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OCTOBER, 1895 No. 


The Problem of Locomotion 
The Cardiff Convention 
Economic Tendencies in United States...... 1384 
By W. C. OWEN. 

An Astonishing Fact . oe 

To Abolish Money Monopoly..................-. .. 1387 


Political Laymen ........... voiihtia alicia cepatiaildahinbaie 138 
Gems from “Wealth Against Common- 
wealth,” by Henry K. Lloyf 
The Bond Deal 
Mistakes of Capital 
Official Notice 
Tree of Biblical Knowledge 
“ By Injunction,” [ Pox } 
Executive Council vs. Brewery Workmen 142 
“Tenement Tales of New York” ............ 143 
The Value of Statistics 
Producers vs. Non-Producers 
Higher Wages for Miners 




> ¢ See that all ready-made Clothing, 
Rn 4 , — _fac- Steele, Oterathe, Shirts and Rubber Cloth- 
simile o e American ing bears the above label as arante 

The above labelis the only genuine Federation of Labor of being made under fair, aulleey end 
one for Custom Tailoring if you purchase Badge. It is of Rolled union conditions. The labels are attach- 
your clothing from a Mérchant Tailor Gold, beautifully enam- ed by machine stitching to the inside 
having made to order insist that this eled in three colors, red, breast pockets of coats, on the inside of 
label be attached. white and blue. They the buckle strap of vests and on the waist- 
Journeymen Tailors Union of America. are sold at 50 cents each, band lining of pants, 

or $5.00 per dozen 

The Printers’ Label of which 
above is a cut is issued by unions 
subordinate to the International 
Typographical Union and indi- 
cates that the composition is done 
by Union Printers, The blank is 
filled by inserting name ofissuing 
union. In the largercities where 
pressmen, stereotypers etc. are 
organized under the I. T. U, the 
“Allied Trades Label” is issued, a j 
cut of which is found on the edi- i 
torial page of this magazine ea 
< | This Label is used on all goods made by Union 
- men connected with Unions affiliated with the American 
Federation of Labor where such unions have no dis- 
tinctive trade label of their own. This label is printed 
dark blue on white paper. 


See that a cut of this Union 
Label is on all printing in the 
Jerman language, - : 

. The above is the Union 

Label on every Morse Collar | 
made by union men. 

= as 

The above Label is issued by the Iron Moulders’ Union 

of North America and can be found on all union made 

stoves, ranges and iron castings. It is printed in black 

ink on white paper and pasted on all union made stoves, 
ranges and castings, 

This is the label of the 
Journeymen Bakers and Con- | 
“Sp. fectioners, under the Inter- | 
This is the label of the In- n national Union. Itis printed 
ternational Coopers Union, at yp. paper in —s bee 
an Ss aste on eac oa 
and will be found upon all of bread. It means death to 
union-made packages. The Tackmakers’ Union is the oldest labor organiza- | long hours and low wages in 
tion in America. It was founded in 1824. Above is | bakers’ slave pens under- 
the label placed by the Society on every package of Union | ground, 
made ‘tacks. 

ity ot the Ma s Internati 
Union-made Cigars. 

This Certifies. a ne cars comanes inte box rare bern made by 
Q MEMBER OF THE MARKERS "INTE RWATIONAL UNION of America, an ation devoted to th 
senczment ofthe HORA MATLRIAL 304 WILUCTUAL WLIARL OF THE . Therefore we recommend 
This is a fac-simile of the 
badge worn by all members of 
the Retail Clerks’ National 
Protective Association of the 
Ci —— ape on = sata 
' Cigar Makers’ International Union of America, union label. If you are opposed to the | S#lesmen and clerks wear this 
servile labor, to Chinese, to convict labor, or the filthy tenement house factories, smoke none | badge and you may be sure 
but union made cigars. The color of the label is light blue. See that the label is on every box. | they are union men, 

American Federationist. 


“Then woe to the robbers who gather 
In fields where they have not sown ; 
Who have stolen the jewels from labor, 
And builded to Mammon a throne. 

“For the throne of their god shall be crumbled, 
And the scepter be swept from his hand, 
And the heart of the haughty be humbled, 
And a servant be chief in the land.” 

The Problem of Locomotion. 

Extension, invention, speed, were everything in the 
early days of the railway, and legislatures and locali- 
ties vied with each other in granting inducements and 
subsidizing promoters. And the evils of the present, 
it would appear, are largely due to the over-anxiety of 
the past to get railways, no matter how, but get them. 
During the construction period the public had but poor 
knowledge of the topography of the country, and, as 
in all new enterprises, confidence was lacking. Even 
the highly-favored promoters found the work difficult. 
But with the advance of immigration, the growth of 
commerce and special grants, the harvest was later 
reaped. The shaper’s millenium was at hand, and leg- 
islators simply played the part of tools. Companies 
organized, received the donations, failed, secured char- 
ters under new names and bought in their old debts. 
An extra session, called for the purpose, of a western 
legislature, made special land gifts to a company of 
promoters, who built a short line, issued mortgage 
after mortgage, foreclosed and sold out to a new com- 
pany, all the corporators but one being members of the 
old. At a later session the new company was recog- 
nized and granted “all right and interest’’ which the 
state had in the lands granted to the old company. 

The Iowa Falls and Sioux City road was granted one 
million acres of the finest lands of the state, and it is 
estimated that the Iowa roads have received subsidies 
of over $50,000,000, or enough to built forty per cent 
of all roads of that state, which received from congress 
a total of 4,069,942 acres of land to aid in the construc- 
tion of its roads. The Chicago, Burlington and Quincy 
sold 350,000 acres of its grant at an average of $12.17 
per acre, and the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific 
road sold over a half million acres at an average price 
of $8.68, and those of the Burlington and Missouri 
River at over $12 per acre. The land grants during 
President Fillmore’s term aggregated 8,000,000 acres, 
and during President Pierce’s, 19,000,000 acres. ‘The 


Northern Pacific, before the close of the war, received 
a grant of 47,000,000 acres. The various grants made 
to railroads comprised no less than 300,000 square 
miles, equal to four and a half times the area of New 
England, or six times that of the state of New York, 
or equal to the total area of Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, 
Indiana, Michigan and Ohio, One writer figures that 
since 1862 congress has given to railroad corporations 
an area equal to Englasid, Ireland, Germany, France, 
Spain and Sweden combined. It is evident this cuts 
some figure in the unequal distribution of wealth. 
The history of the Pacific roads gives a fair idea of 
the manner in which the people were buncoed. At the 
outbreak of the war a transcontinental line was said 
to be a necessity, else the Pacific coast could not be 
retained. Such was the representation. It was also 
argued that the political benefits to be derived and its 
cost necessarily required that the enterprising and 
patriotic promoters be liberally assisted by the gov- 
ernment. The charter of the Union Pacific, dated July 
I, 1862, gave the right of way through public lands, 
and authorized the taking from adjacent lands earth, 
stone, timber, etc. Alternate sections of land of five 
acres to the mile were granted on each side of the 
line, excepting pre-emption or homestead claims made 
before road lines were definitely fixed. Subsidy bonds, 
$16,000 per mile, were also issued for the distance from 
the Missouri «iver to the Rocky mountains; $48,000 
per mile for 150 miles through the mountains, and 
$32,000 per mile from the western base of the moun- 
tains to the terminus of the road. Similar franchises 
were also given to the Central Pacific road, chartered 
by the state of California. Besides the right of way, 
land, etc., this company received subsidy bonds of 
$16.000 per mile for 7.18 miles east of Sacramento, 
$48,000 per mile for 150 miles through the Sierra 
Nevada mountains, and $32,000 per mile from the 
eastern base of that mountain range to its. junction 
with the Union Pacific. The charters provided that 
to secure repayment of these bonds to the United 
States they should constitute a first mortgage on all 
lines of the road, together with the rolling stock and 
other property. It is said the donations alone were 
sufficient to build and equip the roads, Both made 
slow progress, however, for when the promoters real- 
ized that congress was so easily ‘“‘worked’’ they 
regretted they had not asked for more, in 1864 they 
asked that the charter be amended to allow them ten 


alternate sections of land instead of five, and all iron 
and coal found within ten miles of the road which 
had been previously reserved by congress; also to be 
allowed to issue their own bonds equal to those of the 
United States, and the latter’s lien fo be made subor- 
dinate to that of the companies’. All of which was 
granted July 2, 1864. The companies were thus virtu- 
ally presented with the roads, as well as permitted to 
mortgage them and divide the proceeds among the 
shareholders, many of whom had received their stock 
chiefly because of their influence in and out of con- 
gress. It is said that the contribution to these com- 
panies has not been far from $80,000,000, of which over 
$52,000,000 was paid in bonds and the remainder in 
lands aggregating about 23,000,000 acres, or $45,000 
per mile, besides right of way, iron, coal, timber, etc., 
largely exceeding the actual cost of the road. The act 
of 1864 provided that charge for government transpor- 
tation should be applied to payment of bonds, as well 
as five per cent of net earnings. On demand by the 
secretary of the treasury for fulfillment of this feature, 
the companies applied to congress, which relieved 
them for the time being and made the secretary pay 
one-half of the government expenses on the roads. 
The unpaid interest to the government now equals the 
original indebtedness, and the managers are asking a 
new lease of life by an extension of the subsidy bonds 
due in 1897, and interest reduced from six to two per 
cent in order to secure a sinking fund with which to 
redeem. This scheme was happily defeated at the last 
session, but it is expected another attempt will be 
made. Ordinarily, when a road fails to liquidate its 
bonded obligations a receiver is appointed and the 
bondholders take possession. But this rule does not 
apply when some of the people act for all the people 
by legislative methods. Properly, a receiver should 
have been appointed for these roads the moment they 
failed to live up to contracts, and they ought, there- 
fore, to be now in the possession of the people. 

Such are some of the methods by which our railroad 
system has been developed, and out of which has grown 
watered stock, combines, discrimination and irregular- 
ity, and frequently extortion. The combines and 
attempts to combine and consolidation, which feature 
directly concerns the public, would occupy much time 
and space to detail. In 1874 the managers of the Erie, 
Pennsylvania and New York Central met at Saratoga 
to form a pool, but the refusal of the Grand Trunk and 
Baltimore and Ohio to enter it upset the project. Pools 
heretofore had been somewhat successful, when con- 
fined to common points or a division of traffic or earn- 
ings. In 1878 a pool of western trunk lines was formed 
comprising forty companies and 25,000 miles of road. 
It lasted three months, and failed because of all lines 
seeking their own advantage. The Southern Railway 
and Steamship Association was for a long time thought 
to be the ideal combine, because of its general busi- 
ness methods and regulation of rates. It is mentioned 
favorably by railway writers, but for the past two years 
it has been a rate disturber and a new association has 
been formed to take its place, with the expressed pur- 

pose, as told by its members, to bring about harmoni- 
ous relations between the great transportation interests 
of the south and put an end to the ruinous rate cutting 
The recent unsuccessful efforts to combine on passen- 
ger rates for the large conventions held in the east and 
the rate wars that followed are familiar to all. 

The history of the railway is replete with efforts to 
combine, lasting for a time and ending in war, and the 
same methods are being employed daily, with like 
results. When rates are high or considerable traffic is 
offered, passenger or freight, the temptation is strong 
to grant low, secret rates; and high rates also attract 
the attention of new builders or diminish traffic and 
cut down returns. The general business principle and 
desire enters here, too, that it is more profitable to do 
a large business on fair returns than a small business 
on unfair. It is also to the interest of the roads to see 
that the shippers along their respective routes are 
treated fairly, as illustrated in the case of New York 
city, the merchants of which, in 1876, waited upon the 
New York Central and pointed out the damage that was 
being done the city by rival roads and the necessity of 
protecting the Central’s own best customer. No com- 
plaint was made against the latter’s rates, which were 
deemed fair. A combination was then effected with 
other roads, fixing a graded series of rates on lines to 
Philadelphia and Baltimore. This combine lasted less 
than a month. Finally, after several ineffectual attempts 
to regulate, the Central declared its intention of restor- 
ing the commercial supremacy of New York, and imme- 
diately reduced passenger rates between Chicago and 
Boston from $25.85 to $14.00, and that of the Grand 
Trunk from $23.85 to $12.50, and freight per hundred 
tons from 75 to 20 cents and agriculture from 50 to 18 
cents. The struggle lasted eight months and the Cen- 
tral finally won. An understanding was then had which 
fixed rates to the several seaboard cities without favor 
or superiority to any. 

All such irregularities will be looked upon by the 
student as but evolutionary steps toward regularity, and 
are teaching the successful railroad manager that dis- 
honest methods do not pay, that the interests of the 
public are their interests. But railroad managers, as a 
class, are not honest, unfortunately. A recent writer, 
who was in a position to know, said of them: ‘‘ The 
continual effort to secure advantage over one another 
has bred a general spirit of distrust, bad faith and cun- 
ning, until railroad officials have become hardly better 
than a race of horse-jockeys on a large scale. There are 
valuable exceptions, but, taken as a whole, the tone is 
indisputably low. The leading idea in the mind of the 
manager is that some one is always cheating him. If 
he enters into an agreement his life is passed in watch- 
ing the other parties to it, lest by some cunning device 
they keep it in form and break it in spirit. Peace with 
him is always a condition of semi-warfare.’’ The army 
of agents constantly competing for traffic is not con- 
ducive to perfected combinations. The suspicious man- 
ager is too readily open to rumors. The retainers are 
always seeking war in which business will be brisk, 
while the corporations strive for combination. Here 


are two influential forces whose interests are widely 
divergent, all of which makes interesting the present 
attempt of the several trunk lines to combine. 

Competition is the natural regulator of industry. Its 
sphere is in exchanging values at cost. The basis of 
cost is unrestricted or free labor. As labor is restricted 
so is competition and the exchange of values unequal. 
The inequality between the railway companies and the 
general producer is in favor of the former. There is 
no exchange of equal values. The competition in vogue 
is not upon a labor cost basis. Only one party thereto 
is subjected to the law, while the other has certain 
legal privileges which allow him to elect the basis upon 
which the exchange shall be made. ‘That basis is not 
labor cost. Farfrom it. The actual cost is expense of 
operation, but to this is added interest on debt and 
loans, taxes, rentals and dividends, all of which the 
general producer must sustain. So that the competi- 
tion between railways is done upon a basis of extraor- 
dinary dimensions. The income of the several roads 
of Massachusetts for 1894 was $70,421,840.45, and the 
expenses: $72,245,401.63, leaving a deficit of $1,823,- 
561.18 to be taken from the surplus account. But 
these expenses included returns to the sources just 
mentioned of $27,780,596.19. Thus was the competition 
between these roads limited by causes which represent 
that amount, as well as exclusive rights. The excess 
of earnings over actual expenses was $19,663,617.59, 
which was divided among the sources mentioned. It 
would seem that, no matter what railway earnings may 
be, if finances are needed for extension or, improve- 
ment, the printing press is called into requisition and 
bonds and stocks are issued and sanctioned by the state 
railway commission, whose approval is required, and 
evidently not hard to get. The practice, however, is 
looked upon as legitimate in business circles. The 
increase of stock and bonded indebtedness of these 
roads for the same year amounted to $23,630,079.60. 
It would matter not to the people how much such 
indebtedness was increased was it not for the interest 
contracted thereon, which turns our thoughts to the 
money monopoly and the time when it will be impos- 
sible to draw interest from money wherever placed. 
Notwithstanding these adverse influences the average 
freight rate of 3.11 cents per ton per mile in 1871 fell 
by constant and rapid gradations tq 1.33 cents per ton 
per mile in 1894, a reduction of 57 per cent, and for the 
same period on passenger rates from 2.51 cents per 
mile to 1.80 cents, a reduction of 28 per cent since 
1871. For the whole country the average rate per ton 
per mile has gradually fallen from 1.236 cents in 1882 
to a trifle more than four-fifths of a cent (0.851) in 
1894. The passenger rate per mile for the same time 
has fallen from 2.447 cents to 2.030 cents. In Euro- 
pean countries the charge per ton per mile is said to be 
double that of the United States. 

The power of the railroads to exploit the producers, 
such as it is, is largely because of general commercial 
weakness. We have an excess of products seeking a 
low market. The producer and consumer are widely 
and artificially separated in respect to our most import- 

ant products, The producer has many pressing obli- 
gations; he cannot wait, and must sell. The railroad 
is thus enabled oftentimes to fix its own terms. It is 
thus entirely a one-sided bargain, and the only factor 
that prevents downright extortion is the competition 
of rival roads or the inability of the managers to com- 
bine. How different it would be could, for instance, 
the farmers select their own time for transportation 
and sale. It is the shipper that employs the railway, 
and naturally he ought to be in a position to have a 
voice in the fixing of rates, and he would was it not for 
special privilege. The Standard Oil company, with 
its immense product, despite the managers, has fixed 
its own rates and virtually controlled the railroad. In 
return for the many powers granted to the railroads the 
law-makers have given to the producer an interstate 
commerce commission—an attempt to regulate an «vil 
rather than abolish it. But such patchwork is a gov- 
ernmental art. 

In 1892 the Farmers’ Alliance, in the northwest, act- 
ing upon the above principle, issued a request to its 
members to withhold their wheat. (According to the 
press a similar movement is now on foot). The advice 
was followed by those in a position to do so, who were 
very few in number, for the great mass proved power- 
less to act upon it. In the Dakotas, during the harvest 
of 1889, farmers were even compelled to sell fheir seed 
to meet the usurer, sending it to Minneapolis and 
Chicago. Subsequently the state appropriated $30,000 
to buy the seed wheat back to prevent actual destitu- 
tion, taking a mortgage on the prospective crop for 
reimbursement, the farms being already mortgaged. 
The farm mortgage and the interest fall due when the 
crop is ripe. Money, then, must be had on the instant 
to transport ‘the crop and to realize thereon. The 
farmer applies for sale to his representative in Chicago, 
who can thus practically fix his own price because of 
the farmers’ plight. If unsatisfactory to the latter, he 
can apply to the nearest banker, who, in Dakota, is 
limited to a legal rate of 8 per cent interest. But, by 
a skillful and fraudulent arrangement, the rate is raised 
to 12 percent. This is done by issuing a mortgage at 
8 per cent and then taking an extra note for a stipu- 
lated sum. Thus the banker agrees to lend $1,000 at 8 
per cent on a first mortgage. He then draws a note 
for $40 on a second mortgage, which amounts to 4 per 
cent extra, but interest is not mentioned. Not satis- 
fied with this, the farmer may apply to the elevator 
man—is, in fact, often advised to do so by the banker 
during the higgling process of bluff, as all three, the 
Chicago buyer, the banker and elevator man, are in 
collusion and the elevator is generally owned by the 
railroad, Paying interest to two or three different 
parties at exorbitant rates, as well as being obliged to 
sell at any price, as a determining factor in the fixing 
of rates, the farmer, it can be readily seen, in the 
language of the street, is not in it. The producers 
generally are at a disadvantage. The supply of com- 
modities is much greater than the commercial demand; 
the natural demand is dwarfed, Hence weakness and 


The chief evils that have grown out of the present 
privileged railway system, as given in the report of 
the senate committee of 1886, boiled down, are dis- 
crimination between individuals and localities and 
fixing rates to meet dividends and interest charges 
instead of cost. ‘This latter is an evil produced by the 
scarcity or monopoly of money, and is just as true of 
all lines of business at the present time which are ben- 
efited thereby. Discrimination and irregularity are of 
the greatest evils, and a bona fide combination for the 
purpose of securing regular and fair rates cannot be 
discountenanced any more than a labor organization. 
An intelligent directory of such a combination acting 
upon a knowledge of the wars and failures of the past 
to guide them, susceptible to public opinion, must 
know just what its position is, wherein its strength 
and weakness, that the community’s interest and that 
of the railroad are similar and interdependent, and 
therein consists its limits, bounded always by the 
temptation of any individual road to take advantage 
of high rates and special offers. The history of the 
railway has taught: 

That high rates, even of combines, are an open 
temptation to its members; that large offers of t: affic 
will break such rates; that they diminish traffic and 
cut returns. 

That tlle prosperity of the railway depends upon the 
prosperity of the community, or vice versa; that their 
interests are one; that unjust rates or discrimination 
drives trade to other localities. 

Under free conditions would be added to this: 

A reduction of the dependency of one community 
upon another, and the consequent greater ability of 
each locality to supply its own wants, thus diminish- 
ing influence of transportation. 

Counter combinations among shippers and the lia- 
bility of such combinations building their own roads. 
Let the money that now goes to pay princely salaries, 
interest on water and dividends be saved by the ship- 
pers. Let them consolidate their interests and they 
could well undertake such a project or find some one 
who would gladly do it for them. 

The Cardiff Convention. 

The Trades Union Congress just held at Cardiff, 
Wales, at which Messrs. Gompers and McGuire 
attended as fraternal delegates of the A. F. of L., was 
composed of 290 delegates, representing 979, 194 paid-up 
members. The parliamentary committee, composed of 
thirteen members, of which David Holmes is chair- 
man, and John Burns, vice-chairman, is the eyes and 
ears of the movement between conventions. In deal- 
ing with the unemployed question, this committee con- 
cludes its report: ‘‘ Your committee, taking a compre- 
hensive view of the subject, are convinced that the 
whole question of the unemployed can never be solved 
by any tinkering with the subject by a select com- 
mittee in the house of commons, or even providing 
relief in special cases and during special seasons of the 
year. They are convinced that the state of the land 
Jaws of the country and the numerous monopolies 

which exist must be changed and removed before any 
real remedy will be secured so as to reduce the large 
army of unemployed, who are, unfortunately, though 
no fault of their own, now found starving in the large 
cities and towns of the country.”’ 

The committee also remarks: ‘In the recent par- 
liamentary elections which have taken place your com- 
mittee observe with deep regret that some of our trusted 
colleagues have suffered defeat at the polls, and, taken 
as a whole, the general results are anything but satis- 
factory to the trade unionists of the country. We 
deplore most sincerely that in many constituencies 
some of the truest friends of labor have been turned 
out and their places taken by men who are antagon- 
istic to the policy and aspirations of trade unionism. 
We are sorry to believe, but the force of circumstances 
drives us to the conclusion, that among the working 
classes there are too many ‘faddists,’ and each ‘fad’ 
has got its followers, and, as a result, the working- 
class vote of the country is broken up into factions. 
As a consequence the great and endearing principles 
which ought to be sacred to the workers suffer most 
seriously, and in our concluding words we would 
strongly impress upon this congress the urgent neces- 
sity of pulling ourselves together, reorganizing our 
forces and preparing for battle in the days that are to 


Economic Tendencies in United States. 

It is, in my opinion, less possible in America than 
elsewhere to measure the strength or tendencies of the 
socialist movement by the membership of organiza- 
tions or the circulation of literature. The country is 
too big, and is not, in reality, inhabited by any one 
nation, but by a swarm of people from all quarters of 
the globe, speaking an immense variety of tongues, 
possessed by an immense variety of old-country habits 
and opinions, and gradually adapting themselves to 
new environments. The vast climatic differences 
between the northern and the southern states neces- 
sarily add to this variety. It is not a country, but a 
continent, with which one has to deal. 

Strenuous efforts are being continuously made by 
the governing class to inculcate the spirit of patriotism 
and to popularize that centralization toward which 
governments, and those who look to government for 
the protection of their privileges, inevitably lean. In 
my own individual judgment this tendency receives 
support from the following sources: First, from the 
fact that the settlement of so extensive a country— 
undertaken, as it has been,.in what is essentially the 
age of large enterprises—has inoculated the people 
generally with a fondness for the big. The colossal 
dazzles. Secondly, there is the fact that the very 
necessity of covering so large an area has forced com- 
merce to work through the medium of gigantic com- 
binations. Thirdly, the civil war gave, as wars always 
give, an enormous impetus to official centralization. 
Fourthly, the protective tariff, with the multiplication 
of officials that it engenders and the paternalism that 


it implies, has tended constantly to make centraliza- 
tion of power not merely a popular idea, but an estab- 
lished fact. 

As against these must be set: First, the obvious 
fact that the pitching of an enormous mass of indi- 
viduals from all ranks and conditions of life into an 
entirely new set of circumstances in an entirely new 
country, throws them upon their own resources and 
infallibly begets an elasticity of organization and a 
strongly individualistic type. Secondly, the fact, 
already alluded to, that climatic differences of envir- 
onment in the present, and differences of speech, of 
habits and of traditions inherited from the past, make 
the welding process incomparably difficult. 

This cuts both ways. On the one hand, it renders 
it practically impossible for the people to act together 
as a unit, and therefore makes them an easy prey to 
the unscrupulous adventurer—political or economic. 
Public opinion, so strong in the country districts of 
the old world, where everybody knows everybody and 
loss of repuation means family ostracism, with all the 
great material loss which that implies, cuts here a very 
feeble figure. Hence the legislator who goes back 
unblushingly upon his pledges; the financier who 
swindles his way to fortune ; the employer who leaves 
out of consideration all questions of humanity in the 
treatment of his employes; all these can afford to be 
entirely of Iago’s opinion as to the actual worth of 
reputation. Sentiment is not greatly mixed with busi- 
ness here, because there is no public opinion to raise 
sentiment to the capacity of a social force. 

This is the bad side; but, if you regard socialism— 
which I do—as coming along the lines of freedom, and 
as being an impossibility until old prejudices and tra- 
ditions have been completely broken with; if you 
believe that it will be the outcome of individual initia- 
tive, rebelling against the old restraints and transla- 
ting its rebellion into fact through the medium of a 
series of more or less hazardous experiments, then this 
lack of public opinion, as a chrystalized and fossilized 
force, has its great and obvious compensations. 

In a word, conditions are still unsettled beyond all 
description, and this, as it seems to me, is the one 
great reason why movements, with fixed, rigid pro- 
grammes make no substantial headway. 

In a pamphlet written in 1892, and criticising the 
management and general course of the socialist labor 
party, I pointed out that the matter with that move- 
ment was simply that it did not move. I showed, by the 
party’s own official figures, that the question of hold- 
ing a congress in the United States was submitted to 
a vote throughout the country, and that the fifty-nine 
places at which it professed to have an organization 
could only show 961 votes. When it is considered that 
the party has been in existence for a number of years, 
that it appeals especially to the German and other for- 
eign immigration, and that, in contradistinction to the 
anarchist movement, it lays the greatest stress on organ- 
ization, this speaks poorly for the party’s progress. 

The same held good with the nationalist movement, 
which, under the leadership of Edward Bellamy, 

endeavored to present the state socialism of Karl Marx 
in aform more palatable to American taste. It had 
surprising popularity for about twelve months; but, 
though the lines of thought that it engendered still 
find their echo in the councils of the populists (the 
revolt movement of the farmers), its philosophy is, in 
my judgment, already on the wane. 

The history of the single tax movement, headed by 
Henry George, teaches the same lesson. About 1886, 
and so long as it remained a programless but indig- 
nant protest against the iniquity of monopoly of land, 
it acquired an extraordinary popularity. When it 
passed into the stage of a political movement, with 
a specific cure-all platform, it lapsed into almost imme- 
diate obscurity. 

Illustration might be piled on illustration from the 
history of the prohibition, and similar ‘‘ purity ’’ move- 
ments in which the old Puritan spirit still fatuously 
indulges, But the task would be tedious. I hold that 
movements are successful or unsuccessful in propor- 
tion to their suitability or unsuitability to the condi- 
tions that surround them. Now conditions in the 
United States are still everywhere in the experimental 
stage. Opinions are forming, not formed ; the public 
mind is not, and cannot possibly be, ripe for any pro- 
gramme that professes to settle all the affairs of the 
nation from Alpha to Omega and to reduce the philoso- 
phy of life to a few simple formulae. This seems to me 
to be the weakness of state socialism in this country—a 
weakness that will be absolutely fatal. 

If, however, the set programme invariably breaks 
down, the individual experiment multiplies amaz- 
ingly. Most enlightened people feel strongly now- 
adays upon the ‘‘ woman question,’’ and it is certainly 
in this country that the aspirations towards sexual 
freedom, equality and independence find their most 
vigorous expression. Granted, for the sake of argu- 
ment, that the constantly increasing number of 
divorces and the family scandals with which the daily 
papers teem, have their regretable side; yet it must 
also be conceded that they testify most eloquently to 
the stirring of new emotions and desires—be they only 
those of general dissatisfaction with the existing order. 
But the actue] truth is that the emancipation move- 
ment, which, on one side, makes itself audible in 
vehement demands for the right of suffrage and visi- 
ble in the adoption of dress methods that horrify the 
old regime—is also expressing itself in sexual arrange- 
ments that may be gently described as ‘‘ latitudinar- 
ian.’’ In fact, the latitude continually grows. 

This is basic: It implies a steady set towards ‘‘lib- 
erty,’’ an insistance on the right to shape one’s life, not 
according to Mrs. Grundy, but according to oneself. 
The fact that, in this country, the vast majority of 
occupations are open to women, and that it is often 
easier for a woman than it is for a man, to earn a liv- 
ing will necessarily push this movement on to lengths 
not yet foreseen. Industrial invention aids. For the 
‘working classes,’’ the factory machine; for the mid- 
dle class, the bicycle and typewriter. All these are 
pioneers that clear the way. 


One complains loudly of the politicians and of the 
ceaseless meddling of their empiric legislation. In 
reality, they do but respond to the perpetually impa- 
tielit demand for fresh experiment. ‘The disorderly 
house must be suppressed.’’ ‘‘The disorderly house is 
a necessity.’’ Clash of conflicting interests and opin- 
ions, arguments, ad nauseam; a dozen different experi- 
ments in a dozen different cities. ‘‘The saloon must 
also be suppressed.”’ ‘‘ The prohibitionists would take 
us back to the insufferable blue-laws of two centuries 
ago.”” More clash and argument. These and kindred 
subjects are being actually fought out with an amazing 
vitality in all our industrial centers; out of the medley, 
politicians, blackmailers, and all who love to fish in 
muddy waters, make their respective hauls; but also 
out of it a public opinion is being gradually formed. 
It is ceaseless debate, but always ota bene debate on 
the strictly practical, the terrestrial, the near-at-hand. 
Theology has very little hold; the pulpit becomes con- 
tinually more and more a political and sociological 

This same tendency to individual experiment has 

necessarily led to numerous endeavors to solve the 
social problem by the way of colonization schemes. 
They have almost invariably proved themselves dis- 
mal failures ; partly, as I believe, because the arbitrary 
authority of the leaders, inseparable from the state 
socialistic lines upon which they have been projected, 
has been found unendurable, and partly because the 
semi-monastic character of such enterprises is opposed 
to the spirit of the age. More particularly must this 
be the case in the United States, where there is always 
a marked predilection for the comparatively social life 
of towns as opposed to country isolation. 

One notes also to-day an increasing tendency to indi- 

vidual experiment in the department of distribution, 
and what is known as the “labor exchange ’’ move- 
ment is already beginning to attract attention. At 
this point it may be remarked that it is the distribu- 
tive, rather than the productive, side of political econ- 
omy that is now engrossing thought, the money ques- 
tion being that which is most vehemently discussed on 
every hand. ‘‘ Practical politics’’ as yet confine them- 
selves to the struggle for free silver, but the discussion 
will obviously go much further. At present the govern- 
mentalists (the old-time greenbackers, and fa money 
advocates generally,) are in an overwhelming major- 
ity; but the individualists, who pattern after Proudhon, 
are, in my judgment, steadily gaining ground. 

After all, here as elsewhere, the old problems still 
occupy the attention of the players. To-day, as at the 
birth of the republic, the contest is between the cen- 
tralization and aristocratic tendencies, of which Alex- 
ander Hamilton was the foremost champion, and the 
decentralization and democratic thought promulgated 
by the Jeffersonian school. Under the guise of federal 
vs. state rights, protection vs. free trade, paternalism 
vs. self-government, special privileges vs. equality of 
opportunity, state socialism vs. anarchism, under these 
and other dresses, shaped to the changed requirements 
of the day, the old disputants still occupy the boards. 


I have given only general reflections, for the nature 
of the subject is such as to render statistical treatment 
almost an impossibility. I believe, however, that the 
centralization system is breaking down; that the politi- 
°al machine—so corrupt, so slow, so expensive and so 
obviously inadequate to the tasks it undertakes—is 
becoming more unpopular every day; that the tide 
which set in with the militarism of the civil war is 
already on the ebb, and that the development of the 
immediate future will be toward an individualism 
which will demand, with cofistantly increasing strength 
and clearness of expression, ‘‘ Equal opportunities for 
all ;’’ and then ; ‘* Hands off!’ 

How can it be otherwise? Centralized government 
by the few (whose extremest type is the oriental des- 
pot) is only possible in countries where the methods of 
production and exchange, and life in all its active 
phases, are primitive and simple. As industries differ- 
entiate and social complexity increases, individual free- 
dom is more imperatively required. ‘‘Vires acquirit 
eundo,’’ and the liberty which gives birth to new indus- 
tries and social institutions grows in vigor as its own 
children attain to vigorous growth. 

In my judgment, therefore, socialism in the United 
States will grow along the lines of individual freedom; 
and state socialism, with its highly centralized procliv- 
ities, will gradually lapse into decay. 

An Astonishing Fact. 

Nothing in all the history of labor organizations is 
so astounding’ to the student of such history as the fact 
that one of the largest and most useful divisions of labor 
should be left without even an attempt to organize it; 
with absolutely no effort systematically made to show 
them the road to salvation. ‘There they stand, num- 
bering millions of earth’s strongest and most needed 
children, seemingly forgotten by God and man. They 
stand waiting and ready for someone to speak the word 

The farm laborers are that body. Of unions and 
leagues and alliances of farmers there is no lack; of 
union, league or alliance of farm laborers there is not 
one. While all other trades, crafts or callings are 
uniting for protection and mutual uplifting, are short- 
ening their work-day and in many ways asserting their 
right to share in the benefits of advancing civilization, 
the farm laborer is retrograding into a precarious and 
uncertain condition, fast assuming an aspect worse than 
that of peonage. Manhood crushed, intellect dulled, 
morals depraved, all aspirations dead, they are the mere 
subjects of the caprices of their employers, who trade 
upon their loyalty and integrity, and use them just as 
they do their oxen and mules—as a means of exploita- 

The first step toward freedom is for the slave to 
know that he is a slave. The next step is to know 
that there is a better and freer condition for him. Both 
of these things have to be forced upon the notice of a 
slave, often at great risk to him who dares to make the 



attempt, and always with the hostility of those who are 
to be benefited thereby. 

He who attempts to free the farm laborers, by organ- 
ized effort, must be well and variously equipped for 
campaigning. He must have a complete knowledge of 
labor organizations and their history, and must be well 
versed in all agrarian movements and be able to 
explain the difference between an organization of wage- 
workers and one of landholders. He must have a con- 
stitution like iron, as well as a complete knowledge of 
all branches of farming, so that he can go among them 
and work as they do. Farm laborers are extremely 
suspicious of one who knows little or nothing of the 
business of farming, hence the organizer must have 
a physical courage that will enable him to front 
fists, clubs and guns, for all these will be met 
with more often than reason. An organizer should 
have sufficient moral courage to face insults without 
giving angry retorts, that can endure hardships and 
discouragement without retreating in dismay. Armed 
in this way and possessing these qualifications, and 
conscious of the justness of his cause, the organizer 
who undertakes the work of organizing the farm labor- 
ers, with a view of ameliorating their condition in life, 
will meet with a rich harvest, and his success will 
be greater, more glorious and more lasting than any 
accomplishment by religious missionary, military 
chieftain or captain of industry. 

To Abolish Money Monopoly. 

A says the American people want gold money, B says 
they want silver, C says they want paper. I say they 
want the sort that they can best do their business with. 
D says they want $50 per capita, E says they want only 
$20. I say they want as much as the convenience of 
trade requires. 

A, B, C, D and E all agree in thinking it very neces- 
sary that they should know just what money the coun- 
try needs, and then pass a law to give it that kind and 
no other. This one point where they agree with each 
other is precisely the point where J disagree with all 
of them. I don’t know how much money per capita 
we ought to have, and don’t much care. I don’t feel 
competent to regulate it, and don’t wish to try. Bud 
I do know how to solve the money problem. 

I know that if the people are allowed to supply them- 
selves with money, and to take whatever kind they 
want, they will furnish themselves with as much as it 
pays them to have, and will not get much too much or 
too little ; and that they will find out and use the sort 
of money that does the best work in facilitating busi- 
ness. They cannot do this now, because the law for- 
bids it in two ways. In the first place, the issue of 
money is a monopoly in the hands of congress and of 
congress’ pets—the national banks. No one else is 
allowed to issue any money; so, if congress does not 
issue enough or does not issue the right kind, there is 
no other chance ; we must do without it. On the other 
hand, when congress issues bad money, or too much 

money, we cannot refuse to take it; it is legal tender, 
and so is forced upon the people. So, both ways, we are 
tied hand and foot by congress; we can neither refuse 
the money they offer us nor supply ourselves with 
money from any other source. 

No wonder that when congress regulates all our 
money it goes wrong. It would take more than human 
wisdom to regulate the money of this country as it 
should be. I don’t know enough, Cleveland doesn't, 
and no man in the country does. We must make it 
regulate itself by throwing the whole business open to 
everybody. Let everybody who wants to make a gold 
or silver coin, stamping it with his own name, and not 
with the government's, do so. Let every person, or 
number of persons, that wants to issue paper money, 
of whatever sort, do so. If any of the money pro- 
duced is fraudulent, pretending to be what it is not, 
let it be punished as a swindle. If it is honest, but of 
poor quality, nobody will want to take it. If it is of 
good quality, it will pass for what it is worth. No 
legal tender law is ever needed to make men take good 
money ; its only use is to make them take bad money. 
Kick it out! 

Wild-cat? Yes, at first. Congress has led the people 
blindfolded so long that if they were suddenly asked 
to take care of themselves they couldn’t do it. We 
should have a queer crop of money at first, but a little 
experience would teach the people what sort could be 
trusted and what sort couldn’t. Guarantees, good all 
over the country, would be provided, as they are in 
other business, and the man who tried to issue a coin 
or note without proper guarantee would find that 
nobody would take his money off his hands. Hard or 
easy, this is the only way out. Till we make money 
steady by making it free, we shall be shut up to our 
congressional currency, in which changes are made at 
almost every session, and some harm is done at every 
change. We shall all be at the mercy of anybody who 
can buy or delude enough congressmen to pass a law. 
We shall be at the mercy of speculators, who find in 
a currency whose volume is strictly regulated by law 
a corner into which the people can be driven when- 
ever they are seen to have fleece enough to be worth 

This is the true ‘issue of money directly by the 
people,’’ which the Federation of Labor platform calls 
for. An issue of money by congress doesn’t fill the 
bill. Congress does not fairly represent a majority of 
the people; and even if it did, would a currency 
furnished by the majority and forced upon the minor- 
ity be ‘‘issued by the people?’’ If 51 per cent of the 
people want gold one year, and next year 2 per cent 
change their minds and want silver, giving silver 51 
per cent altogether, ought the people be made to use 
gold one year and silver the next because those 2 per 
cent have changed their minds? Is that an issue by 
the people? Let those who want gold” supply them- 
selves with gold; let those who want silver supply 
themselves with silver. When experience proves that 
one metal is better than the other, business men will 


take the best, and the uniformity thus obtained will 
be a uniformity to which all agree—a uniformity 
worth having. But an issue of money by part of the 
people for another part can never fairly represent the 
whole people, even if the issuers are a majority. 

fo abolish money monopoly we must strike down 
the mother, congress’ monopoly, as well as the daugh- 
ter, the national bank monopoly. 

Political Laymen. 

Long has politics been conducted by professionals or 
self-constituted leaders of parties, national, state and 
local, and it is to be confessed with shame that the 
good ship of state, about which Horace wrote in mel- 
ody, is not well steered. ‘These professionals some 
way have gotten it in a whirlpool and the people feel 
it reeling. A better helmsman is needed. 

Long has supineness, and perhaps reprehensible 
indifference, characterized the attitude of the general 
public to the cesspool of corruption in which these 
professionals have wallowed. ‘This attitude was con- 
strued by the bosses to be something more than a tol- 
eration of their notorious course, if indeed it was not 
a tacit encouragement of their villainous acts. It isa 
truth that good men, who saw the mad drift of things 
and deplored it, could not persuade themselves to step 
down into the slimy and filthy pool and check the 
mischievious and ruinous tendency of public affairs. It 
was the price of a reputation to do so—a costly effort 

Long have matters gone on from bad to worse. 
Finally a protest was raised, a sentiment implanted 
against the brutal and selfish trend of politics, and a 
halt called. This protest developed into a demand for 
reform and for civil service. Feeling the ground being 
cut away from under them the time-servers veered 
around a little and began to look about for a more 
secure spot—still true to their time-trimming instincts. 
They were not reformed in the least. 

But with the awakening of a better sentiment and 
clearer understanding in the general public, these cor- 
ruptionists and jobbers were thoroughly aroused to the 
latent power residing in the people, and fearing the 
loss of their job they endeavored to strengthen their 
decaying popularity. In order to do this they adopted 
the policy of the thief and began to ‘‘cry aloud and 
spare not’’ for ‘‘ reform, reform !’’ just as if they were 
clean and desired the removal of the unclean. 

This nation is studying political economy now, and 
every man is something of a politician. However, this 
large.class of political laymen is industriously and 
uncomplainingly plodding along after its own busi- 
ness, seeking an honest livelihood. This class is com- 
posed of laboring men and farmers, and while they 
wield the hammer or drive the plow they are thinking. 
This backbone of the nation the professional dema- 
gogue approaches and offers treacle for his vote. His 
insecure position in office obliged him to offer all sorts 
of pretty promises and foolish rot, but the men he 


approached were ‘‘ posted,’’ had been ‘‘ reading the 
papers,’’ and his misrepresentations went in at one ear 
and out at the other. This pandering for votes dis- 
gusted the real nobility of this country, the toiling 
people, and though the office-seeker knelt down before 
them in humble petition for help and did all sorts of 
‘“‘ sharp practices,’’ it had little effect. His very course 
exposed him and made him known. He even went so 
far as to promise all manner of sops, and offer any law 
asked for, or everything the laborer might think of, 
and did all he could to dupe and bribe him, but his 
wily ways were known. ‘Though he made promises 
“Thick as autumnal leaves that strow the brooks in 
Vallombrosa "’ 

He could not win back the thinking man. These politi- 
cal laymen were too smart to be caught by any such 
old, musty chaff. 

Now, in simple truth, these men, these mud-sills of 
the social fabric, are the saviors of the country. Saviors 
from whom—from what? Of course, from the selfish- 
ness and greed of these unprincipled professional trick- 
sters. Let the laymen unite at the ballot-box, and 
there is no needed reform but may be secured, no 
redress but what may be obtained. Of course, if ideas 
—men—are elected to office foreign to a cause, noth- 
ing need be expected from them. The seed of political 
thistles have been scattered so far and wide over Uncle 
Sam’s domain that it seems hard to rid the earth of 
them. Weeds are about all that will grow in stony, 
bad soil. The laymen must fructify the soil with fer- 
tilizers, and incorruptible Cincinnatuses must till Uncle 
Sam’s farm. 

This looking to the government _for sole help, when 
unfriendly ideas are in control, is pure castle-building. 
It is time to have done with that illusive expectation. 
It is well to understand, in the first place, that no gov- 
ernment can make wheat or corn or money grow on 
trees or out of the soil. As long as we dispute about the 
kind of crop to be planted, while others hold the plow, 
we need hope for nothing. To the ballot! To the 
ballot, ye freemen ! 

Why do these corruptionists want their places and 
salaries so hard? For no good of ours, of course, but 
for their own selfish good. And it is not reasonable to 
expect them to legislate themselves out of office. They 
are milking the cows, don’t you see? And they are 
endeavoring to shape legislation in such a manner as to 
fix themselves more firmly in office. Who knows what 
laws they make? In the campaign they promise one 
thing, but in the halls of legislation they do another. 
Else why do they enact unjust gerrymanders and create 
laws to give themselves the right to prey upon the 
offices and fill them with their sons and cousins and 
cousins’ cousins? In truth, it is but a modern method 
of plunder and robbery, as distinguished from the 
ancient method of rapine and slaughter with the sword. 
The change in the manner of robbery makes it no less 
an evil, and it needs to be weeded out. Throw the 
Jonahs overboard, and let modernism and more of 
altruism prevail. 

The plea of special qualification by a long term of 


service may have a grain of truth in it, but it is simply 
an argument to blind or veil the real motive. Other 
men are just as smart by nature as they are, if only a 
chance is given them. Civil service would regulate 
that matter, and the plea of special service be without 
a leg to stand on. 

The idea of demanding special legislation, as is done 
by capitalists and others, is merely enforcing govern- 
ment alms, and is a crime for which there seems to be 
no fitting penalty. Old Draco is not in it with his 
penal code, when we contemplate this enfeebling and 
suicidal course. These self-dupes ought to know that 
what weakens the government and faith therein weak- 
ens them, and what strengthens the government—or 
the people—strengthens them. But you can’t teach 
an old dog new tricks, so there is no remedy but 

And the people are the government in America—or 
should be. The remedy lies solely with them. Will 
they administer it? If they don’t cure the evil when 
they cari do it, who is to blame for the state of affairs ? 
No specialist is required to determine the pathology of 
this morbid governmental condition. 

These evils it is plainly the duty of all political lay- 
men to root out by a determined and concentrated vote 
at the ballot-box. Will you do it? 

Gems from “Wealth Against Common- 
wealth,” by Henry K. Lloyd. 

Nature is rich; but everywhere man, the heir of 
nature, is poor. Never in this happy country or else- 
where—except in the Land of Miracle, where *‘ they 
did all eat and were filled ’’—has there been enough of 
anything for the people. 

The world, enriched by thousands of generations of 
toilers and thinkers, has reached a fertility which can 
give every human being a plenty undreamed of even 
in the Utopias. But between this plenty ripening on 
the boughs of our civilization and the people hungering 
for it step the ‘‘cornerers,’’ the syndicates, trusts, 
combinations, with the cry of ‘ over-production ’’— 
too much of everything. Holding back the riches of 
earth, sea and sky from their fellows, who famish and 
freeze in the dark, they declare to them that there is 
too much light and warmth and food. They assert 
the right, for their private profit, to regulate the con- 
sumption by the people of the necessaries of life and 
to control production, not by the needs of humanity, 
but by the desires of a few for dividends. The coal 
syndicate thinks there is too much coal. ‘There is too 
much iron, too much lumber, too much flour—for this 
or that syndicate. 

x * * 

Rome banished those who had been found to be 
public enemies by forbidding every one to give them 
fire and water. This was done by all to a few. In 
America it is done by a few to all. A small number 
of men are obtaining the power to forbid anyone but 
themselves to supply the people with fire in nearly 

every form known to modern life and industry, from 
matches to locomotives and electricity. They control 
our hard coal and much of the soft, and stoves, fur- 
naces and steam and hot water heaters; the governors 
on steam boilers and the boilers, gas and gas fixtures, 
natural gas and gas pipes, electric lighting and all the 
appurtenances. You cannot free yourself by changing 
from electricity to gas, or from the gas of the city to 
the gas of the fields. If you fly from kerosene to 
candles you are still under the ban. 
n * ” 

The majority have never been able to buy enough of 
anything; but this minority have too much of every- 
thing to sell. Liberty produces wealth and wealth 
destroys liberty. 

* * 

We are rapidly reaching the stage where in each 
province only a few are left; that is the key to our 
times. Beyond the deep is another deep. This era is 
but a passing phase in the evolution of industrial 
Ceesars, and these Czesars will be of a new type— 
corporate Czesars. 

* * x 

What we call monopoly is business at the end of its 
journey. The concentration of wealth, the wiping 
out of the middle classes, are other names for it. To 
get it is, in the world of affairs, the chief end of man. 

” A 

We are very poor. The striking feature of our 
economic condition is our poverty, not our wealth. 
We make ourselves ‘rich’? by appropriating the 
property of others by methods which lessen the prop 
erty of all. Spain took such riches from America and 
grew poor. Modern wealth more and more resembles 
the winnings of speculators in bread during famine— 
worse, for to make the money it makes the famine. 

” A” 

Believing wealth to be good, the people believed the 
wealthy to be good. 


The dream of the king who wished that all his peo- 
ple had but one neck, that he might decapitate them 
at one blow, is realized to-day in this industrial gar- 
rote. The syndicate has but to turn its screw and 
every neck begins to break. Prices paid to such inter- 
cepters are not an exchange of service; they are a 
ransom paid by the people for their lives. 

* * 

When Lamennais said ‘‘I love my family more than 
myself, my village more than my family, my country 
more than my village, and mankind more than my 
country,”’ he showed himself not only a good lover, 
but the only good arithmetician. 

7 ” 

Priests, voluptuaries, tyrants, knights, ascetics—in 
the long procession of fanatics a new-comer takes his 
place ; he is called ‘‘ the model merchant,” the cruel- 


est fanatic in history. He is the product of ages given 
to progressive devotion to ‘‘trading.’’ He is the high- 
priest of the latest idolatry, the self-worship of self- 
interest. Whirling dervish of the market, self, friends 
and family, body and soul, loves, hopes and faiths, all 
are sacrificed to seeing how many ‘‘turns’’ he can 
make before he drops dead. ‘Trade began, Sir Henry 
Sumner Maine tells us, not within the family or com- 
munity, but without. Its first appearances are on the 
neutral borderland between hostile tribes. There, in 
time of peace, they meet to trade, and think it no sin 
that ‘‘the buyer must beware,’’ since the buyer is an 
enemy. ‘Trade has spread thence, carrying with itself 
into the family and the state, the poison of enmity. 
From the fatherhood of the old patriarchal life, where 
father and brother sold each other nothing, the world 
has chaffered along to the anarchy of a “‘free’’ trade 
which sells everything. One thing after another has 
passed out from the regime of brotherhood and passed 
in under that of bargainhood. 

+ * 

If our civilization is destroyed, as Macauley pre- 
dicted, it will not be by the barbarians from below. 
Our barbarians come from above. Our great money- 
makers have sprung, in one generation, into seats of 
power kings do not know. 

* ® 

They claim a power without control, exercised 
through forms which make it secret, anonymous and 
perpetual. The possibilities of its gratification have 
been widening before them without interruption since 
they began, and even at a thousand millions they will 
feel no satiation and will see no place to stop. 

* * 

A fury of rule or ruin has always, in the history of 
human affairs, been a characteristic of the ‘strong 
men’’ whose fate it is to be in at the death of an 
expiring principle. The leaders who, two hundred 
years ago, would have been crazy with conquest, to-day 
are crazy with competition. To a dying era some man 
is always born to enfranchise it by revealing it to 
itself. Men repay such benefactors by turning to rend 

them. * * 

Poor thinking means poor doing. In casting about 
for the cause of our industrial evils, public opinion has 
successively found it in ‘‘competition,’’ ‘‘combina- 
tion,’’ the ‘‘corporations,’’ ‘‘conspiracies,’’ ‘‘trusts.’’ 
But competition has ended in combination, and our 
new wealth takes, as it chooses, the form of corpora- 
tion, or trust, or corporation again, and with every 
change grows greater and worse. Under these kalei- 
doscopic masks we begin at last to see progressing to 
its terminus a steady consolidation, the end of which 
is one-man power. 

% * 

It is not a verbal accident that science is the sub- 
stance of the word conscience. We must know the 
right before we can do the right. When it comes to 
know the facts the human heart can no more endure 

monopoly than American slavery or Roman Empire. 
The first step to a remedy is that the people care. If 
they know they will care. To help them to know and 
care, to stimulate new hatred of evil, new love of the 
good, new sympathy for the victims of power, and by 
enlarging its science to quicken the old into a new 
conscience, this compilation of fact has been made. 

Democracy is nota lie. There live in the body of 
the commonalty the unexhausted virtue and the ever- 
freshening strength which can rise equal to any 
problems of progress. - 


Can we forestall ruin with reform? If we wait to be 
forced by events, we shall be astonished to find out 
how much more radical they are than our Utopias. 

* * 

Generals were, merchants are, brothers will be, 
humanity’s representative men. 

* * 

The possibility of regulation isadream. As long as 
the control of the necessaries of life and this wealth 
remain private with individuals, it is they who will 
regulate and not we. The policy of regulation, dis- 
guise it as we may, is but moving to a compromise and 
equilibrium within the evil all complain of. It is to 
accept the principle of sovereignty of the self-interest 
of the individual and apply constitutional checks to 
it. The unprogressive nations palter in this method 
with monarchy. But the wits of America are equal to 
seeing that, as with kingship and slavery, so with 
poverty—the weeding must be done at the roots. 

* * 

In nothing has liberty justified itself more thor- 
oughly than in the resolute determination spreading 
among the American people to add industrial to 
political independence. | fs 

At the beginning of this new Gemocratic life among 
the nations it was understood that to be safe liberty 
must be complete on its industrial side as well as on its 
political and religioussides. ‘‘ Give a man power over 
my subsistence,’’ said Alexander Hamilton, ‘‘and he 
has power over the whole of my moral being.’’ To 
submit to such power gives only the alternative of 
death or degradation. 

* x 

‘“No private use of public powers’’ is but a 
threshold truth. The universe, says Emerson, is the 
property of every creature in it. 

* * 

‘Every man nowadays," says Emerson, ‘‘ carries a 
revolution in his vest pocket.”” The book which sells 
more copies than any other of our day abroad and at 
home, debated by all down to the bootblacks as they 
sit on the curbstones, is one calling men to draw from 
their success in insuring each other some of the 
necessaries of life, the courage to move onto insure 
each other all the necessaries of life, bidding them 
abandon the self-defeating anarchy which puts rail- 


road wreckers at the head of railroads and famine- 
producers at the head of production, and inspiring 
them to share the common toil and the fruits of the 
toil under the ideals which make men Washingtons 

and Lincolns. * . * 

Our civilization is builded on competition, and com- 
petition evolves itself into crime. 

The Bond Deal. 

The truth is out at last of the famous bond transaction, 
and we learn that the government is out nearly eleven 
million dollars by the transaction. One-half the total 
amount of the bonds was sold in Europe, and the other 
half, $31,157,500, was sold at home. As the Belmont- 
Morgan syndicate, who manoeuvered the scheme, paid 
the government a premium of 4.49 per cent, the latter 
received $32,556,471. ‘The syndicate sold the bonds at 
a premium of 12.5 per cent, which gave it a profit of 
$2,495,716. The bonds finally sold at 122.5, making a 
further profit of $3,115,750 for somebody, and the 
price of half the securities $38,167,936. As the treas- 
ury received $32,556,471, the government lost $5,411,465 
on half the bonds. Estimating the loss on the foreign 
half as the same, we have a total loss of $10,822,930. 
Thus it cost $10,822,930 to get $65,112,942, or 16% per 
éent interest for eight months. The contract with 
the syndicate expired October 1, and the bonds will 
continue to draw interest. 

Mistakes of Capital. 

Employers of labor who discharge employes because 
the latter had joined a union of their trade or calling, 
and seeks to still further punish and victimize such 
discharged employes by a resort to the nefarious sys- 
tem of black-listing, always fail in the attempt to 
gratify their desires to kill unionism or crush the 
spirit which prompts it among laboring men. 

History demonstrates that the martyrdom of men 
engaged in advocating or defending any good cause, 
instead of impeding or crushing out that cause gives 
to it an impetus and strength it would not otherwise 
have had. The cause of labor is a good cause, and 
many good men have been martyred for their fealty to 
its interests, but regardless of punishment and abuse 
the cause holds its own and even makes progress, and 
for every martyred advocate and defender of the past 
there are thousands of loyal men in their place battling 
for the cause for which they suffered. 

As long as labor is wronged it will find men strug- 
gling to correct the wrong. 

Official Notice. 

Amaaten mee nage oe | or LABOR, f 
Indianapolis, Ind., Sept. 30, 1895. 
To Affiliated Unions: 

The United Garment Workers of America are engaged 
in a struggle with the sweating system. They have 
gained victories so far in New York, Boston, Brooklyn, 
Newark and Baltimore. ‘The battle is now on in 
Rochester, N. Y., and here they are antagonized by a 
combine known as the Rochester Clothiers’ Exchange, 

This monopoly has determined that no union of work- 
men shall exist in that city, and the question is now 
before us all—whether men shall organize to fight for 
living conditions against the notorious and degrading 
sweating system or not. 

You are, therefore, requested to appoint committees 
to visit the retail clothiers in your respective cities, 
notifying them of the action of the Rochester cloth- 
iers and your wishes in the premises. 

Hoping this will receive prompt and earnest action, 
I am, Fraternally, 

President American Federation of Labor. 

Tree of Biblical Knowledge. 
Bible con- 
tains 3,566,697 
letters, 810,697 words, 
31,175 verses, 1,189 chapters, 
longest chapter is the r1igth 
Psalm; the shortest and middle 
chapter is the 8th of the 118th 
Psalm. The longest name is in the 8th 
chapter of Isaiah. The word “and’’ occurs 
46,627 times. The 37th chapter of Isaiah and 
the 19th chapter of the 2d Book of Kings are alike. 
The longest verse is the 9th of the 8th chapter of 
Esther; the shortest the 35th of the 11th chapter of 
John. ‘The 21st verse of the 7th chapter of Ezra is 
the only one of the entire collection which contains 
every letter in the alphabet. The word Lord or its 
equivalent, ‘‘ Jehovah,’’ occurs 7,698 times in the 
Old Testament, or, to be more exact, the word 
Lord occurs 1,853 times, and the word Jehovah 
5,845 times. The word ‘‘God’’ doesn’t occur 
in the Book of Esther, but there is 

“By Injunction.” 
Is there a law for the master and one for the man? 
Is the crime of the lion the crime of the lamb? 
Are our rights so respected, can anyone say 
Just where an injunction will land us some day? 

Are our courts so polluted that they will deny 
To anyone justice? Or is it a lie 

- That men are condemned without twelve of their kind 
The cord of the law to loosen or bind? 

Do the silken-gowned judges deny man his right 
To trial by a jury, or has such a blight 

Betallen the people—just this let me ask? 

Or has Satan broke loose with a judicial mask? 

Oh! shame-on such fallacies which we are compelled 
To accept as the law ; though justice expeMed 

From her home in the courts is idle and sighs, 

But some day the bandage will fall from her eyes. 

Let this be their warning, these men of the law ; 

Events may yet happen which they never saw, 

For men who are freemen will more closely band, 

And they are all-powerful when united they stand. 
—Jesse K, Miser, 


American Federationist 


Indianapolis, Indiana. 

Correspondents will please write on one side of the paper only, 
and address all editorial matter to 
Joun McBripe, Editor, 
De Soto Block, Indianapolis, Ind. 

All communications relating to finances and subscriptions 
should be addressed to 
AuG. MCCRAITH, Secretary, 
De Soto Block, Indianapolis, Ind. 

Matter for publication in the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 
must be in this office by the 15th of the month previous to issue. 

The publisher reserves t!.e right to reject or revoke advertis- 
ing contracts at any time. 

Entered at Indianapolis, Ind., post-office as second-class matter 

Labor and reform papers are respectfully requested to ex- 

Per Annum, 50 Cents. 

Single Copy, 5 Cents. 

JOHN MCBRIDE, President. 
P. J. MCGUIRE, First Vice-President. 
JAMES DUNCAN, Second Vice-President. 
RHODY KENEHAN, Third Vice-President. 
THOS. J. ELDERKIN, Fourth Vice-President 
JOHN B. LENNON, Treasurer. 
AUG, McCRAITH, Secretary. 


OCTOBER, 1895. 

No. 8. 

Vou. II. 


An editorial in our July issue assigned rea- 
sons showing why the Executive Council of 
the A. F. of L. refused to place a boycott upon 
the breweries of Allegheny county, Pennsyl- 

Since that time, and before, several central 
labor unions passed resolutions censuring the 
Executive Council for its refusal to do what 
the officials of the National Union of United 
Brewery Workers wanted done. Some of the 
central labor unions, like the officers of the 
United Brewery Workers, resorted to lan- 
guage more forcible than polite, and altogether 
unwarranted, in protesting against the Council’s 

The American Federation of Labor has 
charged its Executive Council with the respon- 
sible duty of passing upon the merits of boy- 
cotts placed by affiliated organizations before 
giving them the endorsement of the A. F. of L, 

In discharging this duty the Council mem- 
bers are not guided by sentiment, but by the 
evidence in each case. 

It is possible that the Council may err at 
times, but if so the error should be credited to 
misinformation and not to malevolence. 

The following correspondence clearly proves 
that the Executive Council was justified in not 
placing a boycott upon the breweries of Alle- 
gheny county, Pennsylvania: 

INDIANAPOLIS, IND., Aug. 9, 1895. 
Mr. Cal Wyatt, Secretary United Labor League, Pitts- 
burgh, Pa.: 

My Dear Sir—Some time ago the National Union of 
Brewery Workers asked the Executive Council of the 
A. F. of I. to place a boycott upon sixteen out of 
seventeen breweries in Allegheny county, Pennsyl- 
vania. The Council did not believe the facts pre- 
sented for their consideration warranted such action 
on their part and refused to levy the boycott. 

The officials of the Brewery Workmen’s Union 
declare that we haye done them an injustice by said 

Being on the ground, your membership has a better 
opportunity of knowing whether or not your brew- 
eries should be classed as ‘‘fair’’ or ‘‘scab’’ breweries. 

If ‘‘fair,’’ they are entitled to recognition; and if 
‘‘scab,’’ they should be so declared by organized labor 
of Western Pennsylvania. 

The organized wage-workers of Western Pennsy]l- 
vania have always been loyal to the cause of labor, 
and in this case the cause of labor demands that your 
organization should decide and report as to the fair or 
unfair status of your home breweries. If they are 
‘‘scab’’ breweries their products should be boycotted; 
if ‘‘fair,’’ their trade should not be hampered or inter- 
fered with by false or misleading statements. 

The Executive Council of the A. F. of I. has no axe 
to grind in this matter, and does not call upon you to act 
simply as a means of endorsing their position as against 
that of the Brewery Workmen’s National Union. We 
have acted as we thought best. We may or may not 
be right. We want to know the truth and do what 
we can to support it and the cause of labor. 

We ask, in justice to yourselves, the brewers, the 
brewery workmen and our Executive Council, as well 
as the cause of labor, that you take this matter up and 
in a friendly, business manner investigate and deter- 
mine whether laboring men shall hereafter treat the 
Allegheny county breweries as ‘‘fair’’ or ‘‘scab’’ brew- 
eries. Fraternally yours, 

President A. F. of L. 

PITTSBURGH, PA., Sept. 17, 1895. ) 
Mr. John McBride, President of the A, F. of L., Indian- 
apolis, Ind. : 

Dear Sir—Your inquiry of August 9 came duly to 
hand, but I have been unable to authoritatively answer 
the same until the present time. I laid the inquiry 
before the League at the meeting of September I. 
Owing to the long pending dispute which the brewery 
workers of this vicinity have indulged in, the League 
deemed it advisable to make a thorough investigation. 





Your communication was referred to the Executive 
Board with instructions to invite all interested parties 
to be present at its meeting. Representatives of both 
the K. of L. and the Brewery Workmen’s Union were 
present and made full and exhaustive statements to 
the Board. _ i 

Following is the Executive Board’s report on the 

inquiry propounded : 
SEPTEMBER 9, 1895. 
To the Officers and Members of the United Labor League of 
Western Pennsylvania: 

Your Execytive Board, in accordance with your request, met 
on the above date and made a Gonam investigation of the 
brewery workers’ difficulty. We find, after hearing both sides, 
that there are sixteen union breweries in Allegheny county, 
fifteen of which are controlled by the I. O. K. of L. and one by 
the National Brewery Workers’ Union. 

A. F. of L., President Executive Board. 
Brotherhood Painters and Decorators, Secretary. 
Joun T. McCoy, 
Typographical Union, No. 7. 
Pattern Makers’ National League. 
L. A. 300, Window Glass Workers. 
Cigarmakers, K. of L. 
Teamsters, 1.0. K. of L. 

At the regular meeting of the League on Sunday 
evening, September 15, the above report was presented 
and approved, and I was ordered to forward the same 
to you. — 

You will observe by the above report that the 
League declares that at the present time there is not a 
single ‘‘scab’’ brewery in Allegheny county. 

Fraternally yours, 
Recording Secretary. 

The United Labor League of Western Penn- 
sylvania, with headquarters at Pittsburgh, is 
one of the largest and strongest central labor 
organizations in the conntry. It is not affili- 
ated with the A. F. of L., but many of its 
locals belong to the A. F. of L. through their 

national and international unions. 


Former readers of the Staxdard, published 
by Henry George in 1886-7, in New York, 
will remember a number of bright, short stories 
from the pen of ‘‘Hudore Genone,’’ who later 
contributed to Hugh O. Pentecost’s Twentieth 
Century. ‘‘In Tenement Tales of New York,’’ 
recently issued, they will be agreeably surprised 
to recognize their old favorite in the person of 
J. W. Sullivan, who represented the New York 
State Federation at the Denver convention. Mr. 
Sullivan has succeeded in embracing almost ail 
phases of human character, in which he shows 
himself an adept student, in the small volume. 
“True to life,’’ everyone will say arising from 
its perusal. In ‘‘Cohen’s Figure’ anger, shame, 
sorrow, are experienced that such tragedies 
should come to pass in our midst, and yet no 
one can doubt its daily truthfulness. ‘‘A Young 
Desperado’’ shows vividly, illustrating street 
Arab life, how character is but the whim of cir- 
cumstance, and is made for good or evil by its 
environments. ‘‘Not Vet,’’ a sketch of the 
sweater’s den, sends the blood hotly coursing. 

‘*Threw Himself Away’’ hits hard the shallow- 
ness and snobbery of the elite, so-called, while 
‘‘Leather’s Banishment’’ makes the profes- 
sional charity dispenser—a penny’s worth of 
bread with\a pound of advice—absurd. There 
are other stories of similar merit, all pointing 
an object lesson in no uncertain words, and yet 
touching the burning problem in such a way 
that makes the subject deeply interesting as 
well as instructive. 

It is a good book with which to gain recruits 
where ordinary teaching fails. ‘The price is 
seventy-five cents, and it is sold by Holt & Co., 
29 West Twenty-third street, New York City. 


Good reading matter always appears in the 
Typographical Fournal, but something excep- 
tionally good, in the form of a statistical table, 
was given to its readers in the issue of August 15. 

The statistical table referred to gives the 
number and character of type-setting machines 
used by the unions reporting; the number of 
union and non-union operators of machines; 
the price of hand and machine composition per 
1,000 ems per hour and per week, for both day 
and night work, together with the hours of 
labor per day and per week, 

The total number of machines reported was 
2,195, and of machine operators 2,868. The 
machine operators, with the exception of 393, 
were members of the International Typograph- 
ical Union. 

The Yournal says of type-setting machine 

We have all experienced a feeling akin to grief on 
hearing of and seeing the number of men being dis- 
placed by machines, but have seldom stopped to inquire 
what the result would have been was it not for the 
wholesome restraint our organization was able to _ 
on the natural cupidity of men, especially highly 
developed in those engaged in business. We find that 
there is but a trio of unions working sixty hours per 
week on machines, while 125 make forty-eight hours 
or less a week’s work, thirteen of these reducing the 
number to forty-two, and two have actually achieved 
the ultra respectable figure of six per day. Seven 
unions could not do better than obtain a nine-hour day. 

Of hand labor it says: 

A glance at the hours for hand composition is also 
of interest, and will perhaps be surprising to those who 
are fond of asserting that book and job men are con- 
tent to work ten hours per day. Seventy of the 309 
unions reporting insist on fifty-four hours or less con- 
stituting a week’s work, and nineteen of these are in 
the eight-hour day column. Fifty-nine hours entitle 
members to draw a week’s vay in 133 jurisdictions, 
and in fifty-six another hour is necessary. 

The great object lesson taught to printers, 
and to all wage-workers, by the statistical table 
and the deductions made therefrom, is alike 
instructive and encouraging. It clearly dem- 
onstrates that while the introduction and use 
of type-setting machines was displacing hand 


labor, the solidarity and power of the Typo- 
graphical Union not only succeeded in main- 
taining the standard of wages, but by reducing 
the hours of labor per day, both for machine 
and hand workers, they furnished employment 
for more workers and lessened the toil of the 
employed. In this way the International Typo- 
graphical Union has evidenced the force of 
organized effort, when properly directed, to 
make machinery benefit rather than injure pro- 
ductive and constructive labor. ‘The work day 
of labor should be shortened as rapidly and as 
far as the productive power of labor is aug- 
mented by invention and machinery. 

Another valuable feature of the statistical 
table referred to is that which informs and 
educates the members of the union as to the 
status of craft conditions in all sections of 
the country. This knowledge not only makes 
union men broader and more liberal-minded, 
but it gives confidence, and confidence based 
upon knowledge so equips officers and members 
of a union that they are enabled to do the 
right thing at the right time, and in a manner 
calculated to win and maintain public approval. 

The lack of statistical data bearing upon 
trade conditions is one of the principal weak- 
nesses of our trade unions and their officials, 
while usually it constitutes the foundation of 
employers’ opposition arguments, and is chiefly 
relied upon to turn public sentiment in their 
favor and against labor. 

The statistical table compiled by the Typo- 
graphical Union may not be perfect, and con- 
sidering that it is their first attempt made in 
that line, it would be miraculous if it were, but 
it is sufficiently so to warrant the time and 
money expended upon its compilation. 

The Typographical Union is to be compli- 
mented upon this departure from old methods, 
and all of our affiliated bodies would do well to 
follow in their wake. 


‘* Liberty cannot long endure in a country where the 
tendency is to concentrate wealth in the hands of the 
few.’’—Daniel Webster. 

If Webster was right, and the history of Per- 
sia, Egypt, Greece, Babylon and Rome indicates 
that he was, the following figures, taken from 
the census reports of the United States, should 
be a warning to the people of this country: 

The wealth of . ‘ | 
Year. the nation | by gg | Non-produc- 

netted. | Share. ers’ Share. 
ee $ 8,000,co0o,000 | 62% percent. 37% per cent. 
1860. . - 16,000,000,000 | 434% “ * —- 
ees) Ss ot | 30,600,000,00 | 32% “ * 674% “ 
eis 6 4.8 48,000,000,000 | 24 “o © = «* 
1890 . ‘on 61,000,‘ 00,000 17 ” ” 83 

These figures show that prior to the war of 

the rebellion, when corporations and capital- 
istic syndicates were unknown, the workers 
owned 62% and the non-producers only 37% 
per cent of our country’s wealth, but since the 
war an era of corporation rule has been allowed, 
and as a result the census of 1890 credits to the 
workers only 17 per cent and gives the non- 
producers 83 per cent of our entire wealth. In 
a period of forty years capital has gained and 
labor lost 454 per cent of the wealth of the 
United States. 

Had labor and capital in 1890 held the same 
relative position they did in 1850, the work- 
ers would have owned $38, 125,000,000 and the 
non-producers $22,875,000,000, but owing to 
the change in the ratio of distribution the 
non-producers in 1890 owned $50,630,000,000, 
while the workers only owned $10, 370,000,000, 
Thus, in forty years time, by reason of gov- 
ernmental favoritism to capital and the indiffer- 
ence and neglect of wage-workers to the system 
of robbery practiced, capital gained and labor 
lost $27,755,000,000 out of the country’s total 
wealth of $61,000,000,000. Labor has paid 
dearly for its folly when measured by its loss in 
dollars and cents, but when the curtailment of 
personal liberty and the failure to secure a fair 
share of the benefits accruing from invention 
are considered, the actual loss which labor has 
suffered is inestimable. 

The rapid strides made by this country 
within forty years toward enriching the few 
and impoverishing the many might easily be 
judged by the surface indications which are 
everywhere visible. 

Great Britain, the home of land and money 
aristocracy, according to Mulhall, has only one 
millionaire to every 9,719 families, whereas the 
United States in 1890, according to George K. 
Holmes, of the census department, had one 
millionaire for every 3,460 families. It is evi- 
dent that Great Britain is ‘‘not in it’’ with the 
United States when it comes to making mill- 
ionaires. We may not have too many million- 
aires, but we have too many paupers. We may 
not have too many palaces, but we have too 
many hovels. The making of millionaires 
would not be felt so keenly were it not that the 
masses were hungry, naked and comfortless 
because of the process by which millionaires 
were and are made. 

Capitalism, pauperism and crime go hand in 
hand, and the history of the world evidences 
the fact that wherever the former increases the 
two latter spread and flourish. 

In the last thirty or forty years the force of 
aggregated and concentrated wealth, aided by 
labor-displacing machinery, has kept hundreds 
of thousands of honest, earnest wage-workers 
in almost continual idleness, and as a result 


millions of men, women and children have been 
made tramps, harlots and mendicants. 

That capitalism and pauperism have increased 
at an alarming rate during late years is too 
apparent to admit of dispute, and the following 
figures, taken from United States census reports, 
show that their fellow-evil, crime, has more 
than held its own in the race. 


» : : Ratio of 
Year. Prisoners. | Population. 
| | 
a ~C * j 
ae ee ee eT 6,737 | 1 out of 3,448 
1860 . 16,086 | 1 out of 1,647 
DP étcstee edie ees sad ss 32,901 1 out of 1,171 
OE ee ee ee 58, 1outof 855 
ES ae ee 82,320 routof 757 

Such statistics are not creditable either to 
free government or to a supposedly Christian 
civilization like ours. 

, The value of labor’s production, per employe 
per year, in the manufacturing establishments 
of the various countries, according to Carroll 
D. Wright, was as follows: 

United States, $1,888; Great Britain, $790; France, 
$545; Germany, $545; Russia, $381; Austria, $409; 
saa’ $265; Spain, $364; Belgium, $545; Switzerland, 


The amount paid in wages per employe was: 

First, United States, $347; second, Great Britain, 
$204; third, France, $175; fourth, Belgium, $165; fifth, 
Germany, $155; sixth, Austria, $150; seventh, Switzer- 
land, $150; eighth, Italy, $130; ninth, Spain, $120; 
tenth, Russia, $120. 

By noting the amount paid in wages it will 
be seen that labor in the United States receives 
a larger sum in dollars and cents than is paid 
in other countries, but by comparing the value 
of product and wages paid per employe, it will 
be observed that our workers receive less of 
their actual earnings than is paid to labor in 
the other countries named. 

The percentage of wages paid to labor, out 
of its actual production, in each country is as 

United States, 17.8; Great Britain, 25.5; Belgium, 
25.5; Germany, 28.4; France, 32.1; Russia, 31.2; Spain, 
32.6; Switzerland, 34.6; Austria, 36.6, and Italy, .49. 

The employers received the following per- 
centage of labor’s product: 

In the United States, 82.2; Belgium, 74.5; Great 
Britain, 72.2; Germany, 71.6; France, 67.9; Russia, 
68.8; Spain, 67.4; Switzerland, 65.4; Austria, 63.4; 
Italy, 51. 

These figures clearly demonstrate that our 
capital is the best rewarded and our labor the 
poorest paid, according to the value of its pro- 
duction, of any employing capital and em- 
ployed labor in the civilized world. 

Noah Webster, over a century ago, said: 

“An equal distribution of property is the foundation 
of the republic.” 

It is time the foundation was commenced. 

The people must own and operate natural 
monopolies. The railroads, telephones, tele- 
graphs and mines should be nationalized. 
Municipalities must own and operate street 
railways, gas, water and electric plants. 

The future welfare of the country demands 
that the power of the government be expanded 
as rapidly and as far as the good sense of an 
intelligent people and the teachings of experi- 
ence shall justify, along the line of collective 
ownership, by the people, of all such means of 
production and distribution as the people may 
elect from time to time to operate. 

Vox populi, vox Dei! 


An agreement was made in August, between 
the officers of the United Mine Workers organ- 
ization and the coal operators of the Pittsburgh, 
Pa., district, which provided for an advance of 
9 cents per ton in miners’ wages, to take effect 
on October 1. 

At the time of making the agreement, min- 
ers who were unacquainted with the conditions 
surrounding the Pittsburgh district denounced 
the officials for making a settlement on such 
terms, and openly declared that the advance 
would not be paid. 

The result proves the officials to have been 
right. ‘The Pittsburgh operators have paid the 
advance agreed upon, and now the Ohio and 
other fields within the competitive district will 
pay a similar advance and a hundred thousand 
mine-workers will be benefitted thereby. 

The settlement not only secured an advance 
on October 1, but secured it without friction with 
operators, and in such a manner as to prac- 
tically insure the adjustment of future wage 
disputes by joint conventions of miners and 

The fulfillment of the agreement terms will 
most likely lead to an early joint convention to 
agree upon prices to be paid during the next 
scale year, and, judging from the sentiment 
expressed by a number of leading operators, it 
is safe to say that mining rates will be still fur- 
ther advanced by the convention. 

The coal miners have had a hard time of it 
during the past three years, and it is to be 
hoped that the advance in wages made on 
October 1 will make a turning point in mining 
affairs that will bring both improved conditions 
of labor and better pay for labor performed. 

TuHIs magazine is published in your interest, 
is owned. and controlled by you. It voices 
labor’s side of every question. All members 
should endeavor to increase its circulation. 



To those of us who have been in the union harness from 
boyhood up, the situation is encouraging. To organize 
is now looked upon as the regular, the customary thing 
to do in all fields of labor. It is popular in the advanced 
thought of the day. And employers themselves, 
while they often resist, do not question the right of 
workingmen to combine and get what they can. There 
has been a decided change of thought during the past 
ten years, in almost all circles, on the subject. We can 
well remember the time when we were told there was 
no labor question, no necessity of labor unions, the 
workingman was happy, prosperous, contented, and 
these agitators and walking delegates ought to be 
summarily dealt with. Every daily newspaper, almost, 
in the land was arrayed against them, who told us the 
idea was foreign, an importation; but the trade unions 
stayed on just the same, slowly, gradually creeping, 
meeting to-day, breaking up to-morrow, meeting again 
stronger than ever, so that now the crop of agitators 
grows larger every year, and we meet them in unex- 
pected places. The change in public sentiment is 
remarkable. It has come in spite of press, pulpit and 
state, so that the labor movement is now respectable, 
and he who is not able to intelligently discuss the prin- 
ciples involved is a back number in educated circles. 


Ir the labor unions done nothing else than call 
attention to the misery that abounds, their existence 
would be justifiable; but they have done more, they 
have not only called attention to the effects, they have 
shown the causes. They have done more still; they 
have produced remedies, upon the merits and demerits 
of which professors, editors and ministers now discuss 
and advocate. Labor unions have produced thinkers 
and educators from out their own ranks, and have 
drawn, also, students and teachers from the wealthy 
and professional. And more yet; while doing this, 
they have bettered the condition of thousands of fam- 
ilies, by securing higher wages, shorter hours and 
greater independence, individually and collectively. 
The result is something to be proud of. The carpen- 
ter, the printer, cigarmaker, clerk, mason, shoemaker, 
tailor, working long hourson short rations, have stepped 
boldly to the front and worked revolution in American 
thought. It is a fact, beyond cavil. A few short years 
ago, the only important issue in political campaigns 
was the war relic and office spoils. The great unrest 
among the working people, the strikes and lockouts, 
directed the thought, of the politician to other chan- 
nels. The discussion included new elements, and a 
change was had in parties. The bloody shirt was 
dropped, and a national debate on tariff ensued. But 
this was not satisfactory. The mere displacement of 
labor from one country to another, and the increased 
cost of production involved by artificial growth, could 
not settle the problem. Free trade in products, while 
being correct, could not avail while monopoly in pro- 
duction remained. And so it proved. The attempt in 
that direction afforded no relief. Then the mind of 
the politician traveled off on to the financial question, 
and the debate waxes merrily. But there will be no 
lasting relief here either, The next presidential cam- 

paign will be fought out on a hybrid combination of 
protective tariff and free silver, and the best that we 
will get out of it will be the education that is now 
going on, and that will ensue. Anything that will 
remove restrictions from production, whether it be in 
transportation or exchange, is good, is in the line of 
freedom, and while believing in free transportation of 
products, known as free trade, and in enlarged facil- 
ities of exchange, known as free silver, neither one 
nor both will afford adequate relief. Because of this 
plain fact: there can be no relief in facilitating ex- 
change of products, while the product itself, or the 
means to produce it, is monopolized. 

And so after all this debate on side issues, changing 

‘of coats and parties, the politician will find that the 

labor question is still unsettled and the trade union is 
still here, and greater than ever. What then? If the 
trade unionist will not go to the politician, the politi- 
cian must come to the trade unionist. And that means 
that the next issue will be the labor question, based 
upon fundamental rights, the right to work and the 
full product thereof. 


WHEN Charles Dickens visited this country he later 
wrote that what impressed him most was the entire 
absence of beggars. What would he say were he alive 

It is this change in industrial conditions that the 
upper classes, so called, were loth to realize. It took 
a long time to disabuse their minds of the belief that 
men in this free country actually could not secure 
employment and often went hungry through no fault 
of their own. They clung to the Dickens view. They 
were not aware that conditions were changing, had 
changed. ‘They could not realize the great difference 
that existed in the early history of this country, when 
land and natural resources were free to all, with that 
of the present time when all the doors are closed. And 
when they did they sought false laws, protection and 
restriction on immigration. But protection has failed, 
and we know that were immigration entirely restricted 
it would afford no relief. It was here that labor came 
in with its new political economy and taught that there 
could be no relief until the bars were thrown down 
and labor given a chance to employ itself. Such is 
the idea which is rapidly gaining ground. Whether 
it will be successful or not remains to be seen. We 
may be sure that those who hold the key will fight 
hard before unlocking the door. Certain it is that 
nothing can or will be accomplished unless the dis- 
possessed wake up, take hold, and demand that all be 
given an equal opportunity to life and liberty, as laid 
down in the constitution of the United States. 


ORGANIZATION, agitation, education is the watch 
word; work on this line, hard work for ourselves and 
families. It is not only right, it is a duty which we 
owe to those women and children who are unable to 
help themselves, because of the burden which man 
has laid upon them, and in order to place ourselves 
in a proper position to carry on the work we must 
have fair wages and short hours. Without time to 
work and study we can do nothing. M. 



. 7S SS =. Vy 


1. Compulsory education. 
2. Direct legislation, through the initiative and the referen- 

3. A legal work day of not more than eight hours. 

4. Sanitary inspection of workshop, mine and home. 

5. Liability of employers for injury to health, body or life. 

6. The abolition of contract system in all public work. 

7. The abolition of the sweating system. 

8. The municipal ownership of street cars, water works 
and gas and electric plants for public distribution of light, heat 
and power. 

g. The nationalization of telegraphs, telephones, railroads 
and mines. 

to, The abolition of the monopoly system of land holding, 
and substituting therefor a title of occupancy and use only. 

11, Repeal all conspiracy and penal laws, affecting seamen 
and other workmen, incorporated in the federal and State laws 
of the United States. 

12. Theabolition of the monopoly privilege of issuing money 
and substituting therefor a system of direct issuance to and by 
the people. 

Our Fair List. 

Secretaries will confer a favor by sending in addi- 
tional names. 
By Martin Fox, President of Iron Molders Union of N. A. 

Michigan — Detroit— Michigan Stove Works, Detroit Stove 
Works, Peninsular Stove Works, Art Stove Co. 

Illinois—Chicago—Cribben & Sexton, Home Foundry Co, 
ey — at & Nance Stove Co., Gem City Stove Co., 

hannon-Emery Stove Co., Comstock-Castle Stove Co., Ex- 
celsior Stove Co., White Ths. Stove Co. Peoria — Culter- 
Proctor Stove Co. Joliet—Joliet Stove Works. 

Indiana—Southern Stove Works, Evansville. 

Kentucky—Fisher-Leaf Co., Louisville. 

New York—Troy—Burdett-Smith & Co., Bussey-McLeod Co., 
Fuller-Warren Co., Paris, D. E. & Co, Utica—Carton Fur- 
nace Co. Albany—Littlefield Stove Co., Perry & Co., Rath- 
bone, Sard & Co, Geneva—Phillips & Clark Stove Co. New 
York City—Richardson & Boynton Furnace Co., Jackson 
& Cornell Architectural Iron Works, Worthington Pump 

Ohio—Dayton—Boyer & McMaster’s Gem City Stove Works. 
Salem—Boyle ~ Carey, Buckeye Engine Co., Victor Stove 
Co, Cleveland —Co-cperative Stove Co. Piqua— Favorite 
Stove Co. Painesville —Géauga Stove Co. Portsmouth — 
Ohio Stove Co. Cincinnati—Resor, William & Co., Hoping- 
hoff & Lane, Architectural Iron Works. 

Pennsylvania—Allegheny—Anshutz, Bradberry & Co., Dehaven 
&Co. Pittsburgh—Bradley, A. & Co., Bissell & Co., Crea 
Graham & Co Rogers’ Ford—Buckwalter Stove Co., Floy¢ 
Wells & Co., Grander & Co. Sharon—Graff & Co. Beaver 
Falls— Howard Stove Co. Leighton— Lehigh Stove and 
Manufacturing Co. Rochester—Olive Stove Works. Read- 
ing—Orr, Painter & Co. Pittston—Pittston Stove Co. Phil- 
adelphia—Thomas Robertson Stevonsen. 

Rhode Island—Spicer & Peckham, Providence. 

West Virginia—Fisker Stove Co., Wheeling. 

nsin—Brand Stove Co., Milwaukee. 
Missouri—Baldwin Stove Co., Springfield. 

By Chas. F, Reichers, Sec'y United Garment Workers of America, 

Boston, Mass.— Davis, Hopkins & Bates, 88 Summer street; 
White Bros., 13 Chauncey street; Sink, Stone & Co., 94 
Arch street. 

Baltimore, Md.—Burke, Fried & Co., Centre Market space. 

g°, Ill_—Kahn, Schoenbrun & Co., Adams and Market 

New York—B, Stern & Sons, 458-460 Grand street; Cane, McCaf- 
frey & Co,, 686 Broadway. 


Overalls, jackets, nts, etc.— Sweet, Orr & Co., New York, 
Newburgh, N. Y., and Chicago, Ill. Hamilton, Carhart & 
Co., Detroit, Mich. H. S. Peters, (brotherhood overalls), 
Dover, N. J. —— 

By &. Lewis Evans, Sec'y of Tobacco Workers National Union, 

St. Louis, Mo.—Liggett & Meyers Tobacco Co., Drummond 
Tobacco Co., Christian Peper, Jas. G. Butler Tobacco Co., 
Brown Tobacco Co. 

Wheeling, W. Va.—Bloch Bros. Tobacco Co. 

Richmond, Va.—The*Edel Tobacco Co. 

Louisville, Ky.— Hall & Williams Tobacco Co.; Harry Weis- 
singer Tobacco Co. omnes 


By Chas. F. Bechtold, Sec'y of United Brewery Workmen. 

St. Louis, Mo.—Anheuser-Busch Brewing Association, Wm. J. 
Lemp Brewing Co. 

Milwaukee, Wis.—Valt. Blatz Brewing Co., Pabst Brewing Co., 
Schlitz Brewing Co. 

Cincinnati, O.—Christian-Moerlein Brewing Co., John Hauk 
Brewing Co., Windisch & Muehlhauser Brewing Co. 

By Thomas Follard, Secretary of Elastic Goring Weavers Amal- 
gamated Association of the United States, 

Bridgeport Elastic Web Co,, Hub Gore Co., Kast Hampton Elas- 
tic Web Co., J. H. Buckley & Son, Boston Gore and Web Co., 
A. C. Woodward's Abington Mills, Glendale Elastic Fabric 
Company, a 

By David A. Wilcox, Secretary of Horse Nail Workers Protective 
and Benevolent Union No, 6170. 
Capewell Horse Nail Co., Hartford, Conn. 


Lamson & Goodnow; Northampton Cutlery Co.; EK. E. Wood & 
Son; Upson © Hart; Landers, Frary & Clark; R. Wallace & 
Sons; Meriden Cutlery Co ; Derby Silver Plate Co,; Impe- - 
rial Cutlery Co.; Clemont Manufacturing Co. 

By Chas. F. Gebelin, Sec'y International Furniture Workers Union 
Quincy, Ill.—Excelsior Show Case and Cabinet Works; Quincy 

Show Case Works; H. A. Vandenboorn Chair Factory. 
Springfield, Mass,—G. A. Schastey Co, 

We Don’t Patronize. 

Union workingmen and workingwomen and sympathizers 
with labor have refused to purchase articles produced by the 
following firms. Labor papers please copy : 





















Removal of Boycott. 
East HAMPTON, MASS., Sept. 11, 1895. 
To Whom It May Concern: 

This is to certify that the differences heretofore existing 
between the Glendale Elastic Fabric Co., of East Hampton, 
Mass., and the Elastic Goring Weavers Amalgamated Assecia- 
tion of the United States of America have been amicably 
settled. We, therefore, recommend the goring of said com- 
pany to all trade unionists and members-of labor organiza- 

tions in general. 
Per order of Executive Committee of the Elastic Goring 
Weavers Amalgamated Association, 
Signed: W. H. ASHLEY, General President. 
THOMAS POLLARD, General Secretary. 

In accordance with the above, the boycott on the 
Glendale Elastic Fabric Co., is hereby removed. 
Per order of Executive Council, 
JouN MCBRIDE, President. 

INDIANAPOLIS, Sept. 1, 1895. 

To Affiliated Unions: 

Notice is hereby given that the trouble with the 
Tabor Opera House, of Denver, has been settled, and 
the boycott placed by the Chicago convention is 
hereby removed. 

Per order of Executive Council, 

JoHN MCBRIDE, President. 


THE Illinois State Federation of Labor meets at Peoria on 
October 8, 

E. A. MEAGHER, of Carpenters No. 10, has been re-appointed 
a city building inspector. 

THE Laundry Drivers Protective Union is one of the last 
additions to the ranks of organized labor. 

CLOAK AND Suit CUTTERS UNION No, 62, United Garment 
Workers of America, has been reorganized. 

GEO, A, SHILLING and C, G, Stivers, of this city, have been 
reappointed on the State Board of Labor Statistics, 

T. J. ELDERKIN, vice-president of the A. F. of L., has been 
elected president of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly. 

A NUMBER of Chicago labor leaders sent a cablegram to Del- 
egates Gompers and McGuire, Labor Day, by way of remem- 

THE Calumet Iron and Steel Co, has resumed operations, 
after three years’ idleness. About two hundred men are 

PROGRESSIVE Lodge No. 126, International Association of 
Machinists, is about to start a system of co-operative buying for 
its members, 

HORNSTEIN Bros., Palm, Knott & Co., and Slason Thomp- 
son, are among the printers who have succumbed to the sheriff 
during the past month, 

THE W. B, Conkey Co, has renewed the agreement made with 
Typographical Union No. 16, at the time the fight was made on 
the World’s Fair catalogue. 

Jas, F. Epwarps, of this city, was elected secretary of the 
National Association of Stationary Engineers at the fourteenth 
annual session held at St. Paul, Minn. 

THE Women’s Central Council elected the following officers 
for the ensuing term: President, Mrs. Alzina Stevens; vice- 
president, Miss Fannie Martell ; secretary, Miss Fannie Jones; 
financial secretary, Miss Mary Hallstern; treasurer, Miss 


Mamie Hogan; trustees, Mrs. India Maas, Miss Maggie Gibbs 
and Mrs. Washington. 

TyPOGRAPHIA is waging a successful boycott against the 
‘Freie Presse,” ‘‘Daheim,” ‘“ Republikauer,’’ and the patent 
inside house of John Simon & Son. 

HEREAFTER members of the Journeymen Plumbers Protec- 
tive Association will have to pay a fine of fifty cents for failure 
to attend at least one meeting in a month. 

J. W. LA Vine and M. V. Britzins were elected business 
agents at a joint meeting of the cigarmakers’ unions of this 
city. N. F. Lentz was elected label secretary. 

JUDGE BRENTANO has granted a perpetual injunction against 
the United Garment Workers, who are successfully prosecuting 
a boycott against Clement, Bane & Co., clothing manufac- 

IL. M. HART, president of the Theatrical Stage Employes, is 
now numbered among the has-beens. A charming young lady 
from the Arctic side of Chicago is now the sharer of his joys 
and sorrows. 

Cc. C. RUSSELL, president of the Russell Piano Co., where a 
strike has been in progress for a month past, has been held to 
the federal grand jury for importing workmen contrary to the 
contract labor law. 

BETWEEN five and six hundred garment workers employed 
by F. Siegel & Bros., at 230 South Market street, are out on a 
strike, on account of a refusal by the firm to grant a raise of 
five cents a garment to machine sewers. 

A UNION label league has been organized, composed of dele- 
gates from the unions having a label. The officers are: Presi- 
dent, J. W. LaVine, cigarmaker; vice-president, August Nuber, 
baker; secretary-treasurer, P, W. Naughton, clothing cutter. 

THE Musicians’ Union has under consideration an ordinance, 
which will be presented to the city council, asking that a stated 
sum be set aside to provide courses of concerts in the various 
parks. Only union musicians of American birth and voters in 
Chicago are to be allowed to contribute talent. 

‘THE reed and rattan workers of the city have begun a cam- 
paign to increase their wages to somewhere near those paid to 
skilled workmen in other trades. So far but one strike has 
occurred, the Kinley Manufacturing Company having refused 
to even talk over the grievance with a committee from the 

THE Chicago Board of Education has offered $25,000 for the 
manuscript for a new set of text books, and the Werner Com- 
pany, through its Chicago agents, will make a bid and submit 
manuscripts, while a committee from the Chicago Trade and 
Labor Assembly will camp in the board rooms until the Werner 
manuscripts are rejected. 

THE Bill Posters and Billers Union of Chicago has secured a 
charter from the A. F. of L. The following officers were 
elected: President, Wm. Davis; vice-president, Jas, Sinclair; 
secretary, T. F. Humble; financial secretary, R. Hunt; treas- 
urer, J. B. Wiles; sergeant-at-arms, J. R. Sigerson; trustees, 
Otto Kastner, F. Miles, F. Benzli. 

THe Central Labor Union (German) elected the following 
officers for the next six months: Corresponding secretary, 
Fred Kiel; recording secretary, Anton Chonarzewski; financial 
secretary, Fred E. Dresler; treasurer, T. Cary; sergeant-at-arms, 
C. Damaschke; trustees, Fred Benthien, August Nuber and 
Adam Belz. A chairman is elected at each meeting. 

THE Phoenix Federal Labor Union has elected officers for the 
ensuing term of six months as follows: President, John J. 
McGrath; vice-president, Lee M..Hart; recording secretary, 
William Jones; financial secretary, Edward W. Parlee; treas- 
urer, Arthur R, Healy; warden, William I. Howard; trustees, 
Frank M. S. Brazelton and Frank C, Hollister; delegates to 
Trade and Labor Assembly, P. J. Maas, John J. Ryan and Jas. 
J. Linehan; delegate to the American Federation of Labor, P. 
J. Maas; delegate to State Federation of Labor, W, M. Groves. 






Tue clerks have organized in several cities since their recent 
convention in St. Louis. 

Cyrus F. WILLARD & Co., 27 State street, Boston, will regis- 
ter union labels in the several states and elsewhere. 

“MUTUAL BANKING” will be issued by N. O. McClees, 1447 
Curtis street, Denver, Col., on November1,. Price, 10 cents. 

NAILMAKERS UNION, No. 6571, Cleveland, O., emerged vic- 
torious from a contest for an increase of wages, lasting eleven 

Ancuor federal labor union, of Kansas City, Kan., has found 
it necessary to secure the opera house of that city to hold its 
public educational meetings, 

THE garment workers are endeavoring to equalize the scales 
of prices in the twelve great clothing centers of the country. So 
far they have won grand victories in New York, Brooklyn, 
Newark, Baltimore and Boston. 

Two members of Federal Labor Union 6423, Kansas City, 
Kan., it is alleged, were discharged for parading on labor day, 
notwithstanding they had secured leave of absence. A boycott 
has been declared by the local unions interested, and the mat- 
ter is now under consideration by the executive council of the 
A. F. of L. 

THE new list of organizations affiliated with the A, F. of L., 
with the addresses of secretaries, is just out. Copies have been 
mailed to all unions and organizers, and an extra supply to 
international and central bodies, who are expected to distribute 
them among their local unions. It is gratifying to state that in 
spite of the depression the list has continually grown and is 
now larger than ever. 

WITHIN the last few weeks Fort Smith Typographical Union 
emerged successfully from a struggle lasting one week. Little 
Rock and Port Huron unions experienced similar satisfaction 
after strikes of short duration, as also did Duluth Scandinavian 
union in its trouble with the Svenska Tribune. New York Ger- 
man union won a victory in a job office, and the Hoboken A dend 
Post was “let alone” so effectively that it now lies peacefully 
in the journalistic graveyard. The same fate befell the Augusta 
News, the management of which thought it advisable to antag- 
onize the International Typographical Union. In Brooklyn 
prompt action not only secured a satisfactory settlement of a 
controversy between employer and employe, but ultimately 
made the office a card one throughout. Our Hebraic brethren, 
in addition to enforcing their scale in a job office, won a signal 
victory over the Hebrew Gazette and News Company, which 
for nearly eight weeks refused to agree to a machine scale. In 
addition to these a settlement was effected in a large Chicago 
office, several slight increases have been obtained, and the way 
cleared for others. Victories have also been gained in Ogden, 
Utah; Hamilton, O.; Seattle, Wash.; Lincoln, Neb., and Gales- 
burg, Il. 

THE report by the chief labor correspondent to the Board of 
Trade on the trade unions in 1893 is the seventh of the series, 
and contains particulars with regard toa much larger number 
of such societies than were included in any of the previous 
reports. Full particulars have been received from 687 unions, 
compared with 599 in the previous year, and, in addition, par- 
tial information has been obtained with regard to 118 other 
unions. It is believed that the vast majority of persons belong- 
ing to trade unions in the United Kingdom are included in the 
returns dealt with, and that the present report forms, there- 
fore, the most complete record of the transactions of. this class 
of organization hitherto compiled. The original unwillingness 
of some of the unions to supply information as to their oper- 
ations has now almost entirely disappeared, and in its place 
there is the greatest readiness to supply details. Taking the 
figures for the unions from which accounts have been received, 
it is shown that the membership at the end of 1893, for 677 
unions only, was 1,270,789. The total funds in hand at the begin- 
ning of the year were £ 1,902,397; the total income for the year 
was £1,996,971; the total expenditure for the year, £2,246,515, 
and the total funds in hand at the end of the year, £1,653,068. 
The excess of expenditure over income was thus £249,544. The 

year 1893 was a bad year for certain of the organizations. The 
diminution in the amount of their funds was largely due to bad 
trade, causing a largely increased outlay on unemployed bene- 
fits, and to the large number of industrial disputes, causing a 
considerably enlarged expenditure on dispute benefit. The 
chief increase under the latter head was due to the prolonged 
dispute in the coal trade, while as to the former nearly every 
branch of industry suffered to some extent, though the engi- 
neering and shipbuilding trades were most severely affected. 
The aggregate outlay under the head of dispute benefit was 
4733,045, paid by 331 unions. The special friendly benefit most 
generally paid by the unionsis funeral benefit, which was paid 
by 387 unions to the amount of £94,192; unemployed benefit 
was paid by 378 unions to the extent of £612,929; sick benefit 
required £238,739 from 238 unions, and accident benefit £26,074 
from 99 unions, Superannuation is paid by only 89 unions, but 
these have as members one-third of the total number of mem- 
bers of all the unions, The amount paid under this head in 
1893 was £117,339. A comparison of the figures of 534 unions 
for 1893 with those for 1892 shows a decrease of 29,010 in the 
membership, an increase of £148,201 in the total income, an 
increase of £436,177 in the annual expenditure, and a decrease 
of £264,271 in the total funds at the end of the year. The unions 
which suffered most heavily from the falling away of mem- 
bers were the unions of unskilled labor, The report continues : 
“The apparent discrepancy of an increasing income with a fall- 
ing membership may be explained by the fact that in the class 
of unions to which the loss of members is chiefly due the con- 
tributions are the lowest, while in the organizations of the 
skilled trades in which contributions are highest there has been 
an increase of membership. It is also to be noted that in many 
unions, when the funds begin to fall below a certain limit, the 
contributions of the members are increased in proportion, so 
that in bad years the total income of the unions is often greater 
than in good years, It is also to be remembered that, owing to 
the long duration of extensive labor disputes in 1893 and the 
large numbers of men engaged in them, great sums of money 
were in special ways contributed to certain unions for their 
support, and this tends further to increase the gross income of 
the year.""—London Times, 
List of firms represented in the “Rochester Clothiers’ 
Exchange,” who have made war on the United Garment 
Workers of ‘America, and are determined to force into sub- 
mission the clothing workers of Rochester: 
L,. Adler Bros, & Co, Black & Meyer. 
Bardin & Gardner. Jacob A, Britenstool. 
A. Dinkelspiel & Co, Cauffman, Dinkelspiel & Co, 
A. H. Garson & Co. Garson, Kerngood & Co, 
Garson, Meyer & Co.. Max Goldsmith. 
Greenberg & Meyer. Hananer, Fichner & Jacobs. 
H, A, Hays, Isaac Hays. 
Hershberg & Garson. lL. Holtz & Son. 
M. Kolb & Son, Kochenthal, White, Marks & Co, 
Levinson & Lang. Menter, Rosenbloom & Co, 
Moore & Beirs. Rosenberg Bros. & Aronson, 
Solomon Bros, Rothschild, Baum & Stern, 
The Stein Block Co, Sheil, Rosenbaum & Stiefel. 
Stern & Hummell, Wile Brickner. 
Michials, Stern & Co, Meyer, Stern & Co. 


THERE is published in Newark, N. J., by Eltweed Pomeroy, 
the secretary of the Direct Legislation League of New Jersey, 
assisted by J. W. Sullivan, member of the Sypeqreeites! nion, 
and our national lecturer, a little quarterly called 7he Drrect 
Legislation Record. As its name implies, it is devoted solely to 
the furtherance of direct legislation. Each number contains 
some law drawn for this purpose, the news of the movement, 
and papers on its philosophy, scope and meaning, many of them 
by trade union officers. 

This paper is a union ow and is devoted solely to a cause 
which, until last year, was the only politica] plank endorsed 
the Federation. The Denver convention urged all members of 
the Federation to further direct legislation in every way. We 
want our readers to know about this, and have accordingly 
made a clubbing rate with the Record. Its regular subscription 
ge is 25 cents a year, or clubs of ten for $2. It is well worth 

he money. But we have made arrangements by which Tuk 
FEDERATIONIST and 7he Direct Legislation Record may 
had for 65 cents. When renewing your subscription or sendin 
in a new one, send us 65 cents instead of 50 cents, and you 
get the Record as well as THE FEDERATIONIST, 


Financial Statement. 

INDIANAPOLIS, IND., September 1, 1895. 
Following is a statement of the receipts and expenses for 

the month of August. (The months are abbreviated thus: j, f, 

m, a, m, etc.) 




Cash on hand. . 
Hod carriers 5385, sup 
Firemens prot. asso, 6130, tax, march 
Musicians union 5579, tax, a, m, j . 
Reed, rattan and willow workers 6454, tax, june : 
Smith's restaurant,adv .... . a ° 
Lumbermens 6555 . . Tere 
Amal, asso. of marine water tenders, oilers and 
firemen, tax,a,m . 
Amal. asso. of iron and steel workers, tax, m, jy, a 
Federal labor 4091, sup. . 
Polish laborers alliance 6493, tax, j, j 
Bro. of painters and decorators, tax, july 
Silver burnishers prot. 6234, sup . . 
Federal labor 6400, tax, july . . 
Reed, rattan and willow workers 6553, ‘sup 
Superior musical 6462, tax, july, 9c; a 50c 
Anchor federal labor, sup . . 7 
Axe and edge tool worke rs 6507, sup , 
Hod carriers 6550, sup . . 
Columbia river fishermens prot 6321, tax, a, m, is :\ 
Freight handlers 6498, sup. . . . 
Blast furnace workers 6556, wie ; 
Hod carriers 6557, sup = 
Lathers 6340, tax, m Oe ee 
Working girls fede “td her 6121, j,a 
Federal labor 6558, sup. . . y 4 
Federal labor 6469, tax, a, m, i, i. soc; sup. 75 ‘ 
Cigarmakers international, tax, feb’ . 7 
Federal labor 5345, tax, m, a, m, 6o0c; ; sup. $1 
Federal labor 4091, tax to july ar. ‘ 
File workers 5887, tax, m, j, j 
Laboringmens prot. 5287, sup . 
Kilnmen, pega and saggermake rs 6528, tax, “aug. 
2; su 
mideesl taker soda. tax, d, j j q ! m, a. m, i, ‘50c; sup., 50c 
Screwmakers prot. 6256, t ae] july 
— ana restaurant employes national alliance, 

ax, ‘ 

I Pant +h; Mye rs Tobacco Co., i etek 

Kahn, Schoenbrum & Co., adv . 

Lithonia branch of granite cutters 6525, t ax, j, - 
Textile workers 6520, tax, m, j, i . ae: 
Iron ore miners 6559, sup eee pee 
Federal labor 6560, sup. . 

Conesnaal of stationary engineers 6526, tax, july 
United bro. of carpenters and joiners, tax, j, j ‘ 
Firemens protective 6130, sup .. . - 
Eureka federal labor 6488, tax, f, m, a, m, j, j,a. ‘ 
Lime burners and trimmers 6261, ee Pe 
Federal labor 5882, tax, a, m, j, j, 52c; sup., §oc . 

Roll workers prot. 6457, tax, july .. a 
Metal polishers national, tax, mi, a, m, j. $7; sup. $3 
Coremakers 5547, sup. , 

‘Trades assembly, Fort Worth, tax, “m, i _. 

Hod carriers prot. 5886, tax, a,m,j . . 
Stove fitters 5028, tax,august. . . 

Patternmakers national league, tax, ‘july | 
The Capewell Horse Nail Co.adv..... 
Federal labor 6423, sup. . . e* 

Federal labor 5759, tax, m, a, “m, j, j. ‘ 

Filers 6483, tax, f, m, a, m, j,j,a.. . 

Horse nail workers 6170,sup... 
Cotton and woolen workers 6499 t ax, m, a, “m, i isa 
Coremakers 5900, sup ..... . : 
Coremakers 5672, sup ° 

Federal labor 6560, sup. . ....... 6s 
Lathers prot. 6541, tax, j, a, ie 
Screwmakers prot. anc ben, asso. 6561, sup. 
Casket hardware workers 6461, tax, m, a, m, j, ia 
Elastic goring weavers amal, asso., tax,j,a .. 
Lathers 6494, tax, july, 38c; sup. 756. 4.0! Cie 
Iron ore miners 6559, sup .. aie a's % 
American agents asso., sup .. . . 

Anchor federal labor, -“— 

Metal polishers international 

Federal labor 6536, tax, june... . . 

Sewer laborers 5649, tax, j,a.... 

Federal labor 6402, tax, june. 

Hod carriers 6557, sup .. . 
aba lathers 6562, sup 

raternal hod carriers 6550, sup. . . 
Structural iron workers 5723, tax, j, j, a. . 

Federal labor 6303, sup . 

eve —_ building bricklayers 5245 tax, 
Musical 6563, sup 

Bill posters and binlers 6564, sup . 

United diamond workers 6476, tax, j,a . . 
Prudential Insurance Co., adv. . . 
Womens federal labor 2703, tax, a, m, i, is a, s 
- ast furnace workers 6565, sup . ‘ 2 ; 

Packers and nailers 6162, tax, j, j, a 

Laborers prot. 6548, tax,a,s.. . 
Singer Manufacturing Co., adv 
Miners prot, 6395, tax, july... ... 2.2.2 eee 
Brickmakers 5619, tax, j, a, 8. ° . 
Lumber inspectors anc tallymen 5525, ‘tax, j. a,s. 
Amal, asso, of marine water tenders, oilers ‘and 

firemen, tax, j, j ra 
Musicians 6408, tax,j,a .. 
EES ran re ee a ee eee 
Subscriptions = ectes 13 
American diamond verstellers 6566, sup . be aie 5 
Reed, rattan and willow workers 6553, sup . 

ee ee ee ee ree ae 

1. By one month’s rent in advance, Dyer & Rassman, 
Indianapolis . . 
Delegate to British Trade Union Congress, Cardiff, 
Wales, on account, Samuel Gompers, New York . 
Ditto for P, J. McGuire, Philadelphia, Pa . 
Ice, July, Union Ice Co., Indianapolis. . 
Electric light, July, Indpls. Light and Power Co 
Telegram, Postal Telegraph Co., Indianapolis . . 
Printing August FEDERATIONIST, Indpls. Ptg. Co 
Telegrams, Western Union, Indianapolis . 
Towels, Clean Towel Supply Co., Indianapolis . 
To secure pardon of Messrs. Dempsey and Beatty, 
imprisoned members of Homestead, Pa., M. } 
Garland, president A. A. of I.andS. W. 
Organizing expenses, F. J. Weber, Milwaukee, Wis 
Expressage, Adams Express Co., Indianapolis . 
Expressage, U. S. Express Co., Indianapolis : 
Expressage, American Express Co., Indianapolis . . 
Telegrams, Western Union, Indianapolis . ‘ 
Organizing expenses, J. F. O'Sullivan, Boston 
Printing and binding 100 day books, M. E. Paddock 
Printing Co .. ° 
Seals, Geo. J. Mayer & Co., ” Indianapolis ia eee 50 
400 one-cent stamped envelopes, postoffice .... 44 
Literary assist. on FEDERATIONIST, J. W. Sullivan co 
Janitor’s salary, August, gn ag Indianapolis 8 00 
Five weeks’ salary, L. M. Spalding, stenographer 00 
One month’s salary, July, Aug. McCraith. .... 5 00 
One month's salary, July, John McBride .... .- 50 00 
Expenses to Cincinnati, John McBride ..... . 10 
Stamps received and Mee ee eS oe 05 

Oe eee ee ee ee 

COR OUEORE GREE ow ice tks ee 
eee ee eee 

\ Salers eee 
Di dace re hada Ce 0.6 b wes Gee Cee 


Get Your Label Registered. 

7o the Editor of the Federationist; 

Laws have recently been enacted in the different States 
which must be of interest to all labor organizations of national 
or international character, as they mean the much needed 
protection to the union labels, stamps or trade marks of such 
organizations. We have gone into the business of registering 
such labels, and are making it a specialty ; consequently are in 
a position to give prompt and efficient service at moderate cost. 
There are twenty-four States having label laws, ranging from 
Minnesota to Georgia, and from Maine to Colorado, and in each 
an application for registration is necessary, under varying con- 
ditions, together with certificate and oath. 

We make out all these applications and file them in every one 
of the twenty-four States, and attend to all legal matters con- 
nected therewith, at a moderate charge, and will be pleased to 

correspond and answer inquiries. 
, WILLARD & Co. 
27 State street, Boston, 

PATENTS We have reduced our fees for obtaining 
patents to only Five Dollars in ordinary 
ONLY $5. cases—less than one-quarter what others 

charge. Call or send stamp for circular 

27 State street, Boston,