都有 启迪的 作用。 



Xu Jiyu and the Opium War 

(Translation) 



LI Hongsheng 

Xu Jiyu (1795-1873), was educated by his family in his childhood. At his eighteen, he came 
first in the county and prefectural examinations and gained the title of Juren in the following year. He 
attained the title of Jinshi at the age of 23 after passing the imperial examination. He was then selected as 
Hanlin Bachelor and Compiler of the Hanlin Academy, and later respectively appointed Investigating 
Censor and Censor of the Shaanxi circuit. In 1836, he was promoted as Prefect of Xunzhou of Guangxi, 
and then transferred to the Yanping-Jianning-Shaowu circuit of Fujian in 1838. From then on, he stayed in 
Fuji an and Guangdong for more than a decade. He was promoted as Governor of Fujian and for twice 
acting Governor-general of Fujian and Zhej iang. He was a significant provincial official of the Qing 
government, and had participated in anti-opium campaigns and anti-British combats. Yinghuan zhilue 
(Record of foreign countries) was one of his works. He was known to be an innovator with global insight 
during the Opium War. 

1. Advocating the strict banning of opium 

The huge import of opium led to an enormous outflow of silver. Huang Juezi and Lin Zeux 
advocated the strict banning of opium. Xu Jiyu also put forward his strategy: "Deal with the dignified and 
then the peasants, the rich and then the poor, internal and then external, the influential and tricky and then 
the innocent and weak." He proposed to warn the public by first arresting and executing those opium 
smokers with villainous conducts. A quota was set for different counties: a maximum of ten for large 
counties and respectively less for smaller counties. He pointed out that "the campaign should not be 
launched too hastily; it should be carried out with persistence*. With unremitting efforts, he undertook the 
campaign for ten years. Many opium smokers were reformed and executed. He believed that by doing so, 
opium problem would be completely wiped out someday. 

2. From pro-war to an advocator of control and conciliation 

The Opium War broke out in 1840 as the British force attempted to attack Guangdong. Since 
Guangdong was well guarded by Lin Zexu, the British moved northward to make an assault on Xiamen. Xu 
Jiyu was then the Intendant of the Ting-Zhang-Long circuit of Fujian. He made great efforts in resisting the 
British attack by fortifying the region and consolidating the defence. However, the loss of war brought 
bitterness and apprehension. As an obedient official and influenced by the conciliatory advocators, he 
began to look for peace negotiation and hoped to make use of trade to control the foreigners. 

3. A pioneer with global insight 

During the Opium War, China was facing the dual challenges of the "aggressive West" and the 
"advanced West". The future of China was the great concern of Li Zexu and other intellectuals with 
insights. In the course of coming in contact with Western colonialism, Xu Jiyu gradually realised China's 
backwardness in shutting up the country. He extended his vision outside the nation and began exploring 
foreign affairs. Yinghuan zhilue was then written to give an account of Western history and geography. It 
was among the works that open the Chinese eyes to the outside world. It introduced Western democracy, 
reformation, religion and economy, which had an enlightening effect on the advocators of "foreign affairs", 
the constitutional reformers and even the revolutionists led by Dr. Sun Yat-san. 



T.tl International 
^J^ r ^i Symposium on 

a Lin Zexu, 
the JDpium War 

/T^ w Hong Kong 



18- 19-121998 



隱廷枏 對鴉片 i^JBIA 分析 



羅天佑 方駿 



梁廷栴 ( 1796-1861 ) ' 字章冉 ' 號藤花 亭主人 ' 順德人 ' 道光 ' 咸豐年 間的廣 東名儒 。 鴉片 
戰 爭期間 ' 他 支持林 則徐禁 煙抗英 。 後應 聘爲粤 督徐廣 縉幕僚 ' 積功 獲授內 閣中書 ' 後又 加侍讀 
銜 。 梁氏著 作甚豐 ' 計有 《廣 東海防 彙覽》 、 《粤海 關志》 、 《海國 四說》 、 《夷氛 聞記》 等。 其中 《夷 
氛 聞記》 一書 ' 是記載 鴉片戰 爭的第 一手資 料中比 較重要 的著作 ° 本 文以文 獻分析 的方法 ' 從 《夷 
氛 聞記》 探 討梁廷 枏對鴉 片戰爭 的的歷 史觀點 ' 並分析 他在西 力東漸 下思想 轉變的 進步性 和保守 
性。 



Discussions on Liang Tingnan's Historical Analysis of the Opium War 

(Translation) 

LO Tin-yau & FANG Jun 

Liang Tingnan (1796-1861), alias Zhangran and sobriquet "Master of the Wisteria Pavilion", 
was a native of Shunde in Guangdong and a celebrated scholar living in the Daoguang and Xianfeng 
periods of the Qing dynasty. In the Opium War, he supported Lin Zexu,s undertakings in banning opium 
and fighting against the British. Later he was engaged as an assistant to Xu Guangjin, Governor-general of 
Guangdong. Due to his remarkable performance, he was promoted as Secretary of the Grand Secretariat 
and conferred the prestigious title of "Reading Attendant". He wrote many books, including Guangdong 
haifang huiian (A collective account of coastal defence in Guangdong), Yuehaiguan zhi (Annals of the 
Guangdong Customs), Haiguo sishuo (Notes on four maritime countries) and Yifen wenji (News of the 
barbarians), the last of which is a rather important work with firsthand information about the Opium War. 
This paper attempts to, through a textual analysis of Yifen wenji, investigate into Liang's historical point of 
views towards the War, and analyse the advance and conservative aspects of his ideological transform 
effected by the intrusion of Western cultures. 




18- 19-12-1998 



<林 則徐與 魏源〉 

周新國 

林則 徐與魏 源是中 國近代 偉大的 愛國者 , 他們 早年都 受過嚴 格的封 建儒學 的教育 , 曾 分別就 
學 於鱉峰 書院岳 麓書院 , 受過經 世派思 想熏陶 , 是經世 派的傑 出代表 。 他 們相識 於京師 , 並與宣 
南詩社 人士有 過交往 : 他們倡 導革新 ' 並不 同程度 參與革 新實踐 。 其中 林則徐 在江蘇 淮海道 、 巡 
撫直至 湖廣總 督位上 主張興 修水利 , 禁煙 、 改 革漕運 、 鹽政等 : 魏源則 爲陶^ f 择 人幕府 , 籌劃 
了鹽政 ' 漕運 改革等 多方面 的工作 。 

鴉片戰 爭時期 , 他們 都是中 國禁煙 派的代 表人物 , 並領導 和參與 過反對 英國侵 略的抗 英鬥爭 , 
直接戰 鬥在抗 英鬥爭 第一線 。 其 中林則 徐在領 導廣東 領導禁 煙鬥爭 的同時 ' 還直接 指揮了 抗英的 
政 治和軍 事鬥爭 ; 後因投 降派阻 饒而被 革職充 軍伊犁 , 成爲 淸庭的 替罪羊 。 魏源是 林則徐 禁煙鬥 
爭的 支持者 , 他明 確提出 "以 甲兵止 甲兵" 的口號 , 主張武 裝抗英 ' 並曾去 浙江投 身於裕 謙幕府 ' 
直 接參加 浙江抗 英鬥爭 ' 後 因國勢 難以挽 回辭歸 回揚州 。 1841 年 6 月' 林則徐 、 魏 源二人 再次在 
鎭 江會晤 , 他們對 榻夜談 ' 在 對國事 深切關 注之中 , 林則徐 將在廣 東悉心 收集的 《四 洲志》 一稿 
交給 了魏源 , 魏源在 此基礎 , 終 於寫出 了舉世 注目的 《海國 圖志》 一書' 是林、 魏 二人友 誼與心 
血 的結晶 。 

晚年 ' 林則 徐與魏 源皆辭 官歸田 。其 中, 林 則徐在 新疆穫 赦後任 護理陝 西巡撫 ' 雲 責總督 
等職 ' 後因 身體原 因辭歸 ' 并死於 1850 年底 在奉旨 鎭壓太 軍的潮 洲途中 。 魏 源晚年 中進士 ' 後 
任興 化知縣 - 高郵 知州等 地方官 , 參加 過抵抗 太平軍 的鬥爭 ' 獲 遣革職 ' 後雖復 官巳無 心任職 ' 
辭官皈 依佛門 ' 企 圖在佛 學中尋 找解脫 ,死於 1856 年。 



這 似乎是 林則徐 、 魏源 二人的 悲劇性 的結局 。 



Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan 

(Translation) 

ZHOU Xinguo 

Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan were both great patriots of modern China. They both received 
Confucian education. The school they had studied in, Aofeng and Yuelu, were famous academies 
advocating the teaching of practical knowledge. Students were encouraged to serve the nation with what 
they had learnt. Lin and Wei were two of the most prominent characters among this group of intellectuals. 
They met each other in Beijing and were both acquainted with the members of the Xuannan Poetry Society. 
They advocated innovations and made different endeavours to improve the nation. While Lin was the 
Commissioner of Huaihai Circuit in Jiangsu and the Governor-general of Hu-Guang region, he made great 
efforts in consolidating water conservancy works, banning opium, improving the river transportation 
system and administering salt gabelle. Wei Yuan served as the aide-de-camp of a number of provincial 
officials and helped improving various provincial affairs, including salt gabelle and river transportation. 

Lin and Wei were the foremost figures upholding the suppression of opium during the Opium 
War. They took the lead and participated in combats against the British aggression and bravely stood in the 
forefront of the battles. Concurrent to his mission of suppressing opium in Guangdong, Lin Zexu also took 
charge of directing the strife, politically and militarily. Later he was made a scapegoat by the conciliatory 
force and banished to Hi in Xinjiang. Wei was a supporter of Lin. He advocated "armament against 
armament" in the Opium War. He even went to Zhejiang to join the aides-de-camp of Yu Qian to fight 
against the British. Later, knowing that there was little he could do to save the nation, he resigned and 
returned to Yangzhou. In June 1841, Lin and Wei met again in Zhenjiang. They had a long talk through the 
night and expressed their deep concern for the nation. Lin passed to Wei the draft of the book Sizhou zhi 
(Geography of the Four Districts) which he compiled during his days in Guangdong. From this book 
derived Haiguo tuzhi (Illustrated records of the maritime countries), a significant work synthesising the 
friendship and efforts of the two patriots. 

Both Lin and Wei spent their ending years retiring at home. After Lin was remitted, he was 
successively appointed Commissioner of Shaanxi and Governor-general of Yuannan and Guizhou. Later, he 
resigned from service due to deteriorating health, and died in 1850 on his way to Chaozhou to take up the 
special mission of subjugating the Taiping rebellion force. Wei attained the Jinshi degree in his late years, 
and was then successively appointed Prefect of Xinghua county and Gaoyou county. He had participated in 
the suppression of the Taiping rebellion force but was then dismissed. Despite a later remit, he was already 
disappointed in the officialdom. He became a monk and tried to look for eternal peace through the studying 
of Buddhism. He died in 1856. 



These seem to be the tragic endings of Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan. 




1840 年 S 月爆发 的中英 鸦片^ 争, 是中国 历史、 澳门和 香港历 
史的转 折点。 中国的 "天朝 帝国" 强大 无比的 传说被 击穿, 西方列 
强相继 而来。 香港 被割让 成了英 国的殖 民地。 澳门的 葡萄牙 人再也 
坐不 住了. 一反 "恭顺 "的 常态, 他们 躲在其 他欧州 列强的 盾谇之 
后, 逐步占 ^了 澳门。 

鸦 片战争 前夕, 世界 政治经 济风云 变幻, 以英国 为首的 西方列 
强, 对中国 这块肥 肉虎视 眈眈。 这一 时期, 作 为中外 贸易前 哨的澳 
门, 演出了 一幕幕 有声有 色的历 史剧: 它成为 大批外 囯商民 的暂时 
居 留地; 或 为西方 列强鸦 片走私 和苦力 贸易的 基地; 成为西 方列强 
侵华 前夕的 ^动中 心和滩 头阵地 t 澳门 是中英 冲突的 主要^ 场, 到 
了 1S 世纪 30 年代, 包括 政治、 经济、 文化和 军事等 方面的 冲突, 已 
进 入战云 密布的 时期。 

钦差 大臣林 则徐于 1939 年 1 月来 到广州 , 以撤役 断粮封 仓与派 

兵 包围十 三行的 方式, 逼 英国商 务监督 义律交 出二万 多箱鸦 片烟, 
并 在虎门 焚毁。 是年 9 月 3 日林则 徐巡阅 澳门, 这是他 面对禁 烟的形 
势和 澳门的 现实, 采取 的重大 决策。 在 澳门他 采取的 主要禁 烟措施 
有 四条: 一 是加强 管理, 二 是继续 通商, 三 是容葡 抗英, 四 是驱英 
出澳。 英 国鸦片 贩子在 林则徐 的打击 下负隅 顽抗、 伺机 反复, 游说 
^府 对中 囯发动 战争。 澳葡 当局对 中英双 方采取 "中 立" 态度, 以 
观 变化。 所以说 鸦片^ 争前 夕中英 在澳门 之战是 非常激 烈的。 



Lin Zexu's Battle with the British in Macau on the Eve of the Opium War 

(Translation) 

DENG Kaisong 

The Opium War that broke out in June 1840 was the turning point of the history of China, 
Macau and Hong Kong. It shattered the legend of the all-conquering "Celestial Empire" and ushered in the 
intrusion of Western powers. Seeing that Hong Kong was ceded to Britain, the Portuguese in Macau no 
longer remained "obedient". They hid themselves behind the shields of the Western powers and proceeded 
to occupy Macau step by step. 

On the eve of the Opium War, world politics and economy underwent tremendous changes. The 
Western powers, particularly the British, set a covetous eye on China. As an outpost of the Sino-Western 
trade, the habitat of a large number of foreigner traders and the base of foreign activities on the eve of their 
invasions, Macau saw the staging of episodes of historic scenes during this period. Macau was the major 
battlefield of the Sino-British conflicts. In the 1830s, political, economical, cultural and military conflicts 
between the two nations were so intense that war would break out at any time. 

The Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu arrived at Guangzhou in January 1939. He dismissed the 
Chinese servants of the British traders, cut off their food supply and besieged the thirteen Hong factories. 
Charles Elliot, Superintendent of Trade, was compelled to surrender over 20,000 chests of opium which 
were then totally destroyed at Humen. On 3 September of the same year, Lin visited Macau. This was a 
significant and critical decision. The strategies he used in Macau were (1) reinforce the management; (2) 
continue to trade with the foreigners; (3) tolerate the Portuguese but fend off the British; (4) drive the 
British out of Macau. Apparently submissive to Lin's order, the British opium traders in fact tried to seek 
chance to fight back. They persuaded their government to have war with China. The Portuguese in Macau 
stayed neutral in this Sino-British conflict and speculated the changes. On this very eve of the Opium War, 
the battle between China and Britain in Macau was a fierce one. 




International 
Symposium on 

I Lin Zexu, 



一係 »iy 港 



國 19-121998 



林則 徐舆澳 門官廟 
陂熔 g 

林 則徐是 苜位以 欽差大 &身份 訪問澳 的中 國官員 , 
在 鴉片戰 爭前夕 , 欽 差大臣 林則. 徐在虎 銷煙後 , 於 
一八三 九 年 (遙 光十 九年) 扎月 三 (塵 暦七月 廿六 h 率 

同 鄧 廷椟. 泜達澳 « 他進入 地 區範圍 
後 , 言 先在蓮 峰廟接 見夷目 * 林 則徐在 中富 1: - 
、、言 出關閘 , 則. 有夷 巨領. 夷兵 S 接 , ^夷 裝戎脈 , 列 
StS: 執. 於舆 ' 奏夷^ , 導 引入澳 。 遮!: 屢 ,有 肅曰新 
廟 , ^關聖 ' 先 S 神袭 行香 。 在 廢中傳 見夷目 , 與之 
^ ' 使通 赛傅^ 

這裡 搔及的 *新°翁' 即 蘧峰廟 。 ^門最 古老时 廟字之 
― , 妗霧於 明代蓖 歷年^ 。 蘧峰 廟在爽 門的靡 宇中有 
铮殊. 地位, 乃因 門地 1: 唯 —— 肝 言廟? 

五 年以後 ' 菜二 | 欽差 大臣誉 英臨澳 , 兩 *: 居 住在莲 
峰庵 & , 而且 ' 進佇了 重 要的外 交活動 。 包^ 與荚國 、 
法國 代蓑, 進行疫 最 後簽署 了中國 早期的 兩個不 
予 等傺約 《中菱 望^: 镟鉗》 異 《中 法资埔 條約》 。 

蓮 綠廟成 為清代 澳. 門地. 區的唯 一官靡 , 尿因有 如下幾 

點 : 一; 1: 該廟 異清庭 JfS^ri: 事防 守摟構 關閱. 門毗鄰 , 
而县 位 處城外 , ST 澳宵 員居 住此處 , 在 安全上 有保癍 。 
二是此 處地位 莲花 i 靈頭 ' ■ 前 有碼頭 , 方便從 莳 山 
陸路或 是由石 ^水^ 而至的 iff u 
鹿前身 為澳門 I 區民 間公所 , 民間 | 理 的機裤 

肝在地 。 

^ 峰率 么^^ 有的么 v 所性質 廟宇' ai ^慶 

tS^IfllEJ^' 發 款進行 擴建、 重修: 並 
且搔出 土地怍 為麻宇 I 產 ' 逐^ 愛為. 言痫 。 

Ji%t%^% m SS^ ^"复 個中國 享有特 殊待遇 

s^i«Si;^^xr 一 偭待別 的角色 。 多 次重要 

^f^^^^Ml ^ 構成了 其獨待 的歷史 。 

,掘 與簦理 ' 蓮 峰廟的 I 
廟 囬巨與 歷史, 亦趁來 逾潸断 。 



Lin Zexu and the Government Temple of Macau 

(Translation) 

CHAN Wai-hang 

Lin Zexu was the first Chinese Imperial Commissioner visiting Macau. 

On the eve of the Opium War in 1839, the Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu ordered the 
destruction of huge volume of opium at Humen. On 3 September in the same year, he visited Macau in the 
company of Deng Tingzhen, Governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi. As soon as he arrived in 
Macau, the head of the foreigners was called to meet him in the Templo de Lin Pong. His diary says, "As 
soon as I left the Barrier Gate, I was greeted by barbarian soldiers headed by their chief. They were all 
armed and dressed in military uniform and lined up beside my palanquin. Barbarian music was played as I 
was being led into Macau. After passing Wangxia (Mong-Ha), we reached the Xin Temple (Templo de Lin 
Pong) which was dedicated to the worship of Guandi. After paying homage to the deities by presenting joss 
sticks, I received the barbarian chief inside the temple. I talked to him and asked him to pass on the 
message." 

Templo de Lin Pong, one of the oldest temples in Macau, was first constructed in the Wanli 
period (1573-1619) of the Ming dynasty. It was the most prestigious among all local temples because it was 
the only government temple in the region. 

Five years later, another Imperial Commissioner Qiying visited Macau. For twice he resided in 
this temple, and important diplomatic activities were held there. These include negotiating with American 
and French representatives, and the signing of two unequalled treaties ― the Treaty of Wangxia with the 
Americans and the Treaty of Huangpu with the French. 

There were several reasons for the Templo de Lin Pong to be the only government temple in 
Macau in the Qing period. There were several reasons for this. Firstly, it was situated next to the Barrier 
Gate, a point of defence established by the Qing Court. Its location outside the town also made it a safer 
residence for Qing officials visiting Macau. Secondly, it was connected to the mainland by a stone path and 
there was a pier in front of it. Officials coming from inland could easily reach the place either via land or 
water routes. Lastly, it was formerly a public arbitration office administered by the folks of Macau. 

Being originally a public temple, the Templo de Lin Pong also played the role of a local 
arbitration office. Government involvement started in the Jiaqing period. It was extended and renovated, 
and lands were allotted to its estate. Gradually, it became a government temple. 

After the outbreak of the Opium War, Macau, as a city of special status and prestige, played a 
unique role in being the arena of diplomatic negotiations, many of which were held in this temple. 

The exploration and sorting of Chinese and Portuguese historical materials in recent years have 
increasingly illuminated the identity and history of the Templo de Lin Pong. 



林則 徐對西 知的探 求與基 督教士 對西知 的傳播 



李志剛 

林則徐 獲授欽 差大臣 '於 1839 年 3 月 10 曰抵 達廣州 ' 全權 進行禁 煙工作 。 由於其 時滿淸 
政 府與歐 美各國 並無邦 交建立 , 林 則徐紫 駐廣州 , 實是 中國辦 理歐美 外人事 務最高 的官員 。 因爲 
中國 與歐美 國家沒 有外交 的關係 ' 與 外人並 無官方 的接觸 : 又以廣 州是當 時對外 的商港 ' 所以林 
則徐 爲要認 識西方 的地理 和政情 ' 便於禁 煙問題 的辦理 ' 對 「夷 情」、 「夷 事」 必須多 所瞭解 ' 始 
能發揮 「知己 知彼」 的功效 。 故 此在林 則徐到 達廣州 後不久 ' 即成 立譯館 ' 展開 對西知 的探求 。 

以 其時中 西交通 的阻隔 和語言 的障礙 , 中國 人對西 方知識 的瞭解 , 是 透過來 華基督 教士的 
引 介傳播 。 按 自馬禮 遜牧師 (Rev. Robert Mornison) ' 以至林 則徐於 1839 年 在廣州 的時候 ' 先 
後 來華基 督教士 ' 計有 60 人 。 由於 滿淸嚴 禁外國 教士在 中國境 內傳教 , 致 使各教 士散佈 在澳門 、 
南洋 各地展 開活動 。 而各 基督教 士爲接 觸華人 ' 由是 從事聖 經繙譯 、 書 刊出版 、 學 校興辦 、 醫院 
創立 、 教 堂開設 等事業 以輔傳 教工作 。 其 中以出 版事業 、 教 育事業 、 醫藥事 業種種 的創設 ' 致有 
利於 西方文 化和西 方知識 的傳播 ' 對 林則徐 對西知 認識是 有極大 的幫助 ° 

有關 林則徐 對西知 的探求 , 可 分爲下 列三點 : 

一. 對西 方新聞 的探求 : 林 則徐爲 對西方 政情有 所瞭解 ' 深知 西方報 刊報導 的重要 。 事實 
上 基督教 士早於 1815 年至 1839 年期間 ' 先後創 辦中文 報刊有 《察 世俗 每月統 記傳》 、 《特 選撮要 
每月統 記傳》 '《天 下新 聞》、 《東 洋考每 月統記 傳》: 在英文 報刊有 (Indo-Chinese Gleaner) (印 
支 搜聞) : 《Canton Register} (澳門 雜錄) ; (Canton Press》 (澳門 新 聞錄) ;' (The Chinese 
Repository) (澳門 月報) 。 林則 徐以其 中澳門 月報最 具價値 , 故 委專人 從事選 譯工作 。 

二. 對西 方地理 的探求 : 19 世 紀初葉 ' 中國 人對於 歐美各 國地理 知識所 知有限 。 雖 則明朝 
耶穌會 士曾有 《萬國 輿圖》 的繪製 , 而基督 教士亦 有各地 理書籍 的出版 ' 如 《地 理便童 略傳》 、 《全 
地萬國 紀略》 、 《大 英國 統志》 、 《古 今萬國 綱鑑》 、 《萬 國地理 會集》 、 《美利 哥合眾 國志》 等 書已有 
出 版銷售 。 而林 則徐以 Hugh Murray, (Cyclopaedia of Geography} ' 爲 最新地 理版本 ' 故從其 
中部 分譯出 。 

三. 對國 際公法 的探求 : 由於 中外沒 有邦交 , 又 以西方 法律日 新月異 ' 對於 中外曰 後的交 
接 , 必然要 有國際 公法依 循辦理 。 爲 此林則 徐則請 求在廣 州的伯 駕醫生 (Rev. Peter Parker M.D.) 
協助將 瑞士人 滑達爾 (Par M. Vattel) 的 《各國 律例》 (Le Droit Des Gens ou Principes De La Loi 
Naturelle) 部分加 以繙譯 。 

是 見林則 徐對西 方知識 的探求 , 是 透過基 督教士 著作和 出版的 書刊得 益最多 : 而林 則徐對 
外 的認識 , 亦有 賴與基 督教士 的交往 和幫助 。 



Lin Zexu's Exploration and the Christian Missionaries 9 
Dissemination of Western Knowledge 

(Translation) 

LEE Chee-kong 

After Lin Zexu was appointed Imperial Commissioner, he arrived at Guangzhou on 10 March 
1839 with plenipotentiary power to suppress opium. Since no diplomatic relations had been established 
between China and the West, there was no direct contact between the Chinese government and the 
foreigners. Lin was supposed to be the highest official in Guangzhou to take charge of foreign affairs. 
Realising that Guangzhou was a port engaged in foreign trade, Lin recognised the need of understanding 
Western geography and political situations. He was aware that a better knowledge in "foreign situations" 
and "foreign affairs" was advantageous to his mission. Therefore, not long after his arrival at Guangzhou, 
he established a translation office and started exploring Western knowledge. 

Due to transportation and language barriers, the Chinese's knowledge of the West was acquired 
largely through Christian missionaries. Since the arrival of Rev. Robert Morrison at the beginning of the 
century to the time of Lin's arrival at Guangzhou, around 60 missionaries had come to China. Since the 
Qing government forbade direct contact between the missionaries and the Chinese people, preaching was 
carried out mainly through the translation of the Bible, publishing, and the setting up of schools, hospitals 
and churches. Publishing and setting up of schools and hospitals provided effective means for the 
dissemination of Western culture and knowledge. They facilitate Lin's exploration of the West. 

Lin's exploration of Western knowledge was focused on the following aspects: 

1. Western news 

Lin was aware that newspapers published by the Westerners provided valuable information on the political 
situations of Western countries. In fact, the missionaries had published between 1815 and 1839 a number of 
newspapers and periodicals, in Chinese and English. The Chinese ones included Chashisu meiyue 
tongjichuzhuan (Monthly journal of worldly affairs), Texuan cuoyao meiyue tongjizhuan (Monthly journal 
with summary of selected news), Tiarvci xinwen (World news) and Dongyang kao meiyue tongjizhuan 
(Monthly journal of the East Ocean). Among the English publications were Indo-Chinese Gleaner, Canton 
Register, Canton Press and The Chinese Repository. 

2. Western geography 

Despite that world maps were drawn by Jesuits during the Ming dynasty and a number of books on world 
geography had been published by the missionaries, the Chinese's knowledge of European and American 
geography was still very limited in the early years of the 19 th century. Among the books published and sold 
by the missionaries are Dili bianiong luezhuan (Brief introduction of geography), Quandi wanguo jilue 
(Brief introduction of world geography), Dayingguo tongzhi (Comprehensive chronicles of Great Britain), 
Gujin wanguo gangjian (Essentials of all countries in the world in the past and present), Wanguo dili huiji 
(Comprehensive world geography) and Meilige hezhongguo zhi (Chronicles of the United States of 
America). Hugh Murray's Cyclopaedia of Geography was considered by Lin Zexu as the most updated 
world geography. Passages from this book were translated into Chinese. 

3. The International Law 

Lin Zexu was aware of the absence of diplomatic relations between China and the West, the fast changing 
laws of the West and the need of international laws in future disputes. He solicited the help of Rev. Peter 
Parker M.D, a missionary in Guangzhou, to assist in the translation of the part of book Le Droit Des Gem 
on Principes De La Loi Naturelle written by the Swiss jurist Par M. Vattel. 

Books and other publications published by the Western missionaries helped Lin Zexu a lot in his 
pursuit of Western knowledge. Through contacts with them and with their assistance, Lin managed to 
acquire some understanding of the outside world. 



jfei International 
Symposium on 

MLinZexu, 
JS- the ppium War 



w Hong Kong 



18- 19-12-1998 



林則 徐與近 代西方 國際法 之翻譯 

林學忠 



鴉片戰 爭期間 ' 林則徐 主持禁 煙大業 , 爲了 掌握當 前險惡 的國內 外形勢 ' 特 派人購 買和翻 
譯外 國書報 ' 積極 學習西 方知識 。 此外 ' 爲備戰 於萬一 ' 更托 廣州的 美國醫 生伯駕 (P. Parker) 及 
理藩院 通事袁 德輝先 後選譯 了瑞士 法學家 瓦特爾 (Emerich de Vattel ' 舊譯滑 特爾) 所著 《國 際法》 
(Le Driot des Gem, 據奇蒂 (Joseph Chitty 的 英譯本 The Law o/Wa"ora) 的 一部份 ' 包 括宣佈 違禁外 
貨 、 扣押 犯禁外 國船隻 ' 封 鎖港口 、 宣佈 戰爭等 。 事實上 ' 鴉片 戰爭期 間林則 徐的對 外態度 ' 
與英 方交涉 時所採 取的各 種行動 ' 都 顯得頗 爲強硬 ' 這和 他對國 際法的 認識甚 有關係 。因此 '大 
陸學者 認爲林 則徐是 介紹近 代西方 國際法 的先驅 ' 運用 國際法 和外國 鬥爭的 第一人 ' 對他 的評價 
極高 。 另 一方面 , 歐美及 日本的 研究雖 承認林 氏的上 述功績 ' 但同時 指出他 只翻譯 了國際 法的部 
份內容 ' 而其 應用亦 局限於 廣東一 隅且爲 時短暫 ° 其後 ' 瓦特爾 《國 際法》 之翻譯 雖收入 魏源所 
編的 《海國 圖志》 (題 名爲 《各國 律例》 ) 內 , 但 未能引 起中國 朝野有 識之士 的重視 。 即 使是林 
則 徐本人 ' 被貶後 亦沒有 繼續國 際法學 的研究 。 他們 認爲有 計劃地 ' 系統地 將近代 西方國 際法傳 
入中國 , 並發生 重大影 響力者 ' 實始 自美國 長老會 傳教士 丁韙良 (W.A.P. Martin) 翻 譯美國 國際法 
學 家惠頓 (Henry Wheaton) 之 《萬國 公法》 (Elements of International Law) ° 上述兩 種意見 ' 各有所 
本 ' 前者 偏重首 創之功 ' 後者 側重流 播之實 。 要 客觀地 評價林 則徐之 引入及 應用國 際法對 近代中 
國 的貢獻 和影響 ' 我們 必須把 它放在 中國近 代史的 脈絡上 作宏觀 的討論 。 是以 ' 本 文除探 討林則 
徐的華 夷思想 ' 翻譯 國際法 的目的 、 意義外 ' 並 會對晚 淸西方 國際法 學的譯 著及對 外交涉 時國際 
法的 應用作 鳥瞰式 的述介 ' 祈能爲 林則除 以至中 國近代 史研究 作出一 點補白 。 



Lin Zexu and the Translation of the International Law and 
Western Juristic Works in Recent Centuries 

(Translation) 

LAM Hok-chung 

During the Opium War, Lin Zexu's mission was to suppress opium. In order to understand more 
thoroughly critical situations inside and outside China, he ordered for the purchase and translation of 
Western works, and made great efforts in learning Western knowledge. To prepare for the War, he 
appointed the American Dr. P. Parker and Yuan Dehui, Interpreter of the Bureau of Colonial Affairs, to 
translate into Chinese part of Joseph Chitty's The Law of Nations, which was an English translation of the 
Swiss jurist Emerich de Vattel's Le Driot des Gens. The part translated was about declaring foreign goods 
violating a ban, withholding foreign vessel violating prohibitions, blockading a port and declaring war. In 
fact, during the War, Lin was rather uncompromising in his attitude towards the British and his response 
towards the negotiations. This owes largely to his knowledge in the International Law. For this reason, 
scholars in China highly regard Lin as the first person to introduce the International Law of the West into 
China and the first Chinese to make use of the International Law to combat with the West. Western and 
Japanese scholars also recognise Lin's contributions in this aspect but at the same time, they point out that 
only part of the International Law was translated into Chinese and the application of the Law was limited to 
Guangdong and only for a short time. Later, although Chinese translation of Vattel's works was compiled 
into Wei Yuan,s Haiguo tuzhi (Illustrated record of maritime countries) under the chapter of "Laws of 
Various Countries", it did not arouse the attention of the Chinese intellectuals. Even Lin did not pursue the 
study of the International Law after his banishment. Those scholars opine that it was the American 
missionary W.A.R Martin's translation of the American jurist Henry Wheaton's Elements of International 
Law that heralded the systematic introduction of the Law and cast great influence on China. The diverse 
opinions of these two groups of scholars have their grounds, the former emphasising Lin's initiation while 
the latter considering the consequential development. If we have to evaluate objectively Lin's contribution 
to and influence on modern China in his introduction and application of the International Law, we must 
discuss the topic from a macro point of view in the context of modern Chinese history. Therefore, in 
addition to exploring Lin's thoughts on China's foreign relationship, his aim in translating the International 
Law and its significance, this paper will give a brief account of the various translations of Western juristic 
works and the application of the International Law to foreign negotiations in the late Qing dynasty. It is 
wished that these materials will fill in some gaps in the study of Lin Zexu and the history of modern China. 




18- 19-12-1998 



林 則徐譯 編述論 

戴學稷 

在禁煙 運動和 鴉片戰 爭時期 ' 爲 了了解 西方和 制定反 侵略戰 爭對策 ' 林則徐 進行了 大量的 
翻譯和 編輯整 理工作 。 本文 擬就此 方面作 一槪述 並略論 其意義 與作用 。 

第 一部分 簡要介 紹林則 徐組織 編譯的 西方報 刊關於 中國之 資料匯 編與摘 譯的西 書槪況 , 包 

括 《澳 門新 聞紙》 ' 《澳門 月報》 ' 《四 洲志》 ' 《華事 夷言》 ' 《各國 律例》 、 《對 鶴片 貿易罪 過論》 、 《洋 

事 雜錄》 等 。 

第 二部分 略論林 則徐譯 編工作 的意義 及作用 , 闉 明林則 徐了解 和硏究 "夷 情" , 全 在於應 
用 ' 即 "師夷 長技以 制夷" ' 他組 織翻譯 和編輯 整理西 方的書 刊資料 ' 具有 "知己 知彼" 的極爲 
重 大的現 實意義 ' 在針對 敵情制 定政策 和反對 侵略都 起了重 大的積 極作用 ' 林則徐 運用國 際法的 
規 定勒令 外國鴉 片販繳 出毒品 鴉片並 全部加 以銷毀 ' 是完全 正義的 , 其所有 措施都 是無可 指謫的 。 



總之 ' 林 則徐的 譯編具 有重大 的意義 與作用 ' 他不愧 爲近代 中國睜 眼看世 界的偉 大人物 。 



Lin Zexu,s Translation and Compilation of Western Materials 

(Translation) 

DAI Xueji 

In order to better understand the West and to map out anti-invasion strategies, Lin Zexu initiated 
the translation of many Western works and contributed greatly to the compilation of these translations 
during the anti-opium campaign and the Opium War. This paper will examine his undertakings in this 
aspect, as well as the role and significance of his efforts. 

The paper gives a brief account of the Western newspapers and books from which useful 
materials were selected by Lin to be translated into Chinese, and the translated works deriving from these 
materials. These include the Aomen Xinwemi(Macau News), Aomen Yuebao(Macau Monthly), Sizhou zhi 
(Commentary of the Four Continents), Huashi yiyan (Foreigner's comments on Chinese affairs), Geguo 
Lw/zYInternaitonal Lawj, Dnihua yapian maoyi zuignolun (Discussion of the crime of importing opium into 
China) and Yangshi zalu (Miscellany of foreign affairs). 

Then the paper proceeds to discuss the role and significance of Lin's efforts. Lin was in fact 
putting into practice the strategies of "Learn the superior technology of the barbarians in order to control 
them" and "know yourself and know your enemies". The knowledge he acquired from those translated 
works was extremely useful in mapping out strategies against the invaders. His demand for the surrender of 
opium and his destruction of the drug were deemed legal by the International Law. The actions he had 
taken were beyond criticism. 

To conclude, Lin's decision and efforts in translating and compiling Western materials were 
endowed with great significance. He proved himself to be a person of great insight in the history of modern 
China. 



【in Zexu, 



"T^j International 
*=^ J Symposium on 



^/C^ 滅 Hong Kong 




鴉片戰 爭前廣 州口岸 對於外 洋的商 貿形制 



王爾敏 



今世 論史者 , 言 及淸代 對外態 度與貿 易體制 , 對於英 國興戎 ' 引起 鴉片戰 爭巨禍 , 探討種 
因 , 每 每歸罪 於中國 固有的 封貢貿 易制度 。 數 十年來 , 學界以 爲定論 ' 久已深 入人心 。 其 實明淸 
兩代 的封貢 貿易制 度必須 充分認 識其真 實內涵 , 方可放 言評論 其優劣 。 然以 鴉片戰 爭的歷 史淵源 
背 景而言 , 則可 大膽說 , 彼以毫 不相干 。 質言之 , 封貢貿 易制度 ' 與 鴉片戰 爭的遠 因近因 均無任 

何 關係。 

事實上 , 明淸兩 代中國 對域外 邦國的 封貢貿 易制度 , 有其 歷史形 成背景 , 完密複 雜體制 , 
繁 富充實 的內涵 。 凡東西 、 西亞 、 北亞 、 南洋 (原稱 西洋) 均有 多數列 邦來往 ' 各 有不同 定期與 
商 貿定點 。 即單以 廣州口 岸而論 , 在 西城外 南海縣 境的懷 遠驛自 明代永 樂初年 , 至淸代 , 專門接 
待的西 洋朝貢 國有二 十三國 , 均必 登載禮 部貢典 免費招 待貢使 ' 並在 懷遠驛 廣設棧 房供各 國來商 
儲存貨 物並開 放買賣 ' 包括 購買中 國土貨 , 全 部免稅 。 這 是朝貢 國所享 的特權 。 

自淸初 起歐洲 國家來 華通商 貿易的 有俄國 與荷蘭 ' 俱 是循行 封貢貿 易制度 。 西方國 家或者 
不承認 有此事 , 其實在 中國的 檔案中 均有淸 楚記載 ' 俄國 每隔三 年來北 京開市 八十天 ' 買 賣彼此 
貨物 , 全 部免稅 。 荷蘭自 其殖民 地東印 度群島 來使不 只一次 ' 使 團先到 廣州再 循陸路 到北京 。 但 
其 隨從來 商則留 在廣州 在懷遠 驛開巿 ' 地方雖 然收稅 ' 亦很輕 。 直 到使節 回廣州 ' 纔收 巿回程 。 

至 於不用 朝貢貿 易制度 , 則不 但不能 在懷遠 驛開市 , 抑且 也不能 享受免 稅待遇 。 大 約在淸 
初三 藩時代 。 廣東地 方用權 宜之計 對於沒 有貢使 的歐商 ' 開 一個新 的門徑 ' 就是令 這些商 船就在 
珠江 岸邊下 貨售賣 , 不 能免稅 , 同時要 有中國 保商出 面擔保 。 限 制甚嚴 , 水手 不能下 船生事 。 想 
想 這同嚴 防走私 差不多 ' 怎 能有好 的待遇 ' 怎能和 封貢貿 易相比 。英、 法' 丹麥' 瑞典、 漢堡 - 
布 路斯等 國來商 , 都受這 種對待 。 後來就 很快發 展出十 三行制 度和十 三行街 。 其後 的種種 不合理 
規制 和弊端 , 都 是地方 上作主 , 自然免 不了許 多糾紛 。 然而這 與封貢 制度本 不相干 , 怎可 將中英 
商 業衝突 推向封 貢貿易 ? 



Foreign Trade System in Guangzhou before the Opium War 

(Translation) 

WANG Er-min 

Most historians studying the foreign relations and trade system of the Qing dynasty, and 
investigating into the cause of the Opium War often put the blame on China's traditional tributary trade 
system. This point of view has been unanimously agreed upon in the last few decades. In fact, we should 
first find out what this trade system was about in the Ming and Qing dynasties before proceeding to 
criticise it. But I dare to say that it has nothing to do with the distant and immediate causes of the Opium 
War. 

In fact, the tributary trade system of the Ming and Qing dynasties has its own historical 
backdrop. The system is complete and complex; its content rich and substantial. A large number of regions 
in East Asia, West Asia, North Asia and South Asia participated in tributary trade. The time and place of 
trade were governed by schedules. Take the port of Guangzhou for example, the Huaiyuan Hostel for 
Tributary Corps situated at Nanhai west of Guangzhou provided free accommodation for envoys from 23 
states from South and Southeast Asia in the early years of the Yongle period of the Ming dynasty. All these 
states had registered with the Ministry of Rites. Warehouses were provided for them to store their goods 
and they were allowed to trade in China, including purchasing Chinese goods. No duty was levied. These 
were the privileges enjoyed by the tributary states. 

Russians and Dutch coming to trade in China in the early Qing period also followed this system. 
Some Western countries do not admit that there was such a system, but it is clearly stipulated in Chinese 
archives. The Russians came to trade in China for 80 days every three years and no tax was levied on them. 
The Dutch came to China from their colony in the East Indies for more than once. The Dutch envoy group 
made their first stop at Guangzhou, and then they went north to Beijing by land while the retinue would 
stay in Guangzhou to trade in the Huaiyuan Hostel. Some provincial regions levied tax but the charges were 
very small. When the envoy came down from Beijing, they would join him and sail home. 

Traders not conforming to this system were not allowed to trade in Huaiyuan, and nor could 
they enjoy duty free privileges. During the early years of the Qing dynasty when the three ex-Ming 
generals were still active, an expedient measure was taken by the Guangdong government to handle 
unregistered trade. Non-tributary traders from Europe were allowed to unload goods from their ships onto 
the bank of the Pearl River ( Zhujiang ) but tax had to be levied. Besides, they had to find a Chinese 
merchant as their guarantor. Restrictions were tight. For example, the crews were not allowed to leave their 
ships. The Qing government treated them as they guarded against smugglers. Thus, the treatment on these 
European merchants was in no way compared with that of the tributary traders. Merchants from Britain, 
France, Denmark, and Sweden , etc. were similarly treated. Soon, the hong trading system emerged in 
Guangzhou. 13 hong factories were set up and they gathered together in the same street. Later, provincial 
officials put up various unreasonable rules and malpractice, which inevitably caused disputes. However, 
these disputes had nothing to do with the tributary trade system. How can we blame this system for causing 
clashes in the Sino-British trade. 



Tj;j International 
卜 不 1 Symposium on 

Lin Zexu, 
'''j thej3pium War 

l/x^ .^HoiSgKonf 



18- 19-12-1998 



鴉片 戰爭前 夕之^ 防 

周子峰 



本 文之主 旨在於 探討鴉 片戰爭 前夕之 福建海 防槪況 , 並 對此作 出評論 。 全 文共分 五部分 。 
其一 ' 緒論 ; 其二 , 淸初至 淸中葉 福建海 防槪況 ; 其三 ' 鴉片 戰爭前 夕鄧廷 楨與顏 伯燾對 福建海 
防 之整頓 ; 其四 , 廈門之 役簡論 : 其五 , 總結 。 



Coastal Defence in Fujian on the Eve of the Opium War 

(Translation) 

CHOU Chi-feng 

This paper aims at examining and reviewing the coastal defence of the Fujian province on the 
eve of the Opium War. The paper is divided into five sections: (1) Introduction; (2) Coastal defence in 
Fujian in the first half of the Qing dynasty; (3) Consolidation of Fujian 's coastal defence by Deng Tingzhen 
and Yan Botao on the eve of the Opium War; (4) A brief account of the battle in Fujian; (5) Conclusion. 



18- 19-12-1998 



虎 門與鴉 片戰爭 

虎門 , 是偉 大愛國 主義者 ' 杰出政 治家林 則徐領 導中國 人民收 繳和銷 毀英國 等國鴉 片的地 

方 ; 也是 林則徐 、 鄧廷禎 、 關 天培領 導中國 軍民反 對英國 鴉片侵 略戰爭 的前哨 。 1840 年的 鴉片戰 
爭 , 是資 本主義 英國爲 了向中 國強行 販賣鴉 片而發 動的侵 略戰爭 。 英勇的 虎門抗 英鬥爭 ' 充份表 
現 了中國 人民誓 死反抗 外來侵 略的英 雄氣慨 ' 譜 寫了中 國近百 年偉大 革命運 動第一 頁最光 輝的歷 

史 篇章。 

一. 虎 門銷煙 與銷煙 池舊址 

1839 年 5 月 (道 光十九 年三月 ) , 林則徐 爲銷毀 收繳英 國等國 的鴉片 ' 在東 莞虎門 鎭口村 " …… 
於海 灘高處 ' 挑挖 兩池" ' 並 於同年 6 月 3 日至 25 日 (道光 十九年 四月二 十日至 五月十 五日) 在此 
採用 "浸 化〃 方法 , 共銷毀 鴉片二 百三十 七萬六 千二百 五十斤 。 經發 掘發現 有昔日 銷煙池 的舊池 
邊 - 池底 麻石板 ' 木 、 竹椿和 "欄 板〃 等 遺跡. 。 虎 門銷煙 ' 是 中國人 民第一 次震驚 中外的 反侵略 
大示威 , 是 禁煙鬥 爭的重 大勝利 。 

二. 虎門防 務與砲 台舊址 

虎 門位於 珠江口 ' 乃 廣州濱 海咽喉 ' 扼 河海交 通要衝 ' 形 勢險要 。 淸初即 已經建 有砲台 ' 1934 
年 (道 光十 四年) 冬 ' 杰出 愛國將 領關天 培任廣 東水師 提督後 ' 陸續對 虎門及 外海的 砲台加 以增修 
佈署 。 鴉片戰 爭前夕 ' 林則徐 ' 鄧廷禎 ' 關 天培爲 防禦英 國侵略 者的武 裝入侵 ' 採 取了增 修加固 
砲台 、 設置 攔海鐵 鍊木棑 ' 添置中 外火砲 ' 招募 水勇等 強化虎 門防務 的措施 。 對虎 門十一 座砲台 
分 三個區 段設置 ' 建立了 被譽爲 "金鎖 銅關〃 的三道 緊相配 合的虎 門防線 。 在關天 培統帥 下的廣 
東 水師曾 取得九 龍海戰 、 穿 鼻海戰 六戰官 涌的光 輝戰果 。 鴉 片戰爭 爆發後 ' 關天培 坐鎭虎 門防線 
嚴 陣以待 ' 英國 艦隊不 敢侵犯 ' 轉 軍北上 。 之後 林則徐 被撤職 ' 由賣 國賊琦 善取代 ' 撤虎 門海防 ' 
遂有虎 門之戰 的慘敗 。 這些 砲台在 兩次鴉 片戰爭 中曾三 度被佔 領毀壞 ' 現有 的構築 多爲光 緒年間 
重建 ' 只有威 遠月台 ' 沙角瀕 海台尙 保留原 建的部 分遺跡 。 最 珍貴的 是靖遠 和橫檔 砲台上 有百孔 
千瘡 ' 彈 痕累累 的一段 石牆基 和三合 土垛牆 ' 留下 了當年 關天培 、 麥廷章 、 達里保 等愛國 將領率 
師堅 守陣地 , 壯烈殉 國的悲 壯情景 。 

三. 虎門抗 英鐵砲 及其他 

虎 門十一 座砲台 共配有 中式生 鐵前膛 砲三百 二十門 , 購自 外國的 "西 洋夷 砲二百 餘門' 。 是 
鴉片戰 爭反侵 略的主 要武器 。這 些中式 鐵砲都 有銘文 , 可知爲 嘉慶至 道光年 間官定 民造出 自佛山 、 
番禺匠 人之手 。 虎門 之戰砲 台失陷 ' 火砲 "皆爲 夷有" ' 或 被毀壞 w 用鐵釘 將砲眼 釘死" 和 、將 




砲 耳擊去 * ' 並多推 入海中 ° 二百餘 門西洋 夷砲不 知所終 ° 現 存的抗 英鐵砲 只有嘉 慶十四 年至道 

光十 六年鑄 的四百 、 八百 、 三千和 六千斤 砲九門 。 均出 土於砲 台海灘 。 5 包 眼釘死 ' 砲 耳擊去 ' ,盡 
爲廢鐵 * 。 深 刻地反 映了英 國侵略 軍毀我 * 海彊長 城 1 " 的暴行 。 

當年 的文物 尙存有 攔海鐵 鏈木排 中的部 分鐵鏈 : 砲台火 藥缸和 火藥埕 : 鐵砲 彈的封 門子和 
群子 : 盛 放封門 子砲彈 的木匣 。 

四. 虎 門抗英 烈士墓 (注 )' 

* 義塚 * 在南 山威遠 砲台武 山南麓 ' 埋葬有 二十八 罈遺骨 ' 乃 "道光 十九年 吉立〃 ' 據考當 

是 鴉片戰 爭前夕 穿鼻海 戰六戰 官涌陣 亡的廣 東水師 士兵的 墳墓。 

^節 兵義墳 * 在 沙角砲 台白草 山西麓 ' 埋葬 "節 兵七 十五位 * ' "道 光二十 三年六 月吉旦 * 
立 。 ,忠 勇義塚 之墓〃 在 、節兵 義墳〃 北鄰 ' 埋葬 有三十 罈遺骨 ' 爲 、光緒 五年歲 次已卯 二月重 
修" 。 據 考此兩 墓是分 兩次埋 葬沙角 、 大 角砲台 保衛戰 中陣亡 的二百 八十三 位守台 士兵的 一部份 ° 

、義勇 之塚〃 在橫檔 島山砲 台南麓 ' 埋葬有 四十八 罈遺骨 ' 爲 、光 緒十 一年乙 酉花月 遷葬〃 ° 
據考此 墓是埋 葬橫檔 、 永 安砲台 保衛戰 中陣亡 的百餘 位守台 士兵的 一部份 。 其中內 有一罈 有鐵佩 
刀 ' 銅帽 飾隨葬 ' 乃 一般士 兵所無 ' 並 被安放 於墓中 最尊貴 的部位 ' 估計可 能是盛 放淸廷 三次批 
文 追查失 蹤實已 陣亡的 守台副 將滿人 達里保 的遺骨 。 

在 鴉片戰 爭中爲 國捐軀 的廣東 水師官 兵永垂 不朽! 



( 注) 經發 掘證實 四墓乃 光緒年 間重修 時執骨 、、起 金〃 ' 遺骨 均用官 府特製 上有淸 
廷龍旗 標誌的 釉陶魂 罈盛放 。 



Humeri and the Opium War 

(Translation) 



MO Zhi 

Humen is the place where the great patriot and distinguished politician Lin Zexu and his men 
confiscated and destroyed the opium imported chiefly by the British. It was also the outpost where Chinese 
soldiers and peasants fought against British force under the command of Lin Zexu, Deng Tingzhen and 
Guan Tianpei during the Opium War. The War broke out in 1840. It was a military aggression embarked by 
the capitalist British to protect their illegal trade of opium in China. The brave resistance at Humen fully 
reflects the heroic spirit of the Chinese people who pledged their life in fighting against foreign invasions. 
Gloriously it occupies the foremost page in the history of China's great revolutions in the last hundred 
years. 

1. Destroying opium at Humen and the relics of the pools in which opium was destroyed 

In May 1839, Lin Zexu was ordered by the Emperor to destroy locally the opium surrendered by 
the British. Two pools were dug in the raised part of the beach at Zhenkou village at Humen in Dongguan. 
2,376,250 catties of opium were destroyed between 3-25 June. Crushed opium were thrown into the pools 
while salt and lime were added to destroy them. Archaeological excavations have revealed the side walls of 
the pools, the stone slabs lining the bottom, wooden posts and wooden planks. Destroying opium at Humen 
was the first world-shocking demonstration launched by the China in their fighting against invasion. The 
opium suppression movement came to a great success. 

2. Defence at Humen and the relics of the forts 

Humen is situated at the estuary of the Zhujiang river. It guards the throat of Guangzhou and is 
the hub of sea and river transportation. As a point of strategic significance, it was fortified in the early years 
of the Qing dynasty. After the patriotie and distinguished military officer Guan Tianpei had been appointed 
the Admiralty of the Guangdong Naval Force in the winter of 1934, defence works were carried out at 
Humen and its outlying forts. On the eve of the Opium War, measures were taken by Lin Zexu, Deng 
Tingzhen and Guan Tianpei to guard the place from the British attack. Old forts were consolidated, new 
ones were built, huge iron chains and wooden rafts were used to blockade the river, new cannons made in 
China and the West were bought and more seamen were recruited. The eleven forts at Humen came under 
three zones, establishing three effective lines of defence known as "golden blockade and copper gate". 
Under the command of Guan Tianpei, the Guangdong naval force gained victory in various battles in 
Kowloon, Chuanbi and Kwun Chung. Since Humen was well guarded, the British warships gave up 
entering the Zhujiang river and moved northward. Later, Lin Zexu was dismissed and the traitor Qishan 
came to take his place. Qishan ordered the withdrawal of Humeri's defence, leading to loss in subsequent 
battles. The forts at Humen had been occupied thrice and ruined by the British. Most of the present 
structures were rebuilt during the Guangxu period. Only part of the original platforms of the Weiyuan Fort 
and Shajiao Fort are preserved. The numerous shell holes on a stone wall foundation and the cement 
battlements are valuable relics reminiscent of the vigorous scenes of Chinese soldiers fighting for their 
nation under the command of the patriotic officers Guan Tianpei, Mai Tingzhang and Dalibao. 

3. Iron cannons and other relics at Humen 

The 1 1 forts at Humen were equiped with 320 cannons, around 200 of which bought from the 
West. They were the basic armaments used in the Opium War. All Chinese style cannons carried 
inscriptions denoting that they were commissioned from civilian artisans in Foshan and Panyu during the 
Daoguang period. After the British capture of Humen, the cannons were damaged by clogging the 
boreholes with iron nails and smashing the wings. Some were even pushed into the sea. All Western 
cannons were missing. The only remnants are the nine cannons with weighs ranging from 400 to 800, 3000 
and 6000 catties cast between 1809-1836. They were recovered from the beach off the forts. With their 
boreholes clogged and wings smashed, these cannons "all turned into scrap iron". This vividly reflects the 



atrocities of the British force in ruining our "Coastal Great Wall". 

Among the relics are iron chains and rafts used in blockading the river, jars and barrels holding 
gunpowder, iron bullets and wooden case for holding these bullets. 

4. Cemeteries of martyrs at Humen (see note) 

One of the cemeteries is situated at the southern foothill of Mount Wushan at Weiyuan Fort at 
Nanshan. It was built in 1842. A total of 28 skeletons were buried in urns. Researches indicate that they 
were seamen of the Guangdong Naval force killed in the Chuanbi and Kwun Chung battles on the eve of 
the Opium War. 

The one situated at the western foothill of Mount Baicaishan at Shajiao Fort was built in 1843. 
Buried there in urns were 75 skeletons. To its north at Dajiao Fort is another one restored in 1878. A total 
of 30 skeletons were buried there in urns. They were part of the 283 soldiers being killed in their protection 
of these forts. 

The one at the southern foothill of Hengdang Fort was built in 1885. Buried in urns were 48 
skeletons. They are part of a group of a hundred or more soldiers died of guarding the Hengdang and 
Yong'an Forts. One of the urns also holds an iron sword and a cap ornament made of copper, which are 
objects not found in other urns. The urn was placed in the most prestigious position in the cemetery. The 
skeleton probable belongs to the Manchu officer Dalibao. He was missing after the battle and for three 
times the Qing Court made enquiries to ask for his whereabouts. In fact, he was killed in the battles. 

Long live the glory of the Guangdong Naval Force who sacrificed themselves in the Opium 

War. 
Note: 

The archaeological excavation shows that these four cemeteries were restored during the Guangxu period 
and skeletons were placed in urns with the dragon flag emblem of the Qing Court. They were specially 
made by the government for this purpose. 



老冠 祥博士 



<钵 則徐 輿中 8) 近代海 》> 是筆者 提交今 次<|0| 則悌 、 fflgg (頃 與苜港 > 

國 際研討 會的論 文題目 ' 本 論文將 透過綜 合有關 的歷史 文獻和 前人的 研究成 
果 ' 展示 林則徐 對中國 近代海 防的努 力和有 關貢獻 。 

本論 文除了 引言和 結論外 ' 共分 爲四個 主部份 ' 重 點如下 : 

首先 ' 論文 簡介林 則徐的 生平, 並提 及他對 魏源、 左 宗棠、 沈葆楨 等人在 
海防 的影響 。 

其次 ' 論 文討論 林則徐 出任兩 廣總督 之前, 廣 東海防 虚空的 情況, 並探討 
造成 廣東海 防虛空 的主要 原因, 包括: 淸政 代重陸 輕海的 政策、 國庫 空虛、 淸 
代水師 兵員空 虛和^ 1 練 不足、 淸軍 水師武 器裝備 落後、 淸代水 師師船 落後等 。 

第三, 論文 詳述林 則徐來 粤之後 ' 在他 主持和 親自領 導之下 ' 加強 廣東海 
防的種 種努力 ' 諸如 : 收集 情報、 加 強軍備 、 整 頓水師 、 翻 譯公法 。 

第四 ' 論文總 結林則 徐在海 防上的 貢獻, 並對 近代中 國所產 生的影 響及其 
時 代意義 ' 從 而論証 了林則 徐在中 國近代 海防建 設的歷 史地位 。 不過 ' 論文也 
同 時指出 林則徐 所作的 努力之 局限性 。 

最後, 論文呼 籲國人 在邁向 被視爲 「太 平洋 時代」 的 二十一 世紀時 , 應重 
視 中國的 海權, 加強 海防的 建設, 汲取 「鴉片 戰爭」 的 教訓。 



Lin Zexu and Coastal Defence of Modern China 

(Translation) 

LO Kwun-cheung 

This paper aims at revealing Lin Zexu,s endeavours in and contributions to the coastal 
defence of modern China through a synthesis of relevant textual records and results of previous 
researches. 

Apart from the introduction and the conclusion, the paper is divided into four main parts. 

Firstly, it briefly introduces the biography of Lin Zexu and his influence on Wei Yuan, Zuo 
Zongtang and Shen Baozhen in respect of coastal defence. 

Secondly, it discusses the weakness of the coastal defence in Guangdong before Lin was 
appointed Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi. Its weakness was due to the Qing Court's 
policy of prizing the land defence over the maritime importance, the poverty of the national treasures, the 
dwindling size of the naval force, their lack of training, the backwardness of the naval weapons and war 
junks, and so forth. 

Thirdly, it reveals the various endeavours made by Lin in strengthening the coastal defence 
of Guangdong. Under his direct instruction and supervision, many projects and works were carried out, 
including purchasing new cannons and foreign vessels, constructing batteries, reorganizing defence, 
training seamen, collecting intelligence and translating the International Law, 

Fourthly, it summarizes Lin's contribution in coastal defence and his influence on modern 
China, proving his historical role in coastal defence of that times. However, the paper also points out 
the limitations of Lin's undertakings. 

Finally, upon the entering into the "Pacific Era" in the 21 st century, this paper aims at 
awaking the Chinese to the importance of the Chinese maritime hegemony and the need of building up a 
strong naval defence ― a lesson learnt from the Opium War. 



阿^ m35AH^ 門和廣 片貿 易的錯 綜關係 

(譯本 ) 

施其樂 

導言 

阿美尼 亞是一 個古老 的基督 教國家 ' 位於黑 海以東 之高加 索高原 ' 立國 於公元 301 年' 多 

個世紀 後被波 斯及土 耳其佔 有其地 。 跟猶 太人和 印度跃 教徒相 似的是 , 很多 阿美尼 亞人都 散居各 
地 ' 大 都是商 人和從 事貿易 。 部分 阿美尼 亞人向 東遷移 ' 並在 亞洲各 個貿易 樞紐定 居下來 。 阿美 
尼 亞人於 澳門的 活動首 載於十 八世紀 初澳門 的文獻 。 澳門的 阿美尼 亞人雖 然不多 ' 但隨著 鴉片貿 
易在十 八世紀 下半頁 的開展 , 他們在 鴉片貿 易中扮 演的角 色卻曰 見重要 。 

1757 年以前 ' 外國人 是不准 在澳們 居留的 ' 但一 些阿美 尼亞人 卻例外 ' 基於 他們是 沒有國 
籍和 國旗的 基督徒 。 

澳們 鴉片貿 易的重 要特色 

除 了有些 鴉片是 經中國 船隻由 外地帶 回來外 , 首先將 鴉片輸 入中國 的是葡 萄牙人 , 他們亦 
是第 一批獲 准在中 國領土 上聚居 的洋人 。 除了與 西班牙 屬土馬 尼拉的 貿易亦 是經由 澳門外 , 一個 
世 紀以來 , 澳門的 葡人差 不多壟 斷了當 地的對 外貿易 。 

販 運鴉片 的初期 , 可 能所有 鴉片都 是經由 澳門進 入中國 , 但十 八世紀 晚期卻 有其他 外商將 
鴉片由 印度運 到中國 , 產 生競爭 。 澳門 積極維 繋其鴉 片貿易 , 期 間既得 到阿美 尼亞人 的助力 , 亦 
遇到 其阻力 。 

阿美尼 亞人在 澳門鴉 片貿易 中扮演 的角色 

除了一 個特別 人物外 , 居 住在澳 門的阿 美尼亞 人因爲 不是葡 國子民 , 故此不 能享有 公民權 。 
但與 澳門商 人比較 , 他 們有較 廣闊的 商業關 係和較 雄厚的 資本從 事買賣 。 

雖 然阿美 尼亞人 可能是 澳門商 人的競 爭對手 , 但 他們的 存在對 澳門也 有好處 , 因爲 他們大 
多租用 本地船 隻運貨 , 而 本地業 主都歡 迎阿美 尼亞人 和其他 洋人租 住他們 的物業 。 

阿 美尼亞 富商尤 安納斯 (Mattheus Joannes) 的生意 和財富 ' 對十八 世紀末 至十九 世紀頭 幾年澳 

門 的經濟 發展尤 其重要 。 



18- 1912-1998 




尤 安納斯 與一名 親戚於 1761 年 抵達澳 門並展 開貿易 。 1780 年 ' 他向 里斯本 申請歸 化葡籍 。 
他的申 請獲准 ' 條件 是不能 參加議 會或其 他公職 。 跟 著他成 爲船主 。 由於中 國政府 規定懸 掛葡國 
旗 的商船 數目不 得超過 二十艘 , 尤安 納斯自 此躋身 控制澳 門經濟 和政府 的葡商 小圈子 。 

尤安 納斯大 規模販 運鴉片 ' 他 與親戚 撒克斯 (Sarquis Joannes) 在 加爾各 答合夥 成立了 一所貿 
易公司 , 由薩 克斯出 面打理 。 他又 是馬德 里一所 阿美尼 亞貿易 公司的 合夥人 ° 1794 年 12 月' 尤 
安 納斯死 於廣州 。 據 遺產帳 目顯示 , 他借 了大批 巨款給 在澳門 和廣州 作買賣 的澳門 '中 國' 荷蘭、 
英國、 瑞典、 西 班牙和 阿美尼 亞裔希 臘商人 。 

他 把遺產 三分之 二留給 他未成 年的兒 子尤奧 (Joao Mateus) 。 尤 奧在澳 門出生 及領洗 。 據遺囑 
吩咐 ' 尤 奧跟他 的希臘 裔母親 要到印 度馬德 里定居 ' 但 澳門政 府以尤 奧是葡 籍爲理 由拒絕 簽證讓 
他離開 ' 實際上 最大的 理由是 怕他一 旦離開 ' 便會把 所有財 產帶走 ' 嚴重損 害澳門 的經濟 ' 因遺 
產總 額比澳 門每年 的支出 還要大 。 鑑 於尤奧 未成年 ' 遺產 須暫存 於孤兒 院基金 ' 由政 府監管 。 

尤奧十 六歲時 , 沒有 遵照父 親的遺 願到馬 德里去 ' 而 是跟隨 他的本 地人教 父負笈 里斯本 ° 
他的財 產仍留 在澳門 。 

由於遺 產中有 關與阿 美尼亞 人貿易 往來的 文件都 是用阿 美尼亞 文寫成 ' 故此 由尤安 納斯的 
兄弟 拉撒羅 (Lazaro joannes) 作 執行人 。 拉撒 羅希望 繼續這 盤謀利 的生意 ' 但他 不是葡 國公民 ' 不 
能享 有葡人 的優惠 。 雖 然拉撒 羅在澳 門居住 了十六 年和跟 本地女 子結婚 ' 但 尤安納 斯死後 他申請 
歸化 葡籍時 卻被拒 ' 唯有將 陣地轉 移至加 爾各答 。 

1795 年' 二百 多箱由 澳門商 船路森 尼亞號 (i"c "Za) 輸入的 鴉片遭 到扣押 ' 因 爲政府 從貨單 
中 獲悉這 些鴉片 的物主 Jose Luis Barret 、 拉撒羅 、 撒克 斯等和 一名中 國人都 是英國 屬土加 爾各答 
的公民 。 他們提 出上訴 ' 議院 因此提 交了一 份冗長 的報告 ' 檢 視澳門 鴉片貿 易的今 昔狀況 ' 以及 
其 他洋商 如何走 法律隙 ' 使 政府不 能禁止 他門在 澳們卸 下鴉片 ° 

尤安納 斯的龐 大遺產 就是在 這段期 間撥歸 澳門政 府管轄 ° 這時 的鴉片 貿易形 式跟過 往已經 
不同 。 不 屬於東 印度公 司的英 國鴉片 散商由 印度將 鴉片運 往中國 ' 但 卻千方 百計逃 避直接 將鴉片 
運 到廣州 和黃埔 中國買 家手上 ' 避 免冒險 和付額 外費用 ° 這 些散商 在澳門 住下來 ' 借助本 地船隻 
卸貨 ' 以 本地人 名義存 入倉庫 ° 參與 其事的 本地人 可獲一 筆酬金 ° 

尤 安納斯 在世時 ' 由於 他已歸 化葡籍 ' 故此 無須用 此手段 ° 但 他死後 ' 接管 的人卻 不獲此 
特權 。 路 森尼亞 號事件 中牽涉 的人物 ' 其 中拉撒 羅是尤 安納斯 遺產的 執行人 ' 撒克 斯是尤 安納斯 

的前生 意夥伴 。 

1799 年' 阿美 尼亞富 商巴本 (Gregory Markar Baboom) 於一 年一度 的加爾 各答拍 賣會上 ' 試 

圖控制 東印度 公司拿 出來拍 賣的所 有鴉片 。 他 在澳門 和廣州 作買賣 已有一 段日子 ' 他向東 印度公 
司 提議將 鴉片數 量固定 爲每年 4,500 箱' 爲 期三年 ' 每箱亦 有固定 的價錢 。 他會將 貨款以 銀元存 




18- 19-12-1998 



進東印 度公司 於廣州 的庫房 ' 以 便東印 度公司 用來買 茶葉和 其他中 國貨品 , 準備 下一季 的貨運 。 
巴本 向來以 精打細 算聞名 ' 但可 能因爲 過分精 打細算 ' 導至 東印度 公司拒 絕了他 的要求 ' 令他的 
如 意算盤 打不響 。 

據尤安 納斯的 遺產帳 目顯示 , 部分 向他借 貸的人 , 所 屬公司 後來即 成爲怡 和洋行 。 他與加 
爾各答 的巴列 托洋行 (Barreto and Company) 亦關 係密切 。 巴列 托家族 成員在 澳門打 下穩固 的根基 , 
成爲 怡和洋 行的澳 門代理 。 



阿美尼 亞裔的 尤安納 斯有極 廣闊和 具影響 力的商 業關係 , 成爲鴉 片貿易 、 鴉 片戰爭 以至利 
用 香港爲 基地走 私鴉片 進中國 大陸等 活動的 最強而 有力的 支柱。 



Armenian Strands in the Tangled Web of the Opium Trade at Macau and Canton 



Carl T. Smith 

INTRODUCTION 

The Armenian Christian kingdom was established in the Caucasian highlands east of the Black 
Sea in the year 301 AD After some centuries the land was conquered by Persians and Turks. Like the Jews 
and Parsees many of the Armenians lived in Diaspora as merchants and traders. Some moved eastward 
settling in the important trade centres of Asia. They first appear in Macau records at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. As the opium trade developed in the last half of that century, though not many in 
number, they increasingly played a significant role in the trade. 

Foreigners were forbidden to live in Macau until 1757, but exceptions were granted to some 
Armenians on the grounds they were Christians without a nation or a flag, 

SIGNIFICANT FEATURES OF THE MACAU OPIUM TRADE 

The Portuguese were the first importers of opium to China, except, perhaps, for importation in 
Chinese junks. As the first foreigners allowed to establish a settlement on Chinese soil, for over a century 
they had a virtual monopoly of foreign trade to their host country. An exception was the Spanish Manila 
trade which was channelled through Macau. 

Though Macau may have had a monopoly of importing opium when the trade was in its infancy, 
in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, it faced the competition of the foreigner's traders between 
India and China. Macau struggled to retain a portion of the trade. In this struggle they were both assisted 
and hindered by Armenian merchants residing at Macau. 

ROLE OF ARMENIANS IN THE MACAU OPIUM TRADE 

With one notable exception the Armenians who resided at Macau were not Portuguese subjects , 
and therefore could not enjoy the privileges of citizens. Compared with the Macaenese merchants, they had 
more external commercial connections and greater capital to support their trade. 

Though the Armenians may have been trade competitors of the Macaenese, there were 
advantages to be gained from their presence. The Armenians usually freighted their goods on Macau owned 
vessels. The Macau property owners welcomed the opportunity to rent their mansions to Armenians and 
other foreign residents. 

The activity and wealth of the Armenian merchant, Mattheus Joannes, was particularly 
important for the Macau economy at the end of the eighteenth and the first few years of the nineteenth 
centuries. 

He and a relative arrived in Macau in 1761 to establish a business. In 1780 he applied to Lisbon 
for naturalisation as a Portuguese subject. At his request it granted with the proviso that he be exempted 
form serving on the Senate Council or election to the rotating public offices elected from the citizenry. He 
became a ship owner. The Chinese had restricted the number of trading vessels flying Portuguese colours to 
under twenty. Thus as a ship owner, Mattheus Joannes joined the small group of merchant elite who 
controlled the economy and the government. 

Matthues Joannes carried on an extensive opium trade. He operated at Calcutta as an absent 
partner of a firm conducted by a relative, Sarquis Joannes. He also was a partner in a Madras based 
Armenian firm. He died at Canton in December 1794. The papers of his estate show that he had loaned 
substantial sums to Macaense, Chinese, Armenians Greeks, Dutch, English, Swedish, and Spanish 
merchants trading at Macau and Canton. 

He left two thirds of his estate to his natural son, a minor, Joao Mateus, who had been born and 
baptised in Macau. In his will, the father stated his son and the boy's Greek mother should move to Madras, 
but the Macau authorities would not grant the necessary licence to leave Macau on the grounds the lad was 
a Portuguese subject and, more importantly, that if his inheritance was taken out of Macau it would be very 
detrimental to the economy of Macau. The inheritance was substantially greater than the annual budge of 



International 

― Symposium on 

,尊 Lin Zexu, 




18- 19-12-1998 



Macau. Since the heir to the fortune was a minor, his patrimony was placed in the Funds of the Orphans 
Court, and thus under the control of the government. 

Instead of going to Madras, as his father had wished, the boy, when aged sixteen, was taken by 
his Macaenese godfather to complete his studies in Lisbon. His patrimony remained behind in Macau. 

Lazaro Joannes, the brother of Mattheus, was appointed executor of that part of his estate 
connected with his business with Armenians, as the documents were in the Armenian script. He hoped to 
take over and continue this part of his brother's profitable business, however, he did not have the advantage 
of being a Portuguese subject, though he had been living in Macau for sixteen years and had married a 
Macaenese woman. After his brother's death he applied for naturalisation , but it was denied. He then 
transferred his activities to Calcutta. 

In 1795 some two hundred chests of opium imported on the Luconia", a Macau owned ship, was 
placed under embargo, when it was discovered from the ship's manifest that the chests were the property of 
Jose Luis Barreto, the Armenians Lazaro Joannes, Sarquis Joannes and Moises Joannes, and a Chinese 
Achio, all described as British subjects resident in Calcutta. They appealed against the seizure. The Senate 
submitted a lengthy document reviewing the past and present state of the Macau opium trade and the threat 
posed by foreign traders who used special connections to get around the law prohibiting the unloading in 
Macau of foreign owned opium. 

It was during this crisis that the large fortune of Mattheus Joannes came under the 
administration of the Macau government. At this time the conduct of the opium trade began to change. The 
British country traders - that is the traders who were not members of the East India Company but were 
engaged in the "county trade" between India and China ― tried various stratagems to avoid the risks and 
expenses of selling their opium to Chinese purchasers at Whampoa or Canton. The country traders took up 
residence in Macau arranged with Macaenese to bring in the opium in their Macau registered vessels and 
store it under the pretence it was their property in their godowns, although, in fact, the foreigners were the 
actual owner. The Macau collaborators rewarded with a commission. 

As a naturalised Portuguese, Mattheus Joannes had no need to resort to any subterfuge, but the 
executor appointed to wind up his business with Armenians did not enjoy the same privilege. Among the 
parties in the Luconia affair", mentioned above, was Lazaro Joannes, the executor, and Sarquis Joannes, a 
former partner of Mattheus. 

A wealthy Armenian merchant, Gregory Markar Baboom, in 1799 tried to get control of all the 
opium the East India Company released for sale at their annual Calcutta auctions. He had been trading for 
some years at Macau and Canton. He proposed to the Company that the output would be fixed at 4,500 
chests a year for a three year period, at a fixed price per chest. Baboom would then deposit the purchase 
money in silver into the Company's treasury at Canton. This they could use to purchase the tea and other 
China products to be shipped in the next season. However, Baboom had acquired a reputation for sharp 
dealings, and this may be the reason the Company turned down his otherwise attractive offer. 

The existing accounts of the estate of Mattheus Joannes show loans to members of the firm that 
ultimately became Jardine, Matheson and Co. There was also a close connection with the Calcutta firm of 
Barreto and Company. Members of the Barreto family established themselves in Macau, where they as 
agents for Jardines. 

The mercantile connections of the Armenian Mattheus Joannes made its contribution to one of 
the strongest strands in the fabric of the opium trade, the opium war and the acquisition of Hong Kong as a 
base for smuggling the contraband into China. 



淸代: « 協右營 之興廢 



蕭國健 

東涌 , 位香 港大嶼 山北岸 , 於淸 朝初年 , 常 受寇患 , 惟 朝廷末 有於其 地設防 。 至嘉 慶初年 , 
東南艇 盜患平 ' 朝 廷爲防 守其地 ' 遂設 置汛房 ' 建 築炮台 , 派 兵駐守 。 道 光初年 , 英人東 來之威 
脅 曰增' 爲配 合虎門 之防務 ' 朝 廷遂加 強該地 之兵力 ' 增 強防務 ' 名大鵬 協右營 , 並於該 處建築 
寨 城一座 ' 作 爲治所 。 該營 與香港 東部之 大鵬協 左營互 爲犄角 。 鴉片戰 爭期間 ' 該 營士兵 多次與 
英 軍接戰 ' 頗 有名聲 。 鴉片 戰爭後 ' 該營仍 爲香港 西部重 要防務 。 至一八 九九年 , 英人租 借新界 
地區 ' 香港全 境歸英 人統治 ' 該營防 地因位 英人統 治境內 , 故 被廢置 。 

本文 之目的 ' 着重 介紹大 鵬協右 營創設 之由來 、 其防守 之地域 、 軍隊駐 防情況 、 鴉片 戰爭時 
所處 之地位 、 及 其廢置 之原因 。 



The Establishment and Abolition of the Dapeng Right Garrison in the Qing Dynasty 

(Translation) 

SIU Kwok-kin 

Tung Chung is situated on the north coast of Lantau Island in Hong Kong. It was frequently 
harassed by pirates in the early Qing period. No defence was set up by the Qing Court until the early years 
of the Jiaqing period after the pirates had been subjugated. A military post was set up in the area and a fort 
was constructed. Troops were sent to station there. In the early 19 th century, the military strength of the post 
was reinforced to cope with the rising threat of British invasion and in support of the fortification at Humen. 
The Dapeng Right Garrison was thus established. A walled city was built as its seat. This garrison and the 
Dapeng Left Garrison on the farther east guarded Hong Kong on either sides. The Dapeng Right Garrison 
was known to have fought beautifully several battles with the British force during the Opium War. After the 
War, it remained an important defence on the west part of Hong Kong. When the New Territories was 
leased to the British in 1899, the garrison was abolished since it had come under British jurisdiction. 

This paper aims at introducing the historical background for the establishment of the Dapeng 
Right Garrison, areas under its defence, situations of its troops, its position in the Opium War and reasons 
accounting for its abolition. 




International 
Symposium on 



^ Lin Zexu, 
fl || the Opium War 

^/C^ Hong Kong 



18-1912-1998 



林 則 徐與海 防建設 



林則徐 ( 17S5-I850 ) 爲淸 代嘉^ 年間 之名宦 , 於十九 世紀三 零年代 , 

白於力 ,逕 ' 篛 發中英 s 片戰爭 ( 1S39-1842 ) zmm • 表現突 出而被 後世史 

家譽 爲适代 ^國 之傑 出人物 。 

林氏 原藉福 建侯官 ' 早^ 身於 崇尙實 學之福 州鰲繮 書院, 已具經 皿 用之 
思想 。 一八 零四 年中舉 ' 一八 —— 年 ' 考 取違士 ' 隨即成 爲翰林 院 庶吉士 ' 至一 
八 二零兰 ' 外調 浙江杭 嘉湖這 ' 政 聲漸顯 ' 累官升 遷至布 、 按兩司 以至督 、 撫方 
面大員 ' 於地 方上兵 、 刑 、河、 漕、 農田、 7jc 利 、 賑災 、 吏治 ' 多所興 S ' 甶是 
成 爲淸中 葉地万 上幹練 之大員 ' 深受 道光帝 之賞識 ' 請其 「品 學倶優 ' 辦 辜細心 
可靠」 。 至一 八三 七年於 湖廣總 督任內 , 鑑於 鴉片流 毒天下 , 遺 害國家 , 遂^ 
鴻 臚寺啣 黃爵滋 ( H93-1853 ) 嚴 禁鴉片 之倡議 ' 力 言鴉片 「此 禍不除 ' 十年之 
後 ' 不 惟無可 盞之餉 ' 且 無可用 之兵」 ' 田是感 動這光 ' 遂^ 林 氏爲欽 差大臣 ' 
南下廣 栗禁湮 ' 從而啓 動林氏 進行中 英交涉 ' 以至 § f 發 鴉片戰 爭之歷 史互愛 。 期 
間林氏 爲求霣 徹禁湮 ' 對抗英 國海置 ^^釁 與入侵 ' 遂積極 從事海 防建設 , 揭開 
近代中 國海防 與#務 運動之 , 。 

^3f 芙!! 挟工業 裝 Z 海 、 陸強兵 ' 敦 E 粤疆 , 林 氏深惑 屮國沿 海武備 

zmmmk ' 遂 透過吸 納西 方新知 ' 學 習酉方 船炮 ' 從事海 防建設 ' 以 此謀求 

1^© 海疆 ' M 護國家 Z 三權 ; 就此 而論 ' 史家如 陳其田 、 張馨保 、 林崇墉 、 陳勝 
粦 、 楊國 楨等人 £11 多所 論列 ' 故«^&±^ 各 家成說 ' 進 f 亍比较 與綜合 ' 並 

探討 林氏於 鴉片戰 爭期間 從事海 防建設 Z 田來及 其表現 ' 全 文共分 三部份 , 其 
一 ' 林 氏對西 方新知 之吸納 ; 其二 、 林氏 海防思 想內容 之分析 ; 其三 、 林 氏海防 
建設 之璽點 ' msmm 、 鑄炮 、 築炮台 ' 以 及加強 水師 之活動 。 



Lin Zexu and Coastal Defence 

(Translation) 

LEE Kam-keung 

Lin Zexu (1785-1850) was an influential official of the Jiaqing and Daoguang periods of the 
Qing dynasty. His anti-opium campaign in the 1830s led to the outbreak of the Opium War (1839-1842). 
Because of his remarkable achievements, he is deemed one of the most distinguished characters in modern 
Chinese history. 

Lin Zexu was born in Houguan in Fujian. The Aofeng Academy in which he studied was known 
for its sound scholarship. In his early years, Fu already fostered the thought of serving the nation with what 
he had learnt. He attained the titles of Jureng in 1804 and Jinshi in 1911, and immediately after that, served 
as Bachelor of the Hanlin Academy. In 1820, he was appointed to administer the Hang-Jia-Hu Route in 
Zhejiang. Thence on, he moved up the official ladder smoothly, achieving respectively the titles of 
Administration Commissioner, Surveillance Commissioner, Governor and Governor-general. He 
contributed greatly to the improvement and promotion of a wide range of provincial affairs including 
defence, jurisdiction, performance of local officials, water conservancy waters, agriculture and relief of 
calamities. He was deemed one of the most capable and experienced provincial administrators of the mid 
Qing period. Emperor Daoguang regarded him highly and gave him such compliments as "excellent in 
conduct and knowledge, careflil and reliable in handling matters". In 1837 while he was Governor-general 
of Hu-Guang region, China suffered greatly from the import of opium. Lin supported the Chief Minister of 
State Ceremony Huang Juezi's (1793-1853) advocacy in banning opium. He warned the Court: "If opium is 
not suppressed, China would have no funds to support the army and no soldiers to fight the enemy after ten 
years." Moved by his petition, Emperor Daoguang appointed him Imperial Commissioner and entrusted 
him the mission of banning opium in Guangdong, subsequently leading to Lin's involvement in Sino- 
British negotiations and instigating the outbreak of the Opium War. In support of his mission and to arm 
against the provocation and invasion of the British naval force, Lin called upon extensive coastal defence 
works. He was the forerunner of Chinese coastal defence and the Self-Strengthening Movement. 

As a consequence of the Industrial Revolution, the British was armed with robust warships and 
powerful armaments. Its land and naval forces repeatedly harassed the coast of Guangdong. Being well 
aware of the laxation and backwardness of China's coastal defence, Lin sought to strengthen it and uphold 
China's sovereignty through learning from the West. This respect has been discussed by many historians 
including Chen Qitian, Zhang Xinbao, Lin Chongyong, Chen Shenglin and Yang Guozhen. The paper 
attempts to compare and analyse the views of these historians and explore the justification of Lin's 
undertakings and his achievements in coastal defence during the Opium War. It is divided into three 
sections: the first one examines Lin's absorption of Western knowledge; the second one analyses Lin's 
concept of coastal defence; the last one discusses the key projects, including building ships, making 
cannons, constructing batteries and reinforcing the training of the naval force. 



International 
•— x ' Symposium on 

,-^LinZexu, 

theppium War 



气) f Hong Kong 



18- 19-12.1998 



WE 海防觀 H# 則, 防思想 g 



黃順力 



林 則徐在 鴉片戰 爭初期 曾提出 過一個 "棄 大洋 ' 守內河 ' 以 守爲戰 ' 以 逸待勞 ' 誘 敵登岸 ' 
聚而 殲之" 的 海防總 體戰略 。 這 一戰略 在當時 的歷史 條件下 雖有合 理之處 ' 但其深 受傳統 海防觀 
的困擾 也是無 可諱言 的事實 ° 這 體現在 "以守 爲戰" 的 海防思 想在相 當程度 上是建 立在對 "千古 
蠻夷" 缺 乏應有 的認識 基礎上 ' 同時也 反映了 以陸防 爲原則 的傳統 海防觀 對林則 徐的深 層影響 ° 
但林 則徐的 偉大之 處在於 : 作爲一 個有遠 見的政 治軍事 戰略家 ' 他能 通過對 鴉片戰 爭的實 際考察 ' 
迅 速敏銳 地覺察 出傳統 海防觀 的弊端 ' 提 出創辦 "外海 戰船" ' 建立近 代化的 "船炮 水軍" 等極 
其可 貴的思 想主張 ' 成爲當 之無愧 的中國 近代海 防思想 先驅者 。 



Arguments on China's Traditional Concept of Coastal Defence and 
Lin Zexu's Related Perception 

(Translation) 

HUANG Shunli 

The coastal defence strategies put forward by Lin Zexu in the early stage of the Opium War 
could be summed up as "Give up the oceans and guard the rivers; guarding instead of attacking; wait at 
ease to exhaust the enemy; lure the enemy up the shore and wipe them out all at a time". Considering the 
situation of the time, these strategies were on the whole feasible, but it is an indisputable fact that the 
shadow of traditional coastal defence was obvious. "Guarding instead of attacking", for instance, reflects a 
lack of knowledge in the strength of the foreigners and the tremendous influence of the traditional emphasis 
on land-oriented defence. However, Lin was a man with exceptional perceptions in politics and military 
affairs. He soon found out the limitations of his strategies and without hesitation, he proceeded to rectify 
them. He put forward the commendable ideas of establishing a fleet of ocean-going warships and a 
modernised naval force. He proved himself to be the pioneer in ushering in new concepts of coastal defence 
to modern China. 



鴉片 戰爭期 間的侵 華英艦 



馬幼垣 

鴉 片戰爭 研究雖 不乏佳 作鴻篇 ' 然 始終忽 略一事 。 英 人之所 以得逞 ' 仗 船堅砲 利而已 。 其 
侵華 海軍究 威猛至 何程度 ' 資料 早該信 手可得 。 事實竟 非如此 ' 遂有補 白之需 。 

英 人藉以 侵華之 艦隻非 悉爲海 軍單位 , 尙有 東印度 公司之 艦船參 雜其間 。 二 者合共 五十有 
四艘 。 茲彙 次西方 海軍史 家之研 究成果 ' 按 艦釋述 ' 固非獨 立爬梳 之所獲 ' 圖爲 國人備 案云爾 。 



British Warships Participating in the Opium War 

(Translation) 



MA Yau-woon 

While many distinguished researches encompassing a wide range of topics have been done in 
the study of the Opium War, little attention has been paid to the British warships that took part in the 
invasion of China. The British owed their success to the superiority of their warships and weaponry. While 
we expect that materials about the all-conquering vigour of the British naval force are ample and readily 
accessible, it is not so. Therefore it is necessary to fill in the gap. 

The British fleet in operation was made up of 54 vessels comprising warships from the British 
Navy and armed steamers from the East India Company. This paper goes over these vessels one by one, 
drawing materials from researches made by historians of Western naval studies. The aim is to make the 
study of the Opium War a more comprehensive one. 



《琦善 • 义律 * 穿鼻 草约》 



庄建平 



^一? 火鸦 片战争 时期, tTF 斬 H 光帝钦 命茛^ 总督 琦善办 理 丄/ 英 a 的义 

•^TO,. 从 1 8«40 竿 8 月至 1841 年 2 月, 琦 苦先后 与 芡 S 全权么 H 吏 懿律和 
义^ 迸 行过二 轮仑谈 : 第一 轮^ 在天泮 大沾 , 笫二轮 是在广 东穿鼻 。在这 W 

轮交 涉中. 琦 甚对英 n 捉出 的沖种 侵 略 妥求. 究 竞采取 r 怎样 的对策 ?传统 
的观点 认为. 在 交涉^ 间 琦荽始 终坚抟 了妥协 投降的 立场, 并签定 了出卖 

R 家芏权 的" 穿袅草 约", 成了 不可饶 恕的卖 闰贼。 这样 的评 述. 果真 符合^ 
史的真 ^吗? 这就^ 本义 耍作^ 查考察 的中心 问迦。 

在 八十年 代未. 英 Sft 案馆所 藏鸦片 战争期 间屮 英交涉 文书被 披露以 

后. 引起 w 史宁 界的 关注和 视。 这 批文书 汇集 n# 朝政府 6 ?英 s 政府在 
^涉 朋间 的逐日 往来照 会. 其屮^ 些义书 为中国 S 案所 未见。 综观 这些文 

书. 在琦^ 与^ 拌或 义律在 天津和 广东进 行 的易地 谈判期 ID], 实际 上都是 

以 《巴友 ^r. /• 爵致中 囯皇夼 钦命宰 相书》 为基 础的。 虽然: m 广东 谈判! in 间, 
芡 s 乂增加 了一^ 新的 条件. 也只 是巴^ 蓴照 会的延 仲和 扩人, 衔 査琦甚 

与义律 交涉 的始未 过程. 5J 以' "卜: 实, 琦善没 有签定 1 月 21 日义律 ^称的 
"穿! ^丫': 约"。 第一佐 证是, 琦昔对 19 4 1 年〗; 1 16 H 的义律 照会, 既 没有答 

S . 也没 有#与 义律继 续进 行谈判 , 所以在 所谓的 "穿呉 草约" 文本上 ,既无 

琦#的 ^字. 也 无关防 印^。 第二佐 证是, 就" 穿萆^ 约" 的 内容而 1", ^琦 

# 往来 公文所 i£ 土耍内 容. 明 W. 的 不符。 例如, 关于索 求弁港 一钦, 蔹止 1 

月 15 B . 琦^ 也只 足表示 可以在 尖沙 咀和 香港" 止择一 处地方 寄寓泊 船", 
在琦^ 的交涉 文书中 ,未见 允准香 港割让 的字样 u 44 如 广州开 港贸易 - 

歆. 琦^ 荽 义律先 交还; 2 海, 而后方 能代为 具^, 依议 办理。 鉴十此 二点, 可 
以得 出这 洋的结 论," 穿鼻 芘约" 完全 足义律 一乒炮 制的假 协定。 
木文认 为 . 学 术研究 只荽 坚持唯 物史观 , 遵循实 亊求足 , 科学 理性的 m 

则. 对于^ ^在 交涉活 动中的 是非问 题, 是 crj 以作 出比 较公允 合理的 评论。 



Qishan, Elliot and the Convention of Chuanbi 

(Translation) 

ZHUANG Jianping 

During the First Opium War, Qishan, the Governor of Hebei, was appointed Imperial 
Commissioner by Emperor Daoguang and delegated the mission of negotiating for peace with the British. 
From August 1840 to February 1841, two negotiations were carried out between Qishan and the British 
Plenipotentiary, Elliot. The first one was held in Daku of Tianjin and the second in Chuanbi of Guangdong. 
What was Qishan' s attitude towards the British invasive claims during these two negotiations? From the 
traditional point of views, he was conciliatory throughout the negotiations, which led to the signing of the 
Convention of Chuanbi and the surrender of sovereignty right. He has been widely condemned as an 
unforgivable traitor. It is the aim of this paper to find out whether this judgement is fair and true to facts. 

In the late 1980s, the disclosure of Sino-British negotiation documents of the Opium War kept 
by the Public Records Office in London aroused the attention of many historians. These documents 
comprise the daily correspondences between the two governments during the negotiation periods. Some of 
them are not found among the Chinese archives. A comprehensive survey of these documents would 
reveal that the content of the negotiations between Qishan and Elliot at Tianjin and Guangdong largely 
revolved around the "Letter from Lord Palmerston to the Imperial Commissioner of China". Though new 
terms were raised by the British during the negotiation in Guangdong, they were basically an extension and 
expansion of Lord Palmerston' s letter. The documents have proved that Qishan never signed the 
Convention of Chuanbi on 21 January as claimed by Elliot. The first evidence is that Qi Shan did not 
answer Elliot's address of 16 January 1941 and refused to negotiate further with him. The so-called 
Convention of Chuanbi therefore bears neither Qishan, s signature nor any official Chinese seal. The second 
evidence is that the content of the Convention is clearly different from what has been mentioned in 
Qishan's letters to the British. For instance, up to 15 January, Qishan mentioned not a word about the 
cession of Hong Kong. He only said that the British could "choose either Tsim Sha Tsui or Hong Kong 
Island as an anchorage". Another example is that Qishan insisted Elliot should evacuate Dinghai before 
considering his request for the opening the port of Guangzhou. Therefore, it is clear enough that this 
Convention was but a unilateral agreement proposed by Elliot. 

This paper points out that historical materialism, factual analyses and scientific rationale should 
be employed in the fair judgement of Qishan's negotiations with the British. 




清 朝官灵 对香港 的认识 和清政 府对英 占香港 的态度 



刘蜀永 

澝朝 康熙二 十七年 ( isaa 年) 和嘉庆 二十四 年( iai9 年) 
出版 的两部 《新安 县志》 体 现了淸 朝地方 官员对 香港的 认识, 
内 容十分 丰窗。 淸朝 中央官 员主要 是从樺 防的角 度认识 香港的 
重 要性。 康两年 间工部 尚书杜 * 的 著作和 道光年 间钦差 大臣林 
则徐的 奏折对 香港的 地理形 势都有 准确的 描述。 钦 差大臣 埯 眷 
对香港 在军亊 上的重 要性同 样有所 认识, 但他在 秦折中 对香港 
的评 价前后 矛盾。 

潸政府 重视维 护国家 瓴土的 完整。 年禅 到英军 占領番 
港^ 的消 息后, 道 光皇帝 作出了 强烈的 反应。 他 将埯春 撤职问 
罪. 并 多次下 令收复 香港。 只是 由于淸 朝政治 腐敗, 科 学技术 
落后, 在对 英作战 中节节 失利, 他被 迫同意 将香港 ^ 割让 给英 
国。 



The Qing Officials' Knowledge of Hong Kong and the Qing Government's 
Attitude towards British, s Military Occupation of Hong Kong 

(Translation) 

LIU Shuyong 

The sound knowledge of the provincial officials of the Qing dynasty in Hong Kong was fully 
illustrated in the 1688 and 1819 editions of Xin 'an xianzhi (Gazette of the Xin'an County). In the eye of the 
central government, Hong Kong was a major strategic point. Precise description of Hong Kong's 
topography was found in the book written by the Minister of Works Du Jun of the Kangxi period and the 
memorials of Lin Zexu of the Daoguang period. Qishan, the Imperial Commissioner, was also aware of the 
strategic significance of the region but his evaluation of Hong Kong in his memorials showed 
contradictions. 

Territorial integrity was of great concern to the Qing government. After Emperor Daoguang 
leant about the British military occupation of Hong Kong in 1841, he reacted strongly by dismissing and 
prosecuting Qishan, and repeatedly ordered to recapture the place. However, the corruption of the Qing 
government and the backwardness of its armaments put China in the most adverse situations in the battles 
to follow. Emperor Daoguang had little choice but to cede Hong Kong to the British. 



International 
*=^* Symposium on 

MLinZexu, 
theOpium War 



wHongKont 



18- 19121998 



論中英 兩國^ ^處理 林維^ * 件的胃 



林啓彥 林錦源 



淸道光 十九年 (1839) 是中國 近代史 上重要 的一年 ' 是 年三月 林則徐 (1785-1850) 被任 命爲欽 
差大臣 , 前赴 廣東查 禁鴉片 。 雖然中 ' 英兩 國之間 維持了 近二百 年之久 的和平 ' 可 是其後 開展的 
一場禁 煙和銷 煙行動 卻破壞 了這種 關係。 同年七 月七日 , 一名中 國村民 林維喜 (Lie-Wy-Lie) 在九 
龍半島 南端的 尖沙嘴 , 遭 酗酒的 英國水 手殺害 ' 兩國 政府爲 著尋找 真兇和 交出兇 手進行 審訊等 
問題 , 爭 持不休 ' 中英 兩國的 關係更 趨惡化 。 

中 英兩國 的有關 官員爲 著交涉 這宗個 半世紀 以前發 生在香 港的兇 殺案件 , 遺下 了不少 奏稿和 
公函以 致日記 的紀錄 ' 而 當時的 報刊雜 誌亦有 對此事 作出不 少報導 ' 這些資 料很多 已輯錄 成爲檔 
案史料 , 並 散見於 《英國 藍皮書 : 關 於中國 的來往 函件》 、 《英國 藍皮書 : 關 於中國 的補充 來往函 
件》 、 《英國 藍皮書 : 關於中 國的補 充文件 (第 四號) 》 、 《關於 中國事 務的來 往函件 (編號 : 
F0881/75A) 、(編 號: F〇682/1972)》、 《中國 叢報》 (Chinese Repository) 、《 籌 辦夷務 始末》 (道 光朝) 、 
《鴉 片戰 爭前中 英交涉 文書》 及 《鴉 片戰 爭檔案 史料》 等多種 史料叢 書之中 ' 爲 分析和 研究林 
維喜事 件提供 了重要 的依據 。 

在 一般的 中國近 代史的 專著中 ' 林維 喜事件 都是不 可缺少 的環節 , 然 而學者 們對這 次事件 
的論 述與分 析仍十 分粗略 , 事件的 真相尙 未完全 弄淸楚 , 而對 中英雙 方處理 這次事 件的是 非對錯 
更是眾 說紛紜 , 莫 衷一是 。 在 鴉片戰 爭史的 研究中 , 有關林 維喜事 件的專 題研究 文章也 頗貧乏 。 故 
此本文 希望嘗 試透過 整理中 英兩國 的外交 文書內 有關林 維喜案 的資料 ' 並結 合近人 的研究 ' 首先 
對 案情的 真相作 出重組 ' 繼 而討論 國際法 和治外 法權的 槪念如 何影響 中英兩 國政府 在處理 此案時 
所持 的態度 ' 最後是 應該如 何公正 地評價 林則徐 和義律 (Charles Elliot, R.N.1801-1875) 這 兩位關 
鍵人物 在處理 林維喜 事件上 的表現 。 



Attitudes of the Chinese and British Governments 
towards the Lin Weixi Incident 

(Translation) 

LAM Kai-yin & LAM Kam-yuen 

1839 is a year of great significance in the history of modern China. It was in March this year 
that Lin Zexu (1785-1850) was appointed Imperial Commissioner and delegated with the mission of 
suppressing opium in Guangdong. The destruction of opium at Humen subsequently shattered the nearly 
two centuries' peaceful relations between China and Britain. On 7 July 1839, a Chinese villager named Lie- 
Wy-Lie (Lin Weixi) was killed by some drunken British seamen at Tsim Sha Tsui. Disputes ran high 
between the two governments on the surrender of the killers and the judicial right of the case. Their 
relations further deteriorated. 

This case of murder which happened in Hong Kong one and a half centuries ago left to us a rich 
collection of memorials, correspondence and even diaries written by officials of the two governments in the 
course of negotiations. News about this incident were also found in newspapers and periodicals of the time. 
Many of these materials have been compiled into archives including the British Parliamentary Papers 
(Blue Book): Correspondence Relating to China, British Parliamentary Papers (Blue Book): Additional 
Correspondence Relating to China, British Parliamentary Papers (Blue Book): Additional Papers Relating 
to China (No.IV), Correspondence Relative to the Affairs of China, F0881/75A and F0682/1972, Chinese 
Repository, Chouban iwu shimo (A complete account of the conducting of foreign affairs) of the Daoguang 
period, Ahen senso zen Chu-Ei kosho bunsoj (Negotiation documents of the Chinese and British 
governments before the Opium War) and Yap i an zhanzheng dang 'an shiliao (Archives of the Opium War). 
All provide important information on the analysis and study of the incident. 

Despite the fact that this incident is mentioned in almost every book devoted to the exploration 
of modern Chinese history, the discussion and analysis of the incident have been quite sketchy. The truth is 
still enshrouded in mist and the diverse attitudes of the two governments towards this incident have long 
been the source of controversies. Monographs focusing on this particular incident are scarce. Considering 
this, the writers attempt to reconstruct the actual situation of the incident through the sorting out of relevant 
materials from the above-mentioned archives and cross-referring them with research results obtained by 
other scholars. The paper will then proceed to examine how the attitudes of the two governments towards 
this incident were affected by their views of the International Law and exterritoriality. The paper will 
conclude by suggesting a fair judgement of the performance of two key figures, Lin Zexu and Charles 
Elliot (1801-1875), in the way they handled this incident. 




洪仁 汗 与香港 

(提要 ) 
王汝丰 

1840 年英国 发动侵 略中国 的鸦片 战争, 是中国 历史发 展的转 折点, 是中 国进入 
近代 时期的 标志。 在 这次战 争中, 英国侵 略者强 行割占 了我国 的领土 香港, 随后又 
将不平 ^"约 一 ^^条 约强 加于 中国。 此后 百年' 中华民 ^尽 苦难和 屈辱。 

西方侵 略者的 大炮, 原 本是用 *«摄 和征服 中华民 族的, 但 大炮却 又惊醒 了中国 
人民。 先 进的中 国人不 能不重 新审视 中国和 世界。 林则 徐就是 近代中 国放眼 世界的 
杰出 代表。 继 林则徐 之后, 中华 民族无 数仁人 志士, 为 寻求救 国救民 的道路 而历尽 
艰辛 曲折。 

强行 割占, 受英国 殖民统 治长达 一个 半世纪 还多, 这是 中国近 代历史 上充 
满血 泪和屈 辱的一 页。 英国 殖民统 治者以 香港为 掠夺中 国和开 辟东方 市场的 基地, 
随着 殖民制 度的建 立和西 方资本 主义的 移植, 殖 民主义 的罪恶 和近代 文明的 进步在 

交织, 构成 了香港 地位两 重性的 特征。 中 国近代 无数爱 国者利 用香港 的特? 
位和 环境, 作 为观察 世界和 汲取近 代文明 精华的 桥梁, 去 探寻中 国走向 富强, 走向 
现 代化的 道路, 提出过 异彩纷 呈的各 种救国 救民的 方案。 洪仁 汗 是其 中卓越 的代袤 
者 之一。 

Uf^t 平 天国革 命后期 的重要 领导人 之一。 他曾于 1852 年到过 香港, 其中 
除 一度回 东莞, 一 海, 在#«»^ 住了 五年。 

在香港 度过的 岁月, 使洪仁 有 机会直 接观察 和学习 西方资 本主义 文明, 掌握 
近 ■ 学 知识。 1859 年他 由香港 到达太 平天国 的首都 天京, 被封为 干王, 主 持军国 
大政。 不久, 他 便提出 了著名 的施政 纲领, 其内 容包括 政治、 经济、 文化教 育等方 
面的 改革, 在中 国近代 史上具 有重要 的进步 意义。 

是 一个出 生于农 民家庭 的知识 分子, 从小接 受传统 的封建 教育, 在到香 
港 以前, 他对 西方文 明的了 解极为 有限。 1858 年 秋天, 他离开 香港, 于 1859 年 4 
月才辗 转到达 天京。 在这 样的匆 匆行程 之中, 不可 能一激 而就, 写出 全面反 映时代 
进步 要求的 《资 政新 篇》。 《资 政新 節 的主要 思想, 只 能来源 于洪仁 香 港五年 
的 生活和 实践。 



Hong Rengan and Hong Kong 

(Translation) 

WANG Rufeng 

The Opium War, embarked by the British to stage military conquest over China in 1840, was 
a turning point in the Chinese history in the sense that it witnessed the birth of modern China. It ended 
with the British occupation of the Chinese territory of Hong Kong with the signing of the Treaty of 
Nanjing, an unequal treaty, upon China. At its aftermath, the Chinese race underwent continual 
sufferings and humiliation over the century. 

The cannons of the Western aggressors were primarily aimed at subduing and conquering the 
Chinese race, but at the same time, they awoke the Chinese to the weaknesses of their country. After the 
War, there emerged a fervent desire to review the development of China and the rest of the world among 
the far-sighted intellectuals. Lin Zexu was the first person in modern China who widened his horizons 
and developed a global perspective of the international affairs. Following the example of Lin, many 
more Chinese with lofty ideals encountered the same obstacles as Lin's on their way to save the country 
and the Chinese race. 

The military occupation of Hong Kong marked the beginning of the British colonial rule over 
one and a half century. This page of Chinese history was written in blood and tears - a national insult. 
With the establishment of the colonial empire and the spread of the Western capitalism, the British made 
use of Hong Kong as a base to conquer China and expand their overseas market in the Far East. The evil 
doctrine of colonialism and the progress of modern capitalism were, therefore, intertwined in Hong Kong. 
A significant number of patriots in modern China took advantage of the favourable location and the 
political environment of Hong Kong to observe the world and absorb the cream of world's civilization in 
its modern age. It was under these circumstances that they started experimenting with different 
approaches towards the ends of prosperity and modernization of China, and a wide range of proposals had 
been put forth accordingly. Hong Rengan was a prominent figure among these patriots. 

Hong Rengan was one of the major leaders in the later years of the Taiping Movement. He 
first reached Hong Kong in 1852, and since then he left the territory twice to Dongguang in Shenzhen and 
Shanghai. He stayed in Hong Kong for a total of 5 years. 

During his stay in Hong Kong, Hong exposed himself to the observation and learning of the 
Western capitalism, and he had also acquired a solid grasp of the modern scientific knowledge. In 1859, 
Hong left for the capital of the Taiping Kingdom, "Tianjing" (present-day Nanjing). He was made the 
Shield King, and was given supreme power. Shortly afterwards, he had put forth his famous reform 
memorial, the contents of which touched upon the political, economic, social and educational arenas. 
This wide-ranging reform programme was both significant and far-reaching in the context of the modern 
Chinese history. 

Hong was born in an agrarian family and received feudal education at his junior age. Before 
leaving for Hong Kong, he knew very little about the West. Having spent 5 years in Hong Kong, he set off 
for "Tianjing" in the autumn of 1858, and reached there in April the following year. Within the short 
space of time in this journey, Hong compiled his monumental work, Zizheng Xinpian (A New Work for 
Aid in Government), which reflected very well the aspirations of the age, thanks to his experience and 
practice in Hong Kong. 




意象: 印 刷出版 在阿美 士德號 事件中 的角色 

蘇 精 

歐 洲人從 十五世 紀開始 使用大 量複製 圖書的 印刷術 ' 改 變了文 學傳播 的形態 、 助長 文藝復 
興運動 、 促成宗 教改革 與科學 發展等 奠定近 代歐洲 的大事 ' 歐 洲人因 此公認 印刷有 如一種 變遷的 

動因 (as an agent of changes) 。 隨後數 百年歐 洲各國 大規模 從事海 外擴張 , 同 時善用 其印刷 術和出 

版品 , 做 爲引發 全球社 會產生 變化的 一種工 具因素 。 

十九世 紀初年 在華貿 易的英 國商人 , 企圖突 破只能 在廣州 一處貿 易的種 種限制 ' 同 時基督 
新 教傳教 士也因 難以進 入內地 ' 正 藉著印 刷品做 爲他們 的替身 ' 想要穿 透封閉 的中國 。 雖 然傳教 
和 商業兩 者的利 益不同 , 卻 彼此不 相矛盾 , 於是在 打開中 國門戶 的共同 需要和 目標下 , 聯 手造成 
了 1832 年 (淸 道光 12 年) 的阿 美士德 號事件 。 

在這次 事件中 , 英國商 人和傳 教士運 用印刷 與出版 , 做 爲宣傳 的工具 ' 爭取 中國人 對英國 
的瞭解 與好感 , 試圖 改變中 國人對 英國人 的態度 ' 而 《大英 國人事 略說》 一書 ' 便 是這次 事件中 
英 國人最 主要的 宣傳品 。 本 文根據 倫敦大 英圖書 館所藏 的一部 《大英 國人事 略說》 、 東印 度公司 
的檔案 、 事件當 事人的 記載等 ' 對照中 國方面 的文獻 , 討 論此書 的內容 ' 編 印過程 、 散發 情形和 
引起 的反應 , 藉以 探究阿 美士德 號事件 的起因 ' 經過 和結果 ' 以及印 刷出版 在整個 事件中 的角色 。 



Text and Image 一 the Role of Printing and Publishing in the Amherst Incident 

(Translation) 

SU Ching 

Since the 15 th century, the Europeans made use of printing to carry out mass reproduction of 
books, subsequently altering the dissemination pattern of literature, fostering the rise of the Renaissance, 
prompting religious reforms and bringing about scientific progresses, all of which are important events in 
the history of modern Europe. The Europeans thus unanimously saw printing as an agent of changes. In the 
following few centuries, the Europeans greatly expanded their power across the oceans and made effective 
use of printing and printed matters to usher in social changes around the world. 

In the early 19 th century, Guangzhou was the only Chinese port open to foreign trade and trading 
in China was subject to many restrictions. British merchants were anxious to break this situation. On the 
other hand, Protestant missionaries who failed to go further inland also made use of tracts to spread the 
Gospel. British merchants and missionaries had diverse, yet not conflicted, interests. They joined hands to 
strode towards the same goal, subsequently giving rise to the Amherst incident in 1832. 

In the Amherst incident, the British merchants and missionaries made use of printed tracts and 
books to publicise themselves, in an attempt to win the Chinese understanding and favour, so as to change 
the Chinese attitude towards the British. Brief Account of the English Character was the major publication 
distributed by the British during this incident. The present paper draws materials from the collection of the 
British Library, including Brief Account of the English Character, archives of the East India Company and 
accounts made by persons involved, cross-referring them with Chinese textual records. The content of the 
book, its publication process, distribution and impact will also be discussed, so as to find out the cause, 
development and outcome of the incident, and the role played by printing and publishing throughout the 
incident. 




78- 19 12-1998 



« 確 SSt 箏前搔 涠朧 港報業 » 



李谷城 



淸 朝嚴禁 洋人到 華傳教 、 經商 、 辦報刊 , 澳門成 爲洋人 從闱方 進 人内 地的必 
經 之地及 非貿易 季節的 過冬聚 居之所 。 由 於傳教 、 經商 的需要 , 先 是葡文 、 英文 
繼 而中文 出版物 隨著洋 人東來 而在澳 門及東 南亞一 帶出現 , 並 傳入中 國內地 。 

到了嘉 道年間 ' 海禁稍 有鬆弛 ' 在地 方官的 默許下 , 洋人 在质州 相繼辦 起 
七 家中英 文報刊 。 澳門 與廣州 ' 成爲 近代報 刊傳入 中國的 第一站 。 

—八三 九年初 , 林 則徐厲 行禁煙 。 拒絕 「具 結」 的 英商撤 往澳門 , 英 人辦的 
報 刊亦由 穗遷澳 , 澳門再 次成爲 洋人的 大本營 。 

一八四 〇 年六 月義律 發動第 一次鴉 片戰爭 , 翌年 , 英軍 強佔香 港並宣 佈爲自 
由港 。 一 八四一 年五月 ' 香港 出現第 一份官 准的商 業報紙 《香港 公報〉 。 

一八 四二年 《南京 條約》 簽訂 , 正式割 讓香港 。 其後怡 和洋行 總行及 其控制 
的 〈廣 東記 錄報〉 率先由 澳門遷 到香港 , 其他 洋人辦 的商行 及報刊 , 亦陸 續來到 
香港 , 或易名 出版或 另創辦 新報刊 。 一 八五三 年八月 , 香港 出現第 一份中 文刊物 
(遐邇 貫珍》 。 

一八六 〇 年淸 廷在第 二次鴉 片戰爭 中戰敗 , 與英 國簽訂 (北京 條約〉 , 割讓 
九龍 。 在差 不多同 一時間 , 淸廷 與多個 國家簽 訂了一 系列割 地賠款 、 喪權 辱國的 
條約 。 關 閉自守 的中國 , 加快對 外開放 。 獲 得辦報 特權的 洋人蜂 擁而至 , 在中國 

內 陸各地 辦報刊 , 至甲午 戰爭前 , 共辦起 170 種刊物 • 佔 同期中 國報刊 總數的 95% 

以上 。 當時 的香港 及上海 > 是 外報出 版的兩 大中心 。 

本文簡 介兩次 鴉片戰 爭前後 • 澳門 、 廣州 、 香 港三地 主要報 刊的創 辦槪況 , 
從 報刊史 的角度 , 記錄 這段期 間的中 西文化 交流史 。 



Presses in Macau, Guangzhou and Hong Kong 
around the Time of the Opium War 

(Translation) 

LI Kwok-sing 

The Qing Court forbade Westerners to preach, trade and publish newspapers and periodicals in 
China. Westerners entered China from the south would invariably pass through Macau. They stayed there 
during the winter seasons when trading activities were temporarily suspended. Publications serving 
preaching and trade-promotion purposes emerged in Macau and in areas around Southeast Asia. At first, 
they came in Portuguese and English. Later, Chinese ones were published and disseminated inland. 

The ban on maritime trade slightly slackened in the early 19 th century. With the tacit consent of 
the provincial officials, seven presses were set up by Westerners in Guangdong. Macau and Guangzhou 
became the first foothold of newspapers and periodicals seeking their way into modern China. 

In early 1839, the anti-opium campaign was rigorously enforced by Lin Zexu. British merchants 
refused to sign the bond pledging no more opium trade, and retreated to Macau. Also retreated were the 
British presses. Once again Macau became the base camp of the Westerners. 

The First Opium War was ignited by Captain Elliot in June 1840. In the following year, the 
British troops occupied Hong Kong Island by force and declared it a free port. In May 1841, the Hong 
Kong Gazette was published. It was the first officially approved newspaper in Hong Kong. 

With the signing of the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842, Hong Kong was formally ceded to Britain. 
Soon, the headquarters of the Jardine, Matheson & Co and the Canton Register under its control moved 
from Macau to Hong Kong. Other foreign firms and presses followed. Old publications reincarnated under 
new names and new publications emerged. Xia'er guamhen, the first Chinese newspaper in Hong Kong, 
was published in August 1853. 

In 1860, the Qing Court lost again in the Second Opium War. The Treaty of Beijing was signed 
and Kowloon Peninsula was ceded to Britain. Almost concurrently, the Qing Court signed with various 
other countries a series of unequalled treaties that demanded territorial cession, indemnity and surrender of 
sovereignty right. The closed gate of China was forced to open. Foreigners with chartered right of setting 
up presses in China swarmed inland. 170 newspapers and periodicals were published before the outbreak of 
the Sino-Japanese War in 1894. They accounted for over 95 percent of all newspapers and periodicals 
published in China at the time. Hong Kong and Shanghai were the base of foreign presses. 

This paper gives a brief account of the newspapers and periodicals existing in Macau, 
Guangzhou and Hong Kong around the time of the two Opium Wars, and highlight the cultural exchange 
between the East and West as part of the history of press development. 



International 
卜 X| Symposium on 

i-LinZexu, 
"'I the Opium War 




18- 19-12-1998 



改寫歷 史的一 次機會 - 辛丑風 災與鴉 片戰爭 

徐新 

一 八四一 年七月 二十日 ' 一 場特大 颱風襲 擊澳門 和香港 ' 這場 跪風造 成的後 果差一 點改變 
鴉 片戰爭 的歷史 。 

一八四 一年五 月底淸 軍在廣 州潰敗 ' 與 英軍簽 訂了停 戰協議 ' 賠 償了六 百萬元 , 英 軍撤出 
廣 州地區 。 由 於發生 了瘟疫 , 英軍 在澳門 設立醫 院治療 傷病員 , 推 遲了北 攻廈門 的計劃 。 其餘的 
英 軍也紛 紛到澳 門遊覽 、 休假 、 尋 歡作樂 。 六月十 八日英 國艦隊 司令伯 麥自孟 加拉回 到澳門 , 在 
澳 門治療 的英軍 傷病員 也差不 多恢復 了健康 , 英軍 準備北 上進攻 。 同 時廣州 淸軍靖 逆將軍 發表了 
懸賞 索取英 夷首級 。 其中 "擒 義律 來獻者 ' 賞 洋銀十 萬圓" ' "擒 伯麥 、 顛地等 來獻首 ' 賞洋五 
萬圓" ° 

七 月二十 日英艦 "摩底 士底" 號 ( Modes te) 從氹 仔的碇 泊處開 到澳門 接載恢 復健康 的英軍 
官兵 赴香港 , 英國 全權大 臣義律 、 艦 隊司令 伯麥和 二十餘 名高級 軍官乘 "路 易沙" 號 (Louisa) 
單 跪船前 往香港 , 在 澳門休 假的另 一些官 兵則乘 "青春 女神號 (Young Hebe) 輪船 回香港 集合。 

當天已 有暴風 雨來臨 的跡象 , 但英軍 艦船一 意孤行 , 晚上八 時起風 , 二十一 早晨颱 風達到 
高潮 。 在這場 颱風中 , 滿載 著義律 、 伯麥 等二十 一名英 軍高級 將領的 "路 易沙" 號 在開赴 香港的 
途中' 船 被吹向 萬山群 島附近 海面。 七月二 十一日 "路易 沙號在 "大 佬洲" 險峭的 海岸邊 觸礁沉 

沒 。 義律 等人爬 上一塊 岩石死 裏逃生 。 

二十二 日義律 、 伯麥 等二十 餘名英 軍在島 上遇到 了他們 認識的 澳門船 夫麥方 , 同時 又被數 
百名村 民包圍 , 村民以 爲他們 是海盜 ' 將他們 身上的 衣服雜 物剝光 ' 每人 祇剩下 一條短 褲遮醜 。 
經船 夫幫助 他們先 後於二 十三日 、 二十 五日回 到澳門 , 才脫 離險境 。 大佬洲 的村民 若知道 "番 鬼" 
的真 實身份 , 一定 會輕而 易舉地 將這二 十多名 "番 鬼" 五花 大綁送 到廣州 ' 鴉片戰 爭的歷 史也會 
改寫 。 遺憾的 是這場 大颱風 帶來的 機會與 侵華英 軍將領 的命運 居然掌 握在一 個愚味 無知的 澳門船 
夫 手中。 



An Opportunity to Rewrite History - Xinchou Typhoon and the Opium War 

(Translation) 

CHOI San 

On 20 July 1841, an extremely violent typhoon attacked Macau and Hong Kong. The aftermath 
of this typhoon nearly rewrote the history of the Opium War. 

At the end of May in 1841, the Chinese force was defeated by the British in Guangzhou. Truce 
was signed, and the Qing government had to pay a sum of six million dollars to the British in exchange for 
their evacuation of the city. Since there was an epidemic outbreak, a hospital was set up in Macau by the 
British force to cure the infected soldiers. The plan of moving northward to attack Xiamen was thus 
suspended. The rest of the force also went to Macau to tour, rest and seek amusement. On 18 June, Sir 
Gordon Bremer, the Naval Commodore, came back to Macau from Bangladesh. The infected soldiers 
almost recovered. They planned to set off for the north on the next day. At the same time, rewards were 
offered by the Qing force in Guangzhou for the chopped-off heads of the British: "Anyone who could 
capture Elliot and bring his head here will be awarded a hundred thousand dollars" and "anyone who could 
capture Bremer and Dent will be awarded fifty thousand dollars." 

On 20 July, the British warship Modeste sailed from Taipa to Macau to pick up the recovered 
soldiers and send them to Hong Kong. Louisa, a single-mast ship, carried Elliot the plenipotentiary, Bremer 
the commodore and more than twenty senior officers. Some other officers and soldiers staying in Macau 
left for Hong Kong by the steamer Young Hebe. 

The typhoon was approaching but the fleet determined to set sail. Strong gale broke out around 
eight o'clock at night and reached the height of its power in the morning of 21 June. Louisa was blown to 
the sea near the Wanshan Islands. On the same day, it struck some rocks and sank into the waters off the 
steep shore of Dalaozhou Island. Elliot and the others managed a narrow escape by climbing up some 
rocks. 

On 22 June, Elliot, Bremer and some twenty officers from the wrecked ship met the fisherman 
Mai Fang. They knew Mai but the other villagers on the island thought they were pirates. The villagers 
captured them and striped them bare except the pants. At last, with the help of Mai they managed to escape 
back to Macau on 23 and 25 June. Had the villagers on the island known their true identity, they would 
have been tied up and sent to Guangzhou; thence the history of Opium war had to be rewritten. How 
surprising it is that the opportunity created by the typhoon and the fate of the British invaders was held I 
the hand of an ignorant fisherman from Macau. 




鴉 片戰爭 前的粵 澳關係 

鄭德華 

«重 點研究 "廣州 貿易" 後 期廣州 與澳門 的交通 、 貿 易及其 對兩地 的社會 、 
經濟 、 文 化影響 ' 具 體時間 爲十九 世紀前 四十年 。 

在這 個時期 ' 淸政府 實際把 對澳門 的管理 、 防範 ' 作爲 控制對 外貿重 要的一 
環 。 澳門作 爲廣州 貿易的 "外 港" ' 在 交往形 式上受 到嚴格 的限制 。 

然而 , 這個歷 史時期 的澳門 仍然是 中國與 世界交 往的主 要渠道 。 粤澳 關係無 
論 從經濟 、 文化 交往的 角度看 ' 都並非 完全停 滯不前 。 珠 江內河 "澳門 航道" 的 
繁榮 就是一 個例證 : 而中 國早期 的報紙 、 雜誌出 現在粵 澳地區 , 也 正好說 明這個 
, 時期粤 澳關係 在中西 文化交 流史上 的地位 。 

這 個時期 的粤澳 之間的 貿易交 往無疑 與鴉片 、 苦 力的販 運有關 。 中國 地方官 
員的 受像行 爲與外 國鴉片 , 苦 力販子 的行徑 ' 寫下 了粤澳 關係史 不光彩 的一頁 。 



The Relationship between Guangzhou and Macau before the Opium War 

(Translation) 

ZHENG Dehua 

This paper focuses on exploring the transportation and trading activities between Guangzhou 
and Macau, and the social, economic and cultural impacts on these two regions during the latter period of 
the "Guangzhou trade", i.e. the first forty years of the 19 th century. 

During this period, Macau was brought under supervision and surveillance of the Qing 
government as a means to manipulate foreign trade. Macau was the outer port of Guangzhou. Foreign 
liaison in Macau was under tight control. 

However, in this period, it was mainly through Macau that China communicated with the rest of 
the world. The economic and cultural relations between Guangzhou and Macau were not totally stagnant, 
as evidenced by the busy "Macau Roads" in the inner course of the Pearl River (Zhujiang). The first 
emergence of Chinese newspapers and periodicals in Guangzhou and Macau also reflects the important role 
played by these two regions in the cultural exchange between the East and the West. 

Inevitably, trading activities between Guangzhou and Macau during this period were largely 
associated with opium and trading of coolies. The corruption of the Chinese officials and the despicable 
deeds of the opium traders and coolie traders brought shames to the history of these regions. 




葡治 澳門在 中英^ 片戰 爭前後 所扮演 的角色 

譚志強 

由 於研究 課題本 身具有 的雙重 性及過 去存在 於澳門 歷史研 究裡的 多項困 難因素 , 一八 三九年 
至一 八四二 年之間 發生的 中英鴉 片戰爭 過程中 ' 在華英 國人長 期居住 的貿易 基地澳 門及其 實際管 

理者 : 澳 門葡萄 牙人自 治機構 (澳 門政府 ' Governo de Macau) ' 特別 是代表 葡萄牙 王與中 國官員 
及英 國軍隊 周旋的 澳門總 督邊度 (Adriao Acacio de Siliveira Pinto) ' 究竟在 鴉片戰 爭前後 扮演了 

一個 怎麼樣 的角色 ? 爲 甚麼澳 門政府 在鴉片 戰爭爆 發之前 , 會如中 國政府 欽差大 臣林則 所稱的 「 首 
鼠 兩端」 , 並不 完全聽 從中國 政府的 指揮? 爲甚 麼英國 在華軍 隊首腦 、 商務總 監義律 (Charles 
Elliot) 會對 澳門政 府的種 種應變 措施表 示強烈 不滿? 爲甚麼 葡萄牙 人最後 完全倒 向英國 , 讓澳門 
成爲 英軍在 華的後 勤基地 、 醫院 ' 養 傷中心 ' 甚 至部分 海軍軍 官的葬 身之地 ? 這些 問題都 是過去 
是一直 少爲香 港史或 澳門史 研究者 觸及的 ' 本文 只是對 此研究 課題的 一個初 步嘗試 ' 其結 論是所 
有澳 門政府 所做的 外交應 變手段 , 其基 本目標 是繼續 維持葡 萄牙人 在澳門 的實際 管理權 , 並非過 
去 大多數 中國學 者所稱 的只是 一個英 國侵略 者幫凶 。 祇有 自此角 度出發 , 我 們才有 可能明 白澳門 
政府 在鴉片 戰爭前 後種種 「首鼠 兩端」 的 ' 外表 矛盾實 際統一 的行動 。 



The Role of the Macau Government around the Time of the Opium War 

(Translation) 

TAM Chi-keung 

The topic of this paper involves duality and a number of problems long existing in the historical study of 
Macau. As a Chinese territory actually ruled by the Portugese, Macau had long been the trading and dwelling base of 
British merchants. What was the roled played by the Macau government, in particular the Governor Adriao Acacio de 
Siliveira Pinto who represented the Portuguese King to deal with the Chinese officials and British force, around the time of 
the Opium War (1840-1842). Why was the Macau government not at full command of the Chinese government (Lin Zexu, 
the Imperial Commissioner, accused the Macau government as "double-dealing") prior to the outbreak of the War? Why 
was Charles Elliot, both the Superintendent of Trade and the British Plenipotentiary, greatly dissatisfied with the 
contingency tactics put forward by the Macau government? What eventually made the Portuguese stand entirely on the 
British side and offer Macau as the logistics base, medical and rehabilitation centre of the British force, and even the burial 
ground of some British naval officers? This paper attempts to find out the answers to such questions seldom explored by 
scholars studying the history of Hong Kong and Macau. It concludes that the diplomatic gestures of the Macau 
Government were primarily aimed at prolonging the Portuguese rule over the island, not in any way coming to the British 
assistance in their territorial conquest. It is only from this perspective that we can understand the motives of the Macau 
Government behind its "double-dealing" in the course of the Opium war, which were seemingly contradictory, but 
consistent under the cloak. 




18- 1912-1998 



我對 鴉片戰 爭的一 些反思 

區家發 



一. 前言 

一百 多年來 , 對鴉片 戰爭這 一中國 歷史上 影響深 遠的重 大事件 以描述 、 閱釋 、 分析和 總結的 
著作 可謂汗 牛充楝 。 在內地 , 從 中學教 材開始 , 舉凡涉 及中國 近代史 的著作 很少不 涉及鴉 片戰爭 。 
稍有 文化的 中國人 都略知 這場戰 爭的性 質和來 龍去脈 , 可 以說耳 熟能詳 。 但 在英國 殖民統 治時代 
的香港 , 由於英 帝國歪 曲歷史 , 不敢 正視這 場戰爭 是骯髒 的向中 國強賣 鴉片毒 品的侵 略戰爭 , 而 
把它美 其名稱 之爲通 商戰爭 。 受 殖民地 教育成 長的知 識份子 , 特別是 那些飮 英國人 奶水長 大的所 
謂精 英一族 , 對鴉 片戰爭 這件事 是不大 了解的 , 更有甚 者竟錯 誤認爲 英國殖 民主義 者侵佔 香港說 
成是 「文 明」 的、 「人 道」 的正 義戰爭 ' 不敢提 及鴉片 兩個字 ' 把侵 略者美 化成救 世主加 以祟拜 ! 
這一使 我們不 得不大 大佩服 英國殖 民者對 香港人 的奴化 教育非 常成功 , 真不 愧爲歷 來最奸 滑最富 
殖 民統治 經驗的 老牌帝 國主義 侵略者 。 本是劊 子手竟 變成被 殺者的 大恩人 ! 這對偉 大的中 華民族 
是一 個莫大 的侮辱 。 爲了 正確恢 復歷史 的真實 , 再次在 香港人 面前揭 露英帝 國主義 以武力 販毒並 
侵略 我國國 土的醜 惡面目 , 把被傾 倒的歷 史再傾 倒過來 , 香港 歷史博 物館與 林則徐 基金會 、 中國 
史學會 合作於 1998 年十二 月合辦 < 林則徐 、 鴉 片戰爭 和香港 > 學術 研討會 , 有 著重大 的意義 。 

鴉片戰 爭的歷 史背景 和整個 過程及 其深遠 的影響 , 與會 之專家 學者當 有較詳 盡和深 入的論 
述 , 筆者不 敢多言 , 擬 從這次 重大的 歷史事 件作一 些回視 與反思 , 特 別在文 化方面 , 以求 教於識 

者。 

二. 反思 之一: "官怕 洋鬼' 洋鬼怕 百姓" 

資本主 義列強 通過戰 爭用武 力打開 了中國 的大門 , 接踵 而來的 平等條 約象旋 風一般 席卷著 
這一古 老國度 , 把 中國社 會淪爲 半封建 半殖民 地性質 。 

南京條 約割地 賠款此 例一開 , 資本帝 國主義 列強紛 紛效尤 , 以 武力威 迫滿淸 政府開 放門戶 - 
利 益均霑 。 滿淸 政府在 列強的 威迫下 , 怕 得要死 , 擺 出屈辱 求和格 , 任由列 強宰割 。 與滿 淸統治 
相反 , 中國 人民的 反侵略 戰爭越 演越烈 。 在 我們的 香港抵 抗英國 強租新 界的鬥 爭也相 當激烈 , 曾 
發 生幾次 抗英的 大戰役 : 如大 埔人民 火燒警 棚之戰 、 林 村之戰 , 上 村之戰 。 這幾場 戰役均 充份體 
現香港 人民在 抗英鬥 爭中同 仇敵愾 、 英 勇頑強 的精神 , 與滿 淸統治 者的貪 生怕死 、 屈辱求 和成鮮 
明 的封比 。 



三 . 反 思之二 : 東 西方兩 種截然 不同文 化體系 的碰撞 

鴉片戰 爭這個 對中國 人民意 味著恥 辱和災 難的歷 史事件 包含著 兩個認 知層面 : 政治 的和文 



化的 。 在政治 層面上 , 這場戰 爭是殖 民主義 和反殖 民主義 的鬥爭 , 是 軍事力 量的侵 略和反 侵略的 
對抗 。 但 在文化 層面上 , 它卻 是東西 方的兩 個截然 不同文 化體系 的碰撞 , 是 兩種特 質相異 的文明 
之間 的衡突 。 多年來 一些學 者對鴉 片戰爭 的研究 總是偏 重於前 者而忽 略後者 。 對後 者的研 究也多 
是採取 各種形 式的民 族虛無 主義去 批判頑 固守舊 , 對 中國歷 史文化 傳統諸 多挑剔 , 而不正 視戰爭 
中的 東西文 化撞擊 所固有 的客觀 上的進 步意義 。 

四 . 反 思之三 : 祟 洋媚外 , 數 典忘祖 者應予 以譴責 

中 國以天 朝自居 ' 自古以 來是禮 義之邦 。 「率 土之濱 ' 莫 非皇土 ; 率 土之民 , 莫非 皇臣」 , 
把 週邊諸 國稱之 爲夷狄 , 把週邊 的民族 均視之 爲非開 化之人 。 鴉 片戰爭 失敗後 , 對 西方列 強的態 

度突 然作了 180 度轉變 , 由排外 到懼外 , 且 到了毫 無國格 的地步 。 只要 侵略者 稍爲出 言恐嚇 , 便 
魂 不附體 , 割 地求和 。 到了本 世紀初 , 堂堂中 國已到 險被列 強瓜分 的境地 。 百 多年來 , 由 於滿淸 
政 府的顢 預無能 , 賣 國求榮 , 中國 人民受 到列強 侵略者 的恥辱 與苦難 , 令人痛 心疾首 。 

百多年 來受到 英帝國 殖民統 治的香 港人民 , 長期 受到奴 化教育 , 刻意 培育反 華走狗 , ( 所 
謂 治港精 英份子 ) 分 化港人 , 使本來 疾惡如 仇的香 港人有 部份已 被馴服 如羔羊 : 更令人 痛心的 
是 , 有些港 人自認 是英女 王陞下 的臣民 , 而覺 得光榮 。 他們 稱英國 爲祖家 , 恥做 中國人 ! 數典忘 
祖如此 , 怎不令 人嘆息 。 這 從申請 居英權 和英國 公民海 外護照 的踴躍 情況可 見一班 。 九七 收復香 
港 , 洗雪百 年恥辱 , 本 是舉國 歡騰的 大喜事 , 但那些 孤臣孽 子卻如 喪考妣 , 其反中 國親英 的言行 , 
令 人髮指 ! 這些 祟洋媚 外數典 忘祖的 「 人」, 其 情可憫 , 其 心可誅 ! 應受 到強烈 的譴責 。 

五 . 餘思 

英帝發 動鴉片 戰爭與 中國的 戰敗, 割地 求和、 喪權 辱國都 不是偶 然的。 「物先 腐而後 虫生」 、 
「人 必自侮 生後人 侮之」 。 古 往今來 , 世界 上國與 國之間 、 人與 人之間 並不存 在公平 、 公理 , 只 
有強權 和利益 。 中 國要富 強起來 , 首 先要糾 正我們 一直活 在這種 自已鄙 視自己 , 抬 不起頭 的心態 : 
第二 , 要發 奮自強 , 提高人 民素質 。 中國人 的致命 弱點是 勇于內 鬥和見 利忘義 , 歷 代都出 現賣國 
投 敵的民 族敗類 , 爲 了幾塊 狗骨也 可以出 賣自己 的靈魂 。 香港受 英國殖 民地奴 化教育 150 多年, 
國家 民族的 觀念非 常薄弱 , 有些人 更喪失 了民族 自尊心 , 在洋 人面前 即時矮 了半截 , 寧做 洋狗也 
不願做 中國人 ! 這種情 況不是 更値得 我們反 思嗎? 




18- 19 12-1998 



Reflections over the Opium War 

(Translation) 

AU Ka-fat 

1. Introduction 

Over the last century, there are innumerable works devoted to the narration, discussion, 
analysis and conclusion of the Opium War, a significant incident in Chinese history. In Mainland China, the 
War is mentioned in almost every text book associated with modern Chinese history from secondary school 
upward. Every Chinese with some knowledge in history knows about the nature and the story of this War. It 
is familiar to all of us. But in those days when Hong Kong was still a British colony, the British refused to 
admit that the War was a military aggression resulted from their attempt to force opium into China. They 
distorted historical facts and called the War by the fine-sounding name of Trade War. Intellectuals receiving 
colonial education, particularly those elite fed and raised by the colonial government, did not have a true 
understanding of the War. Some even maintained the absurd idea that the British occupation of Hong Kong 
was "civilised" and "humane", and that the British were fighting for righteousness. They dared not mention 
the word opium and they worshipped the British as their saviour. In this respect, I must admit that the 
British are indeed very successful in the way they enslaved the Hong Kong people through education. They 
have proved themselves to be the most cunning imperialistic aggressor and most well-experienced 
colonialist. The butcher has turned himself into the saviour of the victim. This is an insult to the great 
Chinese nation. The symposium jointly organised by the Hong Kong Museum of History, the Lin Zexu 
Foundation and the Association of Chinese Historians thus shoulders great responsibility of restoring 
historical facts and to unveil the ugly face of the imperialistic British who have invaded China and 
occupied Chinese territory by force. 

While the historical background of the Opium War, its development and profound impact will 
be discussed in details by many other participants of this symposium, I attempt to make some reflections on 
this great incident, particularly from a cultural perspective. 

2. Reflection One: "Chinese officials feared foreigners; foreigners feared the people" 

Western capitalistic powers forced China to open its door by means of military aggression. 
Thence on, China was overwhelmed by numerous unequalled treaties which subsequently degraded China 
into a colonial-feudal state. 

After the signing of the Treaty of Nanjing which promised territorial cession and indemnity, 
other capitalistic powers flocked in. They forced the Qing government to open its door and grant them 
equal commercial privileges as the British got. Frightened to death, the Qing government quickly pleaded 
for peace negotiation and allowed the invaders to exploit China freely. Contrary to the coward attitude of 
the government, the Chinese people's resistance against foreign invasion grew increasingly intense. The 
British met fierce resistance from the local people after they forced China to lease them the New Territories. 
Several large-scale battles were fought, including the burning of the police station by the people of Tai Po, 
and the fighting at Lam Chuen and Sheung Chuen. These battles well illustrate the determination and 
heroic spirit of the Hong Kong people in their defence against the British occupation, which poses sharp 
contrast to the cowardice of the Qing government. 

3. Reflection Two: Clashing of two distinct cultures from the East and the West 

To the Chinese, the Opium War is a shameful and disastrous historical incident. The cognition 
of this incident involves two perspectives : political and cultural. Politically, the War is a combat between 
colonialism and anti-colonialism, and an opposition between military aggression and anti-military 



aggression. Culturally, it is a clash between two distinct cultures from the East and the West, and a conflict 
between two different civilisations. Some scholars tend to emphasize all along on the former in their studies. 
The study of the latter usually ends up in all sorts of national nihilism judgements blaming China as 
stubborn and backward, and finding faults with the Chinese heritage, instead of facing squarely the positive 
progresses brought by the clashes of two cultures in the Opium War. 

4. Reflection Three: Those who worship foreign things, fawn on foreign powers and forget one's 
origin should be condemned 

For millenniums, China saw itself as the "Heavenly Empire" and a state of decorum. It was 
thought that "All Chinese territories are the property of the emperor and Chinese people are his subjects". 
Countries on its peripheries were regarded as uncivilised barbarians. After being defeated in the Opium 
War, the Chinese attitude towards the Western powers made an abrupt turn from expelling the West to 
xenophobic. The fear was so great that national dignity was serious injured. Only a mild threat from the 
invaders would put China in great fear and drive it to cede its land and plead for peace negotiation. In the 
beginning of the 20 th century, the Chinese territory was on the verge of being carved up by foreign powers. 
The indecisiveness and incompetence of the Qing government, and its treasonable acts in the last century 
brought Chinese people great shame and misery. It is extremely bitter to recall these facts. 

For more than a century, Hong Kong people were enslaved by the British through education. 
Anti-China toadies (the so called elite in the British Hong Kong government) were fostered to split up the 
Hong Kong people. Some originally righteous people became tamed as Iambs. Still more distressing is that 
some of them even saw themselves as the subjects of Her Majesty and considered that an honour. They 
recognised Britain as their home country and thought it shameful to be Chinese. The way they betrayed 
their origin and ancestors could only make us sigh. This is reflected in their eagerness in the application of 
Right of Abode in Britain and the British Nationals (Overseas) Passports. The return of Hong Kong to 
China in 1997 is an extremely exhilarating event because it wipes out the century-long disgrace. However, 
those loyalist of Britain find it great sorrow. Their anti-China and pro-Britain words and deeds infuriate us. 
How pitiful and how evil these people are. They should be strongly condemned. 

5. Other reflections 

The launching of the Opium War by the imperialistic British, the defeat of China and the 
subsequent territorial cession and surrender of sovereignty rights did not happen by chance. There are the 
sayings that "things get rotten before they are infected by worms" and "people must have insulted 
themselves before they are insulted by others". Throughout the ages, there has never been equity and truth 
between different nations on earth; only power and benefit exist. If China wants to become rich and 
powerful, firstly we have to get rid of the attitude of self-disdain. Secondly, we must stride to strengthen 
ourselves and raise the quality of our people. The fatal weakness of the Chinese is that they devote too 
much energy to internal struggles and forget about righteousness once benefit is placed before them. 
Throughout Chinese history, there are numerous examples of national scum defecting to enemies of the 
state. They traded their souls for just a few pieces of bones to bite on. 150 years of enslaving education 
have greatly paled Hong Kong people's love for their nation. Some even lose their national pride. They feel 
inferior in front of Westerners and prefer to be their dogs rather than a Chinese. Aren't these situations 
worth of our retrospection? 




鴉片戰 爭的歷 殳教訓 
葉固洪 

英'; 1 統治香 港的^ 月已於 一九九 t 年六巧 底結束 ' 然而 歷史激 if 須淸 晰查嘵 

當年买 貿 易呈; 英對中 國的茶 菜需求 非常大 ' 因此 ' 煞 了 i 補 

' 乃想岀 • 以賈^ 片來弔 衡貿易 。 但是 ' 滿淸政 府 不 斷英方 抗議 ' 

芸權 爲了一 己之利 而 危害中 ^ 人民 。 於是. 一 八 三九年 '钦差 大巨林 f f 
徐 e 滑朝這 ^皇 帝支持 下禁煙 "特鴉 片'沒 收並 予銷毁 在 ' 然而 w 

成 爲芙國 S 碧商 務監 督義律 要求^ 政^ tB 兵 中國的 (f 

匚 . 买方認 爲禁煙 銷毀之 ^是戰 爭行爲 ' 於是 ^ 兵侵略 ' 也就是 ^片^ ^ ' m. 
mMm^^m^Mf^mmmm. 林因此 ^徵 5i 。 中芙晨 mm p\ 
芙: i s 莳不' i 要^^ ' ^ k n ' 窆要 割 讓香 港 a : 
w^^mtfrz ' fm^mrmn^^h' • 問題懣 ^决, ^^m^s--^ 
後:? tg 玟回. 

究竞 S 片载 爭袷後 t!L^ 十麼歷 x 敦訓, 這是 現今須 IE 硯 的現賈 問題. 飾浮 誇,, 巧聲 
背貢, 是 i?f 習歷殳 37 〈忌. 流行 H 點大 #1 頃向 嫛 討芙 ilfg 硌者的 狼二野 /、, 另一八 
極端卻 是只! ^!! 生 劣改, 不^ 非. 

iF 庐的 li 度 fl 是叉求 誇己, 關注及 苳觀撿 討當 時 [官 紳面 對舌; 戰, 如^ 
精 胂和^ 質方 g 作已 正适 和有利 的叵應 ,這是 sxfT 論的 焦點. 




关于 鸦片战 争的评 价问题 



苒大椿 

. 一、 究董是 不: 片战簪 

1^ 国 • 家以 及一 些史学 家认为 这 场 战争起 因 于东西 方文化 冲 

突, 英] f:l>J 贸 易而战 , 鸦片问 题在当 Bt^t "局 势中只 是一个 次要的 而不 

是务定 性问^ :】 此 #2: 些战 争为鸦 片战争 是不恰 当的。 

本文则 依据„ ^从 三个 方面 说明 : ① 引 起 这场战 争的根 本 11: 
0" &鸦片 走私贸 易绘英 国带来 的巨新 利润。 ②保护 和推动 鸦片^ 易 是当时 
英! !政府 的既定 S 策, 对华^ "武. 受 到鸦片 iTASg 团的 S[ 接 策动。 ③ 
这场战 争的直 接导火 线正是 鸦片定 私贸易 。 事实 iiE 萌称 3: 场战 争为鸦 片 战 
争是么 的 。 只 有从这 个基本 g 出 发 , 才能 对鸦片 战争以 及活跃 在这场 
战争舞 台上的 各种人 物作出 公正 的历 史评断 , 
于鸦片 战争的 

交隶分 四个方 评述 了鸦片 战争对 中囿近 代历史 的影响 :①鸦 片战争 
是英国 对华^ : 动的侵 胳战争 ,它使 中国丧 失国家 :主杈 和领土 芫^, ^始变 

sr -个半 1 民地& 家,. 帝 国主义 it ^和 中 国 人 民抵制 、 反抗这 种侵^ 以 争 

取 H 家独 是的: i£ 代中园 历_ 史的 基本內 容之一 。 ②鸦片 战争的 严!: 后果 
之一, 是大量 泛滥的 鸦片烟 ,从中 国掠定 数十亿 银元的 巨敏财 畜。 ^ 土烟 
使数 以千万 计的中 国人受 毒窨, 降 低了中 国人的 国民囊 质, 阻碍了 近代中 
国历史 的发展 。③鸦 片战争 打开中 国国门 ,外 国资本 主义进 入中国 ,经过 ― 
个 ii 程 , 破;^ 了农 业和 手工业 结合的 小生 产经 济结构 , 打 玻了中 囯 社会经 
济发展 的停' it 状态, 改变 T 中国 IF 史的现 实基础 ,刺激 和促选 了中国 ^本 
主义近 代工业 的发展 ,充 当了历 史的不 自觉的 工具, ④鸦片 战争惊 醒了中 
国 人 , 使 得先进 的中国 人踭眼 看世界 , 汗给了 漫长的 学习西 方贤: 三义的 
过程 , 从物值 层面、 制度层 面到精 神文化 , 一步 一步深 入地尝 , 最后 从西方 
传入的 资 本主义 的思想 中寻找 到马充 思主义 ,并 把它和 中囤社 会实际 
结 合起来 ' 走上 国家独 立和社 会主义 if 路 。 在这 _a , 外国 资本 主义也 i 当 了 
)万 史的不 自觉的 工具, 充分 展示了 历 史的辩 UE 法。 



Evaluation of the Opium War 

(Translation) 



JIANG Dachun 

This paper is divided into two parts. 

I. Is the name of the War justified? 

Some British politicians and historians opined that the War was the result of cultural conflict between the 
East and the West, that Britain was fighting for trade and that opium, in the whole incident, was not a 
decisive factor. Therefore, they came to conclude that it is inappropriate to call the war Opium War. 

This paper attempts to affirm the following, citing evidences from historical facts: 
L.The ultimate reason for this War was that Britain had to maintain the enormous profit derived from opium 
smuggling. 

2. It was the established policy of Britain to protect and promote opium trade. The War was directly instigated 

by opium traders and their associates. 
3. The immediate cause of the War was the smuggling of opium. Facts tell that the name of Opium War is 

justified. 

Historical facts play a vital role in the fair judgement of the War and the characters involved in it. 

II. Evaluation of the Opium War 

The impact of Opium War on the history of modern China is discussed in four aspects: 
1. Opium War was a military aggression launched by Britain against China. China lost its sovereignty right and 

territorial integrity, and gradually degraded into a quasi-colonial state. The history of modern China largely 

revolves around imperialistic invasions and efforts made by the Chinese to resist and fight back these 

invasions in order to preserve national independence. 
2. One of the serious consequences of the Opium War was the outflow of billions of silver bullion in exchange 

for an unchecked influx of opium. Millions of Chinese were poisoned by imported and local opium, and 

their quality deteriorated, which hindered the development of modern China. 

3 . China's door was forced to open after the Opium War and foreign capitalism made its way in, subsequently 

destroying the structure of the primitive agri-handicraft economy, waking China up from economic 
stagnation, reforming the reality base of Chinese history, stimulating and prompting the development of 
Chinese capitalism and modern industries. The War acted as an unconscious instrument of history. 

4. The Opium War woke the Chinese up from their dreams. Individuals with insights began to look at the 
world with new visions. All aspects of Western capitalism, from Western material value to Western 
institutions and spiritual culture, were explored. Step by step, the Chinese set off for the long journey of 
learning from the West. Eventually, they found from imported ideologies an anti-capitalistic theory - 
Marxism, which was then merged with social actualities to turn the national into an independent socialist 
state. At this point, Western capitalism also acted as the unconscious instrument of history, well 
demonstrating the theory of historical dialectics. 




IrTT International 
Symposium on 



、 /^厘 Lin Zexu, 
i^lil the Opium War 

f AT Hong Kong 



18- 1912-1998 



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A Comparison between Lin Zexu and Ye .\lingchen 



John Wong Yue-wo 



This paper compares the roles played by Commissioners Lin Zexu and Ye 
Mingchen in the two Opium Wars, and finds that there are really no 
fundamental differences between the two despite the wi idly divergent 
verdicts passed on them by Chinese historians. In addition, there are 
good reasons to view both wars as one entity, involving economic and 
diplomatic drivers of a global nature. And of course international law 
had its own place in both conflicts, with significant lessons for Chinese 
historians and bureaucrats al ike. There is also much food for thought 
for counterfactual questions (What ifs) which. I note, one senior 
participant in this conference has very interestingly raised. 



曾 參戰的 英國海 、 陸 軍軍官 對中國 、 中 國人和 「鴉片 戰爭」 的看法 

(譯本 ) 
許舒 

1840 年 2 月' 英國政 府向淸 政府發 出通牒 ' 派遣士 兵及艦 隊至中 國沿海 , 目 的是要 威逼淸 
政府停 止侵犯 中國境 內的英 商和英 國官員 ,以及 就充公 的貨物 及其他 財物作 出賠償 。艦隊 抵達後 , 
封鎖 了主要 的港口 , 並 安排英 人在一 、 兩個小 島居停 和貿易 。 跟著 佔據了 一塊中 國屬土 , 打算待 
事情完 滿解決 後才歸 還中國 。 敵 對關係 持續至 1842 年 8 月' 英國代 表與三 位淸廷 代表在 長江口 

一艘 英艦上 簽訂了 《南 京條 約》。 

戰爭 結束後 , 多名 英國海 、 陸軍 軍官就 這次戰 爭及其 見聞發 表了一 些著作 。 除了 書籍外 , 
當 時以至 今時今 日的一 些書刊 都收錄 了不少 英軍家 書和寫 給友人 的信件 , 內容有 陳述當 時的情 
況 。 本文 將通過 部分這 類著作 和書信 , 探討當 時英國 人對中 國及這 次戰爭 的感受 、 觀點 和態度 。 

在此有 必要一 提事件 的背境 。 這是 英國首 次對中 國用兵 , 所 以對在 中國陸 上或水 上作戰 , 
誰也 沒有任 何經驗 。 況且 , 大部分 軍官都 出身貴 族及士 紳家庭 ' 對 中國所 知不多 , 或甚至 一無所 
知 。 除了 少數人 的家庭 跟中國 貿易扯 上關係 , 或於 英國殖 民地印 度服務 時間接 認識到 中國外 , 整 
個 英軍部 隊及倫 敦的英 政府都 對中國 及中國 官民缺 乏直接 認識。 

更 壞的是 , 大部 分英人 對中國 的認識 都是憑 空幻想 。 基 於十八 世紀西 方人對 中國瓷 器的狂 
熱 , 英人想 像中的 中國跟 實際的 中國大 有距離 。 除了 一些傳 教士的 著述外 , 有 關的書 籍極少 。 第 
一本準 確地描 述中國 的英文 書要到 1836 年 才面世 。 作者是 戴維斯 , 是東印 度公司 廣州遴 選委員 
會 資深成 員之一 (後 來出 任香港 第二任 總督) 。 

從那 些著作 及書信 , 可 以看到 1840 年受派 往中國 的英國 軍官是 本著開 明的態 度赴華 , 他們 
並 非如十 九世紀 末西方 人在中 國般自 高自大 , 趾 高氣揚 , 而是對 中國及 其人民 沒有任 何偏見 。 雖 
然部 分人擁 護對中 國用兵 , 但亦 有人大 不爲然 , 認爲縱 使鴉片 商人受 到惡待 , 亦 不應對 華開戰 。 

可能因 爲如此 , 他 們談到 雙方的 衝突時 都說是 英國政 府與中 國政府 的不和 , 與中國 人民無 
關 。 英國 將領不 論進行 陸戰或 水戰時 都緊記 此原則 。 他 們進攻 中國各 地時亦 通過聲 明及公 布等向 
中國 人民閫 明此點 。 



勇者非 常崇敬 。 他們的 著作及 書信亦 淸楚表 露其俠 義心腸 。 他們希 望避免 傷害平 民百姓 ' 對婦孺 
尤其手 下留情 , 並 盡量制 止搶掠 : 對漢人 和滿人 將領因 戰敗而 自殺感 到遺憾 > 對很 多家庭 寧死也 
不肯落 入英人 手中感 到驚駭 。 他 們很快 注意到 漢蒙士 兵在陣 上交鋒 時的英 勇行爲 ' 對死難 的中國 
士兵致 以敬意 。 另 一方面 , 他們 認識到 中國當 權者的 不誠實 和奸詐 ' 無論在 戰場上 及外交 上都不 
可信賴 。 他 們鄙視 那些乘 人不備 而梆架 和殺害 英兵和 隨營人 員的低 下行徑 ' 以及以 酷刑和 不人道 
方式 對待英 國和印 度戰俘 的行爲 。 

看 到中國 暴徒搶 掠淪陷 城市比 英兵還 要厲害 , 他們感 到驚詫 。 對中國 人如何 對待另 一些中 
國人 , 他們深 感震驚 。 在 中國沿 海執行 任務時 , 他們 多次遇 到海盜 ' 看見海 盜們對 和平的 商人和 
純良 的村民 的暴行 。 他們不 惜與海 盜對抗 ' 得到很 多村民 的感激 。 

這 些個人 的陳述 還有値 得注意 的地方 。 文中 找不到 後來西 方人對 中國人 帶貶意 的稱呼 ' 好 

像 十九世 紀末英 語國家 普遍把 來淘金 或工作 的中國 人喚作 "Chinks" ' " "Chows" ' "未開 化中國 
佬" (Heathen Chinee) 或 "蒙 古人" (Monogolians) 等 。 只是 間中戲 稱中國 人爲" Fokies" ' 其 餘都用 
"Chinese" 或'' Chinamen" ° 

勝 利背後 是大量 英兵因 II 役和水 土不服 而染病 。 這些著 作和書 信的作 者爲戰 勝而感 到驕傲 ' 
但亦 深知能 夠取勝 , 令 中國政 府答允 英政府 的要求 ' 全憑堅 船利炮 ' 領 導有方 的將領 ' 訓 練有素 
和紀 律嚴明 的士兵 和高昂 的士氣 。 他 們沒有 輕視中 國的古 老文化 和成就 ' 亦 沒有看 不起中 國在技 
術上 趕不上 工業發 達的西 方國家 。 簡 而言之 ' 他們整 體上對 中國及 中國人 懷有尊 敬之心 。 

探 索鴉片 戰爭時 , 應該 考慮上 述各點 ' 把 中英的 衝突放 在該事 件的時 代脈絡 中研究 ' 而不 
是 把後來 西方對 中國態 度惡化 的時代 與此混 爲一談 。 




18- 19-12-1998 



Opinion on China, the Chinese and the "Opium War" among British Naval and 
Military Officers Who Served There during Hostilities 

James Hayes 

In February 1840, the British Government advised the Qing Government of the despatch of an 
expeditionary force of troops and warships to the China Coast. Its purpose was to force the Chinese 
authorities to cease its harassment of British traders and officials resident in China , and to make reparation 
for goods and property taken from them. A blockade of China's principal ports was to be maintained, and 
one or two islands demanded as a place of residence and commerce for British subjects. A piece of 
Chinese territory was to be occupied, to be restored only when matters were settled to the British 
Government's satisfaction. Hostilities continued on and off until August 1842, when three specially 
appointed Chinese commissioners signed the treaty of Nanking on board a British warship in the Yangtse 
River. 

One of the by-products of the China Expedition was a number of books written by British naval 
and military officers about the War and their experiences during its course. Besides published books, 
some of the many descriptive letters sent to family and friends at home found their way into various books 
and periodicals., both at the time and to the present. My paper will examine a number of these books and 
letters, in order to illustrate the sentiments, opinions and attitudes of the day towards China and the War. 

Some background is necessary. This was the first time that British forces had fought in China.. 
Consequently, there was no one with experience of conducting operations there on land or sea. Moreover, 
the higher society to which the British officer corps mostly belonged - the aristocracy and the landed gentry, 
with the professions - had little or no knowledge of China. Save for a small number of persons whose 
families had been associated with the China Trade, and others who derived their knowledge indirectly from 
their service in British India, there was next to no one in the armed forces or the government in London 
with a direct knowledge of the country, its officials and its people. 

Worse still for a better comprehension, China was yet steeped in fantasy for most Europeans. 
The 18 th century craze for "Chinoiserie" had left Westerners with a vision of Cathay, rather than with a 
knowledge of the real China. There were few books in print on the subject. Besides a few current works by 
missionaries to China, the first up to date, accurate account of the Chinese Empire available in English had 
only just been published (1836). Its author was J.F. (later Sir John) Davis, a long-serving member of the 
Honourable East India Company's Select Committee at Canton, and later Governor of Hong Kong. 

The books and letters show that the British officers ordered to China in 1840 went there with 
open minds. There was little of the arrogance or imagined superiority of the West over China that would 
be found later in the century. They were not prejudiced against the country or its people. Indeed, some of 
the writers, though otherwise conceding that there were reasons for opening hostilities, were openly critical 
of a war opened on behalf of opium traders, whether these had been badly treated or not. 

Perhaps because of this, their masters' quarrel with China was always stated to be with the 
Chinese Government, not with the Chinese people. The British commanders on land and sea always made 
this distinction. They also tried to make it clear by proclamations and notices to the people of the various 
parts of China in which they were conducting their operations. 

In the spirit of the age and of the two armed services., the officers of the Expedition were in 
general motivated by chivalrous notions, the courtesies of European warfare, and respect for courage. 
Such feelings are very evident in their writings. They wished to avoid harming the common people and 
were particularly anxious to spare women and children. They tried to curb looting and worse. They were 
regretful of the suicide of Chinese and Manchu commanders in defeat, and were appalled by the many 
families who took their own lives rather than fall into their hands. They were quick to note acts of courage 



by Chinese or Tartar soldiers during engagements, and they honoured the brave dead.. On the other hand, 
they formed the notion that Chinese leaders were untruthful, deceitful and could not be trusted in war or 
diplomacy; and they strongly deprecated what they saw as the despicable and under-hand practice of 
kidnapping and killing unwary soldiers and camp-followers, and the executions and invariably harsh and 
inhumane treatment inflicted upon British and Indian prisoners. 

They were astonished by the Chinese mobs who looted captured cities more effectively than 
the British troops who had captured them, and they were shocked at the treatment of Chinese by other 
Chinese. During operations along the coast, the crews of British warships encountered many pirates, and 
saw how badly they treated peaceful traders and harmless villagers. Their readiness to deal with them was 
appreciated by many grateful country people. 

Another feature of these personal accounts is worth noting. One does not find the derogatory or 
offensive terms for Chinese in later use. Whilst the term "Fokies" was jocularly adopted for a time for their 
opponents, the Chinese people themselves are not referred to as "Chinks", "Chows", "Heathen Chinee" or 
"Mongolians" - as they often were in the later 19 ,h century in the English-speaking countries to which they 
had gone in search of gold or employment - but invariably as "the Chinese" or "Chinamen" . 

Proud of victories achieved in the face of high sickness rates, due to disease and unfamiliarity 
with the country, the men who wrote these books and letters were aware that their success in imposing 
Britain's demands on the Chinese Court had been due to superior leadership and weaponry, well-trained 
disciplined troops, and a high morale. They were not dismissive of China's ancient civilization and 
attainments, nor contemptuous of her failure to match the new technical achievements of the industrializing 
West. In short, they were generally respectful of China, its Court, and its inhabitants. 

These facts should be kept in mind when considering the Opium War. We should be careftil 
to view the conflict in the context of its own time, and not of the later period when Western attitudes 
towards China had changed for the worse. 




18— 19-121998 



鴉片 戰爭對 的 雜 膝意義 

周佳榮 

1840 年的鴉 片戰爭 , 是近 代中國 史上一 件大事 。 中國除 了戰敗 、 賠款 、 割 地等屈 辱之外 , 
從此 被迫打 開大門 ' 在西 力東漸 浪潮的 衝擊下 ' 陷入亡 國滅種 的危機 : 幾千年 來的傳 統文化 ' 也 
受到史 無前例 的挑戰 。 姑勿 論其性 質如何 ' 此一 歷史事 件自亦 有其時 代意義 ' 中國 學界至 今仍多 
以鴉片 戰爭作 爲近代 的開端 ' 可 以中得 到部份 的解釋 。 

鴉 片戰爭 的影響 , 更 及於東 亞世界 以至整 個亞洲 。 首先 ' 是加 速了亞 洲的殖 民地化 。 在 
1856-1860 年英法 聯軍之 役期間 , 法國 開始侵 佔越南 ' 其後越 南淪爲 法國的 殖民地 ' 改採 拼音文 
字 , 斷絕 了二千 年來與 中國歷 史文化 的淵源 ' 脫離東 亞世界 。 第二 次世界 大戰後 ' 越南便 歸入東 

南亞的 行列了 。 

東亞的 另外兩 個國家 - - 日本 和朝鮮 , 對鴉 片戰爭 及其後 的局勢 有不同 的回應 。 曰 本朝野 
自 始即十 分重視 有關鴉 片戰爭 的情報 , 中 國戰敗 尤使日 本人大 爲震驚 ' 因此 在美國 叩關後 決定開 
國 , 迅速 化被動 爲主動 ' 藉 著明治 維新走 上近代 化之路 。 其間 日本亦 借鑑香 港的發 展經驗 , 透過 
香港 吸收新 的知識 。 朝鮮則 堅拒外 國力量 的滲透 ' 後來 卻在日 本的威 脅下被 迫開放 。 

如 上所述 , 東亞 四國在 鴉片戰 爭後各 有不同 的命運 。 越南首 當其衝 , 淪 爲西方 殖民地 ; 中 
國處 於淸朝 中衰期 ' 雖 遇強敵 ' 卻未能 貫徹改 革圖強 的決心 ' 變成 半封建 、 半殖民 地國家 : 曰本 
適 在幕府 沒落期 , 結果 德川將 軍返位 , 明 治天皇 執掌國 家大權 , 採行 君主立 憲制度 ' 步西 方後塵 ' 
擴張國 家勢力 ; 朝鮮在 王朝中 興之後 ' 處於 政治再 編時期 ' 昧 於時勢 ' 終 爲曰本 所吞倂 。 

鴉片 戰爭也 爲東亞 帶來思 想文化 的突變 。 中國從 「師 夷之 長技以 制夷」 出發 ' 形成 「中學 
爲體 ' 西學 爲用」 的理論 : 日本由 「東 洋道德 ' 西洋 藝術」 ' 發展爲 「和洋 折衷」 的協 調精神 ; 
朝鮮 則出現 「東 學」 思想與 「西 學」 對抗, 並有 「衛正 斥邪」 的激 烈主張 。 近代東 西方的 文化接 
觸 ' 因受 到政治 、 軍事 、 經濟等 因素影 響而不 能夠正 常地進 行交流 ' 引 起很大 的激盪 ' 是 十分可 
惜 的事。 1997 年 香港回 歸中國 ' 爲鴉 片戰爭 一百五 十多年 來的影 響劃上 了句號 。展 望二十 一世紀 ' 
相信東 西方文 化平等 互惠的 時代將 會來臨 。 



The Impact of the Opium War on East Asia and Its Significance 

(Translation) 

Chow Kai-wing 

The Opium War of 1840 is a significant event in the history of modern China. Apart from the 
shame of losing in war, territorial cession and indemnity, China was forced to open its door to the intrusion 
and invasion of foreign powers, which subsequently put China on the verge of national extinction. The 
Chinese heritage that has survived thousands of years faced unprecedented challenges. Putting aside the 
nature of the War, the incident itself is endowed with historical significance. This is evidenced to some 
extent by the fact that most scholars in China still see the Opium War as the prelude of modern China. 

The Opium War has cast influence over East Asia and the whole world. In the first place, I 
accelerated the colonisation of Asia. During the invasion of the British and French between 1856-1860, 
Vietnam was also invaded by France. Later, Vietnam became the colony of France and its writing system 
was alphabetised. The long-established bond between Vietnam and China was cut off. Vietnam became an 
alien in East Asia until after the Second World War. 

Japan and Korea, another two countries in East Asia, responded differently to the Opium War. 
Japan paid close attention to the development of the War and China's loss shocked the Japanese 
tremendously. Upon America's request for trade, Japan immediately open its door and later through Meiji 
Restoration, strode towards modernisation. Experiences and knowledge were borrowed from Hong Kong to 
promote its progress. On the contrary, Korea insisted on shutting its door against foreign intrusions, but 
later was forced to open its gate to Japan. 

The four East Asian countries mentioned above had a different destiny after the Opium War. 
Vietnam was colonised by the West. China under the rule of the Qing dynasty, though saw declination and 
threatened by foreign powers, was not determined enough in its reformation, and subsequently became a 
colonial-feudal state. In Japan, the releasing of power by the Tokugawa government to Emperor Meiji 
marked the end of shoganate rules. Japan came under constitutional monarchy and began to expand its 
power like the Western countries. As for Korea, the Yi dynasty after enjoying a period of revival was 
caught in political instability. Its comparative weakness to Japan eventually resulted in the annexation by its 
eastern neighbour. 

The Opium War also brought impact on the thoughts and culture of East Asia. The Chinese 
realised that they should "learn the superior technology of the barbarians in order to control them", from 
which evolved the theory of "Chinese learning as the fundamental structure; Western learning for practical 
use." The Japanese adopted the principle of "Oriental values and Occidental arts" and held an eclectic 
attitude towards Japanese and Western cultures. In Korea, traditional thoughts were in opposition with 
Western thoughts and it was advocated that Koreans should "protect the authentic and expel the evil". It is 
regretful that for political, military and economic reasons, normal exchanges between Eastern and Western 
cultures in recent centuries were hindered and thus unable to spark more gloriously. The return of Hong 
Kong to China in 1997 put an end to the one-and-a-half-century aftermath of the Opium War. It is believed 
that the two great cultures will develop an equal and mutual-benefited relation in the century to come. 




林 则徐、 鸦片战 争评价 中的几 个问题 

林^ t 

清 王朝在 18 与 19 世纪 之交, 面临 的不但 有社会 危机, 而且也 有民族 危机。 这 
对处 于这样 时代的 林则徐 思想, 必然打 上深刻 的时代 烙印, 形成以 经世、 爱民、 
爱国 和反侵 略为主 要内容 的思想 体系。 主要有 (一) 汉宋 兼容, 百 家兼备 的学术 
思想; (二) "足食 安民" 的经 济改革 主张, (三) "民 本" 的治国 思想, (四) 
以近代 主杈观 念为特 征的爱 国主义 思想; (五) "师夷 长技以 制夷" 学习 西方的 
主张。 他的 思想, 产 生于中 西文化 交汇与 冲突的 时代, 具有明 显的时 代性、 开放 
性与前 进性。 

在评价 林则徐 思想的 同时, 本文 还着重 讨论: (一) 鸦 片战争 能够避 免发生 
吗? 作者 认为, 战 争迟早 是要爆 发的。 因 为英囯 不会放 弃有巨 大利益 的鸦片 贸易, 
而且中 国是它 f 谋已 久的殖 民地化 目标。 (二) 这场 战争, 清政府 的失败 是必然 
的吗? 作者 认为, 清政府 在作战 中有许 多有利 因素, 但未被 很好地 利用。 失败的 
基本原 因是清 政府害 怕国内 形势的 不稳, 急 于结東 战争, 走上 "攘 外必先 安内" 
的 道路。 (三) 落 后就要 挨打, 但不 能由此 推论, 林 则徐选 择武力 反抗英 国的武 
装 侵略是 错的, 没有意 义的。 

林则 徐反英 斗争失 败了, 但其爱 国主义 思想, 是 中国人 民的巨 大精神 财富, 
在整^ 代中国 历史中 发挥着 巨大的 作用。 他 的抗英 斗争的 实践, 也为中 国人民 
留下极 为宝贵 的经验 教训。 



Evaluation of Lin Zexu and the Opium War 

(Translation) 



LIN Qingyuan 

By the turn of the 19 th century, the Qing Empire faced not only social crisis, but also national 
crisis. This must have made an imprint on the thinking of Lin Zexu ― a thinking that revolved around his 
love and devotion for the nation and its people, his dedication to serve the country and his endeavours to 
resist invasion. The key points of his thinking include: 

1. Academically, he advocated that Han and Song teachings should be compatible with each other, and all 
schools of learning should be given a place. 

2. Economically, he advocated the importance of "enough food and social stability". 

3. In state management, he believed that "people are the foundation of the nation". 

4. His patriotism was fused with the modern concept of sovereignty right. 

5. In learning from the West, he advocated to "learn the superior technology of the barbarians in order to 
control them". 

His thoughts, enlightening and advance, were the unique product of a time when cultures from 
the East and West met and clashed. 

The following will be discussed in the evaluation of Lin Zexu,s thoughts: 

1 . Could the Opium War be avoided? The writer believes that the War would happen sooner or later because 
the British would not give up the huge profit derived from opium trade. Besides, the British had long 
premeditated the colonisation of China. 

2. Was the Qing government doomed to fail in the War? The writer opines that the Qing government did have 
some favourable situations but they failed to utilise them. The loss was primarily due to the Qing 
government's anxiety to end the war for fear of losing control of domestic disturbances. They were 
adopting the policy of "settling domestic affairs before resisting foreign aggression". 

3. Despite the law that the weak is to be beat, we cannot at this point infer that Lin's military resistance 
against British invasion was unjustified and meaningless. 

Lin Zexun failed in his fighting against the British but his patriotism left us a rich spiritual 
heritage which plays a significant role in the history of modern China. His undertakings left us valuable 
experiences and lessons. 



"f^et International 



Symposium on 

^ Lin Zexu, 
fc^ya the Opium War 

Hong Kon 



18-19-12-1998 



論 歷史教 學中的 思維培 養- 



以 林則徐 、 鴉片 戰爭與 香港個 案爲例 



馮志明 

第 一次鴉 片戰爭 , 是西方 列強向 中國進 行多次 侵略戰 爭中的 第一次 , 因而簽 
訂的 《南京 條約》 , 又是 標誌著 中國社 會半殖 民化的 起點。 所以 , 這次戰 役的起 
因、 性質、 結局 和影響 都有很 高的研 習價値 。 



從 歷史教 學的角 度上看 , 鴉片 戰爭的 史實具 有曲折 和複雜 的內容 , 引 起的討 
論 亦極多 , 是訓練 學生們 歷史槪 念的極 好材料 。 這次 戰爭所 引發的 香港主 權回歸 
的事 實是充 滿戲劇 張力的 , 中英會 談的過 程又是 有情節 、 有 起伏的 , 最能 使學生 
們 在切身 處地之 生活背 景下思 考問題 , 再把 感性認 識提升 到思維 理解的 高度上 

來 ° 



本 文擬根 據英國 侵佔香 港島一 段史實 
教學 對培養 學生思 維能力 的作用 。 在此處 
益 , 然後結 合實例 作奧援 , 詮釋如 何透過 
行 刺激性 的誘導 , 使 他們掌 握研究 歷史之 
思維營 養及鞏 固各種 有關探 討社會 發展趨 
遷 與不變 、 延續 與間斷 、 異同 、 時序等 , 
了全 面貫徹 "通識 教育" 方針 的需要 , 而 
中 的體現 。 



的來 龍去脈 爲主線 , 從而 窺見歷 史槪念 
, 筆 者將會 略論鴉 片戰爭 這個課 題的教 
歷史性 的思考 , 對 學生們 的思維 發展進 
若 干技巧 , 潛移默 化地吸 收其中 的邏輯 
向的基 本槪念 , 其中 包括因 果關係 、 變 
從而 建立多 面的思 考模式 。 這不 僅是爲 
且也是 "終身 教育" 的思 想在歷 史教學 



Training of Thinking in History Education - 

Lin Zexu, the Opium War and Hong Kong as Case Studies 

(Translation) 

FUNG Chi-ming 

The First Sino-British Opium War was the first of a series of military actions taken by Western 
Powers against China. The signing of the Treaty of Nanjing also marks the beginning of the quasi-colonial 
status of China. Thus, the cause, nature, consequence and impact of this War deserve intense study and 
research. 

From the educational point of view, the Opium War provides excellent materials for developing 
students' historical concepts because it involves tortuous and complicated contents, and instigates 
numerous discussion. The dramatic return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty and the intricacy of the 
Sino-British takes over the future of Hong Kong, both find their cause in the War, allow students to ponder 
over situations of immediate concern to them, and raise their perceptual knowledge and empathy for Hong 
Kong to more in-depth understanding and reasoning. 

Through an examination of the cause and development of the British occupation of Hong Kong 
Island, this paper explores into the role of history education in developing students' ability of thinking. The 
Opium War as an enlightening school topic will be discussed. Examples will be cited to illustrate how to 
stimulate students' thoughts through reflections on historical topics and how to help them master some of 
the techniques in studying history. Teaching this topic helps improve students 1 reasoning ability, 
consolidate their fundamental concepts in the exploring of social development trends and establish modes 
of thinking in different perspectives. Cause and effect, change and development, continuity and 
discontinuity, similarity and difference, and time sequence are concepts fundamental to a study of history. 
Teaching the modes of thinking through history education is not only the implementation of "general 
education", but also the realisation of the spirit of "life-long education". 



International 
w Symposium c 

1^ Lin Zexu, 



gill the^piumWar 

Hong Kong 



18- 19-121998 



歷史 教育基 地 —— 虎 門兩 岸古炮 台展望 

陳溢晃 
前 言 

十九 世紀二 、 三十 年代, 以英 國爲首 對中國 輸入鴉 片的情 況日益 嚴重, 其事件 發展竟 然動搖 
著整個 大淸封 建朝廷 。 隨著鴉 片貿易 進而成 戰爭, 致 使淸廷 戰敗, 不但 使部份 中國領 土在強 權下喪 
失而 脫離, 帶來不 堪設想 國勢沉 淪後果 。 

前 事不忘 後 事之師 

早在十 七世紀 ,中英 已進行 通商, 卻受到 小農經 濟及地 方抵制 ,英國 棉毛紡 織物品 輸入中 國深受 
影響, 雙 方貿易 逆差, 導使英 國有關 方面利 用鴉片 打進中 國沿海 市場, 嚴重影 響經濟 及民生 。 淸廷不 
得不掀 起反英 禁鴉片 浪潮, 最後不 幸因兵 力懸殊 及朝廷 腐敗, 雖 言地大 物博, 人口眾 多的堂 堂皇朝 

慘敗在 重洋遠 涉的英 國遠征 軍手中 。 



百年 後中日 戰爭, 中國幾 乎再一 次重蹈 覆轍. 在重大 傷亡情 況下僅 得慘勝 日本侵 略者。 以上 
種種, 午夜 夢迴, 無不令 人擲筆 三嘆, 悲 愴不已 。 



自 強不息 任 重道遠 

中國四 千年文 明古國 稱譽, 歷史 悠久深 文化, 今人 也許該 好好地 繼承與 自省, 否則, 愧 對先賢 

先烈, 列 祖列宗 。 

人類世 界顯得 越來越 復雜, 越來 越唯利 是圖, 也正 是爲那 金錢的 誘惑。 致使戰 爭連綿 不斷, 生 
靈 塗炭, 無日 無止。 

毒 品遺禍 并沒因 鴉片戰 爭結束 而煙銷 雲散, 相反 是曰趨 嚴重, 且害 己害人 。 罪 魁禍首 販毒者 
肚滿腸 肥張開 血盆大 口猙獰 狂笑, 人間 何世! 

扭轉 這沉淪 局面, 挽回扭 歪了的 人性, 唯任重 道遠依 賴教育 與自省 。 

鴉 片戰爭 遺留下 來的虎 門兩岸 區域古 炮台, 古 戰場, 以 現代思 維及導 善歸正 意識, 貫注以 新生命 
原 素中, 深化發 揮博物 館應有 作用, 在那 威遠, 靖遠, 鎭遠, 南山, 鵝夷, 三 門口, 沙角, 大角, 橫 
檔, 鞏固, 大虎 等古炮 台中, 全 面重整 維修, 增強感 染力, 使其 成爲全 人類反 吸毒最 具影響 力教育 

基地。 



Base of History Education - 
The Historical Forts on the Shores of Humen 

(Translation) 

CHAN Yat-fong 

Introduction 

Import of opium into China chiefly by the British during the second and third decade of the 19 ,h 
century posed increasingly great problems, eventually even imperilling the reign of the Qing Court. Wars 
broke out. China's defeat in the Opium War brought about territorial cession and loss of sovereignty right, 
effecting a dreadful decline of the nation. 

Lessons to learn 

The British came to trade in China as early as the 17 th century, but their cotton and wool were 
badly received due to the prevalence of primitive agro-economy and local boycotts. To remedy their serious 
trade deficit, the British imported opium into the coastal regions of China, which subsequently brought 
devastating damages to China's economy and its people's livelihood. The Qing Court was forced to launch 
anti-opium campaigns. China's loss in the Opium War to follow was due to the great disparity in military 
strength and the corruptness of the Qing Court. A nation of such vast population and huge resources was 
crushed by the British expeditionary force coming from afar. 

A century later, China walked nearly the same old disastrous route in the Sino-Japanese War 
and suffered heavy casualties. Its victory over the Japanese invaders was hardly glorious. Whenever we 
think of the sufferings and disgrace brought by China's incompetence, we would be overwhelmed by grief 
and indignation. 

Strengthen ourselves and stride forward 

Being one of the four most brilliant ancient civilisations in the world, China has a long history 
of more than four thousand years and a deep-rooted heritage. We should preserve the Chinese heritage and 
make introspection from time to time, so as not to fail our ancestors. 

The human world is getting increasingly complex and profit-oriented. Money tempts the 
continuous outbreak of wars and plunge people into an abyss of endless misery. 

Opium did not disappear on Chinese land after the Opium War, only bringing more devastating 
damages, while the arch-criminal remained at large, making huge profits and laughing boisterously. What 
kind of world is this! 

The only way to save China and to restore our integrity is by means of education and 
introspection. 

The historical forts and battle grounds on the shores of Humen as a vestige of the Opium War 
should be viewed with modern and rectifying perspectives, and injected with new life to manifest their role 
in displaying history. The forts of Weiyuan, Jingyuan, Zhenyuan, Nanshan, Eyi, Sanmenkou, Shajiao, 
Dajiao, Hengdang, Gonggu and Dahu should be restored in flill scale to enhance their appeal, and to make 
the place the most influential base of the world-wide anti-drug campaign. 



鴉 片戰爭 , 的 教學策 略問題 

葉國洪 李安維 

鴉片戰 爭歷史 的教學 ' 在香 港中學 課程中 向無特 別結構 性忌諱 和迴避 , 然而 , 西方 觀點評 
價一商 業戰爭 的論點 , 卻 似佔教 學主流 。 一般香 港教師 對鴉片 戰爭歷 史的教 學並未 就民族 立場作 
出學術 性平衡 的調整 ' 爲 免引起 政治敏 感問題 ' 傾向 輕描淡 寫帶過 , 故學生 少有深 層反思 。 本文 
就鴉 片戰爭 歷史教 學中所 遇到觀 點及評 價疑難 ' 引入 新近研 究成果 ' 冀能作 出全盤 反思與 重點剖 
析 ' 以釋教 學疑團 。 




林 则徐研 究的当 今价值 

休子东 

林则^ 是近 代今国 杰出的 爱国主 义者, 的 §11 主义 内涵丰 S 而深 刻, 是甲 
华民疾 民疾楕 抻的集 9 体现. &则徐 w 究的 当今^ 比较 重要的 有以下 /1 个 

方面: 

一、 主权意 识, 林 则徐是 近代中 @ 最早具 有主权 s 识的 先驱。 面 对西方 a 

民 15<^ 和西方 文化的 双重挑 战, te 坚定维 护国家 主&, 对外来 S 略者 绝不 让步- 
同吋, 他积极 引进西 方先进 科技, 以增强 国防力 S, 有 S 打击^ 略者。 

二、 民本 思想。 淋 © 餘的民 本忌想 有四个 待点: ―, 保民, 反 对杀鸡 取卵的 
超经济 剥夺. 汲力维 持和保 护民众 从事生 产再生 产的" 元气" , 二, 利民, 采取 
各 项社会 改革. 使民 众取得 5 佳的 实际利 三, 宫民, "琅富 于民" , 他注; g 
发展 商贸, : 鼓 f] 民^ 采矿等 一系 列富民 揞^, 有 利于资 本主义 萌芽的 生长, 四, 

运用 民力, 他在反 g 略斗 争中; Miii 用 民力, 实 现军民 结合, 有 力打击 g 珞者。 
te 提出待 久战思 想., 具 有非; l 的战珞 ^光。 

三, 坚决禁 », 钵则 凃不^ 是中 H 桀烟 运动的 綦祖, 也是国 ^公 认的世 界菜 
毒 先驱. 导的虎 门铕 的伟 大胜利 震惊全 世界。 在毒品 泛 S 成为 人类 一大公 
吝的 今天, 认^ 总^ 和 偌鉴棒 则徐禁 •« 的历史 经验, 具有世 界性的 苛的 时 代 S 
义- 

四、 开拓 精神, 在中 国从传 统封^ 社会 转向近 代社会 的转折 关头, 林 则徐始 
终 站在吋 代发展 漱流的 前头, 以 务实态 度积 设探 茉解决 种种新 矛盾、 新 问题, 开 

创丁 塚代的 i 午多 第一. 

五、 廉洁 作风。 他 的廒玫 《传 » 、 他的 (析 产书》 、 他的 养老之 所和^ 

m^jik, 都表明 他是一 个一尘 不染, 两袖 濟风的 滑官。 



Modern Perspectives in the Study of Lin Zexu 

(Translation) 



LIN Zidong 

Lin Zexu is a great patriot of modern China. The content of his patriotism is vast and profound. 
It epitomises the spirit of the Chinese nation. The study of Lin Zexu involves the following perspectives: 

1. Cognisance of sovereignty right 

Lin Zexu was the first person in modern China to have cognisance of sovereignty right. In face of Western 
colonial aggressions and cultural intrusion, he insisted on upholding the sovereignty right of the nation and 
refused to make the least compromise with the invaders. At the same time, he took bold steps to adopt 
Western technologies to strengthen national defence and to resist foreign invasions. 

2. People are the basis of the nation 

Lin believed that people were the basis of the nation. He advocated to: 

a. Preserve the strength of the people ― Avoid over-exploiting them and preserve their strength for economic 
production; 

b. Benefit the people - Carry out social reformations to bring real benefits to the people; 

C. Make people rich ― Special attention was paid to trade and commerce, and mining was encouraged. These 

measures favoured the germinating of capitalism; 
d. Utilise the strength of the people - In the course of anti-irlvasion struggles, Lin boldly drew upon the 

combined strength of the people and the army to fight back against invasions. With distinct perception, he 

advocated the strategy of protracted warfare. 

3. Resolution in banning opium 

Lin Zexu is unanimously recognised as the forerunner of anti-narcotic movements in China as well as in the 
world. The triumphant destruction of opium under his command at Humen shocked the world. In these 
days when narcotics have flooded the world and become our public enemy, the summing up and drawing of 
Lin Zexu's experiences in the suppression of opium is endowed with fresh and universal significance. 

4. Opening up new routes 

At that critical moment when China was transforming from a feudal society into a modern state, Lin Zexu 
all along stood at the foremost front of the tide. He strove for reality and endeavoured to solve all kinds of 
new problems, breaking fresh ground in many aspects. 



5. Honest and incorrupt 

His Manifesto of the mission of suppressing opium in Guangdong, his Will, his modest habitat and his grave 
have proved to us that he was a honest and incorrupt man. 




林则徐 禁烟和 中 国政 府禁毒 郝贵远 

鸦片是 一种麻 醉品, 但 使用过 量容易 成癍, 最终致 命。 
雍正 以来, 淸政府 虽屡颁 禁令, 伹 烟毒非 伹未能 止息, 且 愈演愈 
烈, 不 仅人民 身心受 到严重 伤害, 国 家財政 和社会 秩序也 受到严 
重 破坏。 林则 徐正是 在这种 形势下 执行其 紫烟使 命的。 鸦片 战争, 

从制度 上讲, 是 5fe» 的资本 ^oct 落后 的封建 主义的 胜利; im 

义 上讲, 是罪恶 对正义 的胜利 o 它加 速了淸 政府的 败亡. 也使中 

国论入 半封建 半殖民 • 深渊。 

列强 之间的 明争暗 斗使中 国陷入 混乱, 鸦片和 毒品仍 然侵蚀 
着中国 人民的 身体和 心灵。 

—唱 难鸡天 下白。 随着新 中国的 建立, 吸 I 棵娼、 睹博这 
些长 期困扰 中国的 社会问 ® —扫 而光。 吸毒者 被强制 戒除; 卖淫 

被彻底 清除, 昔 日的妓 女被改 36 成自 贪其 力的劳 动者, 找 回了人 

格的 尊严; 只 有赌博 还留有 痕迹, 但 公开聚 赌巳为 法律所 不容。 
吸 毒等丑 恶现象 的死灰 复燃, 是 与国际 毒品泛 '«、 国内政 治思想 
教育 有所削 弱分不 开的。 政府 对吸毒 一向坚 决反对 和严厉 打击, 
然 吸毒并 非公开 行为. 因此执 行起来 有一定 难度。 尽管 如此, 只 
要上下 一心, 历 史的悲 剧就一 定不会 重演。 



Lin Zexu,s Anti-opium Movement and the 
Chinese Government's Anti-narcotic Campaigns 

(Translation) 

HAO Guiyuan 

Opium is a kind of narcotics. Indulgence in it would cause addiction and eventually, death. 
Since the Yongzheng period of the Qing dynasty, a number of edicts had been issued to prohibit the trading 
and smoking of this drug. However, instead of subsiding, the problem grew even more acute. Opium 
harmed not only the health and the spirit of the people, but also the national economy and social order. It 
was against such a backdrop that Lin Zexu was engaged with the mission of suppressing opium. If the 
Opium War is viewed as a battle between two political and economical systems, then it was the advance 
system of capitalism defeating the backward system of feudalism. If morality is of concern, then evil 
triumphed over righteousness. The War accelerated the fall of the Qing dynasty and degraded China into a 
colonial-feudal state, throwing it into an abyss of misery. 

Open and veiled contentions between foreign powers plunged China into a great turmoil while 
opium and other drugs eroded the physical and mental strength of the Chinese. 

At last dawn came. With the founding of New China, many deep-rooted social problems 
including drug taking, whoring and gambling were largely wiped out. Drug addicts were compelled to 
reform while prostitutes were transformed into self-supporting labour. Their integrity and honour were 
restored. Gambling still existed but gambling in public was prohibited. However, drug problems recurred in 
recent years, due partly to the global swamping of drugs and partly to the slackening of political ideology 
education in the country. Strong measures have been taken by the Chinese government to crack down on 
drug-related activities. But since these activities are carried out in the dark, it is somehow difficult to get 
things done. Despite such difficulties, we believe that as long as we are determined enough, we can prevent 
the repetition of past mistakes. 



r.,^i International 
1 Symposium on 

^-LinZexu, 
theppiumWar 



1^ v r v HongKon 
《| 醐" 




■ 19121998 



林則 徐的^ s 思想 



來新夏 



(一) 林 则徐 是卞 困近代 夂开端 时期的 * 要历 支人 妆, 他所^ 导的 禁烟 逸幼 是世 

界 禁烟; ^毒 史上 的伟 大壮举 , 

林則徐 til 生亇烟 '吝已 明^ 的乾 a "末 年。 A 庆中 叶, 他 任职寸 度门, 更 a 
睹烟 的严重 社会情 》兄, 在 《* 上烧上 了对烟 4 诼恶^ 绝的^ '少 烙印。 从 
通光 初年山 任地 方监司 至這光 化子受 命禁烟 前, 林则徐 在^: 和:^ 工作 
中, w 害 w 題一直 是他注 的^ 点, 丼 麥加了 *^、 ^处 和辦 论的具 幼。 

At 尤 1 «子 1*1 四月 以后' 杯 則徐 从对黄 羚滋 严禁 主张 的 积极 拥# 和 支持者 • - 
& 而为严 禁^ 的^ 袖, 发表) 许>禁 烛主张 和推行 j 若 寸具^ « "施, i 严厉地 

开展 了查禁 鸦片的 行^' 取得 重要成 果。 他在禁 烟六^ 中, i£ 附有 戒畑 药方 ^ 
种, 形成 了禁戒 丼重的 t 埜的 禁烟政 菜。 ^一 面主张 执行 森产的 功冷, 一&义 
竭 力推行 "施药 A 枪, 劝惩 并用" 的 方针, 收 到良好 效耒。 他在广 州的销 畑壮 
举, 震楝 中汁。 这 是一次 伟大的 «:困 运动, 向全世 界表 示宁 闳人民 炖洁的 道徒 
心和 反机 便俗的 

(二〉 百 余年来 , 宁 S 人民 正是在 林則徐 这 样的禁 烟精神 鼓舞下 与形^ 色色的 

毒^; r、 断柳搏 衲进, 丼^: 林 w 徐亓始 销烟的 a 月 作为 * 烟紀念 日。 制定 t 

有关 法今和 播旄。 係未 能禁^ 而 有£廷 之势, 在 3(MH 戈初, 四川 农村已 是无村 
不种 ^片. ^JJU: 设烟 ;。 Jt® 后 不久, 中央和 地才 首多次 发-邛 'it 产^ 烟毒的 
文件和 命今" 在全囷 大城市 进行大 M 的禁; tej* 毒^ 动, 依法 惩办 八万 /名制 

毒犯, 处死 koo 多人, 扰 *: 了 2 000 多万吸 : ^者, 使卞 国 成为 义;? t 前例 的无毒 a n 
吋 & 3 0> 年, 随着 世界性 的毒品 中 a 这个 无毒 gj 也受到 了 4- 害。 揚 --种 

统计: mKS 年 -一 1889+4 品 起, ,r J995^f ^ii57h25^e o 吸毒 人數由 
7 万人增 主 化 力 -人。 其中 肯少 年的比 例相当 云南为 es.sx, 秌 圳为 9 1.7% , 
A 及屮 SJ ^会的 为才 面面。 - 

(三 ) 面 对此^ , t 丑林 則徐丄 50 > 子 前的禁 烟政 ^与实 践是有 要現 实悉义 的。 

1T 先, 禁《 ^毒需 太的 决心。 林則徐 龙 是自始 至终以 一种坚 救的 A 心 

去从 事,. 

安善 的措施 是保 禁烟? 毒 工作) « 利进 行所^ 劣。 
罚与 iiUMw 结舍是 舛毒 的长治 久安之 3d 。 

^定 的决 心, 安 I 的措 施, 夂禁 戒并' I 的仁 心是 林则徐 禁烟^ 的三 

种^ 山衣 现。 BBfe^ 会逸^ 林則徐 销烟 结术, 禁烟 胜利的 苐二天 -— 6, 26 作为 

世界 有4 a . 充分 i£ 明林 ^徐 作为 世界 * 烟 5«- 毒先^ 者 的地 位已为 世界所 公认 
, 屮 困 人氏^ 以此 而自 籴,, 

当此 4 ^界毒 品泛 溢, 巷^ 弥^ 之际, 我 ffl 坚持 历来 的严禁 态友, " 
全民动 》5, 三 I (禁 脹、 * 种、 禁吸) 并举, 埝源 截^, 严格 执法, 枷本^ 治, 

" 的 方针, 实伃 "^毒必^, SL 毒必 慾, 种毒 必究, 吸毒 必威" 的严 5^洗, 
为 全世界 的 炖洁与 正义, 进行 不懈的 束 毒 斗争! 



Lin Zexu's Thought of Opium Suppression 

(Translation) 

LAI Xinxia 
I. - 

Lin Zexu is a prominent figure in the history of modern China. The anti-opium campaign led by 
him is an heroic undertaking in the world history of drug suppression. 

Lin Zexu was born in the late years of the Qianlong period, a time when the harm of opium was 
already quite conspicuous. During his service in Xiamen in the mid Jiaqing period, he witnessed severe 
social problems caused by the flooding of opium. Deeply impressed by what he saw, he developed great 
hatred towards the drug. From his service as provincial administrators in the early years of the Daoguang 
period to his taking charge of opium suppression in 1838, he never ceased to pay close attention to opium 
problems. He actively took part in banning opium, prosecuting violators and debating over the issue. 

From May 1838 onward, Lin Zexu jumped from being a supporter of the anti-opium advocator 
Huang Jueji to become the head of the campaign. Many strategies were put forward and a series of 
measures was taken to ban opium. The campaign was rigorously launched and significant achievements 
were made. The six strategies put forward by Lin were complemented by four prescriptions to help addicts 
reform, showing that equal emphasises were put on banning and reforming. On the one hand, he enforced 
forbidding orders to suppress opium and on the other, he "gave out medicines and confiscated opium pipes". 
Punishment and admonition were used alongside each other. The outcome was satisfactory. The destruction 
of opium in Guangzhou shocked the world. It was a glorious patriotic undertaking demonstrating the moral 
integrity of the Chinese and their resolution in resisting foreign aggression. 

II. 

Over the last one and a half centuries, the spirit of Lin Zexu greatly inspired the Chinese in their 
continuous struggles against all kinds of drugs. The 3 rd day of June, the day Lin began destroying the opium, 
was designated the Anti-opium Day. Laws and measures were adopted but they failed to suppress the 
opium. Instead, the problem intensified. In early 1930s, opium was grown in every village and opium dens 
were found in every town in Sichuan. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China, papers 
and orders on banning drugs were issued by both the central and provincial governments. Large scale anti- 
drug campaigns were launched in all big cities. More than 80,000 drug makers were prosecuted, 800 put to 
death. Over 2,000 drug addicts were reformed. Drugs were completely wiped out of the country for three 
decades. The 1980s saw extensive global drug problems and China once again was infected by drugs. 
Statistics reveal that there were 4,485 drug-related cases in 1988-1989 and a sharp rise to 57,525 cases in 
1995; drug addicts increased from 70,000 to 520,000. The ratio of teenage addicts was high: 63.3% in 
Yunnan and 91.7% in Shenzhen. They posted extensive problems in many aspects. 

III. 

Under such circumstances, it is particularly meaningful to recapture Lin Zexu's plans and 
undertakings in the anti-opium campaign of 150 years ago. 

Firstly, the greatest determination is needed. Lin Zexu's undertakings were supported by his 
great resolution throughout. Secondly, well-planned measures guarantee smooth progress. Thirdly, 
punishment and reform should be carried out alongside each other to achieve long-term success. Lin's 
undertakings were directed mainly by these three factors. The 26 th day of June, the day following the 
complete destruction of the opium, has been designated the World Anti-drug Day. This well proves that the 
position of Lin Zexu as the forerunner of anti-drug campaigns has been widely recognised by the world. All 
Chinese people should be proud of this. 

Seeing that the world is badly infected by all kinds of drugs, the Chinese government persists in 
upholding the policy of "Call forth the whole nation to join the campaign. The trading, growing and taking 
of drugs are prohibited. All sources of drugs are blocked. Enforce the law rigorously and impose severe 
punishment". It is determined that "All drugs have to be suppressed, all drug traders prosecuted, all drug 
growers investigated and all drug addicts reformed." The government is prepared to combat unflaggingly 
with the drug problems to restore the world's integrity and righteousness. 




18- 19-12-1998 



Absiraa (Draft) 
The British East India Company and its Opium Trade in China 

Chung Po-yin 
Hong Kong Baptist University 

The issue of opium trade has long been regarded by many scholars as the core of Sino-British conficxs in 
the 19th century. This paper, by tracing the history of the EIC in India and China, will provide a 
background to explain the rise of opium trade in the East. 

Recent archeological discovery suggests that poppy was originated in northern Europe. It was transplanted 
to the Balkans region before it spread southward to Egypt, and westward to the Islamic world. Opium 
became an internahonal trading commodity since the 7th century - wherever the Arabs went, the trade in 
opium w ent too. At the beginning of the 1 7th cenrury, ihe first non- Arabic opium was imported to China by 
the Portuguese. The source of the opium was from *iie Portuguese settlcmcnr of Goa on ihe west coasi of 
India. The practice of smoking opium in combLnauon wiih tobacco soon spread to southeast Asia. 
Portuguese opium trade, however, was challenged by other late-comers. The Dutch, for examples, had 
transplanted raw opium from India to Java, and re-exporting ir to China. After the Napoleonic War, Britain 
had almost overshadowed all other European powers and became the strongest group of foreign traders in 
'-he East. The control of opium, therefore, passed from one seafaring nauon to another. 

British commercial interest in the East was best represented by ±e British Eas: India Company. Founded in 
1600, the FTC had been permirtcd by ihe Portuguese to establish a Macau office in 1664. Wiih the collapse 
of ihe Mog\il Empire in the 18th century, the EIC had transformed itself into an influeniial political and 
commercid entity in India. As the ETC w^s governed by a charter granted by the monarch, the Company 
was never fully independent. For decades, the EIC had traded unfavorably with China. While Chinese tea 
was purchased by the EIC in enormous quantities, che Chinese did not import from Britain reciprocally. The 
widening trade deficit alarmed the British Parliament in London and the EIC wzs forced to reassess its 
operations or lose its charter and privileges. 

To offset ihe widening deficit in tea trade, the EIC inicnced to open up ihe Chinese market by a new Indian 
product, opium. By the late 1 8th century, with the collapse of the Dutch East India Company and the French 
East India Company, the British EIC had held a virtual monopoly of opium over the entire subcontinent. 
India exported at least three kinds of prepared opium - "black earth" from Bengal (also called "company's 
opium"), "white skill" from Bombay and '*red skill" tirom Madras. Patna, a city lies to the north of the 
British- conn- oiled Presidency of Bengal, became a center of opium production. 

"Company's opium" was produced in ihe EIC factories in Paina and sent down the Ganges River for 300 
miles to Calcutta for auction. About 4,000 to 6,000 chests of opium would be sold to the highest bidders. A 
second auction was conducted in February, with a third in April. British-owned Jardine Matheson and Dent 
& Co., American companies such as Russdl & Co" Perkins & Co., well as the Parsees companies 
Jeejeebhoy Rustomjee were amongst the most active of these bidders. The merchants would immediately 
loaded these opium canon-ball abroad their clippers, which were designed to run against the winter 
monsoon. The ships, Anxious to outsail a:I competition, would race down to the Bay of Bengal and moved 
eastward to Canton through the Strait of Malacca. 

The EIC promoted ihe opium trade with such success that, by 1804, the balance nf trade was reversed. A 
Parliamentary report of 1832 recorded London's view on the Opium trade - "the monopoly of opium in 
Bengal supplied the Government with a revenue amounting in sterling money to 9S 1,293 pounds per annum 
-.. it did not appear advisable to abandon so importaru a source of* revenue. Opium trade, therefore, turns 
out ro be a major source of conflict berween London and Peking in the corning years. 



T^i International 
•T-^ 1 Symposium on 

1^ Lin Zexu, 
m the Opium War 



he Dp 

\JC^ sHongKont 



18- 1912-1998 



tJ^CSM^I 片戰 爭與中 國的對 外關係 

(譯本 ) 



宋益宜 



本 文擬從 文化角 度入手 , 透視和 分析鴉 片戰爭 時期中 國的對 外關係 ° 哈佛大 學歷史 系教授 
Akira Iriye 曾 經指出 , 這個 探討方 法是將 不同的 國家看 作不同 的文化 來研究 ' 藉此 了解這 些國家 
的 行爲及 其在國 際舞台 上的相 互影響 。 Wye 致 力鑽研 美國外 交史的 新路向 ' 又是研 究美亞 關係的 
著 名學者 ' 同時 採用了 Leslie A. White 的 "文化 系統" 和 Clifford Geertz 的 "文化 傳統及 語言的 
本質 分野" 觀念 ' 提倡以 "科 際整合 方法" 進行歷 史研究 。 鑑 於亞洲 研究在 找尋新 的研究 角度方 
面 往往較 其他研 究遜色 ' 本文 特地借 鑑當今 歐美最 新的研 究方法 ' 希望 打破這 個框框 ° 

本文 從傳統 、 理念 ' 理想 及自我 形像等 各方面 探討文 化如何 塑造及 改變中 國的對 外行爲 ° 
在那 個年代 ' 中國跟 其他國 家實際 上處於 同一客 觀環境 ' 其獨 特行徑 應歸因 於成長 過程中 的種種 

主觀 因素。 

淸政 府有其 獨特的 世界觀 ' 界定出 中國在 世界各 國中所 佔的地 位及其 對外行 爲模式 。 制訂 
對外 政策時 ' 這套 觀念發 揮其意 識形態 、目 標' 甚至 所背負 的責任 ° 淸政府 面對西 方挑豫 所作出 
的反應 ' 並 非一般 的反應 ' 是 體現了 中國對 國際關 係的獨 特觀念 ' 理想 ' 甚 至使命 ° 本文 將探索 
當 時爲政 者及具 影響力 知識分 子的思 想及意 識形態 ' 亦討論 地方勢 力如何 處理外 交事務 ' 以及他 
們在 政策及 觀念上 與中央 的分歧 。 簡 而言之 ' 本文 將論及 (1) 中國對 外關係 的傳統 ' (2) 地 方上的 
次文化 , 以及 (3) 知識分 子的思 想特點 。 



The Opium War and Chinese Foreign Relations: 
The Cultural Perspective 

Yik-yi Chu 

This paper examines Chinese foreign relations during the period of the Opium War. In terms of 
analytical perspective, it employs the cultural approach to the topic. As Akira Iriye, professor of history at 
Harvard, recently points out, the cultural approach defines nations as cultures in understanding their 
behavior and interactions in the international arena. While Iriye is exploring a new dimension in 
explaining American diplomatic history, he is a renowned scholar of U.S. -Asian relations, among those 
who advocate an inter-disciplinary approach to historical investigation. In this regard, Iriye acknowledges 
Leslie A. White's concept of "cultural systems" and Clifford Geertz's recognition of "qualitative 
differences among cultural traditions and vocabulary." Since Asian studies always lag behind in the 
discovery of fresh perspectives, this paper embraces the methodological advancements of the American, 
European, or Western fields. 

This paper looks at how culture, in terms of traditions, perception, dreams and self-image, 
shaped and/or modified the Chinese external behavior. Considering that China and other nations lived in 
the same objective environment, the Chinese acted differently because of their different subjective 
upbringing. 

On the national level, the Qing Government had its own perception of worldly affairs. It 
defined its status among the nations, and the modes of external behavior. In the making of foreign policy, 
it developed its ideologies, objectives, and even responsibilities. Rather than the orthodox interpretation 
of merely reacting to western challenges, the Chinese acted out their rules for the game of international 
relations, their dreams and even missions. On the governmental side, this paper examines the beliefs of 
the ruling elite and the ideologies of the influential intellectuals. Not only does it concern the central 
authorities, it also describes how regional forces handled foreign affairs. More importantly, it illuminates 
the disparities between the center and the provinces in terms of policies and perception. In other words, it 
talks about (1) the national culture of foreign relations, (2) the regional subcultures, and (3) the traits of 
thought of the intelligentsia. 



FFT International 
Symposium on 

LinZexu, 
|t the jDpium War 



^ 『1» 香港 



(譯本 ) 

白德 



世人對 1839-1860 年 間的鴉 片戰爭 悲劇已 有充分 的研究 和討論 , 很 多書籍 也以此 爲題材 ; 然 
而難免 眾說紛 、 各 守成見 ' 歷史學 者也不 免如是 。 昔 時人們 對鴉片 帶來禍 害的看 法跟今 日或許 
有別 , 但 以武力 作後盾 支持鴉 片貿易 , 毫無 疑問是 邪惡及 難以自 完其說 。 本 文目的 是闡釋 當時茶 
葉與 鴉片的 關係及 所引起 的衝突 。 茶葉 雖然不 像鴉片 般對身 體有害 , 但 亦會令 人上癮 。 

十七世 紀中葉 , 茶葉 首次進 入英國 。 此後一 百年間 , 茶葉在 英國的 銷量大 幅上升 , 其他歐 
美 國家亦 出現同 樣情況 。 在當時 , 只有 中國輸 出茶葉 。 在 很短時 間之內 , 茶 葉取代 了絲綢 成爲英 
國從中 國入口 的最大 宗貨品 。 至於其 他貨物 , 數量 都很少 。 相反地 , 中國從 英國進 口的貨 物則微 
不足道 。 與今 日一樣 , 這種貿 易失衡 是很不 健全的 , 從 當時英 國爲了 維持雙 邊貿易 而不惜 與中國 
開戰可 茲證實 。 英 國白銀 不斷流 往中國 , 是 一個重 要因素 。 中 國出口 茶葉的 總値與 輸入鴉 片的貨 
値 看來很 有關係 。 當然 , 茶葉帶 來的後 果跟本 不能與 鴉片相 提並論 ' 茶葉 只會令 人上癮 ' 鴉片卻 
禍 害極深 , 使 吸食者 從此意 志消沉 。 淸 政府振 振有辭 反對輸 入鴉片 , 但對 輸出茶 葉卻並 不內疚 。 
在中國 當權者 的眼中 ' 鴉 片輸入 是毒害 其人民 ' 而相對 地英國 卻換取 了一種 "有 益" 的飮料 。 

1729 年是一 個里程 碑一當 年淸廷 頒下了 第一道 禁煙令 。 然而 ' 東印度 公司雖 然把鴉 片貿易 
交 到散商 的手上 , 卻 仍然壟 斷印度 的鴉片 。 鴉片走 私行動 大規模 地進行 ' 所 得的利 潤遠遠 超乎冒 
險 所付出 的代價 。 1793 年 ' 英國派 遣馬戛 爾尼出 使中國 , 似乎 是試圖 與中國 建立正 常的外 交和貿 
易關係 , 藉此 糾正鴉 片貿易 的錯誤 。 英國曾 三次派 遣使節 到中國 , 本應大 有機會 建立良 好關係 ' 
無奈 均以失 敗告終 ' 導 至日後 兩國兵 戎相見 。 馬 戛爾尼 的失敗 ' 是否 因爲他 拒絕叩 頭那麼 簡單? 
當 然不是 。 真 正原因 是當時 中國人 與洋人 ' "天 朝" 與境外 "蠻 夷'' 之間錯 綜複雜 的關係 。 茶葉 
亦是 一個主 要因素 , 因 爲馬戛 爾尼任 務之一 是捜集 中國種 植茶樹 的資料 ' 在 這方面 他總算 得到一 
點成續 。 

林則 徐是這 次研討 會的中 心人物 。 林 氏能幹 ' 果敢 、 聰敏和 有學養 ° 諷 刺的是 ' 他 和義律 
都 對鴉片 貿易深 惡痛絕 ' 卻在往 後的衝 突中互 相對立 ' 最後二 人均成 爲輸家 ' 遭 到革職 ' 被放逐 
至遠方 。 林則徐 的鐵腕 政策亦 是導致 他失敗 的原因 。 如義 律所言 ' 中國海 岸線既 長又缺 乏防衛 ' 
極 有利鴉 片走私 。 鴉片戰 爭實際 對中國 並無半 點好處 ' 既 導至香 港割讓 與英國 ' 鴉 片貿易 不消反 
長 , 禁煙 法例形 同虛設 , 香港更 成爲儲 藏鴉片 的倉庫 。 



英國最 終爲鴉 片發動 了這場 不光彩 的戰爭 , 但 並非所 有英國 人民都 對此表 示贊同 。 當時英 
國國 內反鴉 片的情 緒高漲 , 研討會 中將有 其他論 文談及 。 由於眾 怒難犯 , 後 來更全 面禁止 鴉片貿 

易。 

文中 亦探究 如果某 些關鍵 事件曾 經發生 或沒有 發生過 ' 歷 史將如 何改寫 。 或 許有些 人認爲 
這 樣做毫 無意義 , 但如 果可以 從中領 悟到一 些教訓 ' 總算是 有得益 。 如果英 國一開 始便積 極與中 
國聯 手禁煙 , 往後 的歷史 將會如 何發展 ? 有理由 相信如 果馬戛 爾尼出 使成功 , 他是 可能有 這種能 
力的 。 如果中 國爲了 推行禁 止鴉片 輸入的 政策而 停止輸 出茶葉 , 又將會 如何? 或馬 戛爾尼 同意向 
中國皇 帝叩頭 , 是否便 不一樣 。 其 實馬戛 爾尼對 覲見中 國皇帝 所用的 禮儀有 很大的 自主權 。 如果 
中國帝 主能暫 棄高傲 ' 與 英國平 起平坐 地談判 ; 如 果林則 徐的禁 煙政策 沒有那 樣強硬 ' 或 稍作讓 
歩與義 律合作 : 如國中 國突然 對其他 英國貨 品產生 極大興 趣.' 那又 如何? 事實上 , 中國當 時有向 
英國 購買錫 、 羊毛 和棉花 ' 只是 數量不 足以平 衡茶葉 的出口 。 最重 要的是 ' 如國英 國不是 爲了繼 
續鴉 片走私 貿易或 購買大 量茶葉 ' 兩國 之間會 否發生 戰爭? 




18- 19-12-1998 



TEA AND OPIUM 

Solomon Bard 

The tragic events of the Opium Wars of 1839 - 1860 have been fully researched, debated, and 
argued, and have been the subject of many books. Inevitably, views are often polarized, for historians, too, 
are subjects to bias. Even when consideration is given to different standards existing at the time and at 
present regarding the harmful effects of opium, it is clear that the opium trade, backed as it was by force, 
was evil and unjustified. It is the aim of this paper to examine the role of tea in relation to opium and the 
resulting conflict. For tea, too, was an addiction of sorts, though perhaps without the deleterious effects of 
opium. 

In Britain tea first appeared around the middle of the 17th century. Within a hundred years, the 
rise in the consumption of tea in Britain had been phenomenal. Europe and America, too, had acquired an 
insatiable taste for tea, which at the time could only be obtained from China. Tea rapidly became the import 
most in demand surpassing silk. Import of other commodities from China was small. In return, Chinese 
demand for British goods was insignificant. The resulting imbalance in trade was an unsound practice then 
as it would be today. The strength of this argument could be judged by the fact that Britain was prepared to 
go to war with China to force bilateral trade relations. The outflow of silver bullion became an important 
factor for Britain as it was for China. The value of tea exported from China, and of opium imported into it, 
appeared to be linked. The comparison between the two, however, is striking. Opium was known to be an 
extremely harmful addiction permanently reducing an addict's personality to misery; tea was merely a 
strong indulgence. China opposed importation of opium with good reason, but had no qualms about 
exporting tea. In the eyes of the Chinese authorities, opium was imported into China to poison its people in 
return for a wholesome beverage* prepared for the British people. 

The year 1729 was a milestone, the date of the first of many anti-opium edicts. The East India 
Company in complying with the Edict merely passed the opium trade to the private traders, while still 
maintaining the monopoly on Indian opium. Smuggling took place on a colossal scale. Prodigious profits 
more than balanced the risks. Macartney's Embassy to China in 1793 may be regarded as Britain's attempt 
to correct the evil of opium trade by establishing normal diplomatic and commercial relations with China. 
Of the three embassies sent to China, it had the greatest chance of success; that it failed was the biggest 
setback in the relations between the two nations that would eventually lead to war. Did the mission fail 
merely because Lord Macartney had refused to kowtow? It is unlikely; the explanation may lie in the 
complex area of relations between the Chinese and the foreigners, between the Celestial Kingdom and the 
Barbarians who lived beyond its boundaries. Tea again appears as an important factor, since Macartney's 
instructions included gathering information in China about growing tea, the task in which he was partially 
successful. 

Lin Zexu is the central figure of the Symposium. A capable and resolute man, he was also 
intelligent and cultured. It is ironic that the two men, Lin Zexu and Charles Elliot, who both detested the 
opium trade, had found themselves opponents in the ensuing conflict. Both were losers in the end, being 
castigated by their governments and exiled into obscurity. Lin's strong measures had also secured his failure, 
for the long line of an unprotected Chinese coast threw the opium trade, in Elliot's words, "into desperate 
hands". In effect, the Opium War achieved nothing for China. Hong Kong was ceded to Britain, opium 
trade continued on an increasing scale, the laws against the drug were constantly violated, and Hong Kong 
as a colony became a vast storehouse of opium. 



But if Britain embarked on the shameful Opium War with China, not all of Britain endorsed it. 
Elsewhere in the Symposium it will be pointed out that a strong anti-opium sentiment existed in Britain, 
which in the end could not be silenced and which led to the end of the infamous trade. 



The author also examines a tantalizing problem of alternative history. What might have 
happened if certain events did or did not take place. It might be agued that such speculations by historians 
are pointless, dealing as they do with historical facts. However, if there are lessons to be learned from these 
speculations, there may be some profit in it. What course the history might have taken, for instance, if 
Britain from the start co-operated with China in stopping the opium trade? There are reasons to believe that 
Macartney may have had the authority to offer this co-operation to China had his mission succeeded. If 
China, in defence of its anti-opium policy, stopped export of tea? If Macartney had agreed to kowtow to the 
Emperor? His instructions on the subject of protocol were flexible enough to allow his own judgement. If 
the Imperial Throne had come down from its lofty position and negotiated with Britain on an equal basis? 
If Commissioner Lin had adopted less drastic measures, or even stooped down to co-operate with Elliot, in 
suppressing the opium trade? If China had suddenly developed a strong interest in British goods? Tin, wool, 
and cotton were imported from Britain but not in sufficient quantities to balance the export of tea. And, 
most importantly, would the war between the two nations have arisen had it not been for the persistence of 
the opium smuggling trade and Britain's massive demand for tea? 




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