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hurry with ordinary soap. And it isn’t wise to use gritty hand soaps 
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Lava. Soap is made of the finest vegetable oils and pulverized 
imported pumice. It cleans dirt, grime, grease and stains from the 
hands with amazing speed. It lather richly in the hardest water. It 
keeps hands soft and smooth, no matter how often you use it. That's 
because Lava contains glycerine, which‘ is noted for its ability to 
soften and preserve the skin, 


Try Lava Soap. Yon ea i ines maka da ho 
(or the medium size cake at 6 cents) at any grocery or drug store. 


_ProcrTer & Gamste, Cincinnati, Ohio 











Takes the dirt 
but leaves the skin 














AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 
Oficial Magazine of the American Federation of Labor 
WILLIAM GREEN, Editor 


Contents 


EDITORIALS . ‘ ‘ . ‘ ° William Green 

Shorter Hours ; : 

World-Wide Unemployment 

Security 

Employee Stock Ownership 

Permanent Provisions Against Unemployment 

No Wage Reductions 

Unemployment Increases II|Iness ; ; ‘ 
Solving the Riddle of Unemployment. . ‘ Jack Lynn 
Fighting the Children’s Battles ‘ ; , Courtney Dinwiddie 
Married Women Workers ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ Ethel M. Johnson 
The Hosiery Workers Look Ahead ; 5 Lyle W. Cooper 


Unemployment Severity Rates. ‘ , ’ Emerson P. Schmidt . 


“Yellow-Dog” Contracts . . ‘ ‘ : Paul F. Coe 

With Spirits Beyond ‘ ’ ; ; ‘ Joseph B. Hannon 
Prosperity and a Rising Standard of Living 

Unemployment in Trade Unions 

Trade Unions Report 

Current Comment 

World-Wide Unemployment 

Books for Workers 


Monthly Reports of Organizers 


. 145 
. 146 
147 
147 
. 148 
. 148 
. 149 
. 150 
. 162 
. 165 
. 170 
. 173 
. 175 
. 182 
. 192. 
. 199 
. 201 
. 214 
. 216 
_ 219 
. 228 


Entered at Washington, D. C., post office as second-class matter. Accepted for mailing at 
special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized July 
11, 1918. Published by the American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. Twenty cents a 


copy, $2.00 a year. 
February, 1931, Votume 38, No. 2 


Ee. 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 














Products 
Preferred 


You have hundreds of products to choose from 
when you buy fuel and oil. Which products do you 
prefer? The products that give you the best service 
in your car. 


You don’t buy oil and fuel by testing, smelling, feel- 
ing, or seeing them! They must earn your prefer- 
ence. They have to prove themselves by perform- 
ance. 


New Iso-Vis is a product preferred by millions. In 
cities, on farms, in small towns—everywhere in the 
Middle West—New Iso-Vis is known and depended 
upon. Hundreds of thousands of people use and 
recommend this product. 


By proved performance New Iso-Vis has earned its 
popularity. More motorists are demanding this oil 
because they find it gives superior lubrication service 
in their cars. It has an extraordinary service record 
behind it. 


Imagine for a moment that you are looking at a 
large map of the Middle West showing the thousands 
of highways criss-crossing each of the ten states— 
Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Iowa, Wis- 
consin, Kansas, Missouri, North Dakota and South 
Dakota. 


Every day along the highways of all these states a 
multitude of motorists are driving cars lubricated 
with New Iso-Vis. Day after day, for the past year 
it has been lubricating cars on these highways—giv- 
ing satisfactory service. 


New Iso-Vis has given billions of miles of satisfac- 
tory service! It has earned the preference of the 
people of the Middle West! 


The Standard Oil Company (Indiana) has built 
its reputation for dependability on products like New 
Iso-Vis that earn your preference by performance. 


Thousands of motorists every year write friendly 
letters to the Standard Oil Company (Indiana) prais- 
ing the spirit of helpfulness shown by its employees 
and praising its various products—telling of the ac- 
tual service they have given. 


These letters are written voluntarily. They are 
sincere, personal letters of the sort money cannot buy. 


They are more than praise of products preferred. 
They are a recognition of the spirit in which the 
Standard Oil Company (Indiana) goes about its daily 
business, striving to excel in serving the people of the 
Middle West. 


Standard Oil Company 


(Indiana) 
General Office: Standard Oil Building 
910 So. Michigan Avenue - - - - Chicago 





























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Frederick T. Weber 


Snow in Grammercy Park, New York City 





AMERICAN 
FEDERATIONIST 


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WILLIAM GREEN, Editor 


Vole 38 No- 2 


FEBRUARY 10931 


NEMPLOYMENT is forcing many plants and industries to 
shorter hours as an emergency plan. The five-day week and 
even the three-day week have been found necessary to extend 

employment opportunities for all. One progressive firm has provided 
four six-hour shifts and a five-day week. A northern city has put all 
construction work on a five-day basis. Workers in a less progressive 
community are asking that their twelve-hour day be reduced so that 
work may be shared with the unemployed. 

All the measures suggest the obvious conclusion—industry has 
failed to keep hours of work adjusted to increasing productivity. If 

business depressions are to be avoided, in- 
Shorter Hours dustry must be careful about adjustments. 

Increases in productivity must have their 
counterpart in shorter hours of work and higher wages. Such a policy 
would mean that more work could be done in shorter time and fewer 
persons displaced by technical improvements. 

It is quite illogical to keep the same length of work periods after 
ways have been found to do more work in less time. Improved tech- 
nology should give more hours free from work necessary to earn a 
living in order to have more time for the other interests of human 
beings. 

145 





146 AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Leisure is necessary for social and civic duties. It is necessary in 
order that people may have time to use the things they have worked 
to produce. Unless the products of work can be sold, industries will not 
have money to pay their employees. 

The most constructive single measure for the present emergency 
and for future stability would be to establish the five-day week for all 
industry. The effect would be to start a chain of forces promoting 


prosperity. 
The United States Government should take the lead. 


W orld-Wide Our section on world-wide unemployment 
Unemployment shows no decline in the problem. France, 

which was the last country to feel the business 
depression, now has increasing unemployment. 

The information assembled on international conditions shows 
markedly the difference between the American point of view and the 
European. In Europe wage cuts are the accepted method of meeting 
business depression and wage cut proposals inevitably follow mount- 
ing unemployment. In America the leaders—and we may now say— 
the majority of those responsible for industrial decisions regard busi- 
ness as a set of interacting forces. One of these forces is wage earners 
which represents 80 per cent of the retail buyers. To reduce wages 
is to reduce buyers. Realization of this fact is helping us to get away 
from wage cuts as the accepted way to meet business depression. Wage 
cuts only strengthen depressions. 

It is significant too, that in many European countries industries 
can shift responsibility for the incomes of their employees onto the 
governmental register of the unemployed, which pays unemployment 
benefits. Two European countries are very frankly worried about the 
consequences of this method. Germany is now paying $750,000,000 
annually through its unemployment insurance channels. The German 
Minister of Finance raised the question of whether it would not be 
better to divert this money to productive channels and let industries 
pay it out in the form of wages for work done, rather than to pay it 
directly to the unemployed. The present method is not giving workers 
the jobs they want, and it is a heavy tax on industry which must be sup- 
plemented by the Exchequer. 

In December, Great Britain created a Royal Commission on Un- 
employment because of the gap between the income of its unemploy- 
ment fund and its expenditures. The fund is accumulating a debt at 
the rate of £40,000,000 annually. The annual total cost of all bene- 
fits plus cost of administration amounts annually to £107,000,000, or 
approximately $500,000,000. 





EDITORIALS 147 


Security The greatest hazard of industry is borne by 

wage-earners. Loss of job means complete 
loss of income. It means either waiting for the old job or search for 
anew one. It means no certainty in planning for the future. 

As an industry improves its practices and methods, employment 
may become more stable and more permanent, but not necessarily 
more secure. In presenting their claim to security, Labor points out 
it is actually a contributing partner in the industry. Workers invest 
time, creative ability, experience, judgment, cooperation. They use 
the tools, and operate the machines that transform raw materials into 
the products desired. Their contribution is essential to production. 

Management has been recognizing the industrial and financial 
value of a stable work group and has also made progress in regular- 
izing production. Both trends have been adding stability to employ- 
ment but not assuring security of income for the individual worker. 

Labor may take a lesson from the methods which assure to other 
partners in the industry regular payment on their investments. Re- 
serves are accumulated to assure regular payment of dividends and 
interest. Such reserves have become established accounting practices. 

By applying this principle of reserves to wage payments funds 
accumulated in good years will be kept to pay the wages in lean years. 
The result would be greater security for Labor and the assumption of 
their own labor overhead by industries. 


Employee Stock Not much is being said these days about em- 
Ownership ployee stock ownership. Stock ownership is 
not proving the most dependable sort of 


emergency aid. 

Although in most of those companies which permitted their em- 
ployees to buy at a special price the market price of the stock has not 
fallen below the initial cost, its market price has fluctuated widely and 
in this business depression has been at low ebb. Just when it would 
have meant most to some holders to have realized upon their invest- 
iment, they could sell their stock only at a disadvantage. 

But not all employee stock holders are even this fortunate— 
especially those who bought common stocks at market prices. The 
employees of one large company paid between 80 and 100 for stock 
which is now selling for 34. Another stock in which employees in- 
vested their savings, paying between 30 and 45, is now selling for 24. 
Another in which employees bought at market prices fell from a high 
of 98 to a low of 18, selling now at 22. 

The purpose of employee-stock ownership was to enable em- 
ployees to share in the profits of their industry. The past two years 








148 AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


have given them the reverse experience of sharing in the hazards of 
stock ownership. While the fluctuations of preferred stocks have 
been less than on common, the shrinking of stock values has reduced 
the values of stock held by employees. These investors, quite un- 
familiar with stock market fluctuations and not always prepared to 
hold an investment until it regained its lost value, were subject to the 
double worry of shrinking investments and danger of unemployment. 
Their insecurity was increased by the fact that both sources of income 
were menaced by the same forces. Diversity is a fundamental prin- 
ciple of wise investment. 


Permanent Provisions A very timely study by the Russell Sage 
Against Unemployment Foundation is entitled Community Plan- 

ning in Unemployment Emergencies. The 
report points out how little we seem to retain of the experiences of 
one attack to help us get through the next. It is important that every 
industry and every community have agencies to put this experience to 
use. 

Every industry and community have seasonal unemployment, dis- 
placed workers, older workers. Each community should have a per- 
manent committee on employn’-r~ studying these problems, provid- 
ing for employment statistics, an effective public employment service, 
furthering the regularization of industry and employment. It is im- 
portant to keep everlastingly after the problem of industrial adjust- 
ments which are the keys to stabilization and regularity of employment. 

Each community is now seeing how important regular employ- 
ment is for community prosperity and what an expensive calamity un- 
employment is. It is highly necessary to maintain a permanent com- 
mittee made up of competent representative members constantly seek- 
ing to find opportunities and methods to provide stable employment 
for all. While such local committee cannot solve all phases of unem- 
ployment, such as that growing out of business depression, they can 
smooth out many of the ups and downs due to local onditions. We 
urge local labor unions to get behind the movement for such local 


committees. 


No Wage High wages and prosperity are reciprocal 

Reductions forces. A high wage policy is essential to 

American production methods. Mass pro- 

duction requires mass buying which comes only when wage earners 
have incomes sufficient to make them purchasers of mass products. 

Mass production by decreasing the unit cost of production should 

lower prices. Its purpose is to take products out of the luxury class 














EDITORIALS 149 


and put them within the reach of the masses. The result is to widen 
the range of activities and comforts that constitute the standard of 
living for a great many people. 

Progress in production should bring social advancement and 
greater leisure for workers. The whole end of progress is to lighten 
toil to supply the physical needs of living and thus free men to develop 
their higher capacities. 

High wages represent high standards of living as well as cus- 
tomers in the retail market. Retail markets must be maintained if in- 
dustries keep their work forces employed. To advocate wage reduc- 
tions is to advocate the introduction of a depression force and to en- 
courage industrial unrest. Labor has been bearing the brunt of un- 
employment in this business depression which in a very real measure 
is due to the failure of management and the financiers to heed our 
warnings that wages should increase with increasing output and hours 
of work should decrease with increasing produ: tivity. 

To reduce wages would only add to the maladjustments that 
caused business depression. Labor most emphatically declares that 
wage reductions and lower standards of living do not create prosperity. 

Increase the incomes of wage earners and they will buy the out- 
put of industry. 


$1.91 

5 
Unemployment Unemployment with its various degrees of 
Increases Illness undernourishment is undermining the physi- 


.cal stamina of our people, is the meaning of 
the weekly report issued by the Department of Hospitals of New York 
City. Malnutrition has increased the tendency to respiratory diseases 
such as pneumonia, influenza, pleurisy, bronchitis, colds and tubercu- 
losis. Four cases of starvation and thirteen of malnutrition are re- 
ported. Another large group are nervous cases due to worry over 
poverty and hardships. 

The number of patients in the New York City hospitals has in- 
creased with mounting unemployment. 

Inadequate fuel, clothing and food have lowered the resistance 
of thousands. This constitutes one of the most serious consequences 
of unemployment. Perhaps the majority of cases of illness due to un- 
employment does not get into health records because the victims can- 
not pay for medical care and somehow manage to avoid asking for 
free service or charity. 

The economic problem of unemployment stands in the way of 
better health for many. This problem must be solved before every 
family can count on an assured income. The problem of unemploy- 
ment lies at the roots of practically all social problems. When unem- 
ployment is abolished we shall be on the road to abolishing poverty. 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT“ 


Jack Lynn 


most important economic prob- 

lem of our age. With an army 
of unemployed men and women 
amounting at present to more than 
five million people and with a loss in 
business turn-over for the year 1930 
of from nine to twelve billion dollars, 
it is only natural that a cry for relief 
should go forth and that an ardent 
desire should be manifest to remove 
this great flaw from our economic 
system, or else change th: system. 
Since the beginning of cur present 
economic era, more than two centu- 
ries ago, periods of business depres- 
sions and unemployment have oc- 
curred at least once in every decade, 
causing suffering to the working peo- 


Ta evil of unemployment is the 


ple and staggering losses to business. 
Why is it that during all this time no 
remedy has been discovered? Is it 
because no remedy is possible as long 
as we live under a capitalistic régime ? 
In the following pages I propose to 


answer these questions. I will also 
present a definite and permanent so- 
lution of the unemployment problem. 

The failure to find a solution of 
the unemployment problem is due to 
the fact that investigators of this 
great economic evil have proceeded 
on the assumption that unemploy- 
ment is caused by fluctuations in busi- 
ness. They point out that after a pe- 
riod of good times, with normal em- 
ployment and growing prosperity, a 
stage of over-production is eventually 
reached when goods pile up on the 
shelves of manufacturers and dealers, 





* The AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST is interested in 
having discussion of this proposal.—Eprror. 


and that then, in order to work off 
the surplus, it is necessary to curtail 
production and lay off workers. As 
a result business slows down; and it 
is this decline in business which inves- 
tigators usually hold to be the cause 
of unemployment. 

The above explanation is univer- 
sally accepted as correct. It appears so 
clear and so convincing that it seems 
hardly worth disputing. Still, this 
statement is not correct. Business 
fluctuations are not the cause of un- 
employment. It is necessary and even 
desirable that business shall fluctuate. 
These fluctuations constitute the 
necessary self - adjusting reactions, 
which cause business over a period of 
time to maintain its balance, and they 
insure the continued operation of the 
law of supply and demand. There is 
no reason why, if we adopt the sim- 
ple plan I shall hereafter outline, 
these fluctuations should seriously in- 
jure business or cause hardship to the 
working people. 

Let us for a moment briefly con- 
sider business depressions. They are 
generally looked upon as_ business 
fluctuations in an aggravated form. 
This view is not entirely sound, be- 
cause business depressions belong to 
a class by themselves and are not 
brought about by the same forces 
that create business fluctuations. 

A business depression can never 
develop except as a result of unem- 
ployment or the fear of unemploy- 
ment. Instead of trying to eliminate 
unemployment by stabilizing business, 
it is, therefore, necessary to reverse 
the procedure and stabilize business 


150 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


by removing the evil of unemploy- 
ment. To accomplish this it will not 
be necessary to change the economic 
system under which we live. No so- 
cialism or bolshevism, no new scheme 
of taxation or government control is 
needed to bring this about. 

Unemployment is caused by a 
minor flaw in our economic system 
and as soon as this flaw is rectified 
the problem of unemployment will be 
a thing of the past and business de- 
pressions will cease to exist. In order 
to illustrate how this flaw can be re- 
moved, let us now give some atten- 
tion to the relationship which exists 
between employers and the working 
people. This relationship is expressed 
in the wage system. 

The purpose of the wage is to fur- 
nish an incentive for the wage-earner 
to work and to give the workers a 
medium by which to obtain the things 
they need for subsistence. The wage 
thus has to meet a dual requirement. 
The first requirement, the induce- 
ment to work, expresses the value of 
the wage in its relationship to pro- 
duction; the second requirement, the 
“living wage,” expresses its relation- 
ship to the workers as consumers. 

The producers are not directly in- 
terested in how the workers manage 
to live, and the workers are not di- 
rectly interested in how and to what 
degree the producers manage to 
make profits. The connecting link 
between them, then, is the wage. It 
forces the workers to assist the pro- 
ducers in the process of production 
and it likewise forces the producers 
to assist the workers in obtaining a 
living. 

The monetary wage system has al- 
ways been satisfactory to the pro- 


151 


ducers. It furnishes cheap and 
abundant labor which can be hired 
when needed, “fired” when not 
needed, and which maintains itself at 
no cost to the employers during peri- 
ods of business stagnation. 

It entails no investment on part of 
the employers because the expense of 
replacing old workers with new is 
paid by the wage-earners themselves, 
as is also the expense of supporting 
the superannuated workers. Not only 
does the wage system relieve the em- 
ployers from responsibilities which 
rested on the masters of the older 
system, but it furnishes a much 
stronger incentive to produce than 
the slave driver’s whip. 

When we now turn to the con- 
sideration of the wage as a medium 
for securing a living, we find our 
wage arrangement to be much less 
eficient. The problem of making 
the wage cover all the workers’ legit- 
imate needs is far from being solved. 

From being a matter of purely per- 
sonal concern the problem has grown 
to become one of general importance. 
Statisticians and economists have 
given the matter serious attention 
and some of them have endeavored 
to work out budgets for the wage- 
earners based on various incomes. 
The effort must be considered more 
as an analytical one than as one capa- 
ble of suggesting a solution of the 
problem, because the people who 
would need a scientific budget the 
most would be the last to read the 
suggestions. 

Basing her work on various in- 
vestigations, Dorothy W. Douglas 
divides the working classes into four 
levels according to their standards of 
living. The first level, which com- 





152 


prises families with an income of 
from $1,000 to $1,100 a year, based 
on 1923 prices, is called the “poverty 
level.” When the income increases 
to from $1,100 to $1,400, the second 
level, called the “minimum subsist- 
ence level,” is reached. The third 
level, “the subsistence-plus level,” 
also called the “minimum health and 
decency level,” covers incomes from 
$1,500 to $1,700; whereas the fourth 
level, the “comfort level,” requires 
about $2,100. All these levels are 
based on the cost of living for a 
family of father, mother and three 
children. The National Bureau of 


Economic Research estimates that in 
1918 seventy-six per cent of the popu- 
lation earned $1,600 or less, and thus 
failed to reach the comfort level, and 
that less than half the population 
reached an income as high as $1,200 
a year, which corresponds to the 


minimum subsistence level. 

Let us now endeavor to supple- 
ment these estimates with figures to 
show how a period of unemployment 
affects such a family and how the 
budget may be arranged to provide 
for a “rainy” day. How much should 
a family on level number 3 set aside 
each pay day in order to be prepared 
for an interruption in the earning 
power? Would one dollar a week be 
enough? If the family suffered no 
unemployment or sickness of the 
bread-winner it would at the end of 
the year have about fifty dollars 
saved. However, ten days of unem- 
ployment during the second year 
would entirely wipe out the savings. 
Should the amount be increased in 
order to provide for a longer period 
of unemployment? We meet here 
with two puzzling difficulties. He 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


cannot put any such amount of money 
aside without reducing the family 
from level number 3 to level number 
2 and no matter what amount he de- 
cides on it will be a wrong amount. 
If a worker put one hundred dollars 
aside a year and had the unusual 
good luck of living twenty-five years 
without an interruption in his work, 
he would have accumulated a nice 
little sum of money. If he, however, 
died in harness, with no one to mourn 
him, he would have spent twenty-five 
long years of strenuous effort to ac- 
cumulate money which he never 
would use. On the other hand, if he 
were taken ill after two weeks of 
work, he would be unprepared to 
meet the emergency even if he had 
saved his whole wage. It is conse- 
quently impossible for the wage- 
earner to provide for a rainy day 
through saving, even if he should be 
thrifty enough to put money aside 
regularly. A second suggestion is 
that the worker take out insurance. 
We have here the difficulty that the 
great mass of people are not suff- 
ciently foresighted to take interest in 
insurance propositions. There is the 
matter of premiums which must be 
met, and a family on level number |, 
2 or 3 cannot afford to pay premiums. 
To suggest savings or insurance is to 
expect the workers to be models of 
prudence and foresight, by far ex- 
ceeding even the leaders of business 
and finance in these virtues. The 
problem cannot be solved by stating 
how the worker in our opinion ought 
to be but by taking him as he is. 
Under the slavery system of an- 
cient times the masters were expected 
to look after their slaves during sick- 
ness and old age. The feudal lords 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


of the middle ages also had the re- 
sponsibility of looking after their 
workers. It may be said that they 
owed the workers a living. The cor- 
poration of today, however, does not 
owe its workers a living. The very 
nature of our economic order makes 
such a claim impossible. Thus it is 
often necessary for an employer to 
entirely remodel his plant, which 
necessitates the laying off of his 
working force. The cost of main- 
taining a large army of idle workers 
during the period of plant reorgan- 
ization would be prohibitive and 
might put a company into bank- 
‘ruptcy. The employer, therefore, 
has no choice except to lay off the men 
without any compensation. 

Under older economic systems 
freedom of Labor was lacking. To- 
day the worker has full liberty to 
choose his locality as well as his oc- 


cupation. This freedom of Labor re- 
sults in the necessity of granting the 
same freedom to the individual em- 


ployer. Consequently the individual 
employer has no obligation whatever 
to provide a living for his worker. 
It is, however, generally agreed that 
industries taken collectively owe the 
army of Labor a chance to make a 
living. 

The measure of success attained 
by industries as a whole in meeting 
this obligation can best be ascertained 
by making two tests: First, is the 
standard of living of the working 
people increasing in proportion to the 
growth of wealth of industries? Sec- 
ond, is the economic security of the 
worker increasing? Investigations 
show that while the standard of liv- 
ing is increasing, the workers are 
more insecure today than at any time 


153 


in the past. Let us, therefore see if 
any method can be found by which 
this insecurity can be removed. Let 
us study the attitude of the producer 
toward his capital invested in plant 
and equipment. As productive means 
of operation machines and workers 
must be classified side by side. There 
is the further analogy between ma- 
chines and men that both suffer break- 
downs and eventually wear out. The 
time comes when the machine like the 
worker is ready for the scrap heap. 
How does the manufacturer manage 
to meet the financial problems con- 
nected with the operation and final 
displacement of his machines? 

The manager distinguishes between 
two elements of expense in the opera- 
tion of his machine, according to the 
method by which the cost is incurred. 
The first kind is called operating ex- 
pense and includes payments for 
power, supplies, etc., which are 
needed every day in the running of 
the machine. The second element of 
expense is the money needed to pay 
for repairs and final replacement of 
the machine. In figuring the cost of 
his product, the manufacturer in- 
cludes both items and thus collects 
from the purchaser both the money 
used for operating expense as well as 
the money which he in the future ex- 
pects to use for repairs and eventual 
replacement of the machine. The 
first portion of the money is immedi- 
ately spent for more power, supplies, 
etc., the second part, however, cannot 
be spent until the eventuality arises 
for which it was intended. In order 
to safeguard the funds and remove 
the temptation to use reserve money 
for operating expense, the reserve 
funds are often turned over to a trus- 








154 


tee until the time comes when the 
funds will be needed. If the manu- 
facturer did not take this precaution 
but used the money as it came‘in for 
operating expenses, or paid it out in 
dividends, he would some day find 
himself with worn-out machinery and 
no money with which to buy new 
equipment. He would be in the same 
position in which the worker finds 
himself when facing unemployment 
or old age. 

The economic difference between 
Capital and Labor is that Capital is 
prosperous and Labor is not; that 
Capital conducts his business on a 
dual cost accounting system, but La- 
bor has been reduced to a single 
standard wage system which makes 
no provision for break-downs in the 
productive activity of Labor nor 
takes into consideration the fact that 


the worker, like the machine, eventu- 
ally wears out. 

The theoretical asumption is that 
the worker is to make his own cost 


accounting. He must be as fore- 
sighted as the highly trained account- 
ant. We have already given suffi- 
cient attention to the worker and his 
problem to know that it is impossible 
for the worker to do his own cost ac- 
counting. Consequently a wage ar- 
rangement which is resting on this 
presumption is built on false prem- 
ises. 

The wage system must be so ar- 
ranged that no cost accounting is 
necessary for the worker. The wage 
must be dual in nature the same as the 
cost accounting of the employer is 
dual in nature. Let us therefore try 
to construct a wage system which 
will correspond to the manufacturer’s 
attitude toward his machine, and to 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


his method of making provision for 
the occasional break-down and even- 
tual wearing out of his machinery. 

The manufacturer must distin- 
guish between the operating cost 
of the machine and the cost for 
maintenance and depreciation. Cor- 
responding to the operating cost of 
the machine, the workers will receive 
an operating wage, which we will 
hereafter refer to as “current wage.” 
Corresponding to the element of 
maintenance and depreciation as ap- 
plied to the cost accounting for ma- 
chinery, the workers will receive a 
“reserve wage.’” As far as employers 
are concerned, there is no difference — 
between the current wage and the re- 
serve wage. The combined wage 
may be based either on time or on 
out-put or any combination of these 
methods for computing the worker’s 
compensation. The wage will be 
subject to mutual agreement by indi- 
vidual or collective bargaining, as the 
case may be. It will be paid on pay 
day in the same manner that wages 
are paid now. If the workers are 
laid off the payment of the wage will 
cease. The difference between the 
present wage and this new wage ar- 
rangement becomes apparent only 
when we follow the current wage and 
the reserve wage after payment has 
been made by the employer. The 
current wage is meant to be used for 
the daily requirements of the wage- 
earner. 

The wage is consequently not 
meant for reserves for future contin- 
gencies. It is intended to be spent. 
The intention of the current wage, 
therefore, differs radically from the 
intention of the present wage. The 
worker of today is expected to meet 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


running expenses as well as emer- 
gency expenses out of his wage. He 
is further expected to save enough 
of it to make provision for old age. 
We have already pointed out that 
this idea of thrift is only a theoreti- 
cal side of the wage arrangement and 
that in real life the workers neither 
save enough money to carry them 
over periods of interruptions in earn- 
ings nor could they do so even if they 
wanted to. 

The worker may thus spend his 
current wage without any fear of the 
future, but fear for the tomorrow can 
not be removed from the worker’s 
mind unless he knows that the to- 
morrow is provided for. To make 
such provision is the purpose of the 
other kind of wage, the reserve 
wage. 

The direct effect of paying a re- 
serve wage in addition to an operat- 
ing wage would be the same as if the 
wage level had increased slightly, be- 
cause the two wages added together 
would perhaps exceed the wage now 
paid to the workers. An employer 
is not greatly concerned about the 
prevailing monetary wage rate; what 
he watches is the manufacturing cost. 
The adoption of a reserve wage will 
undoubtedly result in a lowering in- 
stead of an increase in the net labor 
cost per unit. The discussion of this 
point must, however, be postponed 
until we have given a closer study to 
the reserve wage idea. We will 
therefore assume that the establish- 
ment of a reserve wage will increase 
the wage bill by the amount of the 
reserve wage. Not having any sta- 
tistics available to guide us in esti- 
mating the amount of the reserve 
wage, we will take an arbitrary fig- 


155 


ure and assume that the average re- 
serve wage for all wage-earners 
would be 5 per cent of the operating 
wage. 

The tendency of change of the re- 
serve wage rate after having been 
adopted will undoubtedly be down- 
ward and not like the operating wage 
upward, because many of the emer- 
gencies in the life tf the workers 
which now call for reserve wage re- 
lief will be gradually eliminated, as 
we shall see later. 

On a_ basis of five per cent in- 
crease in the wage bill an employer 
who now has a weekly payroll of 
$1,000 would see his payroll increase 
to $1,050 of which $1,000 would be 
the operating wage and $50 would 
be the reserve wage. As far as the 
employer is concerned there would, 
however, be no distinction between 
the two wages. They would both con- 
sist of money, they would both be 
paid on pay day and having paid 
them the employer’s connection with 
either wage could cease. So far, 
therefore, the change has _ been 
equivalent to a monetary wage in- 
crease of § per cent. 

The purpose of the reserve wage 
being to provide for the worker's wel- 
fare during periods of emergency 
and old age, it follows that he has no 
use for the reserve wage until such 
an emergency arises. The problem 
then presents itself of what to do 
with the reserve wage from the time 
it leaves the employer’s hand until it 
is needed by the worker. We will 
again take a lesson from the manu- 
facturer and safeguard the fund by 
selecting a trustee to take care of it 
on behalf of the workers. Such a 
trust organization would be purely 





156 


financial in nature and might be lik- 
ened to a combination of a savings 
bank and an insurance company. The 
reserve wage would, of course, be 
confined not only to manual and in- 
dustrial workers but should be paid 
to anyone who would be financially 
embarrassed if his wage or salary 
should cease. At pay day these 
workers would receive their operat- 
ing wage in cash and would further 
receive stamps to paste in their books 
as an evidence that their trust organ- 
ization had collected the reserve 
wage in their behalf, so that when 
the time came when the reserve wage 
was needed they could present their 
book and collect their reserve wages. 

The main difference between the 
current wage and the reserve wage is 
that the current wage is individual 
in nature. It is paid by the em- 


ployer to the worker and settles 


an individual obligation between 
them; the reserve wage, however, is 
the employer’s share of the collective 
obligation which all industries owe to 
Labor. By paying this reserve wage 
industries relieve themselves of the 
obligation to secure the welfare of 
the workers. The reserve wage hav- 
ing been paid by the Industries and 
collected by Labor, the obligation to 
look after the idle workers passes to 
Labor. 

We have already pointed out that 
the uncertainties of life make it im- 
possible for the worker to adopt a 
budget which will give him economic 
security. He can not take a portion 
of his wage and put it aside against a 
rainy day, because he does not know 
when he will be sick, how long he will 
be out of employment, or how long 
he will live. When we, however, 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


take all workers collectively, this un- 
certainty immediately disappears. 
We know exactly how often a worker 
will be sick and how long the sickness 
will last; we know even to a certainty 
how long he will live and as soon as 
the reserve wage arrangement is gen- 
erally adopted we will be in a posi- 
tion to ascertain how long and how 
often the worker will be idle. Based 
on such vital and employment statis- 
tics it can easily be figured out how 
large the reserve wage for all work- 
ers should be. While the present un- 
regulated industrial arrangement is 
still in force the reserve wage rate 
will be much higher than later on 
when the regulating influence of the 
reserve wage has established a better 
order. The total national income in 
the United States of America is esti- 
mated to be about ninety billion dol- 
lars. The larger portion of this 
amount is made up of wages and 
salaries. 

Under the reserve wage arrange- 
ment, the national wage bill will flow 
as before from the purses of the em- 
ployers to the purses of the working 
people, but the stream will follow two 
different channels. The larger stream 
will flow direct to the workers; the 
smaller stream will flow through the 
workers’ trust organization. It will 
empty into this great reservoir of de- 
ferred purchasing power like a moun- 
tain stream into a lake. Over a pe- 
riod of time it will flow out again in 
the same ratio. But from day to day 
this ratio will vary. It will absorb 
some of the fluctuations under which 
business is suffering today and in do- 
ing so it will serve to stabilize busi- 
ness. In periods of ‘good times,”’ 
more money will flow into the coffers 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


of the trust organization than will 
flow out, thus causing the funds to 
pile up. This removal from business 
channels of retail purchasing power 
will act as a brake on business, pre- 
venting it from running away. It will 
prevent a boom from developing and 
prices from rising. But as soon as 
business shows sign of declining and 
workers are laid off the receipts of 
the financial union gradually will de- 
crease and the outflow will increase 
very fast. This pent up flood of pur- 
chasing power will then be let loose 
and flow back into business, thereby 
causing a revival. As a matter of fact 
this automatic regulator will act in the 
nature of a gyroscope. It will tend 
to keep business on an even keel by 
continuously offsetting the constantly 
shifting economic pressure just as a 
gyroscope on a ship prevents it from 
rolling in the swells. 


During every depression it is re- 
peatedly stated that the cause of a 
prolonged depression is psychological 


in nature. During booms the work- 
ing people spend their money freely, 
often mortgaging their future earn- 
ing power by purchasing goods on the 
installment plan. During periods of 
uncertain business conditions the 
workers become uneasy about their 
jobs. They consider it better to start 
saving for a “rainy day.” The 
amount of wages paid even to the 
people who are gainfully employed 
does not therefore flow back into busi- 
ness to the same degree as was the 
case during the preceding business 
boom, because the workers have en- 
tered on a program of belated saving, 
a saving caused by fear for the future. 
If this fear could be removed the 
business depression would be of short 


157 


duration. Thus we have as one of the 
major causes of business fluctuations 
an abnormal period of spending on 
the part of the wage-earners when 
business is good and an abnormal 
amount of saving by the wage-earners 
when business is poor. 

It can readily be seen that the sav- 
ing methods of the people work just 
opposite to what they should. In 
order to stabilize business they should 
save money during boom periods and 
spend money freely during business 
depressions. Incidentally, suchmethod 
would also be beneficial, because they 
would be buying their merchandise at 
better market prices. If we now re- 
turn to the reserve wage arrangement 
we will find that this unregulated 
method of spending as compared with 
saving has been satisfactorily adjusted. 
First, the reserve wage arrangement 
removes from the workers’ minds any 
fear of unemployment. Even though 
they should lose their jobs they will 
still continue to receive wages. There- 
fore, their purchasing power will not 
be in the least impaired. There is 
consequently no reason why they 
should not continue to spend freely 
and to purchase goods on the install- 
ment plan. 

Even during prosperous times 
there are a great number of people 
out of work. Many people leave 
their previous employment on their 
own accord for the purpose of seek- 
ing new environment or gathering 
new experience or to secure an in- 
crease in compensation. In leaving 
one job before another is secured the 
worker deliberately exposes himself 
to risk and is in most cases prepared 
to meet the self-assumed hazard. 
There is, therefore,no reason why any 





158 


reserve wages should be paid to him 
during the short period needed in lo- 
cating another job. If, however, 
conditions should change and the la- 
bor exchange should not be able to 
place a man eager to work and will- 
ing to accept what the market offers, 
he should be considered unemployed 
and entitled to receive reserve wages. 

Besides the large number of people 
seeking advancement there are during 
boom times a considerable number of 
idle people who may be termed “un- 
employable” rather than unemployed. 
They constitute a social rather than 
an industrial problem, and should be 
subject to the care of charities rather 
than recipients of wage benefits. In- 
directly, however, the wage arrange- 
ment will reduce the number of un- 
employable by removing some of the 
causes which result in creating social 
derelicts. 


As a result of modern methods of 
production and specialization many 
activities are of a seasonal nature. 
People engaged in such activities 
work overtime at certain times of the 
year only to find that there is no work 
obtainable for them during the dull 


season. The reserve wage arrange- 
ment creates an organization which 
can devote its continued attention to 
the effort of coordinating the employ- 
ment policies of industries which have 
their peak of activities at different 
times of the year, so that workers 
may be transferred from one industry 
to another. Under the reserve wage 
arrangement a worker employed in a 
seasonal industry will be on a yearly 
compensation basis rather than on a 
daily compensation basis. Wages in 
some of these industries are very high 
because people are not attracted to 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


seasonal activities except at a high 
wage. 

The introduction of the reserve 
wage arrangement will have the effect 
of lowering these high wages because 
the premium paid for insecurity of 
income is no longer necessary. The 
current wages in seasonal industries 
will decline by the operation of the 
law of supply and demand. The in- 
come of the workers, however, will be 
larger and the effect on the worker 
will be very much better, because a 
steady wage regularly received per- 
mits a more rational spending of the 
money according to a well-planned 
budget. 

The form of unemployment which 
is attracting the greatest amount of 
attention is cyclical unemployment. 
By this term is meant the great 
amount of unemployment which takes 
place during severe business depres- 
sions. 

When the reserve wage arrange- 
ment has been generally adopted 
there will be no business depressions 
any more. By cyclical unemployment, 
therefore, we here wish to indicate 
the slight ebb and flow in the number 
of working people required by indus- 
tries over a period of time. Even 
though the purchasing power of the 
masses has been stabilized, the struc- 
ture of modern business is so complex 
that it will be subject to self-adjusting 
fluctuations. These fluctuations will 
cause at certain times a larger number 
of working people to be required; at 
other times the demand will drop be- 
low normal, and the question then 
arises: How will the reserve wage 
arrangement deal with this type of 
unemployment ? 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


The reserve wage arrangement in- 
sures to the worker that even though 
his employment should cease and he 
should be idle, he will still receive the 
same wage as before, and that no re- 
duction in his income will be created. 
Consequently, slackness in business 
will not worry him, and will not cause 
him to go on a buyer’s strike for fear 
that he may lose his source of income. 

The inevitable result will be that 
a worker instead of fearing a period 
of unemployment will welcome it, 
because it will give him an opportun- 
ity to receive an income without work- 
ing for it. He will, therefore, not be 
in a hurry to look for a new job. 

An arrangement, therefore, is nec- 
essary for the purpose of overcoming 
this tendency and make it to the inter- 
est of the working people to strive for 
work. This arrangement may be 
termed ‘selective unemployment.” 

During a period of business con- 
traction the employer takes the op- 
portunity to weed from his force 
those workers who are the least effi- 
cient, keeping the men whose services 
are of most value to him. The result 
is that the old drudges who have been 
bending over their work benches for 
many years are kept in service while 
the men last hired, who need the stim- 
ulus of work, are again cast adrift. 
To greatly restrict an employer’s 
freedom to hire and fire would be 
inadvisable, and also unnecessary. If 
it develops that a certain industry is 
laying off men on account of contrac- 
tion in its activities, the reserve wage 
arrangement would allow the labor 
exchange looking after the placing of 
the workers to call out men from this 
industry whose past record or condi- 
tion of health would suggest that a 


159 


period of leisure will be beneficial to 
them. In removing these men from 
the industry the employers will be 
forced to re-employ the men laid off, 
thereby giving them the stimulus of 
steady work. 

A great many people are today 
draining their systems of health and 
vitality because they do not dare give 
up their work. They have wives and 
children to support and are forced to 
continue in their pursuit of livelihood 
in order to meet their obligations. 
Therefore, when the ultimate break- 
down comes, it is often too late to 
restore them to health. Under the 
selective unemployment arrangement, 
men would not be forced to drain 
their vitality until they were border- 
ing on a collapse, but would be given 
the opportunity to build up their 
strength in the earlier stages of their 
decline in health. We can readily see 
what a great blessing this would be to 
the health and happiness of the nation 
and how much worry and suffering it 
would alleviate from thousands of 
families where the bread-winner is 
suffering under ill health. 

The hours of labor have been 
greatly reduced due to improved effi- 
ciency of production. With some 
companies it is customary to allow 
their workers a certain number of 
days’ vacation each year on full pay. 
For the average working man, how- 
ever, this is an exception rather than 
the rule. If he wants a period of 
relaxation he has to take it at his own 
expense and his wages cease. Also, 
he might risk not being re-employed 
when he again reports for duty. 
Under this selective unemployment 
arrangement periods of business con- 





160 


traction would offer an opportunity 
to give a large number of workers a 
prolonged holiday by calling them out 
when increased unemployment indi- 
cated that the demand for labor was 
declining. By thus calling out the 
workers who had a seniority of serv- 
ice, the employers would be forced to 
replace these workers by re-hiring the 
men they had laid off. In this manner 
leisure would replace unemployment 
by calling the men out to enjoy a good 
time who had deserved such a privi- 
lege and by keeping the men who 
needed a stimulus of steady work at 
their task. 

One of the great achievements of 
the modern economic system is the 
opportunity it has afforded the people 
to acquire increased education. The 
need of income, however, often cuts 
down for the working classes the op- 
portunity to learn. Young and ambi- 
tious men and women who like to 
improve themselves find scant oppor- 
tunity to do so on account of necessity 
to work. The selective unemploy- 
ment arrangement would make it pos- 
sible to reduce the army of workers 
during business contraction by calling 
out applicants for additional educa- 
tion, and giving them an opportunity 
to take up some study during the 
period of business dullness. Such 
courses of instruction could be made 
to respond to the need of increased 
business and intellectual training. As 
a result, the mental, moral and artis- 
tic standards of the people will be 
greatly increased. 

Under the selective unemployment 
arrangement the occasional slack in 
business is thus taken up by increasing 
leisure and education, not by increas- 
ing unemployment. All the draw- 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


backs, all the unhappiness, worry and 
insecurity caused by unemployment 
will, therefore, disappear. The work- 
ers who are called out and receive 
unemployment wages will know that 
they are not receiving “doles” or any 
other form of charity, but that they 
are drawing against their accumulated 
reserve wage fund. They will feel 
entitled to their reserve wages and it 
will not hurt their pride to take ad- 
vantage of the arrangement. 

The reserve wage arrangement re- 
moves one of the greatest cases of 
injustice from our economic system, 
represented in our lack of financial 
protection to the superannuated 
workers. Under our present econo- 
mic order it is necessary for a work- 
ing man to provide for his old age. 
Out of his daily wage he is expected 
to obtain his daily necessities, support 
his wife, raise and educate children 
and lay aside a sufficient amount of 
money to provide for his old age. 
The reserve wage arrangement grants 
to the working man a current wage 
which he is at liberty to spend. It 
does not require any saving for old 
age on his part. The fact that he has 
spent his life in useful work is suffi- 
cient. When he is ready to retire he 
is privileged to start drawing on his 
reserve wage accumulations. The 
amount of his pension will be com- 
puted on the basis of his past earn- 
ings, taking into consideration the 
amount of unemployment wages 
which he has received, also on the age 
of his retirement. In this manner, the 
larger a man’s earnings have been, the 
less unemployment wages he has re- 
ceived, and the longer he remains in 
active service, the larger will be his 
pension. It is consequently to the ad- 





SOLVING THE RIDDLE OF UNEMPLOYMENT 


vantage of the man who wishes to re- 
tire on a large pension not to dissipate 
this opportunity by too frequent draft 
on the unemployment fund. It will 
also be to his interest to remain in 
active service as long as possible. 
This desire of obtaining a large re- 
tirement benefit will, therefore, create 
the necessary stimulus to prevent a 
man from becoming a loafer. 

It is evident that if the great flaw 
of our economic system presented by 
the unemployment problem can be re- 
moved nothing should prevent the 
people from enjoying increased bene- 
fits from our productive efficiency. 
The saturation point of industrial 
production will, therefore, be reached 
only when the people’s desire for lei- 
sure will balance their desire for con- 


161 


sumption. How great the expansion 
caused by the reserve wage arrange- 
ment will be is hard to state. It would 
not be impossible, however, that the 
present per capita consumption could 
be increased 50 per cent or even 100 
per cent. In such case it might be 
stated without exaggeration that the 
“Golden Age” of economic perfection 
would be reached. It seems puzzling 
to the common sense of any individual 
that there should be suffering among 
plenty, that we should be forced to 
cease consuming because we have too 
much to consume. When the great 


flaw in our economic structure is re- 
moved such absurdities will cease to 
exist and mankind will be entering a 
period of great economic security, 
with resulting peace and happiness. 


VISION 


O happy Winter, with your dreams of Spring, 
Your ecstasies of beauty not yet willed! 

Your artist soul projects a perfect thing, 

But keeps it unexpressed and unfulfilled. 
Dormant, so men may call you, and they mean, 
Because they find no color nor yet sound. 
They cannot heed that harmony unseen, 

For you to them are bare and frozen ground. 
Your visions of all loveliness to be 

Of perfect trees and skies and full-blown flowers, 
Though not transformed to actuality. 

Still dwell within your soul in snowy hours. 
Nor can one dull regret from you be wrung, 
For you, O Winter, dream of Springs unsung: 


Emity C. Sowersy. 





FIGHTING THE CHILDREN’S BATTLE 


CourRTNEY DINWIDDIE 


General Secretary, National Child Labor Committee 


HE delegates to the White 

House Conference on Child 

Health and Protection who at- 
tended the committee meetings on vo- 
cational guidance and child labor had 
the experience of hearing social work- 
ers, educators and representatives of 
labor agree upon a minimum pro- 
gram for child labor legislation em- 
bodying principles for which organ- 
ized labor has been working for 
years. The significance of this ac- 
tion lies in the fact that the stand- 
ards adopted are not a mere example 
of “wishful thinking,” of formulating 
what ought to be, regardless of the 
chances of achieving it. On the con- 
trary, from this platform will be 
drawn the actual planks of child la- 
bor and educational bills during this 
and succeeding legislative sessions, It 
is a concrete expression of the issues 
of today in child protection. 

A generation ago the battle was 
being fought to keep children under 
14 out of industry and to safeguard 
the employment of children between 
14 and 16; but the front has ad- 
vanced, here a little and there a little, 
until now nothing less than full-time 
school attendance for children at least 
to the age of 16, with certain safe- 
guards for the employment of minors 
between 16 and 18 years can be re- 
garded as in any way adequate. 
There are still laggard states which 
fail to meet even the old requirements 
in many respects, but they should be 
brought into line all the more speedily 


by finding themselves so far behind 
the majority. 

One of the most pronounced trends 
among the more progressive states 
is to extend to minors between 16 and 
18 years protective regulations simi- 
lar to those which have proved them- 
selves valuable for younger working 
children. These include work per- 
mits, based on proof of age and 
physical fitness, to be required for all 
employment; the restriction of work- 
ing hours to 8 a day and 44 a week; 
prohibition of night work after 7 
p.m. for girls and after 10 p.m. for 
boys over 16; prohibition of all em- 
ployment in a list of hazardous occu- 
pations. Employed minors should be 
given the additional protection of a 
provision, such as seven states have 
already adopted, whereby additional 
compensation is paid to minors in- 
jured during illegal employment. 

Practically all of these measures 
are now in force in different states, 
but moderate as they are, the pro- 
gram as a whole still leaves some- 
thing for the most progressive state 
to work for. 

Organized labor rightly considers 
it a matter of vital concern to secure 
adequate child labor and educational 
standards. Children who leave school 
in early years in order to go to work 
are drawn largely from families 
whose parents belong to the ranks of 
labor. They are being handicapped 
in health and education. Whether 
themselves logical recruits for posi- 
tions in the field of labor or for other 


162 





FIGHTING THE CHILDREN’S BATTLE 


types of work, they should have the 
same chance as other children, 
namely, to continue their education to 
the fullest of their capacities until 
they are prepared for the whole ex- 
perience of life, including training for 
whatever vocation they are best 
suited. 

Not only do the young workers 
themselves suffer through premature 
employment, but they are adding to 
adult unemployment. Keeping them 
in school another year or two would 
force employers to accept adult 
workers. A third effect of child la- 
bor is to depress wage rates. This 
may not be felt immediately, but 
eventually the necessity of compet- 
ing with low-paid children forces 
downward the limit for which men 
will work. Lastly, the depressed wage 
rate is reflected in an inadequate 
standard of living with its accom- 
panying insecurity, undernourishment, 
disease and, ironically, the final re- 
sult is to increase the seeming need 
to send young children out to add to 
the family income, thus completing 
the vicious circle. 

An attempt is sometimes made to 
make parents believe that children 
should go te work young in order to 
obtain the best industrial training. 
But the place for training is in voca- 
tional schools, whether industrial, 
commercial, or agricultural, with the 
possibile exception of the small per- 
centage of children who enter a genu- 
ine apprenticeship. 

Jobs which offer any worthwhile 
training are not plentiful, and most 
of them are reserved for young 
people over 16 who already have a 
good education. The New York 
Bureau of Junior Placement an- 
nounced recently that only 5 per cent 


163 


of the openings for boys between 14 
and 18 in New York State between 
September, 1929, and September, 
1930, were in skilled trades; an addi- 
tional 3 per cent in skilled factory or 
office work; and another possible 5 
per cent of jobs classified as “errands 
plus,” some of which might include 
opportunity to learn an inside trade. 
The White House Conference report 
on child labor found apprenticeship 
in the skilled trades for children under 
16 “practically nonexistent.” In Wis- 
consin, where special provision is 
made by law for apprenticeship under 
modern methods, such opportunities 
are restricted to youths of 16 and 
over. 

What the 14 or 15-year-old child 
who goes to work actually does is to 
wrap bundles, or to sort, bunch, tie, 
glue, or stamp articles of all sorts— 
kinds of work in which the “training” 
period is measured in hours or at 
most days. What does a child learn 
of advantage to himself in two years 
spent, say, in labeling cigar boxes, 
compared to what two years in either 
an academic high school or a trade 
school would have given him? Forty- 
four per cent of all the 14,000 jobs 
for boys reported by the New York 
Bureau of Junior Placement were for 
“errands, pure and simple.” After 
three or four years of such work, 
young people in these noneducational 
jobs find themselves in turn replaced 
by younger and cheaper children, 
while they, now classed as unskilled 
adults, are no better prepared than 
they were at 14 for skilled, well-paid 
work. 

There will be increased incentive 
this year for pressing legislation in 
various states to raise the age of leav- 





164 


ing school and better to safeguard 
children who are entering industry. 
Those interested in New York, 
Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, for 
example, have already announced 
plans for raising the compulsory 
school age, and other states will un- 
doubtedly follow as public opinion 
expresses itself. In North Carolina 
and Oklahoma well-planned move- 
ments are being launched by state 
leaders for an advance along several 
lines of child protection and for 
higher standards of school attend- 
ance. Undoubtedly there will be op- 
position to all of these bills. On the 
other hand, the time has never seemed 
more propitious for a vigorous de- 
mand on the part of enlightened 
groups for raising standards of child 
protection and education, for the sup- 
port of specific, well-drawn bills to 
that end and for a higher standard 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


of law enforcement. The millions 
of adult unemployed give added point 
to every argument for childhood pro- 
tection for safeguarding education. 

The National Child Labor Com- 
mittee stands ready, first, to give in- 
formation as to the present status of 
the laws of any state as compared to 
progressive standards elsewhere; 
second, to aid in drafting legislation 
for the improvement of conditions, 
and, third, to help with advice and 
counsel in the promotion of specific 
laws or in their enforcement. 

The support of organized labor 
has put many a child labor law on the 
statute books in the past and often- 
times the insistence of organized la- 
bor is necessary for their adequate 
enforcement. The National Child 
Labor Committee is at the service of 
organized labor in its efforts for 
childhood and protection. 


MORE I CAN NOT ASK 


My window to the west, 
My eyes upon a lake, 


More I can not ask 


For my comfort’s sake. 


I see my sunset twice, 
My evening star is double, 


Two eternities 


To quiet me in trouble. 


When the wind brings clouds, 
The waves run scalloped white, 


Voices very vast 


Speak to me at night. 


The world is never twice 
The same with water under, 

Today reflected birds, 
Tomorrow double thunder. 


Rosert P. Tristram COFFIN. 





MARRIED WOMEN WORKERS 


ETHEL M. JOHNSON 
Assistant Commissioner, Department of Labor and Industries 


ONG before Mr. Hutchinson 
LL wrote “This Freedom,” the 
employment of married women 
was the subject of vigorous discus- 
sion. It is still a question upon which 
there are many points of view and 
wide divergence of opinion. Mar- 
ried women—the majority of them— 
have always worked. So long, how- 
ever, as their activities were confined 
within the four walls of their homes 
there was no comment. It was when 
they went outside the home to work 
for money that they became a 
problem. 

It wasn’t entirely the matter of 
working for compensation, either, 
that caused question. For many 
years married women in the poorer 
classes have worked for hire as oc- 
casion required. They have gone 
out by the day as charwomen and 
laundresses and in various forms of 
domestic service without attracting 
particular attention. It was the en- 
trance of large numbers of married 
women into industry—and especially 
their entrance into business and pro- 
fessions—that roused public interest. 

Some regard the present situation 
as a natural trend in the economic 
progress of woman. Others view it 
with alarm, feeling that the increas- 
ing employment of married women 
may endanger the home and, ulti- 
mately, society. Some look at the 
matter mainly with respect to the 
effect upon the women themselves, 
their health and welfare and that of 
their children. 


The psychologist talks of the re- 
sult on personality and upon feminine 
traits. The single workers are apt 
to think of the employment of mar- 
ried women in terms of competition 
with their own jobs and the possi- 
bility of lowered wage levels. The 
individualist holds that the problem 
in each instance is primarily the con- 
cern of the persons immediately in- 
volved. 

A somewhat conservative point of 
view on the subject is that presented 
by Dr. David Snedden, of Teachers 
College, in an article on “Some Prob- 
ably Social Consequences of the Out- 
Working of Well Endowed Married 
Women.” It is his opinion that “the 
out-working of married women of 
superior culture, family background 
or standard of living constitutes a 
very serious and rapidly growing 
menace to eugenic family life in the 
United States.” 

Contrasted with this is the atti- 
tude of a sociologist like Ernest R. 
Groves, author of “The Marriage 
Crisis.” Professor Groves appar- 
ently regards this trend in the em- 
ployment of women as a logical part 
of the evolution of society. His 
suggestion is that the way to over- 
come popular agitation over the 
question is to have more married 
women employed. In this connec- 
tion his statement in a paper on “The 
Personality Results of the Wage 


14nnals of American Academy of Political 
and Social Science, May, 1929. 


165 





166 


Employment of Women Outside the 
Home and Their Social Conse- 
quences’”? is of interest. 

He says: “The complications that 
grow out of the employment of women 
in business, industry and the profes- 
sions, are, aside from possible effects 
upon the choice of motherhood, so- 
cially constructed and will be elimi- 
nated by merely increasing the num- 
ber of women who work after mar- 
riage. Artificial handicaps and ob- 
structing traditions must give way as 
woman’s economic independence per- 
sists and increases. Meanwhile, -for 
the individual wife, the conditions of 
our transitional period make her 
choice of wage employment a cause 
of difficulties that register their ef- 
fects upon her personality, her phil- 
osophy of life, and her social atti- 
tudes and relationships.” 

While the sociologists and econo- 


mists discuss the problem, the mar- 
ried women continue entering em- 


ployments in increasing numbers. 
Their advance is the more striking 
in view of the obstacles they have 
encountered. They have had to meet 
objections, criticism and in some oc- 
cupations, restrictive regulations. 
Still their numbers mount. 

In fact one of the significant de- 
velopments in women’s work in re- 
cent years is in the number of mar- 
ried women who are gainfully em- 
ployed outside the home. Of the 
eight and a half million women at 
work, as recorded by the 1920 census, 
nearly two million were married. 
And these two million, it should be 
noted, is a conservative figure. For it 


* Annals of American Academy of Political 
and Social Science, May, 1929. 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


does not include the women who have 
been married, but are now widowed, 
divorced or separated from their 
husbands. 

For the United States as a whole, 

at the time of the latest available 
census figures, approximately one out 
of every four working women was 
married. And of every eleven mar- 
ried women in the country, one was 
at work outside the home. From re- 
cent studies by the Federa! Woman's 
Bureau, there is indication that the 
1930 census will show an even larger 
number and proportion of married 
women workers. 
. An industrial state like Massachv- 
setts has nearly one hundred thou- 
sand married women gainfully em- 
ployed. That is about one out of 
five of all working women in the 
state fifteen years of age and over, 
and one out of thirteen of all mar- 
ried women. In the textile cities a 
much larger proportion of the 
women at work are married. In 
Lowell, Fall River, and New Bed- 
ford, they represent from one-fourth 
to over one-third of all the women 
wage-earners. 

It is interesting to note that since 
1890 there has been throughout the 
country a more rapid advance in the 
number of married women workers 
than in the entire group of women 
gainfully employed. In a single gen- 
eration there was an increase of 150 
per cent in the total number of work- 
ing women in the country as com- 
pared with an increase of 270 per 
cent in the number of married women 
workers. 

Since 1910 there has been a de- 
crease in the number and proportion 
of married as well as single women 





MARRIED WOMEN WORKERS 


in agriculture and in domestic and 
personal service. On the other hand 
there has been a striking increase in 
the numbers employed in manufac- 
turing industry, in trade and trans- 
portation and in clerical occupations, 
professional service and _ public 
service. 

In the ten-year period, 1910 to 
1920, the number of married women 
in clerical occupations increased 
nearly 300 per cent. In professional 
service there was an increase of 60 
per cent and in public service, 70 per 
cent. The largest numerical increase 
was in manufacturing industries, an 
increase of more than one hundred 
thousand. There are now nearly 
half a million married women em- 
ployed in industry. 

Some of the recent studies made 
by the Federal Women’s Bureau, 
under the direction of Miss Mary 
Anderson, deal with the problems of 
these married women workers. The 
studies include reports on “What the 
Wage-Earning Woman Contributes 
to Family Support,” ‘Married 
Women in Industry,” “The Family 
Status of Bread-winning Women in 
Four Selected Cities,” and “Facts 
About Working Women.” 

For those with preconceived ideas 
on the subject of married women 
workers, these reports should fur- 
nish wholesome reading. They pre- 
sent a sympathetic account of the 
facts found in the Bureau’s investi- 
gations with analysis of material col- 
lected by the Federal census. 

Among the conditions found by 
the Bureau the following are of espe- 
cial significance: A large number of 
the married women factory workers, 


167 


especially in the textile industry, are 
mothers with young children. Un- 
like the more fortunately situated 
professional workers, these women 
can not afford to employ a maid to 
attend to the housework and a nurse 
to look after the children. They are 
literally carrying on two jobs—the 
work in the factory during the day 
and the work for their households 
outside of the factory hours. 

According to the Bureau the great 
majority of married women wage- 
earners are working from financial 
necessity.’ A study of married women 
applicants for work in Denver re- 
cently issued by the Women’s Bu- 
reau, indicates that “approximately 
nine-tenths of them work outside the 
home because they need to.”” More 
than two-fifths of the women whose 
source of income was ascertained had 
none except their own earnings. 

On account of the low wages, ir- 
regular work, illness or other handi- 
cap of their husbands, the earnings 
of these women are necessary for 
the support of their families. In 
some instances the Bureau found the 
women were the sole support of the 
household. In a number of instances 
their wages represented the major 
contribution to the family income. 

The work of these women is per- 
formed under serious handicaps, 
among which are their own low 
wages. This is emphasized in the 
Bureau’s report on “What the Wage- 
Earning Woman Contributes to 
Family Support.’”* The conclusion 
of this study is: 


*U. S. Woman’s Bureau, Bulletin No. 77, 
1929. 

*U. S. Woman’s Bureau, Bulletin No. 75, 
1929. 








“In many instances the efforts of 
women to provide for the family are 
far more heroic than are some of the 
things officially recognized as hero- 
ism. Because of the love of family 
and good citizenship, many women 
must shoulder economic burdens 
caused by conditions that should not 
be permitted to exist. The stamina 
and the courage required to face the 
responsibilities shouldered would 
carry the women far if opportunity 
would open up for them. Society 
must awaken to the fact that the 
double standard in wages is an un- 
fair discrimination and must recog- 
nize that in matters of employment 
opportunities and equal wages women 
find chivalry a myth. Since, as has 
frequently been demonstrated in his- 
tory, a nation can be only as stron 
as its women, there is great need o 
concern about an economic organi- 
zation that forces upon women bur- 
dens that menace their health and 
welfare, great need of an effort to 
mitigate the practices that tend to 
handicap and exploit women, and 
great need of a broad and thorough 
study of these problems by the state 
and national governments.” 


There is a general impression that 
when women in the professional 
classes work after marriage it is for 
the sake of a career. The inquiries 
dealing with the subject would indi- 
cate that this is not by any means 
the sole motive. A study of “Mar- 
riage and Careers,”? made for the 
New York Bureau of Vocational 
Information, states that the largest 
group of women reporting worked 
because they needed this outlet for 
their energy. With the next largest 


*Collier, V. M.: “Marriage and Careers,” 
1926. 





168 AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


group, financial necessity was an im- 
portant factor. Nearly all of the 
women interviewed included as one 
of the reasons for their professional 
work a desire to enrich the contribu- 
tion they made to the family. 

A recent study on “Married Col- 
lege Women in Business and the Pro- 
fessions,” prepared for the Institute 
of Women’s Professional Relations, 
cites economic reasons as the motive 
for work outside the home in the 
majority of the cases reported. De- 
sire to work came second and family 
situation, third. 

Some of the women were working 
to maintain the standards of living 
demanded in professional circles. 
Some were helping their husbands 
advance in their careers. Others 
were working to assure better edu- 
cational opportunities for their chil- 
dren. Some worked because of finan- 
cial reverses or because of their hus- 
bands’ ill health. 

The majority of these women were 
engaged in some form of profes- 
sional work. The earnings of those 
who were working full-time ranged 
from $800 to $20,000 a year, with 
the average around $2,500. One in- 
teresting case cited was that of a 
woman who had organized a business 
and employed her husband in it at a 
little more than half her own salary. 

The author of the article concludes 
that these married and employed col- 
lege alumnz are working in occupa- 
tions in which it is most usual to 
find college women; that their earn- 
ings are much like the great majority 
of mankind, they are working be- 
cause they need the money and be- 
cause they need the satisfaction which 











n- 


1e 
al 


]- 








BRIEF EPISODE 169 


comes only from activity which is felt 
to be worthwhile. 

Seven of the eight women who 
have served in the Massachusetts 
State Legislature have been married. 
It might be noted in this connection 
that nearly all the women who have 
sat in Congress have been married. 
The situation would indicate that 
public office, at least, is a field where 
there is no distinction against women 
on account of marriage. 

Despite the facts and figures, the 
question persists, What about the 
employment of married women? 
Shall it, or shall it not be accepted? 
The women themselves are answer- 
ing it, apparently to their own satis- 
faction, by their increasing numbers 
gainfully employed. As for the rest 
of us, each will reply according to 
his or her individual point of view. 

Logically it would seem that every- 
one, men and women, married or 
single, should be free to engage in 
the work for which they are best 
suited and in which they find the 
greatest happiness. If women with 
business experience or professional 
training—women with artistic tal- 
ents and creative ability—wish to 
continue their work after marriage 
and are able to do this, they should 
be free to do so. 


There is a different situation pre- 
sented by the untrained and casual 
married women workers. Other em- 
ployees sometimes fear the effect 
upon wage and working conditions 
of this indefinite reserve force that 
may be drawn into the labor market 
from time to time. There is little 
specific information available upon 
this phase of the problem—the ac- 
tual and potential number of these 
occasional workers; and their effect 
upon the bargaining power of other 
workers. A study of this subject 
might be of interest. 

The great mass of married women 
who are gainfully employed, how- 
ever, are not the occasional workers 
concerned with earnings for a tem- 
porary period for some special pur- 
pose; or the women who work be- 
cause they need such outlet for their 
energy. They are rather the women 
who work outside the home because 
from economic necessity they have 
to. The women who perform man- 
ual labor in mills and laundries, or 
who go out at night to scrub the 
floors of office buildings do not do 
this work for self expression. They 
do it because their earnings are 
needed to help in supporting their 
families. 


BRIEF EPISODE 


Do not regret your little shattered hour. 
No beauty lasts—of cloud or tree or flower. 


Beauty made permanent would prove a pain 


Too exquisite to bear. 


Compute your gain 


Against what has been lost and you will find 
Fate has been generous—and reason blind. 


Louise CrensHAW Ray. 


THE HOSIERY WORKERS LOOK AHEAD 


Ly_Le W. Cooper 


Professor of Economics, Marquette University 


NE of the few American tex- 
tile industries to experience 
prosperity since the War has 

been silk hosiery manufacturing. This 
circumstance doubtless has been one 
of the leading contributing factors in 
enabling organized labor, embodied 
in the American Federation of Full- 
Fashioned Hosiery Workers, to se- 
cure a substantial representation in 
the industry. During the last few 
years, however, a condition of over- 
development has occurred which is 
characterized by the customary prac- 
tice of attacking labor standards that 
were granted by employers when 
profits were more plentiful. This 
source of difficulty for the wage-earn- 
ers has been accentuated in conse- 
quence of much of the industry’s re- 
cent expansion having taken place in 
the nonunion South. 

Faced with such a state of affairs, 
it is evident that the hosiery work- 
ers and the more farsighted manage- 
ments were under the necessity of 
working out a program possessed of 
a fair chance of bringing about a de- 
gree of stability in the industry. 
Some firms, it is true, concluded that 
their economic salvation lay in ridding 
themselves of the union; but such an 
individualistic conception, if carried 
out in wholesale fashion, would in- 
evitably result in a condition of chaos 
with respect to volume of production, 
selling practices and employment con- 
ditions. It was therefore fortunate 
for both employees and investors that 
a sufficiently large number of firms 


could see the wisdom of joining with 
the union in the inauguration of a na- 
tional trade agreement which contains 
features designed to supply methods 
for dealing with the more serious of 
the industry’s problems. 

An “industry,” in the vocabulary 
of too large a proportion of the finan- 
cial and business community, simply 
connotes controlling ownership and 
the hierarchy of management that is 
erected upon the basis of such owner- 
ship. Labor, according to this view, 
is at best looked upon as exemplify- 
ing certain problems ‘of personnel. 
Efficiency of labor in production is to 
be assured mainly by correct place- 
ment of workers, some such device as 
a system of individual prizes for the 
best suggestions for the elimination 
of waste, a more or less continuous 
safety-first campaign and, occasion- 
ally, a nod in the direction of collec- 
tive bargaining by means of one of 
the manifold schemes of “employee 
representation.” If stability of the in- 
dustry as a whole is needed, this may 
be accomplished through one of the 
various styles of mergers whereby 
one or a few large firms come to at- 
tain dominance in the industry, or, 
pending such an outcome, then a trade 
association may serve the desired pur- 
pose. In any event the wage-earners 
in the industry are to be carried 
along, passively enjoying (or, in some 
instances, suffering) whatever the 
wisdom of management deems bene- 
ficial to the “industry.” But in the 
case of silk hosiery manufacturng 


170 





THE HOSIERY WORKERS LOOK AHEAD 


economic evolution had not yet ar- 
rived on an extensive scale at the 
beneficent merger stage, nor did there 
exist a trade association which might 
assist in eliminating various kinds of 
cutthroat competition that had be- 
come so prevalent. 

Last autumn the hosiery workers 
submitted the previously mentioned 
national trade agreement to a large 
number of manufacturers. Provi- 
sions of the agreement look toward 
assisting in the needed stabilization 
that was otherwise not in sight. The 
fact that the agreement is uniform 
for all signatory firms is an essential 
feature of the hoped-for stabiliza- 
tion. This uniformity exists in sev- 
eral vital particulars. One is that 
basic piece rates for identical opera- 
tions are the same for all companies, 
irrespective of what part of the coun- 
try they happen to be located. The 


purpose here is to remove from the 
realm of competition rate-cutting as 


a means of reducing costs. Competi- 
tion remains in quality, service, style 
and managerial efficiency—and these 
types of competition as a protection 
for the consumer are undoubtedly 
preferable to that which results in re- 
duced wages and lowered standards 
of living for hosiery workers. 
Another of the agreement’s lead- 
ing provisions is that representatives 
of the hosiery workers and those of 
the management shall conduct time- 
and-effort studies the object of which 
is to establish higher standards of 
productive efficiency. Thus, while 
wage-cutting is not to be resorted to, 
cooperative efforts are to be carried 
on which will result in reduced costs. 
This group technic of lowering costs 
is more in line with modern tendencies 


171 


of organized effort than that em- 
bodied in the suggestion-box proce- 
dure, backed by the more primitive 
“power of discipline’ methods which 
in the majority of establishments of 
most industries continue as the chief 
reliance for getting out the product. 

Perhaps the most unique provi- 
sion in the uniform agreement is 
the hosiery workers’ policy of per- 
mitting knitters, the most skilled 
and influential group in the union, to 
operate more than one knitting ma- 
chine. Knitters had maintained that 
the so-called two-machine system 
caused too great a strain on the 
worker and that the introduction of 
the system on a wide scale would re- 
sult in much unemployment. How- 
ever much truth there was in these 
contentions—there can be no doubt 
that especially the threat of unem- 
ployment was extremely serious—the 
condition existed that the nonunion 
mills, comprising at least half of the 
industry’s output, were rapidly in- 
troducing the system. This meant 
that they were economizing on labor 
in a way not permitted to the union- 
ized mills and, moreover, that unless 
concessions were made on this issue, 
mills dealing with the union would in 
numbers want to go open shop so that 
they might without hindrance adopt 
the two-machine system. 

While experience has shown that 
unconditional opposition on the part 
of labor to the introduction of ma- 
chinery is a losing policy, trade unions 
have sometimes failed to adopt a con- 
structive attitude in meeting the prob- 
lem. A constructive attitude, of 
course, does not require unconditional 
acceptance of the machine. If the 
view is held that it is right and de- 





172 


sirable that organized labor be recog- 
nized as an integral part of the in- 
dustry, then it follows that labor 
ought to have some “‘voice”’ in regard 
to the terms upon which such a basic 
influence as the machine is accepted. 
Even though, without reservation, the 
doctrine of classical economics be ap- 
proved that labor in the long run is 
certain to gain through the introduc- 
tion of every feasible technical 
change, it does not signify that meas- 
ures are mistaken which seek to 
bridge over transitional short-run 
periods involving serious difficulties 
for wage-earners. 

The hosiery workers adopted the 
novel procedure of permitting the 
two-machine system to be put into 
effect on certain types of knitting ma- 
chines; but the application of the sys- 
tem was not to exceed 25 per cent of 
the total number of knitting machines 
and not more than 15 per cent were 
to be doubled up during the first six 
months of the agreement. Whether 
these percentages are mutually satis- 
factory remains to be discovered, but 
it may be assumed that, so far as the 
union is concerned, the necessities of 
the situation will be faced in an in- 
telligent manner. For, once the kind 
of realism already manifested is al- 
lowed to function, there is likely to 
be a growing tendency in this direc- 
tion. Certainly labor leadership of 
a high order is indicated when the offi- 
cials of a union succeed in persuading 
the membership to make a strategic 
retreat on the machinery issue in 
order thereby the better to create a 
stronger position for the union. 

This concession which the union 
makes on machinery is in part com- 
pensated by the uniform wage agree- 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


ment. The employers in addition 
give more complete recognition to 
the union, particularly in that the 
right of the hosiery workers is ex- 
pressly granted to carry on organiza- 
tion work in other departments of 
the hosiery mill besides the knitting 
department, where, until recently, was 
confined most of the membership of 
the union. If this provision is taken 
advantage of to a large degree, thou- 
sands of women and girls, who con- 
stitute more than two-thirds of the 
industry’s wage-earners, will be added 
to the union. Another aspect of the 
provision which in effect encourages 
further organization is that by per- 
mitting the union to become stronger 
in numbers and power, greater likeli- 
hood of success will attend the attack 
on production problems. Further- 
more, if the union enlarges its mem- 
bership considerably in the mills now 
organized—keeping in mind its co- 
operative policy concerning produc- 
tion—the chances become correspond- 
ingly brighter of more than holding 
its ground against the nonunion sec- 
tion of the industry. The present 
division of the industry between 
union and nonunion firms will prob- 
ably not remain permanent, and the 
union’s hope of winning over numer- 
ous additional mills in no small de- 
gree depends upon the ability to con- 
vince leaders in the nonunion branch 
of the industry that substantial gains 
are to be achieved through subscrib- 
ing to the national agreement. 

It remains to point out that the na- 
tional agreement was not regarded as 
a constitution for a Utopia in which 
no differences exist between manage- 
ments and employees. Instead it was 
recognized that differences in inter- 





UNEMPLOYMENT SEVERITY RATES 


est are certain to develop. For set- 
tling such disputes as can not be dis- 
posed of by direct negotiation, per- 
manent arbitration machinery is pro- 
vided in the agreement. The impar- 
tial chairman is Dr. Paul Abelson, 
who for eighteen years has acted in 


a similar capacity in the fur industry. . 


Of potential importance is the fact 
that the arbitration machinery and 


173 


certain specific clauses in the agree- 
ment look to the organization of the 
manufacturers of silk hosiery into a 
national association. The associa- 
tion, which has already been estab- 
lished, together with other measures 
in the national agreement, should go 
far toward affording the prosperity 
in the industry which wage-earners 
and investors both seek. 


UNEMPLOYMENT SEVERITY RATES 


EMERSON P. SCHMIDT 


University of Minnesota 


T= repeated references to un- 
employment figures in the lib- 
eral weeklies and elsewhere 
reveal a serious oversight in inter- 
pretation on the part of commenta- 
tors who are otherwise well informed. 
However, even the learned treatises 
on the causes and extent of unemploy- 
ment tend to gloss over the facts. A 
recent text in economics speaks of the 
unemployment “in 1921-1922 when 
five million wage-earners could not 
find jobs.” Does this mean that in 
24 months 5,000,000 workers could 
not find any jobs at all; or that there 
were always that number of men un- 
employed during the interval; or that 
at some more or less vague peak 
5,000,000 could find no work, or may 
it mean something else? 

In speaking of the recent census 
enumeration of the jobless one 
weekly periodical states that the fig- 
ures so far gathered are probably an 
understatement since “only those 
were covered who had recently been 
regularly employed and were actively 
looking for work. This excludes 
casuals and those laid off or fur- 


loughed.” This analysis, while true, 
fails entirely to point out that if the 
worker had been unemployed for a 
month, for two months or even a 
year but just chanced to secure work 
a day or two before the census was 
taken, then the unemployment census 
will take no notice of his previous 
condition of unemployment regard- 
less of its severity. 

Likewise, even though the present 
enumeration should reveal 3,000,000 
unemployed at the time the census 
was taken, it must be mentioned in 
the interests of accuracy that as the 
months pass “by other millions of 
workers will take their turn at being 
unemployed. The monthly records 
show that in Great Britain there have 
been unemployed a monthly average 
of about 1,500,000 people during the 
last year. Assuming that each per- 
son has been unemployed on the aver- 
age for one month only, then these 
figures mean that there have been 
18,000,000 workers unemployed. 
Obviously, the customary figures 
overlooking the time factor do not 
give us the correct impression. In 





174 


enumerating industrial or automobile 
accident statistics we would never 
think of asking, ‘Were you in an ac- 
cident yesterday?’ No, we insist on 
twelve months’ figures and on know- 
ing how much lost time each accident 
involved, thus giving accident se- 
verity rates. Why not insist on the 
same complete data for unemploy- 
ment? For instance, it is a matter 
of common notoriety that practically 
all building-trades laborers are em- 
ployed only for a part of each year 
and this industry alone would account 
for several millions of unemployed. 
Furthermore, few automobile work- 
ers or unskilled laborers are em- 
ployed throughout a whole year. 
Thus in order to secure complete 
statistics in regard to how many of 
the approximate 30,000,000 wage- 
earners are employed the full twelve 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


months of the year the question will 
have to be asked, “Have you been 
without a job at any time within the 
past year?” instead of the present 
question, ““Were you employed yes- 
terday?” Obviously, this latter ques- 
tion tells us nothing about those mil- 
-lions who have been unemployed dur- 
ing the last twelve months in whole 
or in part unless they also happen to 
be unemployed just when the enumer- 
ation is being made. The length of 
the unemployed period should be se- 
cured also. This is not a fault of the 
present census technic alone, but is a 
fault of nearly all figures gathered to 
date by other agencies and individ- 
uals. 

The point is quite obvious but few 
commentators and, worse, few stu- 
dents of labor questions bring the 
issue into proper relief. 


RECOVERY 


Long red leaves upon this tree 
Day by day have solaced me. 


Blue beneath a flashing wing 
Has persuaded me to sing. 


Gusts of wind upon the plain 
Set a motion in my brain. 


A single twist of blazing light 
Reimbues my eyes with sight. 


Once again I will resume 
The web upon my dusty loom. 


ANNE Harg_ey. 





“YELLOW-DOG” CONTRACT 
Paut F. Cog 


N EMPLOYER may prescribe 
A the conditions under which he 
™ desires to conduct his business; 
and,(if he chooses to demand as one 
of the conditions that an employee 
agree not to join a labor union, and 
secure such agreement by stipulation 
in a written contract with the em- 
ployee, the United States Supreme 
Court has declared that he may do so. 
(Coppage vs. Kansas, 236 U. S. 1, 
declaring unconstitutional a state stat- 
ute making it a misdemeanor for an 
employer to demand as a condition of 
employment that an employee agree 
not to join a labor organization.) 
But it is also established that an em- 
ployee may be free to join a labor 
union, if he so desires. The two are 
diametrically opposed. Obviously no 
right may be exercised without due 
regard to the conflicting rights of 
others. As to the resulting attitude 
of labor, the arbitrary and indiscrim- 
inate denial of work to union men on 
the part of some employers has led 
to a situation which, in the opinion of 
Labor, has caused “more feeling, 
more bitterness in the hearts of wage- 
earners, than any other condition 
which has been established by those 
who have enjoyed the right of organi- 
zation, and who use that power to 
devise ways and means which have 
denied the same rights to the mass of 
the people.” This condition has been 
brought about by the use of the “‘yel- 
low-dog” contract. 
A contract of the Main Island 
Creek Coal Company, in force in 


West Virginia in 1923, will serve as 
an illustration: 
So long as the relation of the em- 


‘ployer and the employee exists, the 


employers will not knowingly employ 
or keep in its employment any mem- 
ber of the United Mine Workers of 
America, the I. W. W., or any other 
mine-labor organization and will not 
aid, encourage, or approve the or- 
ganization thereof, it being under- 
stood that the policy of said company 
is to operate a nonunion mine, and 
that it would not enter into any con- 
tract of employment under any other 
conditions. If and when said rela- 
tions of the employer and the em- 
ployee at any time or under any cir- 
cumstances terminate, the employee 
agrees that he will not then or there- 
after, in any manner molest, annoy or 
interfere with the business, customers, 
or employees of the employer, and 
will not aid or encourage any one else 
in doing so. 

Labor has no such retaliatory right 
against the employer; and, whatever 
the merits of the relative arguments 
may be, it should not be difficult to 
recognize and to understand the phi- 
losophy and attitude of Labor in 
regard to this situation—-salvation in 
organization! Disrespect and dis- 
trust of the courts result, and at times 
open defiance of the law—at least 
law by injunction. This is the belief 
of educated, as well as of laboring 
persons. However, were the applica- 
tion to both employer and employee, 
the question of discrimination—which 


175 





176 


was a factor the court considered to 
be of importance in contributing to 
the validity of the Kansas statute— 
would be removed. 

The psychological effect upon some 
employees, particularly the ignorant 
or illiterate worker, when he affixes 
his signature on a written agreement, 
is disconcerting. He does not know 
what may happen if he even incurs 
the displeasure of his employer. To 
him it might involve not only his being 
fired, but also punishment, fine, and 
imprisonment. So it was back in 1907 
when the Hitchman Coal Company 
in West Virginia adopted a closed, 
nonunion shop policy and compelled 
every employee to sign an employment 
card stating, in substance, that he 
understood that the mine was oper- 
ated on a nonunion basis, that he was 
not a union man, and that while he 
was at liberty to become a union mem- 
ber, he agreed that he would not do 
so and remain in the employment of 
Hitchman Company. 

We see, then, that although the 
workingman’s power to strike is lim- 
ited, the employer’s right to discharge 
is almost absolute. \ True, it may be 
found inexpedient to exercise this 
power of discharge in an autocratic 
fashion, but the employer is generally 
within his legal right in discharging 
whomever he pleases, as well as in 
hiring whom he pleases. For exam- 
ple, managemént may refuse to hire 
a union worker and may discharge a 
union worker merely because of his 
membership in a labor organization. 
In this connection, the Interborough 
Rapid Transit Company of New 
York maintains a company union 
known as the Brotherhood of Inter- 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


borough Rapid Transit Company 
Workers. Although company unions 
are sometimes permitted to compete 
with trade unions for membership, 
they are often forced on the em- 
ployees by the imposition of “‘yellow- 
dog” contracts as in the case I just 
mentioned. / However, a number of 
states have passed laws which pro- 
hibit employers from denying to their 
employees the right of membership in 
trade unions.) Employers are some- 
times forbidden by law from discharg- 
ing those employees who belong to 
labor organizations merely because of 
their union membership. But much 
of such legislation is unconstitutional 
or unenforceable. 

To get down to the cause for the 
development of the “Yellow-dog” 
contract, we must go back to the 
eighties and nineties, when the bitumi- 
nous coal industry produced, as it has 
continued to do ever since, too many 
mines, too many operators, too many 
miners, too many tons of coal. As 
prices dropped, operators cut wages; 
as wages became cut-throat, miners 
organized in self-defense. Some 
operators, as Mark Hanna, encour- 
aged the miners in their territory to 
unionize with the understanding that 
the union would carry on its organiz- 
ing campaign in other fields and there- 
by equalize competitive conditions— 
standardize hours and wages at a fair 
level and thereby stabilize the indus- 
try. After a time the union made a 
creditable showing by organizing all 
of the older coal fields. Combined 
efforts of operators and unions prac- 
tically stabilized the industry as to 
individual gain. But after the War, 
there was a rapid expansion of bitu- 














“YELLOW-DOG” CONTRACTS 177 





minous coal mining into the newer 
fields, especially West Virginia. Since 
they were at a disadvantage as to loca- 
tion, they undertook to undersell older 
and well-established fields by under- 
cutting the union scale and barring out 
the union. They took more and more 
of the markets from the older fields. 
The older fields turned to the unions 
for relief. They did their best but 
were unable to mitigate the situation. 
The Central Competitive Fields reluc- 
tantly signed the Jacksonville agree- 
ment, 1924, which ran to April 1, 
1927. Before it expired, however, 
a number of the operators had broken 
away. Increasingly they have claimed 
their inability to operate in the face of 
a wage differential. They resorted to 
the “yellow-dog” contract. Many 
battles ensued. The U. S. District 
Court of West Virginia granted first 
a temporary, then a perpetual, injunc- 
tion restraining the union from dis- 
turbing the “‘yellow-dog.” Later the 
Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the 
district court and threw the “yellow- 
dog” out. Still later the U. S. Su- 
preme Court, three members dissent- 
ing, reinstated it. During the rail- 
road shopmen’s strike in 1922 nearly 
every one of the 261 class 1 railroads 
and a number of short-line railroads 
applied for injunctions in the various 
Federal courts. No applications were 
denied. In all, nearly 300 were issued. 
incidentally, this is one of the reasons 
for the shopmen’s failure. 

It is a principle of common law that 
legal action is possjble against a third 
person who persuades one of the two 
parties in a contract to break this 
agreement without justification or 
legal excuse. Therefore it has been 





held by the Supreme Court that it is 
illegal to unionize or to attempt to 
unionize the workers under voluntary 
contracts giving up the right of union 
membership as a condition of employ- 
ment. ) It was further held by the 
Supreme Court (Hitchman Coal and 
Coke Company vs. Mitchell, 245 U. 
S. 229, 38 Supreme Court 65, 1917) 
that an injunction might be issued 
against all attempts to organize work- 
ers who had signed voluntary agree- 
ments not to join labor organization 
while in their present employments.) 
Thus “yellow-dog”’ contracts may be 
and have been regarded as legal, and 
the right of injunction remains against 
any outside attempt to unionize the 
signers of such agreements. A sensa- 
tional illustration of the fight against 
unionism was the demand of the Inter- 
borough Rapid Transit Company of 
New York for an injunction against 
the American Federation of Labor, 
whether or not a strike was contem- 
plated, to restrain any one of the 
3,000,000 members from persuading 
a subway employee to join their own 
instead of the company union, on the 
ground that these workers had signed 
the “yellow-dog” contracts. 
Organized labor resents, with all 
the desperation and fire born of long 
years of struggle, the use made of a 
legal instrument by an employer to 
combat the economic strength that it 
has won. It deems such a weapon 
unfair—a weapon that the employer 
has resorted to by subterfuge and has 
justified by the rules of common law, 
because he has no better justification, 
and by which he seeks to undermine 
the power that Labor has secured. 
Therefore to fight the “yellow-dog,” 











178 


the “anti-yellow-dog”’ bill was intro- 
duced in Ohio, 1925, which would 
abolish the use of the obstructing con- 
tracts and thus make it possible for 
the organizers to peacefully persuade 
employees to join the union. If it 
were successful, it would result in the 
unionizing of the shop. {An analysis 
of the bill shows that the employer is 
legally free—as he should be—to re- 
fuse to hire a union man. He is still 
legally free—as he should be—to dis- 
charge a man if he joins the union. 
But it does deprive the employer of 
the instrument by which he has been 
able to secure a court order keeping 
his employees away from union in- 
ome’ 

Although the “anti - yellow - dog” 
contract at first met with comparative 
defeat, it later gained some success. 
It passed the Ohio Senate, 1927, after 
the constitutionality of the proposed 
act had been upheld by the state’s 
attorney general in a sweeping official 
procedure. ‘‘Yellow-dog” not only 
deprives workers of their rights of 
organization, but also has the effect 
of denying workers their constitu- 
tional right of free speech and free 
assemblage. The bill is designed to 
preserve in the state on behalf of 
both Labor and employers the right 
to collective bargaining.\ The bill 
passed the Ohio House two weeks 
later by a majority, but not the neces- 
sary two-thirds vote. In California 
it was passed by 43 to 36 in the As- 
sembly, but lost in the Senate by two 
votes. In Illinois the House voted 
20 to § in favor of the bill. Further- 
more, two decisions of New York 
State courts have greatly strengthened 
organized labor’s fight against the 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


judicial enforcement ot the “yellow- 
dog” contract—one by the Court of 
Appeals invalidating an injunction 
obtained in the lower courts by the 
Interborough Rapid Transit Com- 
pany; and the other, and more recent, 
by Supreme Court Judge Wasser- 
vogel, denying an application for a 
second injunction by the same em- 
ployer. The reason for the tremen- 
dous effort on the part of employers 
to maintain, uncircumscribed, the 
liberty to secure the “yellow-dog” 
contracts is, as Mr. Quackenbush be- 
lieved, found in the use of such a 
contract as a hook upon which to hang 
an injunction. If this view be adopted 
by other jurisdictions, labor has won 
a most notable victory. 

But all is not as well as we might 
picture the conditions. In fact, the 
material I have given is more optimis- 
tic than the state of affairs. This anti- 
union promise phase of unionism is 
indeed a dark one. [The term con- 
tract is unsatisfactory, since it indi- 
cates a legally binding agreement. In 
Exchange Bakery and Restaurant, 
Inc., vs. Rifkin, 245 New York 260 
(1927), the court, referring to an 
antiunion pledge, or “yellow-dog” 
contract, stated explicitly that under 
the particular circumstances this pa- 
per was not a contract. Conse- 
quently, such terms as “promise” or 
pledge are preferable.] Labor lead- 
ers and economists see a grave danger 
to labor unions in injunctions pre- 
venting union organizers from seeking 
union members in, violation of such a 
pledge. It is obvious that if a large 
number of employers require the 
making of antiunion promises and 
such promises are effectively pro- 





“YELLOW-DOG” CONTRACTS 


tected in the courts, labor unions 
are seriously menaced. The anti- 
union pledge is frequently associ- 
ated with an employee-representa- 
tion plan. The problem is presented 
to the courts not in a controversy be- 
tween the parties to the antiunion 
agreement, but in a suit by the em- 
ployer against a union or its organ- 
izers, or both, prohibiting them from 
persuading workers to violate their 
pledge. Here we may again refer to 
the Hitchman decision which is of 
paramount significance, but not such 
a drastic precedent as it is generally 
considered to be. This is indicated by 
an excerpt from a summary of it: 
“The purpose entertained by defend- 
ants to bring about a strike at plain- 
tiff’s mine in order to compel plaintiff, 
through fear of financial loss, to con- 
sent to the unionization of the mine as 
the lesser evil, was an unlawful pur- 
pose, and that the methods resorted 
to by Hughes—the inducing of em- 
ployees to unite with the union in an 
effort to subvert the system of employ- 
ment at the mine by concerted 
breaches of the contracts of employ- 
ment known to be in force there, not 
to mention misrepresentation, decep- 
tive statements and threats of pecu- 
niary loss communicated by Hughes 
to the men—were unlawful and mali- 
cious methods, and not to be justified 
as a fair exercise of the right to in- 
crease the membership of the union.” 
The terms strike, threats, et cetera, 
as viewed by the court, caused that 
body to impute to the situation non- 
bona fide attempts to increase union 
membership. It is, then, a desperate 
fight that the unions are making in 


179 


order to try to maintain their pres- 
tige—oftentimes a losing one. 
According to the Hitchman deci- 
sion, “defendant's acts can not be jus- 
tified by any analogy of competition in 
trade. They are not competitors of 
plaintiff ; and if they were, their con- 
duct exceeds the bounds of fair trade.” 
This statement is made with refer- 
ence, not to the adverse interests of 
the employer and employees, but with 
respect to the contest between the em- 
ployer and the union which seeks to 
have the workmen join its ranks. It 
is technically true that these are not 
competitors in trade. That is, the 
union is not seeking to employ the 
workmen of the employer in com- 
petition with him. The question is 
whether there is an interest in the 
relationship between the employees 
and the union which takes the union 
out of the category of a total stranger 
and justifies that which a total 
stranger could not lawfully do, as 
some persons see it. But the position 
of the dissenting judges in the Hitch- 
man case is thus stated by Justice 
Brandeis: “The purpose of interfer- 
ing was confessedly in order to 
strengthen the union, in the belief that 
thereby the condition of the working- 
men engaged in mining would be im- 
proved; the bargaining power of the 
individual workingman was to be 
strengthened by collective bargaining; 
and collective bargaining was to be 
ensured by obtaining the union agree- 
ment. It should not, at this day, be 
doubted that to induce workingmen 
to leave or not to enter an employ- 
ment in order to advance such a pur- 
pose is justifiable, when the workmen 
are not bound by contract to remain 












in such employment.” Certainly the 
difference in relative bargaining power 
of the two groups, employers and 
employees, is apparent. The dispar- 
ity of bargaining power is compound- 
ed by the insignificance of the indi- 
vidual in large, corporate business, 
disparity in the state of workers and 
employers in the contract, disparity in 
resources and waiting power, dispar- 
ity in technic of bargaining, and dis- 
parity in knowledge and control of 
the market. Unfortunately, however, 
it is not always possible to have such 
common sense opinion as Brandeis 
accepted widely. 

To further deflate the rising public 
opinion as regards the “yellow-dog” 
contract, I might point out that only a 
month ago (May, 1930) Massachu- 
setts took derogatory steps to the 
labor victories. The state supreme 
court declared that efforts to outlaw 
the vicious “yellow-dog”’ contract are 
useless in Massachusetts. An advis- 
ory opinion, given the state house of 
representatives on a pending bill to 
abolish the “yellow-dog,” stated that 
such legislation would be unconstitu- 
tional. |The state supreme court cited 
the U. S: Supreme Court’s ruling up- 
holding the right of an employer to 
bind his workers against the union, 
and added that the Massachusetts 
constitution would regard an “‘anti- 
yellow-dog” law as infringing on a 
worker’s right to sign away his liberty. 
It seems that the dice are very often 
loaded against labor unions even in 
the matter of representatives; so how 
can we expect them to put up a solid 
front in their fight? 

It is not, however, a one-sided 
affair. Warrants for the arrest of 


180 AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 





President Calvin Hartzell of the 
Nazareth borough council and gen- 
eral foreman of the Kraemer Hosiery 
Company, for perjury, and of A. G. 
Schmidt, president of the company, 
for subornation of perjury, were 
secured by Louis Francis Budenz, 
special representative of the Hosiery 
Workers’ Union, before Alderman E. 
D. Warg of Bethlehem, Pennsylva- 
nia. The alleged perjury and subor- 
nation of perjury were committed in 
the affidavits on which the Kraemer 
injunction was granted, prohibiting 
public discussion of the “‘yellow-dog”’ 
contract. On the witness stand in the 
injunction case, Hartzell admitted 
that the allegations made against 
Budenz were false, and then stated 
that he had been persuaded to make 
the affidavit by President Schmidt. 
The allegations in the Hartzell affida- 
vit charged the calling of epithets at 
the Kraemer workers, the holding of 
meetings at the mill gates, and the 
use of threats which had caused work- 
ers to quit the company’s employ. 
Hartzell admitted these events never 
took place. This is an example of 
how far the injunction process has 
gone toward being a mere automatic 
instrument in the hands of antiunion 
employers. This injunction not only 
goes further than any other in for- 
bidding all public discussion, but it 
also was granted although one of the 
officials admitted that his affidavit was 
false, point by point. In granting the 
injunction, the court condoned perjury 
admitted from the witness stand in 
its presence. Therefore, this reckon- 
ing is apropos of justice which should 
be forthcoming. 

The latest trend in the “yellow- 





2 irre i ee ae ee ee 


“YELLOW-DOG” CONTRACTS 


dog” development is as significant as 
the teeth-growing episode of the 
Hitchman Coal and Coke Company 
in 1908, when it discovered that a 
number of its supposedly unorganized 
“yellow-dogged” miners had been 
secretly organized into a union. As 
we know, they were found guilty of 
inducing breach of contract, and the 
organizers sentenced to jail. But to 
project that older imposition on a 
few points, this new step in the “‘yel- 
low-dog’s” growing ugliness was to 
have it declared punishable to organ- 
ize “yellow-dogged” men, even if they 
quit the employer upon joining the 
union. This is the basic point in the 
Red Jacket Coal Company injunction 
in West Virginia in 1922. For up- 


holding this injunction, as well as for 
other services to capital, Judge John 
J. Parker met all sorts of opposition 


in his recent bid for a seat in the U. 
S. Supreme Court. A battle of wits 
ensued; and to the credit of many 
Senators, they sincerely and diligently 
upheld the laborer’s rights. Their 
fight was indeed a hard one. Judge 
Parker said in defense that “in the 
Red Jacket case he had no choice but 
to follow a previous decision by the 
Supreme Court.”” How convenient of 
him to hide under the folds of the 
Supreme Court in his self-exculpation ! 
But how futile. 

As everyone knows, the fight was 
not against Parker so much as it was 
the “yellow-dog.” In all the long 
debate, not a Senator dared to go on 
record as approving the “yellow-dog” 
contract. Rather amusing when we 
stop to consider the fact that Judge 
Parker only eight years ago so defi- 
nitely and doggedly upheld that very 


181 


instrument. He put the whole power 
of the Federal courts back of the 
“yellow-dog”’ contract. He even went 
so far as to enjoin miners and union 
organizers from discussing the con- 
tract with each other—“the only con- 
tract in history,” as Borah cleverly 
put it, “that is too sacred to be dis- 
cussed.” 

President Green did not fail ta 
seize upon the opportune moment to 
deliver a few well-suited speeches. In 
them he devoted much of his talk to 
Parker’s record as an injunction judge 
and as the champion of the “yellow- 
dog” contract. “At present, there are 
at least 300 coal companies in West 
Virginia who force their employees 
to sign such a contract,” he declared. 
“I am very firmly of the belief that 
the shopmen would have won a deci- 
sive victory in that struggle [the 1922 
strike] had it not been for the fact 
that the courts sided with the manage- 
ments in granting every injunction 
which was requested. Whenever the 
workers mobilize their economic 
power to the point where it becomes 
effective they are robbed of victory 
by an injunction.” 

American history contains very few 
cases in which the Senate rejected any- 
one named by the President for the 
Supreme Court. 

Although this movement in regards 
to the “yellow-dog” contract is not 
the ultimate and final one, it at least 
shows the general trend of the public 
opinion. If decisions continue to be 
as favorable as they have been during 
the last year or so, Labor is going 
to experience a decisive victory over 
the “yellow-dog” contract. ) 





WITH SPIRITS BEYOND 


JoserpH B. HANNON* 


E WERE surely up in 

this rocky-walled world, 

today, Buck.” The early 
evening shadows were scurrying 
about the peaks like playful forms, 
deepening transparent veils, slowing 
under the heavier golden glow of a 
glorious setting sun. That sun, weav- 
ing it’s many gleams through the 
greenish-purple haze that mantled 
the mystic slopes and drousy forest. 
From the streams came silvery mists, 
vaporing into the absorbing tongues 
of passing light; curling streams, val- 
leys, mountain sides, reaching up to 
kiss the last gleams of day good- 
night. 

“Yes, it’s a swell place,” responded 
Buck, reverently. He consulted his 
map. “That must be Chattanooga 
back there; the Tennessee River over 
this way. Looks like a silver ribbon 
fluttering through that valley. Don’t 
look! I'll be still; keep your eyes on 
the road. No zero driver can be 
frisky on this trail; it’s getting too 
dark to take chances much longer. 
We better pull in somewhere for the 
night. We're going down, check her, 
brakes! brakes!” “Yes, yes! I see, 
don’t get me excited.” The car skid- 
ded onto a long, level, rocky ledge 
and was checked. ‘We can’t back 
up this incline to the left rear; can’t 
climb the cliff to the left front; or 
chance too close to that ravine on the 
right, Buck.” 

“Pretty risky drop in front, but 
we can’t stay here and block this 


*Continued from January, 1931, AMERICAN 
FEDERATIONIST. 


182 


trail.” Down went the car in leaps 
and bounds. “Watch her,” roared 
Buck; “jump! Jump before she hits 
that gully.” They stood between the 
intermittent sorrow over their loss 
and bursts of merriment over the 
queer antics of the car bouncing 
downward like a rubber ball. “All 
right for grasshoppers,” commented 
Buck, “it can’t be a regular road.” 
“Grasshoppers’ road only; good-bye 
Lottie Shev. Look! Buck, she’s lov- 
ing up a big tree down there.” “No; 
she’s trying to waltz with it; see her, 
warm baby, spin around it.” ‘“She’s 
been spurned; she’s gone; but he 
saved her in her spasm from that 
chasm.” ‘Poetry from a lost moun- 
tain bard; be cheerful, atta boy!” 

“Let’s slide-down and see where 
she eloped to. Better reach her, if 
she don’t hit bottom before dark. 
We'll need our blankets and ham- 
mocks to snooze in, as well as some 
grub.” They discovered Lottie rest- 
ing in an angular position on the 
shoulder of a great rock; but she was 
also in a sort of a stone pocket from 
which they could not remove her. 
“Wonder if this is the Cumberland 
region?” ‘“Can’t prove it by me,” 
replied Buck’s pal, “you’re better 
educated; but I'll vote it looks like a 
lollypaloozer of a camp, right now. 
Let’s strap our hammocks to the 
branches of that big tree up there, 
after we eat.” 

“You know plenty; that Swedish 
nurse would have made a college pro- 
fessor out of you if she had you 
another year.” “Say, Buck, she sure 





WITH SPIRITS BEYOND 


was a swell girl. Six months before 
she was to leave I started to write 
her a letter. I wrote it over and over 
again, tried to make it show the de- 
votion of my heart toward her, but I 
couldn’t couch it in those words that 
would convey a far deeper love than 
that which unites a couple in mar- 
riage.” 

He wiped a single tear out of his 
remaining eye and choked back a sob. 
“At last I thought of a way. I 
would still improve the letter and 
hand it to her without her name or 
mine. Tell her I copied it because it 
was beautiful. If I did otherwise, I, 


a shattered human, almost a pauper, 
horribly disfigured, might offend her, 
for she might take it to mean that I 
was trying to make love to her. 
When she was ready to leave I in- 
tended to present that to her and say: 
‘Keep it in memory of me, one who 


will never forget all you have done 
for him.’ But her post had been sud- 
denly changed and I saw her no 
more.” 

Again he wiped the eye and drew 
from his pocket the letter. “It is too 
dark to read it to you, Buck, but I 
can repeat most of it. ‘Immortal 
one, true servant of divine life and 
God, sweet essence of emotion’s fra- 
grant flower of life, sublime creature, 
your affection and sympathy brings 
back the warmth and glow of life and 
relieves the agonies of a torn body 
and a weary soul. Spiritual one, so 
far beyond the longings of earthly 
life for the gifts of reward, rewards 
that this earth holds not the value to 
pay for your divine tenderness, the 
price to pay for your self-sacrificing 
service and devotion, to pay for your 
gentle and balmy fortitude. 


183 


“**Your cheery consolation so ever 
constant, ever dauntless and uncom- 
plaining, though weary and worn; 
white spirit of the shrine of benevo- 
lence; dawn of the way, fountain 
of hope and charity, dispelling 
gloom’s earthly afflictions. I pour 
the toll of my fervent heart out to 
you, angel of mercy, in ceaseless 
prayer. Into my room you came as a 
revelation from the portals of Para- 
dise; an enchanting, sanctified spirit 
in the radiance of the life beyond, 
that life of perpetual peace and rest. 
Like a transparent transfiguration be- 
fore me, hovering on the brink of 
the Great Divide, my dimmed ears 
heard music from afar, and my feeble 
vision revealed from one supposed 
sightless eye, through mists of en- 
shrouding death, you, guardian angel, 
waiting at the window to take my 
spirit home. It seemed to me, a dying 
soldier, that you stood in the door- 
way of Paradise; you seemed not 
earthly to me, for upon you the 
golden dawn of heaven gleamed. 
Your vision, through my dimmed eye, 
lingered in that vista as though on 
the threshold of two worlds, blending 
between the twilight of one and the 
shadows of the other. 

“ ‘But I heard the soft flutter and 
saw you glide within the hallowed 
gleam, not back to the world of peace 
and light, but into this world of 
sacrifice, gloom and cruel strife. You 
came to bless and brighten the lives 
of the helpless. And you stood be- 
side my deathbed as the dawn of 
hope under the canopy of heaven. 
Your sacred face sent a new glow 
into the spark of life and the chill of 
death loosened its clamy grasp upon 
me. Before you came I cared not to 





184 


remain in this cold world, I had 
borne my share of its remorse; I 
craved the other world, the one of 
glory and peace and rest. But you 
were here, sublime creature, and 
gladly would I relinquish, for a time, 
even the joys of heaven to remain 
long enough to show you that you in- 
stilled into me the crowning glory of 
a more sacred life. To show my de- 
votion to you, blessed one, with the 
ardor of true spirit and love—love, 
not for the bliss of the body and 
beauty of the face, but for the sanc- 
tity of the soul as the Great Master 
intended should be the way, as your 
life so nobly expresses it. Good-bye, 
divine one, and may the light of 
heaven and God’s grace continue to 
hallow the sacred way of your earthly 
life.’ ” 

“That sounds real good, Bud; a 
little more added to it and you could 


start a religion, and I don’t doubt 
but your goddess would take well with 


the followers. But you are going to 
be a bootlegger.” 

The boys remained silent and 
watched the grandeur of the Tennes- 
see night gradually brightening under 
a brilliant moon—Nature’s soul in 
its proud revelation of enchanting de- 
light. The wanderers, stretched in 
their hammocks, smoking and survey- 
ing the magical play of shadows, like 
fairies, darting out and fading be- 
hind the peaks. 

“Nothing like this around the 
Yards or on State Street, Buck; great 
pasture for worn-out milksops, I'll 
whisper.” “I never saw anything like 
it before, and I'll agree it'll ginger 
up the dropies all right. I’m sure 
not anxious to leave here in a hurry; 
but we’ll have to figure on how to get 
away just the same.” 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


“Say, pal, that’s dead easy. We'll 
just hike back in the morning, if you 
wish, to the city we saw recently.” 
“Yes, Bud; looks so easy; looks like 
a short stroll, yet it might be fifty 
miles away.” “What time is it? 
Look, Buck, look! Over there side 
of that great dome-shaped mound, 
about seventy feet below where that 
little stream crosses. See it? See it? 
Now it’s gone!” 

“What was it, the ghostly battery 
of a Confederate division?” ‘No, 
no, no! pal. There it is again! See it? 
A diamond as big as your head.” 
“Sure it ain’t a lightning bug, fanning 
a moonbeam with its wing, and 
camped on your eyelid? Feel and 
see.” Buck got no reply. He 
grasped a long-handled scraper, like 
his pal; hurried after him; giggled, 
“Fella, yaw gone diamond nuts?” 
His pal kept going, his one eye 
focused within the range where the 
supposed immense diamond flashed 
alternately. 

Not a diamond but a hole, prob- 
ably cannon-ball hole, greatly en- 
larged, in the side of a rock-roofed 
cavern. Bud was on his stomach in 
the hole, with only the lower part of 
his legs protruding. Buck raced 
about looking for him until he tripped 
over the legs. In turns they peered 
into the cavern, dazzlingly illumi- 
nated, their eyes blurring in a futile 
attempt to overcome the blinding 
flash, to see something. Suddenly the 
intense glare dimmed, switched. Buck 
burrowed in, remained motionless, 
pulled out, and his pal questioned, ex- 
citedly, “‘Diamond mine?” 

“No diamond mine,” gasped Buck, 
agitated; “boats in there. Their 
searchlights are playing on those 
icicles hanging from the ceiling of 





WITH SPIRITS BEYOND 


the cave. River passing through. 
Bunch of guys sitting on the boats. 
A meeting. Couldn’t hear what the 
grumble was.” “Hold one of my 
legs, Buck, I'll wedge all the way in. 
I got a bum lamp but a good pair of 
mikes, maybe I can catch the broad- 
cast.” After an extended survey he 
reported, “Five small gunboats in 
there—pirates, traitors or bandits, 
all dressed up for the undertaker—or 
they took a boat ride to this prayer 
meeting. Wonder if they'd like to 
listen to my prayer?” 

“No kidding, Bud, something 
funny going on in there. Let’s push 
our scrapers against that icicle that 
blocks our better view; we'll try and 
knock it down, then we’ll see more.” 
“Don’t get rash or hasty, better not 
get them out here shooting at us.” 
“You’re there with the logic, boy, 
this time. That jewelry hanging 


from the ceiling, icicle or stalactite, 
might be too solid to push down. We 
won’t disturb that flock; on second 
thought, nothing but rotten eggs 


would nest in there to plan. We'll 
get more dope.” 

Buck wedged into the hole and 
remained listening so long that his 
pal became very impatient. When 
he did withdraw, he sat silently gaz- 
ing about. “Well, you going to keep 
it to yourself?” ‘No, indeed; I’m 
puzzled to know just how to start tell- 
ing you about it. Looks rotten to 
me. We’re on the payroll of rum- 
runners, don’t forget. Our crowd 
is bad, supposed to be, but they are 
only pikers—shy babies compared 
with that flock in there. Why they 
are going to fight the Government 
with them bathtub gunboats. That’s 
their navy and they'll start a rebel- 
lion of some kind. It looks to me 


185 


that this thing will filter out with 
troops rounding up every bootlegger 
and rum-runner in the country and 
barring them up for treason.” 

“What are you trying to tell me, 
Buck?” “Nothing more than I said. 
I’m out of the racket right now. We 
better not connect with that flock on 
the Gulf. Them tin gunboats are 
billed to start something after their 
arrival there. They are going to 
guard booze cargoes and fire at any 
Government gunboat that noses in. 
Desperate game that.” ‘Well, they 
did about everything else. I can’t 
quit, Buck; simply can’t, that’s all.” 
“You'll quit when they cage you, 
won’t you? Lads like you get the 
notion that them in there has, that 
the Government is afraid of you be- 
cause you’re not already in. When 
they start something real you'll see.” 

“But a fellow must live. Who'd 
give either of us a job? Good able 
men can’t get them. When we were 
on our way to war the Wilson Gov- 
ernment was going to do wonders for 
us if we came back crippled. What 
did we get? Hell; that’s all. Yes, 
plenty of apple strudel about the 
League of Nations; political cup- 
tossers’ gumboils and soapbubbles 
about disarmament. What we need 
is a league of citizens to disarm the 
politicians of power never granted to 
them. But there’s good kale in the 
booze racket, and a fellow don’t need 
much more than a bit of nerve. To 
us who were raised where booze 
flowed so freely, it don’t seem such a 
rotten game—no more rotten than 
the games worked by politicans in 
Government service. They wouldn’t 
give us soldiers any of those easy jobs 
around city halls, county buildings, or 
Federal jobs. Soldiers of the parties 





186 


got them.” “You're getting rebel- 
lious, kid. You're liable to enlist with 
that bunch in the cave if you keep on.” 

“That so? Well, some game like 
that down there is going to make ole 
Uncle Sammy comb the hair out of 
his eyes and make his brain rattle. 
That bunch will get theirs all right, 
yet; men go to war and take ten times 
the chance for comparatively nothing. 
We're nicely fixed for jobs after the 
war, ain’t we? You with a sh-ft 
gone, I with a lamp out and an old 
withering bone of a leg to limp on. 
Human wrecks, heroes before; out- 
casts after. We'll go peddling shoe- 
strings and pencils to the leaky 
patriots that stayed at home and got 
theirs. They'll buy from the ten- 
cent stores, not us.” 

“You're all right there, Bud; but 
your pal is out of this booze game, 
just the same. But I'll never for- 


sake you in trouble or as a pal.” 


“That’s great! So hell with every- 
thing else. But, are you sure about 
what them bowl-headed boobs are 
trying to pull?” ‘Sure, positive.” 
“Know any of them?” “Three; 
Flakes Borneo, Gorelance and your 
old fret, Garr. Sit down, sit down! 
I say, or I'll quit you, right now. 
Listen tome! You can’t do any more 
than an ant under an elephant’s foot. 
Don’t let the bee out of your bonnet 
or what’s left of us might be bleached 
bones among these rocks after a 
month.” 

Cluck dropped to the ground, mur- 
muring, “Guess you’re right”; then 
burrowed into the hole. Buck 
watched his stormy pal, uneasily; 
tried to plan. Here was a real task 
to restrain a fearless fighter. At any 
moment he might yell a challange 
to the desperadoes inside. Buck 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


grabbed his leg and tried to pull him 
out. No use. He stretched out on 
the ground and confided to the moon, 
“T might just as well rest up before 
the execution.” When Cluck pulled 
out he found Buck pretending to 
snore. 

“Listen, Buck, they moved their 
tin warships a few yards back. I 
could see and hear fine. That Gore- 
lance that used to be the main stem 
on that newspaper and the guy that 
hired Gummy Goran’s gang to go 
gunning after the newspaper wagon 
drivers during their strike, is the big 
chief in there. If that numbo-jumbo 
flushes up them cracked nuts with the 
palaver that he pumped into Gummy, 
there'll be pickled panic on tap, that 
is, if they gauge him up.” “Shure, 
Cluck, let them cross their own rot- 
ten chasm. It won’t last long. He’s 
a Lazarus worshiper, like his boss, 
when they do the telling.” 

“They’re men crushers. He’s the 
first jam that put newspaper bags and 
boxes on posts to cheat the newsboys 
out of sales on papers.” ‘And cheat 
the advertisers on circulation count.” 
“He’s a_ society galloper, radio 
squealer, political gospel prattler, 
greed ripper (his story), virtue 
monger, honest business guardian. 
He’s the fluter that put Helen Jacobs 
and a flock of other jazz-babies on 
the bum, out of jobs and some of 
them on the town.” 

“Say, Cluck, you’re getting real 
good. Climate and place must have 
some effect. You're liable to de- 
velop enough sense to mind your own 
business and insure our safety. Many 
know what Gorelance is, and he 
don’t seem to care whether they do 
or not. He’s a privileged character, 
an idol of other men; his place is 





WITH SPIRITS BEYOND 


fixed by wealth and politics; and men 
will bow to him, submissively, re- 
gardles of station or scandal. Ditch 
your idea of tackling him.” “The 
poor printer on his paper didn’t bow 
to him. He almost ended his jour- 
ney; chased him not only out of his 
job but out of the town. The pub- 
lisher didn’t fire the printer; he got a 
promotion instead. After Helen 
Jacobs went on the bum; couldn’t find 
a job. She became Gummy Goran’s 
sweetie. Gorelance slipped it over 
both. After Helen told Gummy and 
I her story in the Perfect Glory 
Roadhouse, Gummy took two of his 
waffles and they went gunning for 
Gorelance who the printer had al- 
ready chased out of town.” 

Buck yawned, stretched his arm 
and body, then sighed. “Tired, 
Buck?” “Yes, I’m tired, tired of it 
all.” “I thought you were so I am 


talking to try and keep you awake. 
Can I tell you what Helen told me 


about Gorelance?” “Did she tell 
him that she was going to have a 
baby?” ‘Why no.” “All aboard, 
go ahead.” “But why did you ask 
that?” “Just because a lot of those 
dizzy females, after they get a taste 
of what they went looking for and 
what no one could advise them 
against, read magazine confession 
stories, doctor them to fit their own 
case, then slam them over with tears 
to prove they are outraged victims.” 
Cluck seemed distressed. ‘Well, go 
ahead,” urged Buck. 

“Helen told me that Gorelance 
went into the circulating department, 
regularly.” He paused and shot a 
glance toward Buck to see if he was 
interested or ready to call a halt, then 
proceeded cautiously. “There he 
looked over the new female stock and 


187 


selected his choice. The winner was 
installed as his private secretary; lit- 
tle work and almost double the 
money. The girls ignored raved with 
jealously. The second or third day 
Gorelance would take his new favor- 
ite to lunch, then send her for a drive 
through the parks in his big car, and 
when she returned he gave her a real 
loving up. Next night he took her 
to a real show and from there to a 
hotel. If she proved a good izzum- 
wizzum and soothed his animalism 
her job was safe until he was ready 
to fuse with another. If she repulsed 
his advances or proved a chilly lover, 
she got, in a hurry, the slip, ‘Services 
no longer required.’ Helen told me 
she tumbled into the ditch blind- 
folded. She was highly elated first. 
Thought she winged big game for 
keeps; nailed him for swell togs; got 
the ditch instead suddenly, and had 
no come-back.” 

“T suppose you know, Cluck, that 
I once tried very hard to make my- 
self Helen’s best selection.” ‘No, 
no! I never knew that.” “Well, it’s a 
fact and, regardless of what Helen 
did, I would gladly marry her any 
time and respect her always. Now 
I'll tell you what she told me about 
the printer’s wife affair. 

“The printer’s wife was one of 
those vivid, dashing little gypsy-like 
beauties; and say, boy, don’t ever let 
anyone tell you she wasn’t some real 
warbler. Gorelance spotted her with 
her hubby outside the office. He 
warmed in for an introduction, lin- 
gered to chat after hubby went in to 
his linotype, to tell the warm little 
goose who and how powerful he 
really was. He understood she was 
a warbler of note; she smiled charm- 
ingly and his blood flowed ever so 








188 


ticklish. In a few days she was in- 
stalled in a private booth in that 
newspaper office as a critic writer on 
music of which she knew practically 
nothing. She was just installed, 
that’s all, to the astonishment of her- 
self and husband; $60 a week. Re- 
treat Boccaccio; you’re rusty. Shortly 
after, hubby trapped them in a hotel, 
blazed away at Gorelance who es- 
caped in a bathrobe and blew the 
town. Simply changed places with 
another manager in another town, on 
another chain newspaper of his boss.” 
“One of the first things 1 and every 
other gangster learns is that politics 
is little more than an official gang- 
sters’ game. They respect no re- 
strictions and do as they please, like 
free-lance gangsters.” ‘‘Free-lance 
may fit better.” “Yes; you know, 
free-lance gangsters don’t war. to toe 
to free-lance politicans; one is in the 
game to get the kale unlawfully and 
the other is in the game to get it from 
them unlawfully—contributions ex- 
cessive or prosecution. 

“Contributing gangsters have the 
semblance of right to proceed with 
their game until the public becomes 
inflamed over it. The politican is 
the mother of crime and the common 
gangster, protected, is the father of 
most of it. There’s your proof in 
that cave. The late war is another 
sad case of it. Over the world, 
throughout history, politics proves it- 
self to be little more that a continu- 
ous stream of ghastly plots.” 

“T agree with you. Most of what 
we read reflects the nasty deed of 
those tax-eaters, scalp-hunters, blood- 
suckers. They have made the em- 


blems of their nations, their flags, 
something to spatter with human 


blood. 


Governments have always 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


been, to a vast extent, little more than 
engines of force to exploit the multi- 
tudes. To upset the balance, flaunt 
their arrogance and inflate the power 
of greed.” 

’ “Education and knowing how to 
reason is great stuff. I heard a good 
talker say, that the ‘Volstead Act 
simply switched the booze revenue 
that John Barleycorn formerly paid 
the Government over to the personal 
account of grafting prohibition agents 
and police officials, as a tribute to 
them for contributions and services 
rendered to their party.’ Looks rea- 
sonable at that. It is practically veri- 
fied by the Government’s failure to 
prosecute those caught in the mesh of 
outside exposure; yet the immediate 
prosecution of collectors caught fak- 
ing the title of prohibition agents can 
not be overlooked.” 

“Every thinker knows that the 
Volstead Act had five lures to at- 
tract violators into the game to every 
one that promised punishment. 
There’s that gang in there, going to 
try to start something that might 
start a revolution. They must know 
their codfish in Washington or they 
wouldn’t attempt it. Well ‘ 
“Oh to hell with them! Cluck, I’m 
going to roll in.” Buck started for 
his hammock, repeating, “Hell with 
them, they’ll get theirs.” 

Hopelessly, Cluck watched his pal 
leave and there was little he could do 
but follow. He lay in his hammock, 
could not sleep. The natural impres- 
siveness of the place seemed to be 
fading away, becoming mournful, 
creepy. The moon, stars and streams 
seemed to be losing their sparkle. 
A chill, refreshing wind blew down 
the mountain side but the stagnation 











— ee a ee 











WITH SPIRITS BEYOND 189 


remained to him and not Buck, al- 
ready snoring. 

““Let’s talk, Buck, wake up and let’s 
talk! Maybe the last talk didn’t do 
me much good, but let’s talk anyway. 
Won't you talk to me, Buck? I feel 
like a scary kid again; this place seems 
so different, now. Don’t know why 
but it’s lonesome, dreary. Oh talk to 
me, will you, Buck?” Buck raised 
up with a grunt, lit his pipe and 
cheerily said, “All right, Cluck; but 
I don’t know anything else to talk 
about. I am real sleepy.” “Stay 
awake and I'll tell you more. Heard 
Gorelance slamming it over hard. 
Others just listen awhile and then 
make promises to him. He’s the 
whole wind end of it. He read what 
his chain of newspapers said about 
Government killings on dry enforce- 
ment. Said nothing about fifty times 
the number killed by poisoned ‘moon’ 
and in bootleggers’ battles. Same 
ten-year-old gush. All his papers 
got out of it was murder stories. 
That’s not enough; they want reve- 
nue from beer, gin and whiskey ad- 
vertising; not personal liberty. 

“He’s going to make the Govern- 
ment back down; got long-tailed 
Senators, corn-fed Congressmen, yel- 
low newspapers all lined up to back 
his conspiracy after these tin warships 
fire on Government gunboats. Some 
game, I'll say.” Buck checked his 
weary pal with a yawn and emptied 
his pipe. “Don’t go to sleep, Buck.” 
He gazed to the southwest. ‘Look, 
Buck, there’s a fellow away off there 
on that high peak.” ‘“He’s a look- 
out.” “Will I get a rifle?” “Cer- 


tainly not, take it easy, you are ex- 
cited.” The man disappeared. 
Cluck went on: “Brewery agents 


from Chicago, New York, St. Louis 


promised Gorelance big advertising 
contracts if he could put this over. 
One fellow they call Blue Neck 
Hopper from the Old Sandy Hill 
distillery testifies he'll foot heavy; 
others pledge the same. There are 
five boats with five men each; each 
one to get a thousand for a month’s 
work if they last that long. A red- 
headed revolutionist of Detroit is the 
admiral. He promises to sink the 
whole navy with them five bathtubs 
if necessary.” Buck was sleeping 
soundly and poor Cluck lay awake 
watching a little stream rippling over 
the decline of the cave roof. About 
twenty feet below that stream lay a 
huge boulder, and, some dozen feet 
above and to the back from the ledge, 
was thé entrance to the cavern. Buck 
opened an eye. “Say, Buck, see that 
big roc on the slope of the cave roof? 
Behind that, with our rifles, we could 
give those traitors in there an awful 
battle and spoil their game.” “Sleep 
will do you more good,” drawled 
Buck; “don’t be always a wild, foolish 
kid. Thought you got all the fight- 
ing you cared for on the other side. 
Read your devotion to the nurse; it 
might reduce that fever to fight. 
Sleep your worries off, pal, sleep ’em 
off.” Buck curled up in his blanket. 
Cluck remained in meditation for a 
time and then started back for the 
peek-hole. Inside, all was dark; the 
plotters and recruits of the new power 
of supposedly greater force were 
sleeping peacefully in the boats. 
When things were heading for a 
climax Frank Ripply was no quitter, 
and although he was going to join the 
rum-runners, not by wilful choice but 
by compulsion of circumstances, he 
was no rebel. He sat on the roof of 
the cave and reasoned, “Them fel- 


190 


lows are not in this game for personal 
liberty; they are in it for greed. A 
fellow that will put news-boxes on 
posts to cheat ragged, frozen or 
scorched newsboys out of a few pen- 
nies profit on his papers can’t be 
really in favor of personal liberty. 

“Tf I went to his office and begged 
him for a job he’d scornfully look me 
over and coldly turn me down. Why? 
He can get plenty of unwrecked 
humans to do that work; honorable 
men. If I go into that cave and 
volunteer to work with those traitors 
he will engage me at once and com- 
pel Garr to give me absolution. 
Why? Because his field of selection 
is limited to dishonorable men, most 
of them having no regard for human 
life. Pick an industrial slave, ground 
down under the hardships of life and 
he will show little regard for life be- 
cause it has brought him suffering; 
release him from his bondage, off of 
the railroad track, out of the mine or 
out of the sweatshop; preach a little 
sedition to him, especially if he is a 
foreigner who expected to find Gold 
Avenue on his arrival here and was 
badly disappointed; dress him up like 
the crowned heads he saw on the 
other side; give him a thousand dol- 
lars, as much as he’d earn on his job 
in eighteen months; push him into a 
luxurious machine; slip him a gun; 
whisper the names in his ear—and 
the undertaker will soon have a few 
jobs. How far will he go? No far- 
ther than a watchful, real Govern- 
ment will allow him.” 

Frank Ripply was using rum-run- 
ners’ money by force of circum- 
stances; he would remain in the game 
by force of circumstances; he would 
do all he could in the game but com- 
mit unnecessary murders and resort 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


to rebellion; he was as game as any 
but no traitor to the Government 
when such serious issues arose. Like 
his father and sister, he was ever 
ready to fight it out or go down with 
the ship if need be. He was out to 
fight, now, and if Buck refused to 
fight with him he’d fight alone—fight 
that whole crowd in the cave, prob- 
ably forty of them, resourceful, 
crafty, powerful, dangerous men with 
a dangerous, even desperate purpose. 

The savage conditions under which 
this poor boy rolled through life as 
an outcast amid swarms of his kind, 
in filth, tatters and famine, nourished 
nothing that might imbed true con- 
ceptions or furnish telling exemplifi- 
cations that might lead to the lure 
of the higher standards of life. But 
there was an impelling power that 
illuminated his soul—God’s spirit 
was there—and not only noble ideals 
blossomed there, but that fragrance 
of charming sincerity of purpose that 
did not stretch to meet the measure- 
ment of every wilful and sordid il- 
lusion. 

This unswerving will, this impelling 
resolution, like his dad’s and sister’s, 
soared far beyond their own mental 
deliberation to define. They knew 
not the power that urged them on— 
it was an indefinable impulse, some 
guiding spirit that brought death to 
the father’s disregard of it; brought 
fame and station to Betty and now 
held Frank, probably, on the brink 
of eternity. Strange, his mind did 
not seem to scorch to avenge Gore- 
lance or Garr, now. His vision car- 
ried him off to the Gulf where the 
unsuspecting was to be ruthlessly at- 
tacked and the widespread disaster 
that might follow. His purpose was 
to save them and his rum-running pals 





wn Te aS SS OT lUhhTCT 


WHO WANTS TO? 191 


from the exterminating battle that 
would surely follow. 

Those Navy men on their gun- 
boats in the Gulf were good fellows. 
They had one of the most grim duties 
of the Government to perform; it 
was positive, instantanous duty with 
them, not like the hair-splitting tactics 
of a bartering judge. The judge 
rendered a comparatively light sen- 
tence, where they, in a pinch—a pinch 
like this one now being cooked up for 
them—would be compelled to deal 
out death to those they knew not or 
held no personal animosity against. 

Life’s greedy ambitions, ever bub- 
bles in soulless aggressors like those 
in the cave—whose very existence 
ticks on in the rule of ruin, urging 
their deluded followers, for a pittance 
of the spoils, to spread the forlorn 
and terrifying aspect of remorse be- 
fore the very pedestal of security— 
toward that security to which all 
humankind trudges on its perilous 
way. 

All ages reveal that governments 
are the last to move for fitting com- 
promises; they wait for the stage of 
compulsion, to the very moment of 
rebellion; they are glued to their 
stagnant policies because some of the 
leaders have personal interests to be 
conserved. Liberal governments, so- 
called, are the selected mediums to 
tide back the aggressors, aggressors 


with daring spirits, always ready to 
advance, to invade, to pick their 
victims from the multitude. Good 
governments, if such were ever known 
or really possible, will record their 
greatest triumph in acting the part— 
for they are little else—of impartial 
umpires between the contending 
forces on the national ball grounds. 
The employer and and employee are 
playing ball. Record the fouls and 
divide the stakes fairly. 

If all men could learn that the old 
rule of the few, the right of might, 
deception, survival of the fittest 
(hand-picked and self-selected) to 
rule has not been penalized in favor 
of the many, as contended—that 
crowd in the cave would not be 
brazen enough to attack if the Gov- 
ernment was much'more than a weak, 
timid, humiliated power in the hands 
of party pirates. The Government 
belongs to the party and that de- 
fiant mob in the cave belongs to the 
party, some of them directors of it. 
And they are ready to actually con- 
test the right of Government to rule 
that the supposed backwoods. repre- 
sentatives strive to maintain. 

This flock of conspirators that 
Frank Ripply is aiming to conquer 
would not exist if they had to deal 
with other than spineless evaders for 
party harmony, yet treachery to the 
nation at large. 


(To be Continued) 


WHO WANTS TO? 


Who wants to be wise, 
Renowned as a sage, 
Since wisdom like wine, 
Only ripens with age? 


Le Baron Cooke 





FACTS IN FIGURES 


PROSPERITY AND A RISING STANDARD 
OF LIVING 


E ARE living in an age 

when luxuries become ne- 

cessities. Time was when 
only the very rich had bathtubs and 
running hot water in their homes. 
Electric lighting was practically un- 
known except to a wealthy few. Tele- 
phones at first were only for the well- 
to-do or for business. But now these 
one-time luxuries are so universally 
used among all groups of people that 
most of us consider them necessities. 
The wage-earner as well as the 
wealthy stockholder has not only 
these conveniences, but often a radio, 
automobile and electric household 
appliances. 

We Have in the United States 
26,718,000 licensed automobiles— 
one passenger car for every 5 people; 
16,000 moving picture _ theaters, 
10,500,000 radio sets in use, 20,000,- 
000 electrically wired homes—nearly 
68 per cent of all homes, and in 
cities 85 per cent of all. Add to 
these the 36,500,000 electrical appli- 
ances now in actual use in our homes 
and it is clear how much we have 
come to depend on these modern con- 
veniences once called luxuries. 

The luxury industries are the very 
backbone of our present industrial 
structure. The automobile industry 
has been called the key to prosperity. 
And no wonder, for the manufacture, 
sale and servicing of automobiles em- 
ploys 4,700,000 persons—one-tenth 
of all those gainfully at work in the 


United States. The industry pro- 
duced $3,116,000,000 worth of prod- 
ucts last year. Automobile plants are 
major customers of nine of our basic 
industries and the leading customers 
of three. In 1930 automobile plants 
used— 


82 per cent of all rubber manu- 
factured in the United States. 

55 per cent of all plate glass. 

24 per cent of all rubber. 

_1§ per cent of all steel. 

15 per cent of all hardwood lum- 
ber. 

14 per cent of all copper. 

80 per cent of all gasoline. 

195,770,000 pounds of cotton 
fabric. 

3,080,000 carloads of freight 
was shipped over the rail- 
roads. 


Likewise with other luxury or rec- 
reation industries and services such as 
motion pictures, electrical appliances, 
fur goods, ice cream and confection- 
ery, radios, miniature golf, tele- 
phones, travel involving transporta- 
tion and hotels. They employ mil- 
lions of men and use billions of dol- 
lars worth of basic industrial prod- 
ucts. They have become so essential 
in the complex net work of our in- 
dustrial mechanism that they lead us 
forward to prosperity or drag us back 
into depression. 


192 








WwW 4 








Higher Living Standards Imperative 


The amazing growth of these in- 
dustries in the last 10 years makes 
higher standards of living essential. 
Those luxury industries which depend 
on wage-earner buying to sell an im- 
portant part of their products, such 
as motion pictures, fur goods, cos- 
metics, confectionery and automo- 
biles, produced $4,982,000,000 worth 
of products in 1919. In 1929 they 
produced $7,859,000,000 worth, an 
increase of nearly three billion dol- 
lars, or 58 per cent. Add to this an 
increase Of $400,000,000 in electric 
current used in American homes 
(three times that used in 1919); a 
growth of about $750,000,000 in the 
entrance receipts of motion pictures 
(several times 1919) ; of $500,000,- 
000 in radios and other electric ap- 
paratus manufactured; of $730,000,- 
000 in gasoline produced—and we 
begin to picture the huge development 
of these new industries which both 
makes possible and requires a higher 
standard of living for the American 
people. 

Because our luxuries are now mass- 
produced, we have come to depend on 
wage-earners to consume them. It 
will be impossible for these industries 
to keep on growing as they have in 
the past decade unless workers’ living 
standards rise continually, for wage 
and small salaried workers are the 
most important consumers of indus- 
trial products. They have 54 per 
cent of the entire income of the nation 
to spend. And they actually spend a 
great deal more than 54 per cent of 
the money which buys consumer 
goods, for they form, with their 
families, 80 per cent of the entire 
population and have 80 per cent of 


PROSPERITY AND A RISING STANDARD OF LIVING 








193 


the physical needs to provide for. 
They can not afford to put much of 
their money into investments, so 
nearly all of it goes directly to buy 
goods and services. 


The Arch of Prosperity 


In 1929, $23,803,000,000 worth of 
goods produced by our manufacturing 
industries—34 per cent of all prod- 
ucts—were goods like clothing, foods, 
furniture, motion pictures, which de- 
pend directly on the wage-earners as 
customers for the major part of their 
product. The two and a half billion 
dollars worth of homes and apart- 
ments built in normal years house 
more wage-earners than any other 
group and depend to a very large ex- 
tent on rentals and sales to wage and 
small-salaried workers. Other indus- 
tries, such as transportation, mining, 
manufacture of textiles, machinery 
and other producers’ goods, depend 
indirectly on the buying of workers, 
for the products carried by our rail- 
roads, the coal mined, the cotton 
cloth and machinery manufactured 
are used to a large extent inthemanu- 
facture of goods to be bought by 
wage-earners. If workers’ buying de- 
clines, all industry must be slowed 
down proportionately. Workers’ 
buying is a keystone in the arch of 
our modern industrial prosperity. 
Dislocate it and the arch falls. 


Has the Arch Been Supported? 


We can not progress industrially 
unless human progress keeps pace 
with our material advance. This is 
a thrilling and dynamic fact about 
out present industrial order. Key 
industries produce the goods which 












194 


mean greater privilege and oppor- 
tunity for wage-workers and under- 
privileged groups; these industries de- 
pend on advancing standards of living 
for their growth. 

Workers’ living standards have 
been moving upward gradually. 
Growing trade-unionism has pushed 
wage standards higher and given 
workers a share in the increasing 
wealth they help to create. But the 
progress has been slow and uneven; 
only in the last fifteen years has there 
been a steady advance and even then 
workers’ incomes fell far behind 
workers’ power to produce. 

Take the last thirty years for a 
picture: Real wages in manufacturing 
industries—that is workers’ yearly 
incomes in terms of the goods they 
can buy—decreased 8 per cent from 
1899 to 1909. By 1919 they had 
risen again to the level of 1899. 
From 1919 to 1929 workers’ incomes 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


increased 27.5 per cent; but in those 
ten years workers’ power to produce 
industrial goods with the help of new 
technics increased 50 per cent. 

The graph below shows these two 
lines of progress. The line for work- 
ers’ producing power, “Production 
per worker,” rises from 1899 to 
1909, while the line forsreal wages 
falls. From 1909 to 1919, through 
the war period, growing trade-union- 
ism helps workers to regain their 
losses and the line for wages rises 
again. The line for productivity 
keeps the same level through the war 
readjustments with no further rise. 
From 1919 to 1929 both lines rise, 
but the rise in workers’ producing 
power far outstrips the rise in work- 
ers’ buying power. This fact, the fail- 
ure of workers’ buying power to keep 
pace with their power to produce, is 
largely responsible for the huge in- 
dustrial readjustment we are now go- 





190 


CALCULATED FROM FEDE 


WORKERS aN. AnD a PRODUCING POWER 


4’ 











: y, 
’ 

PRODUCTION PER WORKER—*+/ 

/ 





>See ecoee 


a 
e 
a 


ooo” 


I" 





REAL |WAGES 























1914 














1919 1921 1923 1925 1927 ‘4930 





PROSPERITY AND A RISING STANDARD OF LIVING 


ing through. We have had to reduce 
our production to the point where the 
goods produced could all be bought. 
The keystone of workers’ buying 
power had been dislocated through 
this period and the arch of prosperity 
fell. 


Unequal Living Standards 


One trouble is that our growing 
wealth of the last few years has not 
been evenly distributed. Many groups 
are still at the poverty level and in 
our country as a whole 20,000,000 
people were living below the minimum 
standard for health and efficiency 
even in the prosperous year of 1928. 
(This figure does not include incom- 
petents and public charges. ) 

The table below tells the story. 
There are two million families at the 
poverty level and three million who 
have a bare subsistence. The task of 


our age is to bring these five million 


195 


families up to the minimum level of 
health and efficiency standard and to 
advance those who already have the 
essential minimum to higher stand- 
ards where they can enjoy a larger 
and fuller life and also become cus- 
tomers of our luxury industries. 


In the United States today, the 
average wage will not support a 
family of five. We take the family 
of five as standard, for this is the 
average required to maintain our 
present population. 

The wage-earner’s average yearly 
income in 1929 was between $1,200 
and $1,300 a year. This wage will 
support a man and wife at the mini- 
mum standard for health and effi- 
ciency and a single man or woman at 
the comfort level. But if the family 
has one child they are at the bare sub- 
sistence level and with two or three 
children they are in poverty. Clearly, 
then, the average American wage- 


AMERICAN LIVING STANDARDS* 
Nystrom, p. 278-298; p. 302 





Yearly cost 





Family of 5 Family of 4 





Public charges 
Tramps and incompetents 


1,000,000 
2,000 ,000 





Bare subsistence 


8,000,000 
12,000,000 


Under $1,500 
$1,500 


Under $1,800 
$1,800 





Minimum for health and efficiency... . 
Minimum comfort 


20,000 ,000 
30 ,000 ,000 


1,800 
2,100 


2,100 
2,400 





20,000 , 000 
15 ,000 ,000 


2,600 
3,700 


3,000 
4,200 








10,000,000 
2,000,000 


7,500 
12,000 


6,500 
10,000 

















* From Paul Nystrom: “Economic Principles of Consumption.” 





196 


earner who wants to raise a normal 
family must count on having his wife 
or one of his children at work. Or 
else he must give them less than the 
bare necessaries of food, clothing and 
housing and risk illness and physical 
degeneration. 


Below the Danger Line 


A number of the different industries 
are special danger spots where work- 
ers’ average income is far below the 
average for all. The average wage 
in 1929 was below $800 a year in 
cotton goods and men’s shirts; below 
$1,000 a year in cigars and ciga- 
rettes, men’s furnishings, confection- 
ery, wood-working, gloves; below 
$1,050 in lumber, knit goods, house- 
furnishings. The industries em- 
ploy 1,360,000 wage-workers. Long- 
shoremen, Pullman porters and tele- 


phone operators are other low-paid 
groups including 380,000 who aver- 
age less than $1,260 a year, and 
3,900,000 workers in stores and tele- 
graph companies average less than 
$1,300 a year. 


Higher Levels 


Obviously workers in those lower 
groups can not afford luxuries. It is 
only at the higher levels that neces- 
sities are assured and there is enough 
left over for the family to buy a few 
comforts and enjoy the broadening 
experiences of travel, higher educa- 
tion, and other wholesome recreation. 

A budget of $2,400, ihe minimum 
comfort level, allows the family of 
five a little leeway in their spending. 
They may look for quality in their 
clothes, have a better home, averag- 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


ing five rooms. Many in this group 
have automobiles, home conveniences, 
such as telephone, radio, a washing 
machine, a vacuum cleaner. Most of 
the children have a high-school edu- 
cation. In this group are most of the 
skilled union members, building 
tradesmen, printing tradesmen, 
draftsmen, locomotive engineers and 
firemen, railroad trainmen and rail- 
way mail, marble and stone-workers, 
meat-cutters, papermakers, stage em- 
ployees, wall-paper craftsmen and 
others. 


Spending a Living Wage 


A recent study of the actual 
budgets of 82 union printers in San 
Francisco, California, shows how 
wage-earners spend their incomes at 
different living standards. The study 
is by Jessica Peixotto, published in 
1929 by the University of California. 

In each higher income group, the 
printers’ families in general, spent 
more for food, had better clothes and 
lived in better homes, paying higher 
rent. But the important point is that 
after these necessities had all been 
met, more was left over for educa- 
tion, an automobile, such luxuries as 
radios, electric equipment, vacations, 
moving pictures, clubs, entertaining. 
For the group of so-called miscel- 
laneous expenses represents these op- 
portunities which lift life from the 
level of drudgery and mean personal 
growth and development. 

At each higher level of living the 
amounts left for recreation, educa- 
tion and luxuries were considerably 
greater. They were as follows, the 
cost being given for a family of four, 
since this was the average among the 
printers studied: 





PROSPERITY AND A RISING STANDARD OF LIVING 





Amount for 
education, 
recreation. 
luxury and 
savings 





Minimum com- 
$538.82 
$652.95 


$1,196.78 


$2, 100-$2, 500 
$2, 600-$3 , 600 


$3 , 700-$4 , 800 











Below the minimum comfort level, 
which has often been called the 
“American Standard of Living,”’ it is 
impossible for a worker’s family to 
own an automobile, electric equip- 
ment, a radio (except a very inexpen- 
sive one), or to take a vacation trip or 
spend much for recreation unless they 
cut down on the necessary expenses 
of food, clothing and shelter. To 


do this endangers health and, from 


an economic point of view, it is only 
robbing Peter to pay Paul, for a good 
customer of the clothing industry be- 
comes a poor customer of automo- 
biles. 

But at the minimum comfort level, 
these printers’ families had nearly 
$540 left when necessary expenses 
were met. They spent an average of 
$35 a year for education and saved 
$156. The average family still had 
$348 left for luxuries, recreation, in- 
cidentals and vacations. All of which 
shows that once a worker’s family 
reaches the minimum comfort stand- 
ard of living he becomes a good cus- 
tomer of the luxury industries. Many 
at this standard invested in automo- 
biles, spending on the average $150 
a yeaf, not including initial cost. 
This would allow them about 2,500 
miles a year if repairs were held to a 
minimum. 


197 


At the comfort level there is still 
more left for luxuries even though 
the family spends more for their 
home and increases the allowance for 
food and clothing. At this level the 
sum left was a little over $650. The 
average family spent $77 for educa- 
tion, saved $157 and had $419 left 
for other uses. Three families 
bought automobiles during the year, 
averaging $779 for price and up- 
keep and the average upkeep cost for 
those driving last year’s cars was 
$188. 

The moderately well to do had 
nearly $1,200 left for luxuries, $550 
more than those at the comfort level. 
These families could be very good 
customers of luxury industries. Auto- 
mobile purchase and upkeep cost for 
those who bought cars was $1,030. 
They spent $93 for education, saved 
$423 and had $681 left for other 
luxury and recreational purchases. 
These families obviously used their 
savings to buy a better car. 

It is interesting also to note in 
passing the sums spent for medical 
care, for they show that workers 
above the minimum living standards 
become customers also of the profes- 
sions, medical as well as teaching. At 
the minimum comfort level they spent 
$100 a year; at the comfort level, 
$121; and the moderately well-to-do 
spent $160. A higher living stand- 
ard also provides more adequate at- 
tention to health. 


Summary 


The modern age requires a con- 
stantly rising standard of living. Lux- 
ury industries, the keystone of prosper- 
ity, have increased their products by 
$4,380,000,000 since 1919; workers’ 








198 


buying must increase if they are to 
continue their growth. Essential 
consumer industries like food, cloth- 
ing and home-building, also depend 
on rising living standards for growth. 
Workers’ living standards have 
risen in recent years, but workers’ 
power to buy has not nearly kept pace 
with their power to produce. Since 
1899 production per worker has in- 
creased 89 per cent, workers’ real in- 
comes only 27.5 per cent. The fail- 
ure of workers’ buying power to keep 
pace with producing power in the past 
few years was an important cause of 
the present business depression. 
Wealth produced in recent years 
has been unequally distributed. Our 
country as a whole has enjoyed un- 
paralleled prosperity, but 5,000,000 
families are now living below the 
minimum necessary for health and 
efficiency and 3,000,000 are in pov- 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


erty. The textile, cigar, cigarette 
and lumber industries are special dan- 
ger spots where workers’ average 
wage is less than $1,050 a year and 
longshoremen, Pullman porters, tele- 
graph and telephone operators, many 
clerks in stores are other low-paid 
groups. Obviously they can not be 
customers of our luxury industries. 

Union wage-earners who have al- 
ready reached higher levels of living 
spend progressively more for luxury 
goods, education, vacations and other 
developing opportunities with each 
higher living standard. Those mod- 
erately well-to-do have $1,200 a year 
left for these uses after the neces- 
sities are paid. The task of our age 
is to bring the lower groups to a 
minimum of health and efficiency 
standard and to raise those who al- 
ready have a minimum to a standard 
allowing more comfort. 


What An Industrial Leader Says 


There are some who urge a reduc- 
tion in wages corresponding with the 
drop in prices, who affect to believe 
that such a liquidation of labor would 
hasten a return to normal condition. 


Apparently, those who advocate 
this solution have not stopped to 
weigh the implications; that instead 
of tending to increase consumption of 
our industrial and agricultural prod- 
ucts, such wage reductions must in- 
evitably reduce the purchasing power 
of the wage earnings and restrict con- 
sumption. It is my deliberate judg- 


ment that a general reduction of 


wages in this country, instead of re- 
lieving the situation, would set back 
the impending recovery by at least 
two years. 

Undoubtedly there has been a de- 
cided curtailment of purchasing power 
among a large proportion of our peo- 
ple. To reduce the wages of this 
great and important group (wage 
earners) would only be to complete 
the disaster by adding them to the 
mass of restricted purchasers.—J ames 
A. Farrell, President, United States 
Steel Corporation. 





A CRITICAL 


NEMPLOY MENT has in- 

creased somewhat since De- 

cember, and 5,700,000 wage- 
earners in the United States were out 
of work in January, according to our 
preliminary estimate. This com”: s 
with 5,500,000 in December (revised 
estimate). 

Our percentage figures for union 
members, which give a comparison 
for four years, show that only twice 
before has there been such a large 
increase in unemployment in one 
month, and that was in December and 
again in January a year ago, when the 
depression began. This year, 23 per 
cent of the trade union membership 
were out of work in December and 27 
per cent in January. Never before in 
these four years have so many been 
unemployed. 

The large number out of work is 
partly explained by the fact that a 
number of firms who were keeping 
their forces on part time have laid 
men off altogether. A number of 


SITUATION 


unions report this fact, especially in 
the garment, metal and other manu- 
facturing industries; and in building, 
many who had temporary or part 
time work in December now have no 
work at all. In the country at large, 
there is less part time work and more 
are fully unemployed. 

This development does not mean 
that industrial conditions are worse. 
Much of the unemployment is due to 
year end shut downs which have ex- 
tended into the first weeks of January. 
But it does mean that hundreds of 
thousands more are suffering, and the 
unemployment problem, already criti- 
cal, is even worse. 

The January increase in unemploy- 
ment and decrease in part time work 
sounds a warning to the American 
business world. Thousands of firms 
the country over have been keeping 
their men at work at least part time, 
if they could not give full employ- 
ment. This has been one of the most 


I. Unemployment by Trades’ 
Per cent of Union Members Unemployed 


Month 
1928-'29-’30-'31 
30 38 50° 4 
33 43 
34 41 
29 40 
26 37 
19 37 
16 39 
18 39 
21 38 
22 38 
23 42 
32 45 


1928-'29-'30-'31 
January 18 15 20 27? 36 
February 18 15 22 39 
March 18 14 21 38 
April 16 12 21 32 
May 13 11 20 25 
June 11 9 20 22 
July 12 9 22 24 
August | a 19 
September10 10 21 22 
October 9 11 21 18 
November10 12 22 21 
December 13 16 23 23 


ORaAaAaAar Pe Uawn 


All Trades Building Trades Printing Trades 
1928-'29-'30-'31 


All Other Trades 
1928-'29-'30-'31 
12 12 18 
11 13 
13 
12 
13 
14 
16 
16 
14 
13 
15 
15 


Metal Trades 
1928-'29-'30-'31 
18 8 15 28 10 
16 18 10 
13 18 11 
12 19 
12 19 
10 19 
13 21 
20 
23 
21 
25 
25 


5 10° 


a ne aoe 
COIWWMNIAAAAwW 
OTANI HO ~1 00 
= ONIAAWOO oO 
CONIA Ow OO 


oe 
ov 


—s 


1 For an explanation of the collection and computation of the figures, see March, 1928, American 


Federationist. 
? Preliminary. 





200 


important measures to meet the na- 
tional emergency. It has prevented 
much suffering and helped to main- 
tain buying power. 

Now is no time to relax these ef- 
forts. Industrial recovery can begin 
with the spring busy season which is 
just ahead. Efforts to provide work 
and give relief should be redoubled 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


now when the need is greatest and 
when the workers’ buying power will 
count most in stimulating trade. 
Every employer who keeps his men 
at work, at least part time if he can- 
not give full time employment, is 
helping the advance along, and every 
executive who orders a lay off is help- 
ing to keep the country in depression. 


Unemployment in Cities 


All Trades 
Percent Per cent 
members 

unem- 
ployed 
January 
Since 


1931 December! 


Atlanta, Ga 18 0 
Baltimore, Md 26 -— 8 
Birmingham, Ala 28 +24 

24 +11 

29 +10 
Chicago, III 32 +12 
Cincinnati, O +15 
Cleveland, O +9 
Denver, Colo +53 
Detroit, Mich +11 
Jersey City, N. J +11 
Los Angeles, Calif +19 
Milwaukee, Wis +28 
Minneapeciis, Minn +12 
+13 
+4 
+4 
+42 
+15 
+33 
+7 
+19 
+12 
+4 


(+) or 
decrease 


(=) 


Omaha, Neb 


Philadelphia, Pa 
Pittsburgh, Pa 

San Antonio, Texas... . 
San Francisco 


1 Reports from the same unions for two months. 


Per cent 
increase members 
unem- 
ployed 


January 


All Other Trades 
Percent Per cent 
members increase 

unem- (+) or Part 

ployed decrease time 

(-—) all 
Since _ trades 
December! 
-1 11 
—38 24 
+4 10 
+13 18 
+9 14 
+18 17 
+9 25 
+44 14 
+87 11 
+27 16 
+4 11 
+25 16 
+34 22 


Building Trades 

Per cent 

increase 
(+) or 

decrease 
(—) 
Since January 

1931 December! 1931 
61 + 3 10 
60 + 6 9 
75 +41 

43 +10 

40 +12 

64 +9 

43 +17 

55 0 

57 +30 

52 0 

58 +13 

42 + 6 

53 +25 

56 +18 + 3 14 
39 +14 +12 22 
53 —27 15 
58 +2 + 5 8 
53 25 
50 13 
56 9 
39 13 
52 21 
48 16 
42 8 





TRADE UNIONS REPORT 


UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 
Detroit Federation Feeds 500 Daily! 


bor is conducting a dining room 

for its unemployed members, 
serving two substantial meals a day. 
For the last several weeks nearly 500 
people have been patronizing this 
place daily, reports Frank X. Mar- 
tel, president of the Detroit Feder- 
ation of Labor. He continues as to 
the city’s work: 

The City of Detroit, under the able 
leadership of Mayor Frank Murphy, 
has organized for relief through the 
Public Welfare. More than 30,000 
families are being cared for. An ad- 
ditional 11,000 unattached men and 
women are being housed at the ex- 
pense of the city. 

More than 100,000 garments have 


Tor Detroit Federation of La- 


been collected, cleaned and repaired 
and distributed to the unemployed. 

Some $20,000 has been used to 
feed school children who are not be- 
ing properly fed at home. 

In addition to this, the Mayor’s 
Unemployment Committee, through 
its unemployment bureau, has fur- 
nished jobs to approximately 17,000 
people. Of course practically all of 
them were part-time jobs. 

Many private groups have organ- 
ized and are furnishing meals and re- 
lief. 

Conditions were never so bad in 
Detroit in the history of the city and 
there is no indication that there will 
be any relief from the unemployment 
situation. 


Baltimore 


BALTIMORE, like every other indus- 
trial center in the United States, has 
had its proportionate share of unem- 
ployment. 1921 saw the first strong 
evidence in this direction, with pos- 
sibly some slight improvement from 
1924 to 1927. The continued down- 
ward trend at that time was some- 
wnat held up in this city by the erec- 
tion by the Western Electric Com- 
pany of an enormous plant in this 
city. This operation, together with 
several other public improvements, 


201 


tended to relieve the situation during 
late 1928 and the whole of 1929. 
The original plans of the Western 
Electric Company were curtailed and 
further construction stopped. This, 
with other natural causes, made the 
situation in Baltimore in 1930 prac- 
tically as acute as any other city in 
the country. 

Trade unions here have done all in 
their power to relieve the situation. 
Such methods as division of employ- 
ment opportunity, unemployment 





202 


assessments and staggered employ- 
ment were adopted by various of the 
organizations. Financial relief is 
given by the local unions in many in- 
stances, particularly around the 
Christmas season, and in this direc- 
tion some of the employers aided in 
furnishing temporary relief. 

The Baltimore Federation of La- 
bor made a careful study of needed 
publi¢ improvements, evident exten- 
sions and improvements that might 
be done by public utilities and ap- 
peared before city officials with this 
definite program, urging its immedi- 
ate adoption for the relief of the un- 
employment. 

The city itself, through the Mayor 
being mindful of the growing unem- 
ployment problem, named an Em- 
ployment Stabilization Commission 
whose duty is to try to secure im- 
mediate relief and to study the prob- 
lem from a long-range point of view 
with a view of recommending both 
to the employer and to private in- 
dustry some plan that might prevent 
a recurrence in the future. This 
commission is made up of city offi- 
cials, business men, educators, wel- 
fare workers and a representative of 
organized labor. After the commis- 
sion had outlined a general program 
of immediate relief and some fur- 
ther theories of stabilization, great 
care was taken in the selection of a 
director whose duty it would be to 
endeavor to put the program into 
effect. The country was scanned for 
an outstanding economist whose 
qualifications might favor him to en- 
deavor to put such a delicate pro- 
gram into effect, and after interview- 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


ing several outstanding economists 
and industrialists, Mr. John P. 
Troxell, erstwhile educational direc- 
tor of Pennsylvania Federation of 
Labor, was selected and is now in 
Baltimore endeavoring to relieve the 
present situation. 

One of his first moves was a call- 
ing together of all the personnel di- 
rectors of the various local business 
interests and the securing part of 
their time for the purpose of comb- 
ing the city and interviewing employ- 
ers to make room for more em- 
ployees in their respective plants. It 
is yet too early to ascertain the fruits, 
if any, of this move. 

Baltimore has a rather pretentious 
public improvement program now 
ready for execution, but, unfortu- 
nately, some of the biggest of these 
projects are being held up by the 
courts as result of legal action being 
taken for reasons entirely selfish in 
their objective. 

In conclusion, the general situa- 
tion in Baltimore, notwithstanding 
the best efforts of the representatives 
of organized labor and those well- 
intentioned public officials, is not im- 
proving and the situation may even 
get worse. We are hopeful, how- 
ever, when we will have succeeded in 
launching these many prospective 
public improvements that it will tend 
to relieve the situation and give a 
momentum to general business in 
Baltimore that will be very beneficial 
to all its citizens. We, representa- 
tives of labor here, shall not rest 
until relief is afforded. 

Henry F. BROENING. 





UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 


Women’s Auxiliary Activel 


THE Joint Council of Women’s 
Auxiliaries of St. Louis have opened 
a relief station for women and are 
doing the best they can to relieve the 
needs of the many applicants seek- 
ing relief, writes David Kreyling, sec- 
retary of the Central Trades and 
Labor Union. The central body has 
endorsed this plan and appropriated 
$200 toward the fund. 

A committee has been organized 
known as the Citizens’ Committee. 
This committee is now engaged in 
receiving applications from parties 
who are seeking employment or 
other relief, and issuing urgent ap- 
peals to all citizens to retain the 
workers they have employed at pres- 


ent and, if possible, open jobs for 
some of those seeking employment. 
Up to the present this committee has 
received hundreds of applications, 
but has been able to place very few 
of the applicants, then only on tem- 
porary work. Both the Building 
Trades Council and the Central 
Trades and Labor Union offered co- 
operation to this committee. To 
date organized labor has no represen- 
tative on the General Board of Di- 
rectors. 

The Central Labor Union is do- 
ing everything possible to urge speed- 
ing up work on municipal improve- 
ment projects. 


Toledo, Ohio 


ORGANIZED LABOR is cooperating 
with city and county unemployment 
committees, reports John J. Quin- 
livan, Secretary of the Central Labor 
Union. We are urging that every 
type of road repair, etc., that can be 
done in winter be immediately started. 
The City of Toledo has given em- 
ployment to 2,000 additional work- 
ers by rotating the extra jobs created 
three days a week. The minimum 
wage of 60 cents an hour established 
by organized labor for city employees 
is being paid. 

We were able to get all civic agen- 
cies to back us in getting the new 
Federal building in Toledo started. 
Ground was broken on this job last 
week and 300 men will be employed 
for the next ten months. The School 
Board stepped up its building pro- 


gram, and work contemplated for 
next summer is now under construc- 
tion and 500 more men will be as- 
sured employment on this work. 
The city and private philanthro- 
pists are operating soup houses where 
homeless workers are being taken 
care of. The city’s poor relief bill 
is over $100,000 a month. Addi- 
tional finances are badly needed. 
The Central Labor Union has sug- 
gested that the Toledo Community 
Chest program scheduled for April, 
1931, be moved up to January, 1931, 
and an additional $500,000 be added 
to their quota for poor relief. 
Organized workers are rotating 
jobs wherever possible or laying off 
one and two days a week to give 
work to their unemployed brothers. 
Each local union is endeavoring to 





204 


care for the wants of its members. 
Every conceivable plan to secure work 
is being advocated. Our slogan is— 
our workers don’t want charity, they 
want a chance to work and at a decent 
wage. The six-hour day and five- 
day week are advocated by organ- 
ized labor in Toledo as a remedy for 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


unemployment; all other plans in 
effect are merely emergency aid at 
this time and will not solve the prob- 
lem. 

There are approximately 25,000 
out of employment and 15,000 addi- 
tional working part time. 


Superior Unions Maintain Commissary 


THe CENTRAL Bopy has an un- 
employment committee which now 
operates a commissary taking care of 
single and married men and families, 
whether members of a union or not, 
writes W. M. Krieps, of the Trades 
and Labor Assembly, Superior, Wis- 
consin. This committee serves meals 
free and sends food to the needy. 
Money is raised through voluntary 
subscription from the central body 
and loéal unions, merchants, meat 
packers and other industries helping. 

The Citizens’ Committee is com- 
posed of four labor representatives 
of A. F. of L. unions and a like num- 


ber from railroad brotherhoods, city 
officials including the Mayor, employ- 
ers, etc. The program right now in- 
cludes additions to two schools, city 
garages and street improvements that 
will mean an expenditure of approxi- 
mately $400,000 for the city. Sev- 
eral other projects are also being 
pushed. 

The city also has a relief commit- 
tee. 

Contractors are also doing con- 
siderable talking for a wage reduc- 
tion for building mechanics, but feel 
certain that these tradesmen will re- 
sist any attempt to put this into force. 


Seattle Labor Feeds 300 Daily! 


“THE LABOR MOVEMENT has 
opened up anreating house, providing 
two meals a day for approximately 
300 members,” writes S. W. Doyle, 
secretary of the Seattle Central La- 
bor Council. This is for the single 
men. In addition, most all locals 
have levied an assessment on their 
members to provide a fund to take 
care of their family members who 
are in distress. Insofar as known, 
no member of a union has received 
outside charity. 

Last Monday, as a means of offer- 
ing some relief to the situation, the 
officers of this Council presented a 


charter amendment to the City Coun- 
cil providing for the five-day week 
for all city employees. 

The Elks are giving their own 
members, many of whom are desti- 
tute, all possible assistance. The 
Sunset Club, fostered by the Seattle 
Daily Star, a Scripps paper, is feed- 
ing from 1,500 to 2,000 daily at the 
Armory, which has been acquired for 
that purpose. The Club, so far, has 
been financed by public subscription, 
this coming for the most part from 
the 6,000 municipal employees, who 
have agreed to donate one day’s pay 
for three months. 





UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 


Burlington, Iowa 


THERE are about 400 heads of 
families out of work here at the pres- 
ent time, and while there will be 
some relief given to this situation be- 
cause of a factory putting on about 
200 around the first of the year, 
other institutions have a way of clos- 
ing down when another starts em- 
ploying, so the situation does not 
change much. This is from a letter 
received from R. J. McAnally, sec- 
retary of the Burlington Trades and 
Labor Assembly. 

An employment agency, sponsored 
by the local business men, is doing 
what it can to help the unskilled find 


jobs and the business agents of the 
various unions are helping to keep 
unionists occupied. 

Organized charity is taking care of 
the needs for food among the desti- 
tute, while volunteer agencies— 
churches, lodges, etc.—are gathering 
and distributing clothing. 

Burlington organized workers, 
strange though it may seem, have en- 
joyed a normal year, other than the 
carpenters, who have been up against 
a contractor who hired all organized 
crafts excepting carpenters on about 
$400,000 worth of work. 


Savannah, Georgia 


ENnpsLow HOAGLAND, vice-presi- 
dent of the Trades and Labor Assem- 
bly and Chairman of the Unemploy- 
ment Committee, writes: 

As frequently happens in this city, 
which is not largely industrial, the 
effects of prosperity and depression 
are not felt so soon nor to as great 
an extent as in cities which are de- 
yee entirely on manufacturing. 

t was on November 19th, 1930, 
that the first definite step was taken. 

On that date a committee headed 
by a representative of the Trades and 
Labor Assembly, who was chairman 
of an Unemployment Relief Com- 
mittee of the Assembly, appeared be- 
fore the City Council with a request 
that a City Commission be brought 
into being and a specific plan was 
presented. 

This committee was composed of 
the members of the Assembly com- 
mittee and representatives of the 
Red Cross, Family Welfare Society, 


Salvation Army, Parent Teachers 


Association and church organizations. 

Besides asking for a Municipal 
Commission this committee asked 
that the unemployed be registered so 
that a survey of the true condition 
could be made. 

Council called in the president of 
the Chamber of Commerce and the 
Mayor with his cooperation ap- 
pointed a commission of about fifty 
members representative of the vari- 
ous interests of the city, the Mayor 
being chairman. A temporary sec- 
retary procured forms calling for 
necessary information in regard to 
unemployed workers and on Decem- 
ber 13 the schools were open for four 
hours, a sufficient number of teachers 
volunteered their services to register 
all who appeared. Since that date 
registration has been received at the 
Chamber of Commerce. Up to now 
about 2,000 have registered. 

All cards showing workers out of 
work and without resources were 





206 


turned over to the public nurses for 
investigation, so that the various so- 
cial relief associations could render 
immediate help, especially in view of 
the Christmas holidays. 

The plan contemplated by the 
Mayor’s Commission is to divide the 
membership into sub-committees to 
investigate and carry out various 
means of relief, such as urging pri- 
vate parties and companies to put 
under way at once all contemplated 
work, dividing existing work by 
shorter work week and day, discon- 
tinuing hiring both man and wife or 
any two wage-earners in one family, 
fostering “benefit’’ entertainments to 
raise money, etc. 

Due to the fact that our city elec- 
tion is on January 13, action by the 
Commission is at a standstill now, 
but a post-season football game has 
been played, and the Eagles have put 
on a dance. Money so raised is put 
at the disposal of the Commission. 

Several local unions are giving 
dances and suppers and the Trades 
and Labor Assembly is putting on a 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Labor Chautauqua the last week in 
February. 

All agencies are responding, the 
school board instructing its archi- 
tects to prepare plans for a new 23- 
room school at once and the city 
hurrying plans for all classes of work, 
much of it to be paid for by the Com- 
mission funds where the city treasury 
was not able to pay for the work at 
the present time. 

Satisfactory organization is prov- 
ing slow and difficult due to the lack 
of previous experience and exact 
knowledge, but progress increases. 
Contact has been made with state 
and national agencies and we feel 
that the foundation has been laid and 
that the necessary machinery is being 
perfected. 

The Chamber of Commerce has 
adopted and placed on file a Fair 
Wage Scale which is not below the 
union scales except in a few crafts and 
every effort to keep up wages and 
living standards is being made. 

Six delegates from the Trades and 
Labor Assembly are members of the 
Mayor’s Commission. 


Unemployment Relief in California 


Los Angeles, California 


H. C. FREMMING, president of the 
Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery 
Workers, advises of his appointment 
as director of Employment Stabiliza- 
tion in and for the county of Los An- 
geles. A central headquarters has 
been established. The purpose of 
this office, he writes, is to correlate 
the activity of the forty-four munici- 
palities in the county, together with 
setting up machinery for registration 


and job placements throughout the 
unincorporated territory of the 
county. President Fremming says: 


“While it is true at the outset we 
have met many severe obstacles, 
which have been temporarily disturb- 
ing, yet at the same time results are 
being obtained. With reference to 
the allocation of public works, where 
common labor is primarily involved, 
we are working out a system of em- 
ployment on the basis of pro-rating 
work, predicated upon the size of the 
family and needs, etc.” 





UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 


Secretary Buzzell, of the Los An- 
geles Central Labor Union, also ad- 
vises that he thinks the possibilities 
are good to secure the five-day week 
for all county employees. Mr. Buz- 
zell is also one of the three members 
of organized labor appointed upon 
the Unemployment Committee. 


Petaluma, California 


Tue Secretary of the Central 
Labor Union, William M. Smith, 
reports the appointment of a com- 
mittee by that body to cooperate 
with the Merchants Association, the 
City Council and the Mayor to re- 
lieve the local unemployment situation. 


How Local Unions Provide For Their Unemployed 


Electrical Workers No. 292, 
Minneapolis, Minn. 


THESE MEN have undertaken to 
care for their unemployed members. 

They have amended their by-laws 
to provide for a per capita fund, out 
of which to pay the per capita tax 
to the International Office of those 
unable to pay it themselves. 

Under this plan each member is 
to be assessed $1 per month until 
$600 is in the fund; if it falls below 
$500 the members will be taxed 5o¢ 
a month until the fund is again up to 
par, $600. If the fund should fall 
to $250, the financial secretary shall 
notify the local at the next meeting, 
and request a vote be taken of levy- 
ing a $1 assessment until the fund is 
raised to $600 again. 

The executive board investigates 
the cases submitted to it and passes 
on them. However, an appeal from 
their decision may be taken to the 
floor of the local. 

Information pertinent to this ques- 
tion is obtained by a card question- 
naire whereby the amount of time 
worked and the amount of pay re- 


ceived by each member may be read- 
ily determined. 

This plan received the Interna- 
tional Office’s sanction, and so may 
be in effect by now. 


Engineers, of Houston, Tex. 


HERE THEY have a sick benefit con- 
tribution box. The members who 
are able to make contributions which 
are very much appreciated by the 
needy brothers who are helped. 

This is an active union. At pres- 
ent they are busy working out a sys- 
tem to reorganize their present way 
of teaching the profession. 


Actors Respond to Needs of Un- 
employed 


DuRING THIs great crisis of unem- 
ployment, the actors are willing to 
help. 

On November 14, Mayor Walker 
and 23 managers or representative 
delegates from Equity, the Musicians 
Local and Stage Hands, met to dis- 








208 


cuss how they would help. Alfred 
Aarons was made the chairman of a 
committee to cooperate with the 
Mayor, and coordinate the activities 
of the theater in the matter of benefit 
matinees or added performances. 

On December 5, eight presenta- 
tions had been decided upon by this 
committee, the proceeds of which, 
after certain expense deductions were 
made, were to be given to the May- 
or’s Committee for the Relief of Un- 
employed. 

As is customary, 10 per cent of the 
funds raised will go to the Actors 
Fund of America. This helps keep 
actors from appealing to general 
charities. 


Florida Carpenters Beat Joh 
Situation 


UNION CARPENTERS of Local 1302, 
Lake Worth, Florida, have esta‘ 
lished a cooperative, back-to-the-soil 
movement to help solve their unem- 
ployment question. It was Ralph 
Osborn’s idea, chairman of the lo- 
cal. He said, “We'll make our own 
jobs and our own food.” 

Jobless members tilled the soil of 
a leased fifty-acre farm at farm 
laborer’s pay. This original project 
created more jobs for the remaining 
carpenters by decreasing the number 
of men seeking employment. 

“Today a crop of 20,000 cabbages, 
10,000 eggplant and fields of pota- 
toes and beans attest the integrity 
and industry of these carpenter-farm- 
ers.” Their back-to-nature idea 


seems to have met with success in a 
material way. 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Jersey City Local Plans Mem- 
ber Relief—Local 362 
Barbers 


THIs LOCAL formed a committee 
to make a relief plan to help their 
members. The following report of 
their plan is given: 

“The major points of the plan 
provide for a $3 assessment on each 
steadily employed member who works 
three days or more a week, and a 
subsidy of $7 per week to any mem- 
ber who fails to work one day for 
lack of a job, namely, a Saturday or 
more. 

“The $3 assessment is the full 
amount that must be paid in monthly 
instalments up to February. 

“The distribution of the relief 
began in December and will continue 
up to and including March. This 
plan is apparently satisfactory to 
everyone and it is hoped that it will 
work out successfully and that all 
the members do their duty.” 


Musician Local No. 285 


THESE MEN are doing their part. 
At their meeting it was unani- 
mously voted to spend $500 of 
its funds to furnish music every 
Sunday afternoon at the Home Me- 
morial and Lawrence and Memorial 
Associated hospitals and at Hillside 
Home. 

President Danz, the originator of 
this project, pointed out that it would 
not only be appreciated by the insti- 
tutions, but would also give employ- 
ment to some of the men who helped 
create this fund and now need assist- 
ance due to unemployment. 














ef 
ue 
Lis 
to 
ill 
ill 











UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 209 


Only those musicians who are not 
regularly engaged with the leading 
orchestras and are out of work are 
to be engaged for this work. 


Printers Deal With 
g Unemployment 


THE WAsHINGTON, D. C., UNION 
made a contribution of $100 to the 
Red Cross, which will undoubtedly 
be used to help some of the suffering. 

Montreal, Canada—Local No. 
176 accepted by an overwhelming 
majority an assessment of 25¢ per 
week for a period of approximately 
four months. This money will be 
used to form a fund to alleviate dis- 
tress among their members. 

Newburgh, New York — Real 
union spirit has been shown by the 
employees of the Cornwall industrial 
plant. The boys voted that they just 
work four days a week in order to 
avoid a layoff. 

Springfield, Illinois, No. 177— 
This group has met the present situa- 
tion by some of them laying off and 
giving a day’s work to unemployed 
printers. Such cooperation is worthy 
of high praise. 

Rochester, New York—The holi- 
days, a good advertising season, did 
not make as much employment for 
men as usual; so one chapel gener- 
ously voted to continue aiding its 
substitutes by an additional period 
of taking days off. 

Santa Monica-Venice, California 
—Here they voted a five-day week 
for a period of twelve weeks. By 
doing this, it meant a slight sacrifice 
to some members, but it meant more 


could get some enjoyment out of 
Christmas. This schedule went into 
effect November 8. 

Albany, New York—As a result of 
the 25th semi-annual session of the 
Empire State Typographical Confer- 
ence, employment bureaus were 
formed to aid the unemployed print- 
ers of this state in Albany and in 
Binghamton. These bureaus are ex- 
pected to cope with the unemploy- 
ment menace. 

Newark, New Jersey—The New- 
ark Union passed a referendum pro- 
viding that a member who gets a 
month’s steady work give one day to 
some less fortunate person as their 
part in helping relieve the unemploy- 
ment conditions. This became effec- 
tive December 1. 

Southern California Typographical 
Conference—In Southern California 
they have an information bureau; it 
is their work to secure work for un- 
employed members. The report is 
that it has been functioning very eff- 
ciently. We hope the good work 
continues. They have gotten a great 
deal of work for members which 
otherwise would have gone to non- 
union printers. 

Detroit, Michigan—Detroit Union 
formed a committee on ways and 
means of alleviating the unemploy- 
ment among their members. The 
plan they decided upon was favor- 
ably voted upon, and now it is being 
administered by a committee elected 
from various chapels. 

“Operation of the plan calls for a 
2 per cent assessment on all mem- 
bers from November 3, 1930, to 
January 10, 1931. Married men 
working less than three days are to 





be paid $25 per week (earnings, if 
any, to be deducted) ; single men, $10 
per week. Only members in contin- 
uous good standing from October 31, 
1929, are eligible.” 

The applicants must apply in per- 
son, satisfactorily answer questions 





210. AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


on eligibility and must give evidence 
of having attempted to secure work. 

At the first meeting of the admin- 
istration committee (the only one up 
to this time) 31 claims were favor- 
ably acted upon and $595.28 was 
paid out. 


Other Localities Report 


Mattoon, IlIlinois 


“T AMGLAD TO INFORM YOU,” writes 
C. E. Crain, secretary of the Central 
Labor Union, “that we have our un- 
employed registered and the com- 
mittees working. We are having two 
or three meetings a week. Being a 
member of the City Council, I am a 
member of the City Commissioners 
appointed by our Mayor. We hope 
to have the work well in hand in ten 
days from now. There are about 
forty of our citizens represented on 
the different committees.” 


North Carolina 


A LETTER recently sent out by the 
Governor’s Council on Unemploy- 
ment and Relief in North Carolina, 
signed by its secretary, R. W. Hen- 
ninger, appeals to communities in the 
state to set up organization machin- 
ery and arrange for cooperation with 
the State Council. An outline of or- 
ganizational plans accompanies the 
letter and gives detailed information 
as to the appointment of committees, 
groups to be represented, etc. The 
program calls for the representation 
of organized labor wherever possible. 


Hamilton, Ohio 


“WHILE THE unemployment situa- 
tion in this city is acute, it is not quite 


as bad as I find it in some of the sur- 
rounding territory,” reports Organ- 
izer Stanley Ogg. 

Organizer Ogg states that a com- 
mittee has been set up. The funds 
have come from contributions by city 
officials and all city employees, who 
have agreed to contribute 2% per 
cent of their salaries for the next 
three or four months. The public 
school teachers and all employees of 
the school system did the same. Many 
workers who are employed fairly 
steady are donating a like amount 
until at this time we have about $1,- 
500 per week to use for salaries to 
those who want work. 


Connecticut 


SECRETARY JOHN J. EaGAn, of the 
Connecticut State Federation of La- 
bor, reports that organized labor has 
no place on the committee recently 
appointed to work with Mr. Wood's 
committee. The committee includes 
the president of the Connecticut 
Manufacturers Association; the 
chairman of the committee is a mem- 
ber of the Manufacturers Associa- 
tion; Mr. Howell Cheney, of the 
Chamber of Commerce, is also a 
member; the other two members of 
the committee also represent manu- 
facturing interests. 





Se £ Gh nae oe ee lUlUChCUL 











SOUTHERN INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE 211 


SOUTHERN INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE 


“INDUSTRIAL PEACE — How 
ACHIEVED ?”’ is the subject of a South- 
ern Industrial Conference to be held 
at the O. Henry Hotel, in Greens- 
boro, N. C., March 7-8, 1931, by 
the National Women’s Trade Union 
League of America. It has been 
called to aid in the creation of an in- 
telligent, understanding public on the 
working conditions in the South, and 
to present the facts on industrial ar- 
bitration and the trade union agree- 
ment in maintaining industrial peace. 

The conference will open Satur- 
day morning, March 7, with a de- 
scription of general conditions in the 
South—the agricultural and indus- 
trial South—and an historical survey 
of women’s place in industry, espe- 
cially in textiles. Union management 
cooperation will be the subject of the 
Saturday afternoon program, when 
industrial peace through the trade 
agreement will be presented by rep- 
resentatives of both management and 
the union. 

The mass meeting, Saturday eve- 
ning, will be on the community’s re- 


sponsibility to its people in maintain- 
ing peace. Public opinion and in- 
dustrial peace, the subject for the 
Sunday afternoon meeting, will be 
approached from three avenues— 
the press and public opinion, the 
union and public opinion, and the 
church and public opinion. 


The Danville strike again bears 
evidence that an understanding pub- 
lic must see its responsibility to the 
thousands of mill workers in the 
South in achieving working condi- 
tions which are fundamentally just in 
the recognition of the human rights 
of the workers. The program is ar- 
ranged to provide that type of dis- 
cussion and controversy out of which 
comes truth. 


Life and Labor Bulletin, issued 
monthly by the National League, 
will carry the detailed program. 
Copies may be obtained from the 
National Women’s Trade Union 
League of America, 306 Machinists 
Building, Washington, D. C. 





SONNET TO WASHINGTON 


Paris, Feb. 22, 1904. 
(Copyright. ) 


The power omnipotent that holds the earth 

Like shifting sands within its mighty hand, 
Looked in compassion on a struggling land, 
That vainly strove to wrench oppressions’ girth, 
And looking, willed a hero should find birth, 
Then lo! camest thou, the harvest of the seed 
Of God’s desire to help thy country’s need, 
Pure patriot and man of priceless worth. 


Today, thy countless sons of freedom meet 

To bless thy name, the humble and the great 
Join hands in one proud brotherhood of state, 
Mid waving flags and joyous drums they greet, 
With grateful love and faith that shall abide 
Their country’s Father and their Nation’s pride. 


ANNA, ComTesse pe Brémonp, 


(A daughter of Ohio). 





CURRENT COMMENT 


ARCHBISHOP 
MICHAEL J. CURLEY 


NEW YORK WORLD 
(Editorial) 


THE MAGAZINE OF 
WALL STREET 


January 10, 1931 


RAYMOND B. 
FOSDICK 


New York Times, 
November 30, 1930 


SUMNER SLICHTER 


Professor of Economics, Har- 
vard Graduate School of Busi- 
ness Administration 


M. BUCKLEY 


Service Superintendeut of the 
Portland Motor Co., Hudson- 
Essex Distributors 


There is no country in the world where there are such 
extremes of wealth and poverty as in the United States. 
Here we see great wealth in the hands of a few. For- 
tunes of hundreds of millions, even of billions, are in strik- 
ing contrast to the poverty of many. 

Something must be done to change these conditions. 
It is not just that a small coterie should have more than 
any should want or need, and others should live with 
their noses constantly to the grindstone. 

We must have a more equitable distribution of wealth. 
I am for the shorter day, the shorter week, shorter work- 
ing hours. I am for union labor. — 


There have been sporadic wage reductions, and there 
may be others, but the determination of representative cap- 
tains of industry to maintain wage scales is one of the 
best assurances of a business revival on a sound basis as 
soon as demand and supply are brought into a better 
alignment. And one of the surest ways of postponing the 
return to normal would be a concerted effort of employers 
to “take it out on labor.” 


The talk of reducing the pay of those who are employed 
is a doctrine of despair and of lunacy. Its application 
would be suicidal. It would be a blow at the funda- 
mental cause of normal American prosperity, and would 
turn the present depression into a dismal abyss. 


Our Twentieth Century world is a world of interde- 
pendence and solidarity. We could not manu- 
facture a telephone receiver or an electric light bulb with- 
out calling on help from ‘abroad. Forty different com- 
modities assembled from 57 different countries are neces- 
sary t the manufacture of steel. A country that could 
not make a locomotive, an automobile or airplane without 
materials from abroad can scarcely be called self-contained. 


Has not the time come for industry to cease holding out a 
tin cup to the American public and to pay its own labor 
overhead ? 


Give the right kind of man responsibility and he’ll meet 
it better than half-way. -We believe that a group 
of good mechanics is more important to the shop than a 
good foreman and expert testers. . . It’s easier, per- 
haps, to secure one good foreman and let him worry about 
shop errors but it isn’t nearly so profitable! 


212 





ERNEST N. HOOD 


Treasurer, Naumkeag Steam 
Cotton Company 


HON. JAMES COUZENS 
U. S. Senator for Michigan 


C. M. CHESTER, Jr. 
President, General Foods 


THOMAS J. WATSON 
President and General Man- 


ager, International Business Ma- 
chines Corporation 


ALLARD SMITH 


Vice-President, Union 
Company of Cleveland 


Trust 


REV. JOHN A. RYAN, 
The Commonweal, Jan. 7, 1931. 


UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 


213 


In the textile industry a universal 48-hour week would 
produce all of the goods required. With production and 
consumption balanced it would be possible for prices to 
reach a figure to insure profitable operation. Such a 
schedule of labor would give full employment to more 
and place mills again on a profitable basis. 

‘Massachusetts has led the way in progressive legislation. 
It has enacted laws which have resulted in a 48-hour week 
in its textile mills. Unfortunately the result has been the 
loss of many of its mills. The Massachusetts Industrial 
Commission in its recent report expressed the views of 
many, if not all of the manufacturers, in urging the state 
legislature to pass no new laws further restricting the 
cotton mills, to take such action as may help secure a na- 
tional 48-hour law and to consider means to reduce tax 
burdens on its manufacturing plants. 


However, when it comes to a cut in wages and calling 
upon labor to accept such reduction, it seems wholly un- 
reasonable, in view of the fact that one of the difficulties 
that brought around this depression, and in my opinion 
the major one, has been due to the unequal distribution 
of the earnings of industry between capital and labor. 


During the present depression we have not reduced forces 
or wages and salaries. 


High wages, high standards of living, enthusiastic workers, 
high prosperity—this is the sequence. The per capita 
consumption of goods in the United States is seven times 
as great as the average of the outside world. Think of 
what remains to be done in increasing the consuming 
power of the world, and it is on the way. © 


The most important problem facing the country is to 
restore and maintain the purchasing power of the great 
mass of people, “enabling them to consume a large volume 
of goods.” Which means that the present wage levels 
should be preserved at every cost, if purchasing power 
is to be maintained. 


Labor unions are undoubtedly one of the most powerful 
factors, if not the most powerful, in securing high levels 
of wages. This result is due not only to their specific 
action on behalf of their members, but also to their in- 
sistent preaching that industrial prosperity depends pri- 
a on the possession of high purchasing power by the 
workers. 





WORLD-WIDE UNEMPLOYMENT 


HERE is hardly a country in the world whose unemployment situation 

has not become more serious during the past two months. Seasonal 

causes have something to do with this condition, says the International 
Labor Office, “‘but the seasonal movement is merely added to continued 
growth of the general depressions.” 

Realizing that unemployment is a plague that is international and 
that it covers the total economic surface of the world, the governing body 
of the International Labor Office recently decided at its last session to 
extend its researches into the problem. 

Twenty countries now have adopted systems of unemployment insur- 
ance covering more than 47 million workers. These systems may be 
grouped into two classes: compulsory plans and subsidized trade-union and 
mutual-benefit plans. The following table indicates the number of workers 
insured in the various countries and the years in which the systems have 


been inaugurated. 
Obviously unemployment insurance will have to be supplemented by 
more drastic remedies before the present problem is solved. 


Compu.tsory SysTEMS CuBA 


Australia: Queensland (1922) 137,000 The House of Representatives of Cuba 
Austria (1920) 1,300,000 passed a bill prohibiting the entrance into 
Bulgaria (1926) Cuba of any foreign musicians or orchestras 
Germany ( 1927) as long as unemployment among native 
Great Britain and Northern musicians prevails. ‘The bill provides for 
Ireland (1911) confinement in jail from 30 to 180 days and 
Irish Free State (1920) a fine of from $100 to $500 for each for- 
a ty, i921) 2, eign musician employed by the owner of a 
Mexico (1929) fined restaurant. 
Poland (1924) Great Britain 


Switzerland (7 cantons) 
Soviet Russia (1922) Unemployment now stands at 2% mil- 
——————_ lions, twice as many as at this time last 
Total insured.......... 44,054,000 year, and added to this are hundreds of 
thousands of striking coal, railway and tex- 
SussipizEp SysTEMS tile workers. 

Belgium (1920) The new Coal Bill grants a 7!4-hour 
Czechoslovakia (1921) day without pay reduction. In the de- 
Denmark (1921) ree pressed state of the industry owners demand 
Finland (1917) wage cuts and a spread-over system of 
France (1905) hours. Workers refuse. Year-end reports 
Netherlands (1916) show that railway gross receipts are down 
Norway an average of 5.7 per cent in each of the 
Spain (1919) four big systems, giving strength to the 
Switzerland (cantons having owners’ demands for wage cuts aggregating 
voluntary systems) 117,000 55 million dollars. Friction in the cotton 
——————_ mills revolves around the adoption of the 

Total insured 2,934,000 “more looms” system. 


214 











UNEMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS 


With serious additional strikes and lock- 
outs threatened unless these difficulties are 
speedily adjusted the country is faced with 
a problem that is grave indeed. 

In South Wales 140,000 miners have 
returned to work until February, having 
been granted their demands pending further 
negotiations. 


GERMANY 


Unemployed at the end of December 
numbered 4,357,000, which was 380,000 
greater than the total on December 15 and 
1,500,000 more than a year ago. The peak 
is expected in February. 

The German Minister of Finance re- 
cently advanced the proposal that Ger- 
many’s vast unemployment dole be put to 
work by pouring it into the payrolls of in- 
dustry instead of into the pockets of idle 
workers. ‘The money now paid in doles, 
750 million dollars annually, would enable 
industry to put four million jobless to work. 

Wage cuts are spreading. The cost of 
living index fell 1.9 per cent in December. 


FRANCE 


Unemployment continues to mount rap- 
idly. On December 20 the number of 
registered unemployed in receipt of allow- 
ances was 10,686, of whom 6,308 were in 
Paris. This figure represents a 20 per cent 
advance in a week and exceeds that of Sep- 
tember, 1929, by 10,300. A further in- 
crease in unemployment is feared in the 
near future and general part time employ- 
ment is increasing. 

Though French depression is still far 
from the depths to which business in other 
European countries has fallen, 1931 is ex- 
pected to prove a year of deflation in a 
degree which in most other countries is 
ny Seman completed. Wage cuts are 

ing ' 


CANADA 


While unemployment has been mounting, 
the cost of living has decreased somewhat 
during the past year. The figures of the 
Dominion Bureau of Statistics show that 
the percentage of unemployment reported 
by local trade-unions throughout Canada 
was 10.8 per cent on November 1, as com- 





215 





pared to 6.0 per cent on November 1, 1929. 
The average cost of a weekly family budget 
of 29 staple foods was $10.25 on November 
1, 1930, as compared with $11.75 on No- 
vember 1, 1929. 

At a special session of Parliament 20 
million dollars was appropriated for unem- 
ployment relief. 

The three-day week has been temporarily 
adopted by union bricklayers in Toronto, 50 
per cent of whom were out of work at the 
time of the adoption of this plan. 


SouTH AMERICA 


The Government of Argentina has in- 
creased the visa fee to keep seasonal workers 
who come principally from Spain out of the 
country during the harvest season in order 
to provide work for the increasingly large 
number of unemployed natives. Unemploy- 
ment in Brazil is increasing. 

In New York there have been 11,000 
unemployed Latin-Americans who have ap- 
plied for aid to get home and the relief 
committee reports that there are about 
20,000 more in other parts of the country 
who are in the same predicament. .Hun- 
dreds have already been sent home at their 
own requests. 


New ZEALAND 


The Unemployment Act, recently passed 
by the Legislature of New Zealand, pro- 
vides for the establishment of an unemploy- 
ment fund, the constitution of an Unem- 
ployment Relief Board and the raising of 
an unemployment levy. 


CHINA 


“In connection with unemployment,” 
says the China Weekly Review, “beggar- 
liness, robberies, burglaries and attempts at 
swindling have become more rampant than 
ever.” 

The Chinese National Industrial and 
Commercial Conference on November 5 
adopted thirty-two proposals relative to the 
problems of capital and labor, among which 
are the establishment of employment bu- 
reaus and the introduction of a system of 
compulsory insurance against unemploy- 
ment; the opening of new factories to pro- 
vide work for the unemployed and the 
registration of all persons out of work. 














216 


ITALY 


The 12 percent reduction in Government 
salaries has been followed by an 8 per cent 
cut in industrial wages and an 8 per cent 
to 25 per cent reduction in farm wages. 
Reports from Rome reveal that prices on 
bread, rice, potatoes, dairy products, meats 
and clothing have been cut from 8 per cent 
to 11 per cent and the National Federation 
of Property Holders has instructed all 
branches to report landloads who refuse to 
reduce rents 10 per cent. Government 
contractors have consented to reduce prices 
specified on outstanding unfilled contracts 
proportionate to the intervening reduction 
in other prices and wages. Railway freight 
rates have been reduced in some cases as 
much as 40 per cent. 


AUSTRIA 


On November 15 the unemployed in Aus- 
tria were reported to number 214,000 and 
increasing at the rate of 1,000 a day. With 
more than 300,000 out of work on Decem- 
ber 15, the rate of increase was even 
greater during the month that followed. 

Only one-third of the sawmills in Austria 
are now in operation and the machinery in- 
dustry is working at 35 per cent of capacity. 


PANAMA 


Unemployment is decreasing as important 
public construction projects get under way. 
Generally speaking, the business outlook 
for the coming year assumes a more cheer- 
ful tone. 


SWEDEN 


At the end of September there were 
32,800 trade-unionists out of work in Swe- 
den, an increase of nearly 50 per cent since 
September, 1929. Notice of wage reduc- 
tions has been served on the building trades 
and the reduction of wages of 34,000 textile 
workers has caused them to strike in pro- 
test. 


JAPAN 


The year 1930 was the year of the horse 
in Japan. It was expected to have its ups 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


and downs; it had ’em. This year is the 
year of the sheep; it is expected to be 
marked by peace and quiet prosperity. Let 
us hope that the expectation will be realized. 

Business is generally quiet, with unem- 
ployment in the neighborhood of a million. 


AUSTRALIA 


At the end of the second quarter of 1930 
there were nearly twice as many unem- 
ployed trade-unionists in Australia as on the 
same date in 1929. The Federal Govern- 
ment recently decided to distribute 1,000,- 
000 pounds among the various States to 
assist them in relieving this serious condi- 
tion and several of the State governments 
have taken special measures to cope with 
unemployment. 


Cost or A BASKET OF Provisions 
July, 1929 July, 1930 


Great Britain 
Irish Free State 
Italy 
Netherlands 


Reon r obo x: 


Nrm NN et 
Wont UD Ww 


InpEx OF Rear Waces Basep on Cost 
oF Foop 


Great Britain—100 
July, 1929 July, 1930 


Irish Free State.... 
Italy 
Netherlands 





THe Lasor PuiLtosopHy oF SAMUEL 
Gompers, by Louis S. Reed, Ph.D. 
Columbia University Press, New York, 
1930. Reviewed by Selig Perlman, 
University of Wisconsin. 


“Gompers came to the labor movement 
at the beginning of an epoch. He helped 
discover the policies and principles that 
were right and good for that epoch and led 
in building the movement upon those poli- 
cies and principles. Then the movement 
passed into a new epoch. But Gompers 
never recognized that the new epoch had 
arrived. . . . Abroad labor grows more 
powerful. In England and Australia it 
has recently assumed the reins of govern- 
ment. In this country the labor movement 


(because it is built on the Gompersian phil- 
osophy) becomes more and more impotent, 
less and less important in the life of the 


nation. It has almost come to the point 
where one may say that the labor move- 
ment in this country will either change its 
basic philosophy and policies or there will 
be no labor movement worth. talking 
about.” 

These quotations from the “Introduc- 
tion” and “Conclusions” of Dr. Reed’s 
book indicate to the reviewer that, not- 
withstanding the author’s painstaking ex- 
amination of all the Gompersiana, or even 
despite the very clear picture he has given 
of the several facets of the Gompers labor 
philosophy, he has fallen far short of under- 
standing Gompers. He clearly belongs to 
the school of labor economists who dis- 
parage the American labor movement be- 
cause they themselves refuse to go behind 
the official pronouncements of European 
labor and because they assume that the 
methods which have proven highly success- 
ful in one nontypical American industry 
could be equally successful if tried in other 
industries. 


In brief, the reviewer has nothing but 
praise to offer for the author’s research, but 
he more than questions his interpretations. 
That being the case, the reviewer will pro- 
ceed to point out a few criteria which, in 
his judgment, students should apply in 
attempting to evaluate the Gompersian 
labor philosophy-criteria taken from the 
recent developments in the world labor 
movement. 

First as to Gompers’ attitude toward 
capitalism. ‘There is nothing unclear or 
contradictory in Gompers’ conception of 
the réle of capitalism, Dr. Reed notwith- 
standing. Gompers never fell into the 
error of considering capitalism as a mori- 
bund or decaying institution. To him the 
essence of capitalism lay not so much in the 
principle of private property as in a selec- 
tion of industrial managers by a method 
distinct both from political appointment 
and from voting by the employees in the 
shop. He conceived of management as an 
independent functional group (he hoped it 
would also be independent of the bankers) 
with whom labor would deal as one group 
with another. He would thus employ the 
democratic labor union as a means of social- 
izing and democratizing the functioning 
but not the method of selection of this 
essentially nondemocratic group. European 
labor (outside of Russia, where unique 
historical conditions prevail) has recently 
been guided by this Gompersian concept 
throughout. A heart-to-heart conversation 
with European trade-union leaders, espe- 
cially in Germany, will convince anyone 
that, although they make verbal reserva- 
tions as to the distant future, they hold 
their capitalistic managers as properly en- 
titled to their present positions by virtue 
of their competence to guide the complex 
industrial mechanism in the midst of a 
complex economic world. Much as these 
trade-union leaders criticise the results of 


217 





218 


that management, they would neither take 
over the job themselves nor entrust it to 
the democratic state. 

Gompers’ distrust of the competence of 
state action in vital industrial matters has 
been justified by the present plight of the 
British Labor Party, which, having dis- 
covered that no amount of political doctor- 
ing can cure a sick industrial body, has 
practically discarded its nationalization 
cure. It is the misfortune of England as 
well as of her working class that her busi- 
ness men are equally given to marking time 
with the Labor Party. 

While the critics of Gompers are still 
pointing to European labor as the model 
for America to follow, the European labor 
movements have definitely swung away 
from the class struggle idea to the pro- 
gram of union-management cooperation so 
warmly espoused by Gompers. Truly the 
“advanced” European labor movements are 
now striving hard to catch up with the 
“backward” Gompers-inspired movement! 
Competent students in the Geneva Labor 
Office speak of this change as having been 
inspired by the example of the unions in 
the American Federation of Labor. The 
enlarged scope of organized labor’s activity 
under this new plan betokens, to be sure, 
an enlarged labor control, but also an even 
more dynamic managerial group than here- 
tofore. It is therefore not a step towards 
the elimination of capitalism but towards 
it modernization and stronger entrench- 
ment ultimately. 

Gompers was always on his guard against 
estranging the movement which he led from 
the bulk of the American public. His 
policy in this regard was the opposite from 
that of the prewar European socialists. 
It took the catastrophe of August, 1914, 
to prove to the bewildered European labor 
movements that in the last analysis they 
were loyal parts of their respective nations, 
sharing with the other classes a common 
national culture and a common interest in 
the prosperity of their national industry. 
But that realization came after they had 
been subjected for many decades to harsh 
treatment as antinational groups. Gom- 
pers, on the contrary, ever strove to make 
the other economic groups see the reason- 
ableness of the principles of organized labor. 
Furthermore, having accepted capitalism 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


as the basic industrial institution of his 
country, he made correspondingly larger 
demands upon it than the prewar European 
labor movements. He thus demanded that 
employers refrain from cutting wages in 
periods of depression, that they accept the 
union principle of the reduction of the 
hours of labor to keep pace with tech- 
nological progress and of sharing work in 
hard times; and, last but not least, he placed 
upon them a social and moral obligation 
to provide employment. ‘The present de- 
pression demonstrates to the full the 
soundness of the Gompersian tactics. For 
in this depression both the Government and 
the business community have made Gom- 
pers’ wage and employment principles their 
own. To be sure, other factors have con- 
tributed, like the dependence of the newer 
industries on a high spending capacity in 
the hands of the masses, or perhaps the 
fear of radical strikers. But it should be 
borne in mind that the very luxuriant 
growth in the last ten years of these newer 
industries—automobile, radio, rayon, and 
electrical equipment for the home—to a 
point where it has become dangerous for 
the business community as a whole to “let 
them down” now by cutting wages had 
been originally made possible, first, by the 
restriction of immigration brought about by 
the American Federation of Labor, which 
saved the high wage of the unskilled ; and, 
second, by the strikes of 1921-22 by the 
American Federation of Labor unions, in 
which the war-time wages of the organized 
workers were equally protected. 

We now come to the most serious indict- 
ment of the Gompersian unionism, namely 
to its apparent neglect of the unskilled and 
unorganized. Attention is usually called 
to the low percentage of organization in 
America and the conclusion is drawn that 
the Federation has done nothing for these 
groups of workers. It is characteristic that 
many of the critics, who, in connection with 
wage studies, tend to deny that uhionism 
has had any effect on wage trends, suddenly 
come to attribute an all-important signifi- 
cance to trade-union organization when the 
discussion turns to the unorganized. How- 
ever, if it should be granted that the 
Gompersian tactics have helped produce the 
present attitude of the business community 
towards wage cuts, can it be maintained 





an 


Ss se ae thlhUrCOUlUC OCOUlUC rrhlUCUC PMlhUhrhlhlC 


THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 219 


that they have done nothing to ameliorate 
the lot of the unorganized? No student 
will deny that the American unions, in 
common with other social movements, 
have suffered during the Coolidge period 
from a lassitude of the spirit; nor will he 
assert that the existing structural frame- 
work of the American Federation of Labor 
is ideally adapted to the purpose of organiz- 
ing the basic industries. But it would only 
be fair to nete that a special committee of 
the British Trade Union Congress ap- 
pointed to report on a plan for a shift from 
craft unionism to unionism by industry was 
obliged to report that it has been given an 
insuperable task. Neither is it fair to deny 
that there is a possible way out without a 
revolutionary denial of the established union 
jurisdictions, a way that the best thinkers 
in the American Federation of Labor are 
seriously considering ; namely, to induce the 
craft unions to renounce their theoretical 
jurisdictions in these unorganized industries 
and then to charter industrial unions. 
Such a procedure would be parallel to the 
renunciations by the original states of their 
claims to the lands in the West in favor 
of the United States, which then proceeded 
to use its public domain to carve out new 
states. The critics of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor will do well to put their 
minds to work along these constructive 
lines rather than continue to disregard 
world and American realities. 


Tue InpustRiAL REVOLUTION IN THE 
SouTH, by Broadus Mitchell and George 
Sinclair Mitchell. Baltimore, 1930. The 
Johns Hopkins Press. 298 pp. $2.75. 
Reviewed by Frank T. deVyver, Prince- 
ton University. 


Many recordings by the Philadelphia 
Symphony Orchestra are prefaced with a 
short talk by Mr. Stokowski in which he 
points out to his listeners the several themes 
in the symphony or concerto which is to 
follow. A reviewer of this book can fol- 
low no better example than that of this 
famous conductor, and point out to his 
readers the various themes which run 
through this collection of magazine articles, 
published during the past decade, all deal- 
ing with the general subject of the southern 
industrial revolution. 


To follow the musical metaphor still 
further, this book may be classified as a 
theme with variations. From the opening 
of the collection until the last word has 
been read, the authors pound on the main 
theme of historical interpretation of the 
present Southern conditions and the minor 
theme of the part to be played by American 
trade-unionism in this the third stage of 
industrial revolution in our Southern 
States. 

Before mentioning the various points 
made by the authors it should be stated 
that to the writer’s knowledge there is no 
place where a Northern union organizer 
can gain more insight into the present 
Southern conditions and their historical 
background than from Broadus and George 
Mitchell. They are both Southerners and 
a person going to the South to “sell” the 
new idea of unionism must be able to under- 
stand and not scoff at the prejudices of the 
people with whom he deals. They are a 
friendly people, but past experience with 
Northerners has made them fear the 
Yankees even bearing gifts, and while to 
humor their ideas would be foolish, to scoff 
at them would be worse. Thus a beok of 
this nature should be a welcome addition 
to the library of any union organizer who 
plans to work in the virgin South. 

As has been previously intimated, the 
authors have sought to give us an historical 
interpretation of present Southern condi- 
tions. The collection of articles is divided 
into five parts: The Problem; Recent Labor 
Unrest ; Child Labor; Welfare Work; and 
The Old South and the New. The latter 
section deals with the philosophy of South- 
ern thought, while the first four are de- 
voted to economic problems. 

Previous to the Civil War the South had 
devoted itself in the main to the growing of 
cotton and had allowed its manufacturing 
to be done in New England. Even its 
food had been bought from other sections, 
for “Cotton was King.” Such men as Wil- 
liam Gregg very early saw that there were 
possibilities for a factory system to diver- 
sify the industry of his section. His was 
a voice crying in the wilderness, for his 
contemporaries were too intent arguing 
about states rights to realize that even a 
state without some degree of economic inde- 
pendence must always be subservient, no 





220 


matter how lon: or how cleverly its poli- 
ticians argued sbout abstract rights. 

The ante belium South gave rise to cer- 
tain facts which have had much to do with 
the whole story of the growth of the tex- 
tile industry. There was, of course, a slave 
economy. Here was forced labor but labor 
for which the greater number of the plant- 
ers held themselves personally responsible 
for feeding and for succoring in times of 
stress. 

The poor whites found no place in this 
economy. They were the people who in 
different circumstances would have made 
up the artisans and the small shopkeepers. 
Under the plantation system they were 
without opportunity to earn anything but 
a bare existence in a community where all 
the work was done by slaves and where 
working with the hands was considered 
degrading to a white man. 

Then came the Civil War and its after- 
math, reconstruction. The planter and the 
poor white had always had the bond of a 
common mother country, and now through 
the policy of the powerful Northern politi- 
cal party the bonds were strengthened by 
the addition of a common hatred of the 


gro. 

Along in the 80’s, when a vestige of 
self-rule had once more been wrested from 
the conqueror, the farsighted Southern 
leaders began to realize that something must 
be done to win economic independence also. 
They turned to the cotton industry as 
offering that opportunity. By building a 
cotton mill, work could be given to the 
poor white people and those who financed 
would take the chance of earning large 
profits if the mills were a success. And so 
cotton-mill building took on the aspects of 
a religious revival. It became the thing 
to do and was therefore done. 

Many of the early mills were community 
propositions designed primarily to help the 
poor people find work. The men who 
were called in to lead this modern crusade 
came from that class which had been the 
ante bellum leaders and who were used to 
taking care of their dependents. The poor 
whites now e their dependents and 
these former slave-holders looked after them 
in the same way as they had looked after 
their black charges. Company towns were 
built, community activities were provided 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


and above all the workers were given jobs. 
As the authors say “the workers brought 
nothing but their necessity,” and the mills 
were required to provide for the people. 
It was a benevolent despotism which was 
needed in the early industrial history of a 
people who previously had grubbed an ex- 
istence from a barren soil. 

But laugh with us, imply the authors, 
as we gaze upon the present situation. The 
second and third generation of mill owners 
and the large corporations which have 
moved down from the North are moved by 
gain rather than generosity. 

“In fact, they are industrialists, business 
men, capitalists, and congratulate themselves 
upon supporting these characters. 

They do not have an emotional attitude 
toward their workers. They are not bur- 
dened with a sense of noblesse oblige. They 
are not aristocrats, but burgeois. They 
are conscious and money-wise 

They have sought to cloak their material- 
ism with a great show of philanthropy and 
social conscience. . The welfare 
program is prosecuted because it pays.” 


The low wages, long hours and unre- 
stricted labor were, as was the welfare 
work, part of the early conditions which 
were accepted because of the conditions 
under which the first mills were instigated. 
They all have remained because it pays 
and because the labor differential has been 
the chief drawing card held out to New 
England mills as a reward for moving 
South. 

Into this “Thank God I’m Pure” in- 
dustry must come the trade union, which 
to the Southerner means anything from an 
organization to be tolerated to an organiza- 
tion directed from Moscow. The union 
has two tasks: “One is to remove the in- 
feriority complex of the employees, the other 
to remove the superiority complex of the 
employers.” The authors are undecided as 
to the best policy for the Federation to 
follow to bring about these results. In one 
article one of the authors writes: “I be- 
lieve that this method [that of a gigantic 
organizing scheme throughout the whole 
Southern textile industry] will be aban- 
doned on reflection.” A later chapter but 
of earlier original date points out that 





THE MOVEMENT OF MONEY AND REAL EARNINGS IN THE UNITED STATES 221 


“The best course for the union would 
be to bring pressure to bear on all the manu- 
facturers of shirting of this grade at the 
same time. This is a counsel of perfection 
which the restricted funds and scanty mem- 
bership of the organization have heretq- 
fore, at least, rendered impossible of realiza- 


Whichever method, be it intensive or 
extensive, must be prefaced with an educa- 
tional campaign. This campaign must 
show the people of the South that a trade- 
union is much more than the trouble- 
maker of which they read. Convince one 
manufacturer that the union can be of 
service to him in cutting his expenses, say 
in checking absenteeism, and a firm foot- 
hold will be gained in the industry. Those 
first convinced will pass the good word 
along, as the present writer found Mr. 
Smith of the Pequot Mills, in Salem, quite 
willing to do. 

The Mitchells find the South in the third 
stage of industrial revolution—in its adoles- 
cence stage. They have shown the parallel 
events in the growth of Southern industrial 
life and in the growth of English and New 
England industry. ‘They find the present 
arguments, which one hears so much when 
one interviews cotton mill presidents, to 
be the same arguments put forward by the 
English industrialists in the early years of 
the last century, when there was talk of 
restrictive legislation and workers combina- 
tions. We are great missionaries; we have 
given these people work and thus are 
philanthropists; what is good for us must 
be good for our people. The hope of the 
authors is that the South will learn from 
the story of the past what they may expect 
in the future, and it may learn if it will 
only get over the idea that the South is 
different. 

One can only wish that these two severe 
but understanding critics of the South 
would have written a new work instead of 
collecting these articles which naturally 
contain a great deal of repetition. In such 
a work they could have expanded some of 
the minor themes to a greater extent than 
was possible in writing for periodicals and 
the main chords would not have become 
somewhat wearying through constant re- 
iteration. 


THe Movement oF Money AND REAL 
EARNINGS IN THE UNITED STATES, 
1926 to 1928, Paul H. Douglas and 
Florence Tye Jennison. University of 
Chicago Press, June, 1930. 52 pp. 
Reviewed by Herbert Arkin, Department 
of Economics, College of the City of 
New York. 


To an increasingly greater degree the 
worker and the public are becoming aware 
of the illusory character of increases and 
decreases in money wages. More and 
more they are realizing that we cannot 
measure these changes merely in terms of 
dollars and cents, but rather in dollar 
changes as compared to cost of living 
changes, a problem created primarily by the 
“dance of the dollar.” 

For this reason this study, which may 
be considered a supplement to the earlier 
study by Professor Douglas, “Real Wages 
in the United States, 1890 to 1926,” al- 
though it fairly bristles with statistics and 
problems in statistical methods, is of vital 
importance. The pages of this investigation 
contain comparatively little textual ma- 
terial, but the conclusions brought out by 
these figures are well worth the extra effort 
required to secure them. 

With the exception of a few rather brief 
comments in the introduction, practically 
no attempt is made to interpret the figures 
for the reader, although most of the figures 
are presented in textual as well as tabular 
form. 

The introduction points out that, for 
the wage-earners as a whole, there had been 
a gain for about 35 per cent in real income 
(the purchasing power of their wages) in 
1926 as compared with the period 1890 
to 1899 and about 26 per cent since 1914. 
This gain had been added to by a decrease 
in the relative amount of unemployment 
(in 1926) as compared with the nineties, 
a decrease in the average number of de- 
pendents per worker, and an increase in 
free income in the form of services provided 
by the Government, by private charity and 
by the employer, bringing the net estimated 
gain for 1926 as compared with 1890 to 
1899 to 55 per cent. We are warned 
however that this increase was not uni- 
versal and that in some cases there had been 
an actual decrease, as in the case of Fed- 





222 


eral employees in Washington, where a 
decrease of 30 per cent is noted. Clerical 
workers as a group gained only 2 per cent. 
In the period under consideration (1926 to 
1928) a slight increase in real wages is 
pointed out. 

Other than these conclusions, the book 
makes little attempt at interpretation. The 
figures are presented and the reader is 
allowed to draw his own conclusions. 

Although workers in the manufacturing 
industries as a whole realized an increase 
in real income of about 5 per cent, the 
changes for 1926 to 1928 in the various 
component groups varied widely. While 
wage-earners in the land-vehicle group re- 
ceived a real income increase of about 8 
per cent, the changes range all the way 
down to a decrease of 1 per cent in both 
the leather and the beverages and tobacco 
industries groups. 

Public-utility workers as a whole re- 
ceived an increase of about 5 per cent, al- 
though one of the component groups, the 
telegraph industries, show a decrease of 
about 2 per cent as compared with 1890 
to 1899 in spite of a 5 per cent increase 
during 1926 to 1928. 

The farm-labor group shows a decrease 
for 1926 to 1928 of about 2 per cent in 
annual money wages, but when compared 
cost of living changes for rural districts 
a net gain in real income of about 1 per 
cent results. 

The union member and organizer may 
gain comfort from the comparison of real 
wages in “union” and in “payroll” (all 
classes) industries. The real earnings in 
the union group increased about 5 per cent 
while the “payroll” industries workers, in 
spite of the fact that many union plants 
are included in this group, benefited by an 
increase of only 3 per cent. 

The final chapter on the “Share of La- 
bor,” which is based on census figures, 
shows that although a gain in the share of 
the worker of about 9 per cent was re- 
corded from 1899 to 1921, almost all of 
that gain has been lost since that time when 
the proportion of value added by manufac- 
ture assigned to wages and salaries fell 
from 59 per cent to 51 per cent. 

A certain amount of criticism and doubt 
may be directed toward the freedom with 
which the authors supply missing figures 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


by means of interpolation and extrapola- 
tion. It is for this reason that the word 
“probable” precedes many of the figures 
given. But since no data is available for 
many fields and periods, the use of this 
method is not to-be allowed to overshadow 
the work done, especially since the word 
“probable” is so freely used and the lack 
of exactness is so freely recognized. 

This rather complete survey of real wage 
changes in specific groups of industries is 
one of the few sources to which one who 
is interested in this field may go and for 
that reason this book, bringing the earlier 
work of Professor Douglas further up to 
date, is to be looked upon gratefully. 


City Bossrs in THE Unirep STatss, A 
Stupy oF Twenty MuUNICIPAL 
Bosses, by Harold Zink. Duke Uni- 
versity Press, 1930. 364 pp. Reviewed 
by Louise Overacker. 


Previous writers who have studied the 
American political boss have dealt with 
him in the abstract, using some of the 
more colorful representatives for illustra- 
tion, or have made an intensive analysis of 
one exponent of the group. Dr. Zink en- 
deavors to avoid the limitations of both 
of these methods by analyzing a group of 
twenty bosses and comparing the results 
of a dissection of their personalities and 
careers. The bosses selected were chosen 
with an eye to geographical location, party 
affiliation and sphere of activity. Greater 
New York has seven representatives ; Phila- 
delphia, three; Pittsburgh and Chicago, 
two each, and Boston, Cincinnati, St. Louis, 
New Orleans, Minneapolis and San Fran- 
cisco, one each. The list includes the 
magnificent “Doc” Ames; “Poor Swede” 
Lundin, who made a fortune selling “Juni- 
per Ade” to the people of Chicago; and 
“Czar” Lomasney of Boston; as well as 
such familiar names as Tweed, Kelly, 
Croker, Murphy, Ed Vare and Ruef. 

Part I is devoted to a comparison of the 
characteristics and activities of the bosses 
studied in an effort to answer the question, 
“Ts there a ‘typical’ boss?” The individual 
sketches, which make up by far the greater 
part of the volume, are reserved for Part 
II. Dr. Zink finds that certain traits crop 
up repeatedly in his bosses: Every one of 





A LEADER 


them won his leadership after a stiff fight ; 
most of them were generous, persistent and 
courageous; many of them were the chil- 
dren of foreign-born parents, were reared 
in humble homes and were forced to be- 
come bread-earners very early in life; few 
of them had much formal education; and 
with few exceptions “they resided in their 
respective baronies from childhood years, 
entered politics as soon as they reached 
legal age, and became active in ward or 
district politics before they achieved the 
leadership.” He concludes however that 
there are so many exceptions to most of 
these generalizations that it is misleading 
to attempt to portray a “typical” boss. 
“The classic description of the derby- 
hatted, sport-suited, flashy-jewelried, plug- 
ugly boss, with coarse, brutal features, pro- 
truding paunch and well-chewed stogy, 
who has no morals and is socially impossi- 
ble, is about as accurate as most of the other 
‘typical’ portrayals. Political bosses are 
not a distinct species of human beings but 
possess the physical, mental and moral vari- 
ations of men in general.” 

The individual studies of such figures as 
Tweed, Croker and Murphy add little to 


what is already known about the person- 


223 


alities and methods of these Tammany 
overlords, but the sketches of less well- 
known bosses, like Ames of Minneapolis, 
Lundin of Chicago, Behrman of New Or- 
leans and Lomasney of Boston, supply the 
student of political leadership with valuable 
information not readily available elsewhere. 
The sketches are exasperatingly brief and 
there is little attempt to interpret the indi- 
viduals in the light of the social and eco- 
nomic background of the periods in which 
they lived or bring to light any but the 
more obvious facts about the influences sur- 
rounding them in childhood. So many 
questions were left unanswered that this 
reviewer was led to wonder if more satis- 
factory results might not have been ob- 
tained by a more intensive tilling of a 
smaller field. 

To those who are looking for a new 
analysis of the characteristics of bosses, or 
for an explanation of why these particular 
individuals became political bosses instead 
of generals or labor agitators, let us say 
that Dr. Zink’s study will be a disappoint- 
ment. His contribution lies in presenting 
an unemotional, well-balanced series of 
sketches which show American city bosses 


to be a diverse as well as a colorful lot. 


A LEADER 


Though your eyes with tears were blind, 
Pain upon the path you trod; 

Well we knew, the hosts behind, 
Voice and shining of a god. 


For your darkness was our day: 
Signal fires, your pains untold 

Lit us on our wandering way 
To the mystic heart of gold. 


Naught we knew of the high land, 
Beauty burning in its spheres; 

Sorrow we could understand 
And the mystery told in tears. 


—A. 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


CUSTOMERS’ COMMENTS 
on the 


PERSONAL FINANCE BUSINESS 


In Household’s files may be found 
hundreds of letters of appreciation from 
eople in every walk of life—workers in 
Cane, school teachers, newspapermen, 
managers, doctors. They come from 
people who have borrowed to meet 
pressing debts resulting from unemploy- 
ment, illness or other emergency. Many 
have used the loan as a stepping stone 
to financial independence. They tell of 
help received and courtesy shown when 
the loan was made and while being repaid. 


The aageat loan permitted under the 
Uniform Small Loan Law, which con- 
trols Household’s operations, is $300. 
But even that comparatively small 
amount has helped to establish the 
foundations of family prosperity and 
happiness. Homes have been saved by 
it, and opportunities have been grasped 
with its help. One family whose ideal 
was home ownership wrote: 


“Had it not been for your trust in 
us we could not have our home today, 
but would be only — Thank you 
many, many times for the wonderful 
way we have been treated in every 
respect.” 


Another said: 


“We just wanted to let you know 
that we reached the bank in time to 
pay the note on our home with the 
money you loaned us, thereby saving 
the home as it was due for fore- 
closure.” 


People sometimes fall behind in their 
payments, either through carelessness or 
sheer misfortune. A Household man- 
ager endeavors to distinguish the dif- 
ference. People who cannot make a 
repayment when due are expected to call 
or write giving their reasons and stating 
when they think they will be in position 
to do so. A foreigner under such cir- 
cumstances once wrote: 


“I beg your pardon to be so kind 
and give me a chance to get work so 
I be able to make good. I cannot write 
the misery and misfortune I have been 
in lately because if I think about it, it 
is enough to put me insane, but I hope 
it won’t be long from now that 
will be better and then I will pay up 
for lost time. I know with my own 


heart and soul that you have been 
very, very good to me, and I appreciate 
your kindness from the bottom of my 

eart. As soon as I have work I will 
notify you at once.” 


One customer, through illness, had 
gotten behind in his payments. The 
manager suggested payments in smaller 
amounts and over a longer period of time. 
The customer, however, preferred to 
abide by his original agreement and said: 


“I promised to send you a payment 
by Saturday and regret I cannot make 
that promise good for the reason that 
I only started to work on Wednesday 
and will only have two days pay when 
Saturday comes. The following Satur- 
day, however, when I receive a full 
week’s salary, I will send you thé 
money. I certainly appreciate your 
letter. It is a pleasure to deal with a 
loan company that tries to help its 
customers in time of need and sick- 
ness.” 


The mother of a family which had had 
doctor’s bills almost too big to sur- 
mount, wrote: 


“I do not know how to thank you 
for your kindness. It means a lot to 
get a kind word from anyone when 
you have so much trouble. It is a 
terrible thing to wait for money as 
long as you have done and I do hope 
that soon something will turn up 80 
that I can show you how much I ap- 
preciate what you have done.” 


In many cases of illness, not only is 
self-respect restored through a loan 
which takes care of medical bills but 
often lives themselves are saved. A 
woman who had borrowed $200 said: 


“I was very ill and needed money 
badly for medical purposes; if it had 
not been for your help I could not 
have obtained it. I will never be able 
to thank you enough. I had cancer, 
and the money enabled me to get 
radium treatments. Now I am pro- 
nounced cured.” 

Much of the misery brought through 


gy my ~ can be alleviated by small 
loans. One father wrote: 


“I am indeed grateful for what the 
Household Finance Corporation has 
done for me and mine. Three years 





~- £2 at he le Ce 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


- we were penniless. No coal. 
ar 


dly any food., Weather below 
zero. Rent to Pay.’ Three kiddies to 
take care of. had just returned to 
work but pay day was two weeks off. 
In one of these dark days a small 
paper was left at our door, an adver- 
tisement from Household Finance 
Corporation. It looked like help at the 
right time. The next morning early 
I went to the city to inquire about the 
“ad.” Before I returned there was a 
district man at my home, and he left 
with personal eager signed. The fol- 
lowing morning I returned to the city 
and got the money. Since then the 
Household Finance Corporation has 
been to us one of the greatest helps 
in time of need.” 


Many people believe that an attempt 
to borrow money is almost sure to be 
met with some degree of unpleasantness. 
This probably accounts for the large 
number of letters which customers have 
written to Household expressing sur- 
prise and appreciation for the courtesy 
which they have received. One cus- 
tomer wrote: 


“We were particularly impressed by 
the courtesy, politeness and helpful- 


all our strength, We are ‘saving 
something every week to buy a little 
home for us and our children and then 
we may need your help. I must say, 
that if we are able to buy a home we 
shall owe it to you because if you 
had not lent us that money two years 
ago I might not have been in this 
world now. We look upon you as a 
friend; our other friends turn us down 
when we need them most.” 


From professional people there come 


expressions which are best summed up 
in the letter of one man’s wife, who said: 


“Few people feel the humiliation 
of debts more than young men rising 
in the professions. They sometimes 
find it essential to meet expenses in- 
commensurate with their apprentice- 
ship salaries. To them, I think, your 
service is a real boon. Debt is as de- 
vastating to a man with a conscien- 
tious mind as disease is to the body. 
We go to a doctor to restore our 
a health. We are fortunate in 

ving available the financial special- 
ists who make a business of restoring 
our peace of mind.” 


Many teachers borrow from House- 


hold, some to improve themselves 


ness shown us by your manager and 

his clerk. We -& accorded every ‘through summer travel or college 

courtesy and treated as prospective COUTSeS; others to meet emergency obli- 

customers about to make a purchase #&4tions which their salaries cannot al- 
ways cover. One wrote: 


instead of about to request a loan.” 


A widower, who found it necessary to 
secure money in order to pay the ex- 

mses of his wife’s last illness and 

eral, wrote, after the visit of the 
Household manager to his home: 


“When you spoke of the sentimental 
value of certain articles made so by 
the intimate association with my wife 
and the necessity of respecting my 
wishes in that regard, you touched me 
far deeper than you will ever know. 


“I was left a widow, penniless, with 
two children to support. I started 
teaching at an inadequate salary. Had 
it not been for the help I received by 
being able to make a quick loan 
through the Household Finance Cor- 
poration, I would have been in a most 
embarrassing position. I appreciate 
what you have done for me and 
heartily recommend you to others who 
need help in emergencies.” 


The progress of a company is depend- 


teh nay eg nny Sab case ent upon the good will of its customers. 
you gained not only my respect, but In each of its 130 branch offices in 72 
my gratitude. You and your business Cities, Household is zealous in its con- 
: stant endeavor to maintain a policy 


institution ha wi 
po cae Neagle omy ie which will warrant such favorable com- 
ments as these. 


made a booster out of me.” 
One working man’s wife wrote: 


“You see it is good to know there 
is someone some place who is willing Household Finance 
to help out when one is down. Four 
months ago,we were again at the point Corporation 
<a when _ from doctors 
and nurses for our twin boys came, but higa 
somehow we managed alone. You see O18 North Bite m Ave. 
my husband does his best to bring me Chicago, Hlinois 
his pay envelope with $25 a week and 
I stretch it - far as I -. Rane pow at , ‘ia 
€ are a good team, my hus and Reprints covten at + 24 
I, pulling in the same direction with > ae Dicision of y a 








AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR 





Warning to Advertisers! 


Protect yourself from being defrauded. Read the following Report of the 
Executive Council and action of the convention of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, at Scranton, Pa., on December 14, 1901, in reference to 
DECEPTIVE PUBLICATIONS: oa 








NUMBER of souvenir books have been published in which the name of the American 
Federation of Labor has been used without authority or sanction of any kind from 
_ either the American Federation of Labor or its officers. The good name of our move- 
ment is thereby impaired, the interests of our fellow-workers injured, and fair-minded business 
men imposed upon and deceived. During the year we have endeavored to impress upon all that 
the only publication in which advertisements are received is our official monthly magazine, the 
AMERICAN FEpERATIONIST; and we have also endeavored to influence a more straightforward 
course by those who have transgressed in the direction indicated. In this particular we have not 
been as successful as we should be pleased to be enabled to report to you. However, we are 
more concerned with the future than the past; and in order to be helpful in eliminating this 
cause of grievous complaint, we make the following recommendations : 

First—That we shall insist that no body of organized labor, nor shall any person issue a 
souvenir book claiming that such book or any other publication is issued for or on behalf of the 
American Federation of Labor. 

Srconp—That any city chosen by a convention of the American Federation of Labor to hold 
the convention following shall not directly or indirectly through its Central Labor Union or 
otherwise issue a souvenir book claiming that such book is issued for or on behalf of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor. 

_ THirp—That in the event of any such souvenir book being projected or about to be issued, 
directly or indirectly, by the Central Labor body in the city in which the convention was selected 
to be held, in violation of the letter and spirit of these recommendations, the Executive Council 
may change the city in which the convention is to be held to the one which received the next 
highest number of votes for that honor. 

Fourta—tThat the Executive Council is hereby directed to prosecute any person or persons 
in the courts who shall in any way issue souvenir books, directories, or other publications in 
which the name of the American Federation of Labor is used as publisher, owner or beneficiary. 

Firtu—That it be again emphasised that the AmericaN FeperaTionist is the official 
monthly magasine of the American Federation of Labor, and is the only publication in which 
advertisements are received. EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, A. F. OF L. 


Report of Committee to Convention on the Above Report. 

Perhaps there has been no more prolific source of dishonesty perpetrated in the name of 
organized labor than that involved in the publication of souvenir books. Unscrupulous projectors 
have victimized merchants and other friends of the movement in a most shameful fashion, and 
your committee heartily agrees with the strictures of the Executive Council upon the subject. We 

emphatically agree with the suggestions offered as a remedy and recommend 
their adoption. As an additional means to this end we would recommend that 
there be published in a conspicuous place in each issur of the AMERICAN 
FEpEeRATIONIST a notice to the effect that the American Federation of Labor 
is not sponsor nor interested in any souvenir publication of any kind. 
Adopted by the Convention of the American Federation of Labor, Decem- 


ber 14, 1901. 

















THE OLD MACHINIST 


Joun Henry Bart cert. 


I like “Old Clel.” Though almost blind 
No braver soul could one e’er find. 

For fifty years and more, I ween, 

He’s tended lathe at Smith’s machine. 


Yes, tended lathe and plied his trade, 
Till failing eyes have brought a shade, 
To cloud his path and slow his tread, 
Though no complaint has e’er he said. 


My dear “Old Clel,” you whistle clear 
The same old tunes I used to hear, 
When we, as boys, dangled our feet 
By father’s barn on the old board seat. 


Ten hours at lathe, at chore-work four, 
From morn till late, his toil ne’er o’er. 
And this for years his daily round, 

No sturdier yeoman could be found. 


And ne'er a stingy bone had Clel, 
To all his neighbors, sick or well, 
He’d “fetch” new “tates” or “cukes” or 


> 
Or lettuce heads, sweet corn or greens. 


"Twas Clel’s religion—just his way, 

For oft I’ve heard him, chuckling, say, 
“Not long on church, and pews and preach,” 
But loved to help those he could reach. 


And so he’s whistled and cheered the day 
For all he’s met on life’s lone way, 

As down the road he’s tuned out queer 
The melodies old we loved to hear. 


Forsooth, my Clel was round and fat, 
Three hundred pounds, or more than that 
He tipped at forty on those scales 

The old shop used for scrap-iron sales. 


But now, some worn by time and care, 
Old age is showing, unaware, 

Yet stout of heart, in spirit strong, 

At his machine he carries on. 


Yes, I like Clel—Though humble be, 
His life holds out a charm to me, 

And ’mong my friends of great renown 
“Faithful and true” I’d set him down. 


For who can say what road is best, 

Or hold up fame above the rest? 

And hasn’t old Clel without display 

Well met the test on life’s highway ? 
227 








COUNTRY-WIDE LABOR NEWS 


Northeastern Section 


IHE Red Cross, the Salvation 
Tans and the aid societies at 

Rutland, Vt., take care of the 
needs of those out of work. The 
unions are doing all they can for 
their men in need. The Manning 
Manufacturing Company is the 
only one on full time.—C. 
Warn. 


The board of mayor and alder- 
men are selling a $10,000 bond is- 
sue for relief work at Manchester, 
N. H., writes Horace A. Riviere. 
Textiles are our main industry and 
organization is being carried on 
among the workers. The Amos- 
keag Manufacturing Company re- 
duced wages in practically all of its 
mills in the last year—the company 
union which exists at these mills 
makes it easy to carry out such re- 
ductions, as the workers have no 
means to combat the company. 
Textile workers, cigarmakers and 
shoe workers are working two and 
three days per week. 


Manchester, Mass., has appro- 
priated some special money for the 
unemployed; married men get four 


228 


days work a week and single men, 
three. These are all unskilled 
workers. All workers are on part 
time, except the caretakers of the 
estates.—GEORGE J. NorRIE. 


The unemployment committee at 
Marlboro, Mass., lists jobs and places 
those who can do the work. Some 
road work is beginning and also some 
forestry work, laying of water pipes, 
et cetera. Union finances are at low 
ebb as we did a lot of aiding mem- 
bers last winter, so this year all we 
can do is to share what work there is 
with the members. Some borrow 
from a finance company on their 
household furniture to tide them over. 
There has been no concerted attempt 
to lower wages except in the shoe 
shops. Every industry is working on 
part time to allow of more help being 
employed. No industry has worked 
full time for more than two years.— 
Joun T. TUCKER. 


Most of the unions at New Bed- 
ford, Mass., are in no financial posi- 
tion to do much, but at least one tex- 
tile craft union has created an unem- 
ployment aid committee to investigate 











rt 
ts 


it 


Oo oO w 


_ 


— a | 








COUNTRY-WIDE LABOR NEWS 229 


and report back to the union needy 
cases for possible relief. The abso- 
lute destitute get city relief and sol- 
diers and sailors aid. Several local 
mill agents are taking advantage of 
depression to cut wages. All work- 
ers in all industries work only part 
time.—HERBERT SEVERS. 


The town of Plymouth, Mass., 
gives two days’ work a week to single 
men and three to married men on 
road work and the cutting of bushes 
on woods roads to prevent fires. A 
cut in wages of 12% cents an hour 
has been made by the American 
Woolen Company.—Cuas. H. 
SMITH. 


A committee of fifteen has been 
named by the Central Labor Union 
at Worcester, Mass., writes Freeman 
M. Saltus, to cooperate with the 
Municipal Unemployment Commit- 
tee. A suggestion has been made to 
put steam shovels and other ma- 
chinery away for the winter and put 
men to work on the roads with pick 
and shovel. Street-railway employees 
work six days to help the unemployed 
shopmen; railroad shopmen also lay 
off one day to give work to members 
of their craft. A committee has been 
appointed to study unemployment in- 
surance. A few of the contractors 
are attempting wage cuts. Nearly all 
industries are on part time. It is esti- 
mated that there are about 15,000 
out of work in the loom works, steel 
mills, leather shops, grinding and 
emery wheels. 


The Central Labor Union at Provi- 
dence, R. I., has appointed an unem- 
ployment committee to work with the 
city and state committee. Per capita 


tax is not required of those out of 
work either by the Central Labor 
Union or the State Federation of La- 
bor. Wage cut of 12% per cent has 
been made in the textile industry. 
There is plenty of part-time work in 
most trades, but conditions among the 
jewelry and textile workers are very 
poor.—JAMES J. CARROLL. 


Joseph McKimmie reports that for 
the next two weeks members of the 
bookbinders will be working full time. 
For the past few months they have 
divided the short time. The book- 
binders local union is trying to have 
the employers start the five-day week 
at Buffalo, N. Y. There has been a 
general tendency to cut wages in some 
shops. A few hundred girls will lose 
their employment as operators due to 
the installation of the dial system. 


The Chemung Canal Trust Com- 
pany gave $10,000 to Elmira, N. Y., 
to be used in giving work to the un- 
employed ; the Common Council voted 
$30,000 for this purpose and as a 
consequence 450 men have been get- 
ting three days’ work a week. The 
rate is 50 cents an hour and seven 
hours is worked each day. Plumbers 
voted a $1 assessment on employed 
members to help their unemployed. 
Carpenters have created a fund for 
members with work and the lathers 
have assessed working members. 
Small loans are made by the Social 
Service and Catholic charities; these 
organizations also provide groceries 
and coal. The American Sales Book 
Company is suing the printers and 
stereotypers for $100,000 for alleged 
boycott and injunction, growing out 
of their six months’ strike —HaArrr 
MakrTIN. 





4 that every 
ean afford 





232 


South Connelsville, Pa., has raised 
$5,000 to help the needs of those out 
of work, writes Joseph Humbertson. 
Wages have been cut all along the 
line. 


At Camden, N. J., organized la- 
bor’s committee works with the City 
Unemployment and Relief Commit- 
tee, writes Charles F. Hollopeter. 
In order to give emergency relief to 
our members we are assessing work- 
ing members a certain percentage of 
their wages. Practically all trades, 
with the exception of the printing 
trades, are working part time. 


One hundred and ten thousand dol- 
lars has been secured for additional 
public work at Paterson, N. J., to re- 
lieve the unemployment situation 
there, reports Carl Holderman. The 


hosiery workers are extending relief 


to their members. Five hundred 
Wright Motor Company employees 
organized and are now on strike 
against gang system of wages. The 
wants and needs of those out of work 
are being taken care of by about 
twenty charitable institutions. Prac- 
tically all industries are on part time. 


Southeastern Section 


Organized labor and business men 
at Portsmouth, Va., have committees 
to help the unemployment there. The 
majority of local unions here, al- 
though their membership is small, 
give all emergency aid possible to 
their members in need. There is no 
trouble to get small loans at a rea- 
sonable rate of interest. The Sea- 
board Railway shops and the Govern- 
ment Navy Yard are on full time. 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Dowell E. Patterson reports that 
conditions at Asheville, N. C., are not 
very good. The city itself is in such 
a deplorable financial condition that 
not much headway can be made to do 
extra public work to help those need- 
ing employment. The unions did pay 
the dues for their members out of 
work, but with the failure of six banks 
in this town, the locals were, without 
exception, left without a penny and 
even this relief was stopped. Ap- 
peals to the various internationals 
have bten made for financial assist- 
ance to tide over the crisis. A very 
good organization program was in 
progress until the financial catas- 
trophe. The loan shark is about the 
only one from whom the poor man 
can borrow. Stores need cash at this 
time and unless the customer is an old 
one and a well-known person he will 
not be carried. There have been no 
wage decreases in the printing indus- 
try, but there have been wage cuts in 
several other industries and part-time 
employment. Commercial printers 
are working full time in this city. 


A committee on unemployment of 
the Asheville, N. C., Chamber of 
Commerce is endeavoring to inaugu- 
rate a shorter week, especially where 
more than eight hours are in vogue. 
Two members of organized labor 
serve on this committee. Charity or- 
ganizations meet the needs of those 
out of work. Unorganized mechanics 
received a 50 per cent cut in wages. 
Rayon workers are practically em- 
ployed full time.—H. C. CALDWELL. 


At High Point, N. C., the City Em- 
ployment Office has the cooperation 
of industrial plants and this helps to 





COUNTRY-WIDE LABOR NEWS 


find employment. So far we have had 
no necessity for local emergency aid. 
We are contributing to the Danville 
textile relief. Open forum meetings 
are being sponsored by labor repre- 
sentatives, manufacturers, merchants 
and clergymen on continuous employ- 
ment of workers. Industrial bank 
loans are hard to get. Chain stores 
do not extend credit. Wage cuts have 
been continuous over the past eleven 
months in all industries. Practically 
all industries are on part time.—J. S. 
WoRKMAN. 


Since the unemployment confer- 
ence sponsored by the governor was 
held at Charleston, S. C., the burden 
of looking after those out of work 
has been shifted to the churches and 
welfare societies, reports W. H. 
Strippy. Fortunately we have not 
had any members to appeal to the lo- 
cals for aid. A local union of paint- 


ers has been organized. All indus- 
tries are working on just as short time 
as possible—three days a week. Ef- 
forts are being made to organize the 
electricians and some progress is re- 
ported. 


Work has just started on two 
underpasses at Birmingham, Ala., 
which gives work to about 200 men, 
reports R. A. Root. We are cooper- 
ating with the civic bodies and sell- 
ing 15-cent tickets to be given to the 
unemployed good for a meal at 18 
restaurants (same worth 50 cents). 


At Orlando, Fla., a Resident 
Workman’s Association, sponsored 
by local unionists indirectly, has been 
formed in the hope of creating a de- 
mand for local union help and even- 
tually bringing nonunion members 
into the union. This Association has 


233 


opened an employment bureau and 
the Central Labor Union has fur- 
nished a list of all union men in order 
to keep the various crafts posted that 
they might throw work to each other. 
This Association has also called upon 
employers urging that they favor lo- 
cal residents when giving out work. 
There is the usual part-time work in 
the building trades.—W. J. CAHILL. 


St. Petersburg, Fla., Central Labor 
Union has representation on an ad- 
visory committee of local promoters 
of a prospective tunnel to cross 
Tampa Bay from St. Petersburg to 
Bradentown, reports V. S. Herring. 
The painters have introduced the five- 
day week here. The building trades 
crafts are organizing a joint commit- 
tee to meet shortly with a committee 
of the local chapter of the Associated 
General Contractors to consider an 
adjustment of wages and conditions. 
During the tourist season members of 
the building trades are engaged in 
hotel work or as clerks in stores. 
This affords a means of earning a liv- 
ing during a very slack building 
period. For the past two months the 
writer has been secretary of the local 
Industry Board. 


A building program is being 
planned at Tampa, Fla., to help give 
work to the unemployed, writes J. W. 
Sherman. To date it has not been 
necessary to give emergency aid to 
our members out of work. Small 
loans can be gotten from the Family 
Finance Company on _ household 
goods. Cigarmakers are in confer- 
ence with the manufacturers regard- 
ing a 10 per cent cut in wages. Elec- 
tric, cement and canning plants are 


working full time. 





234 


East Central Section 


E. Manfred Roebling, who has 
been visiting different part of Canada 
in the efforts of organization, reports 
that Regina has a splendid Labor 
Temple, at which frequent bridge par- 
ties and dance socials are held. Rail- 
roads seem to keep their men at work 
as much as possible. Municipal re- 
lief is quite good and it seems that 
all is being done to keep everybody 
going. Regina is especially active in 
all provincial and municipal matters. 


Grand Rapids, Mich., operates a 
clubhouse for single men out of work 
and furnishes food and lodging; wel- 
fare agencies furnish relief for fami- 
lies. The state employment office 


is urging that odd jobs be found 
around houses to give work. All Io- 
cals have appointed relief committees 
to supply food, clothing and fuel. A 


series of meetings for organization 
and educational purpose have been 
arranged by the Federation. Inde- 
pendent stores give credit and a few 
of the chain stores in the clothing line. 
A number of firms have reduced 
wages. There is mostly part-time 
work in the furniture industry.— 
Epwarp Kosten. ° 


At Faribault, Minn., organized la- 
bor’s committee on unemployment is 
working in cooperation with the 
American Legion committee, reports 
George H. Harris. The unions are 
doing everything possible to help 
those out of work. We have a loan 
shark here that does more harm than 
good. The home-owned stores are 
the only ones that give credit. The 
shoe factory has shut down and one 
of the furniture factories is working 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


only 35 hours a week and the pros- 
pect is that it will shortly close down 
altogether. 


Frank Fisher sends in word that 
the various firms at St. Paul, Minn., 
have pledged to keep their present 
force and add others if business war- 
rants. 


At Akron, Ohio, organized labor 
is visiting the manufacturers asking 
them to work eight hours instead of 
twelve and in this way the work can 
be spread over a larger number. 
Those out of work are carried in good 
membership by the unions and dona- 
tions to those in need are made. It 
is almost impossible to get loans— 
you must have work in order to get 
money. There has been no increase 
in wages, but a few trades have suf- 
fered reductions. There is part-time 
work in the building trades. The 
Akron Lamp Company, the U. S. 
Stone Ware and McKnight Stone 
Ware Companies are operating on 
full time.—D. W. HEtp. 


At Alliance, Ohio, the unions are 
endeavoring to retain all of their 
members by keeping them in good 
standing and where needed small 
donations are made, reports H. H. 
Diser. All stores, except the chain 
stores, give credit. There is no full- 
time employment. 


John Hogan as a member of the 
Emergency Advisory Committee ap- 
pointed by the mayor at Canton, 
Ohio, advises that they consider and 
recommend such work as the city can 
at present undertake. As far as the 
funds of the several local unions will 
permit they are paying the dues and 








AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 





ALL DURING 


1931 


Members of the building trades, operative builders, con- 
tractors, architects and bankers say that the powerful 
national advertising of The Celotex Company is a most 
effective factor in popularizing home ownership and re- 


modeling. 


With building ranking so high in the list of American 


industries, this activity has a large meaning to every man. 


The advertising efforts of The Celotex Company will con- 
tinue unabated throughout 1931. American labor can be 
sure this force will be working for the continuous upbuild- 
ing of business each week in the year. The Celotex Com- 
pany, 919 North Michigan Ave., Chicago, III. 








CELOTEX 


BRAND 


INSULATING CANE BOARD 











236 


in such cases where distress exists are 
making grants and donations to mem- 
bers. None of the industries are 
working full time. 


Canton, Ohio, has a Citizens Com- 
mittee for the Unemployed but not 
much headway is being made. The 
unions are keeping members out of 
work in good standing. Home mer- 
chants give credit as far as possible. 
All industries are on part time.—J. 
R. SIMPSON. 


At Elyria, Ohio, efforts are being 
made to shorten the hourly work- 
week by either working less hours per 
day or by going on the four-day week 
schedule in order to spread the work 
over more people, writes L. J. Myers. 
Most locals are taking care of their 
members’ dues and insurance. The 


majority of factories are keeping only 


their old and best men on regardless 
of how many hours they work. 


At Hamilton, Ohio, the unemploy- 
ment committee has been functioning 
for the past few months. Labor is 
represented thereon. Funds have 
been gathered from many sources and 
about 150 men are worked each day 
on municipal work, such as street 
cleaning, et cetera. These men are 
paid $3 a day of eight hours and are 
paid each day. Molders Union No. 
68 has done a lot of work in provid- 
ing for its membership and has been 
keeping members in good standing 
for some time. There have been no 
wage cuts in the organized industries. 
Some of the larger plants are work- 
ing part time; others are not working 
at all. There never was a time when 
sO many men and women were un- 
employed. 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Wherever aid is needed the unions 
at Troy, Ohio, help their members, 
writes Albert S. Sherman. The city 
and community chest take care of 
destitute cases. Most every factory 
in the city is on part time. 


Herrin, Ill., has started to register 
the unemployed, reports Fred Mar- 
tin. The mine locals give check-offs 
to help those out of work. A mine 
which formerly employed 735 men, 
now employs only 250 since the instal- 
lation of the loading devices. Mass 
meetings are being held by the miners 
protesting against the use of these 
loaders. Mines operate two or three 
days per week. 


The writer, Charles E. Souza, is a 
member of the Mayor’s Unemploy- 
ment Committee at Jacksonville, Ill. 
None of the local members seem to 
be in need and are interested in fixing 
boxes of clothing, et cetera, for the 
people at Danville, Va. The home 
stores give credit. It is hard to secure 
loans except at a high rate of interest. 
The printers have just signed a two- 
year agreement at the same wage 
scale. We think that all industries 
that are unionized are working full 
time. 


At Springfield, Ill., two or three 
committees have been appointed to 
help the unemployed. Most of lo- 
cal members are working about five 
days a week. A local union of roof- 
ers has been organized and they have 
secured an agreement with the con- 
tractors. Home store loans are hard 
for the men to get. The mines in 
this district are working three to five 
days work a week. There is not much 
part-time work.—Jas. A. LA VEER. 








AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 














UP FROM THE RANKS 











OME of us were in the Great War. And 
some of us who went learned a lesson: 


When we were buck privates, we found that 
the man among us who learned not only his 
own private’s job but his corporal’s as well— 
he was the man who was given the corporal’s 
job when the corporal was promoted to ser- 
geant’s rank. 


And so we like to feel that each one of us 
70,000 on the Baltimore & Ohio is the sort of 
man who first does his own job well, and then 
learns a little something about the man’s just 
one step higher up. 


Because we know that some day there are 
bound to be promotions from the ranks. 


BALTIMORE & OHIO 


70,000 OF US INVITE YOU TO RIDE ON OUR RAILROAD 











238 


Harvey Hickman reports that at 
Muncie, Ind., the unemployed are 
used to just existing—some are sell- 
ing apples on the street and junking 
and doing most anything to get a lit- 
tle money. Loans can be had on fur- 
niture and independent stores give 
credit, but the chain stores do not. 
No cuts in wages have been made to 
organized workers. The unorgan- 
ized in all lines have received reduc- 
tions in wages. All industries are on 
part time. 


The firehouses at South Bend, Ind., 
are used for the registration of those 
out of work. Community relief com- 
mittees and various other organiza- 
tions all help to meet the needs of 
the unemployed. The garment work- 
ers after investigation assist all needy 
members and, so far as the writer, 
Mary L. Garner, has been able to 
learn, all unions are doing the same. 
Carpenters are paying the dues of 
needy members, same to be returned 
later. The Building Trades Council 
has been reorganized. Money is hard 
to get. Small, short-time loans have 
been secured at banks, but are not 
renewable. The garment workers 
have been granted the 40-hour week 
without reductions. 


West Central Section 


At Des Moines, Iowa, organized 
labor is concentrating on reduction 
of hours of employment to give more 
work to those needing it. Organized 
labor has not been invited to cooper- 
ate with Mayor Crouch’s Unemploy- 
ment Committee. Local printers are 
volunteering to lay off work one day 
a week to give employment to their 
fellow members. Other unions are 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


doing likewise and in addition give 
entertainments, the proceeds of which 
are used for emergency relief. The 
coal and material haulers are organ- 
izing and have 265 members. At 
least 40 per cent of the population 
are dependent upon loan sharks. 
Credit unions take care of the street- 
carmen’s needs. Printers and railway 
clerks take care of their members 
when seeking credit. Reports reveal 
that not one industry is operating on 
full time.—W. B. Hammi_. 


‘ 

Organized labor at Huron,S. Dak., 
in cooperation with the Associated 
Charities and other organizations 
doing relief work, has started an em- 
ployment bureau and has made an 
appeal to list with them any jobs 
either permanent or temporary. The 
results so far have been wonderful. 
Business men and farmers are doing 
everything possible to give work to 
those in need. The railroad workers 
are donating a part of their wages 
each month to take care of those laid 
off during the slack of business. 
Other organizations are taking care 
of their members by voluntary sub- 
scriptions. It is impossible for any- 
body to get a loan. We have expe- 
rienced no wage increases or reduc- 
tions. All industries are working part 
time except the packing industry.— 
ALBERT J. MAac. 


Arkansas City, Kans., has a build- 
ing program in progress to help give 
work to those needing it; school and 
downtown buildings are being re- 
modeled. The Fox Theater Com- 
pany has made us a proposition of 
opening their theaters on Sunday and 
turning over the proceeds to the un- 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 





WHAT IS THE 


irom 














ALL THAT MOST PEOPLE see of the telephone 
company are a telephone and a few feet 
of wire. 

But through that telephone you can talk 
with any one of millions of people, all linked 
together by the web of equipment of the 
Bell System. 

All its efforts are turned constantly to 
one job—to give better telephone service 
to an ever-increasing number of people, as 
cheaply as it possibly can. 

The American Telephone and Telegraph 
Company provides the staff work for the 
Bell System. To it the operation of the tele- 
phone service is a public trust. It pays a 
reasonable dividend to its stockholders .. . 
and uses all earnings beyond that to 
improve and extend the service. 

There are more than 550,000 stockholders, 


and no one person owns so much as one per 
cent of its stock. 

The Bell System operates through 24 
regional companies, each one attuned to 
the needs of its particular territory. In ad- 
dition, the 5000 members of the Bell Labo- 
ratories staff do the scientific work which 
makes it possible to improve and widen the 
service at least cost to its users. The Western 
Electric Company, which manufactures for 


. the Bell System, specializes in the economi- 


cal production of telephone equipment of 
the highest quality. 

All these facilities are directly available 
throughout the entire Bell System, at any 
time or place. ... Because of them, every 
dollar that you spend for telephone ser- 
vice brings you constantly greater value 
and convenience. 





* AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY * 





240 


employed. A Federal Labor Union 
is being organized. The Kanotex 
and Shell Refineries are working full 
time.—A. B. GARRISON. 


Organized labor at Dodge, Kans., 
is cooperating with the city and 
Chamber of Commerce in an employ- 
ment agency for home labor. Enter- 
tainments and dances are given and 
the proceeds are used for emergency 
relief. Building craftsmen are work- 
ing part time. Railroad shops and 
a few wholesale houses are on full 
time.—O. E. RipGeway. 


The city of Hutchinson, Kans., 
gives two days work a week to men 
cleaning streets, bank and canal, re- 
ports C. H. Ebersale. The unions 
divide their working time among the 
members. It is hard for a laboring 
man to secure a loan—he has to have 


the very best of security. No indus- 
tries are working full time. 


Jackson, Tenn., workers are work- 
ing five days a week, giving the extra 
day’s work to those unemployed, 
writes W. I. Carrington. To hold- 
ers of good cards, the Central Labor 
Union gives two meals and a bed to 
those needing it. Most all the home 
stores extend credit. All industries 
are on part time. 


With the great amount of unem- 
ployment at Nashville, Tenn., the 
unions are doing what they can to 
make small loans and donations to 
members in need, reports E. E. 
Woodward. The Trades and Labor 
Council has tried to show that it is 
best to keep the citizens at work, but 
has met with difficulties from the 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


Manufacturers Association. The La- 
bor Temple Credit Union makes 
loans up to $100, when properly 
vouched for by at least two members 
in good standing. There is but little 
work here and only a limited force is 
employed. 


West South Central Section 


Louisville, Ky., has three emer- 
gency committees to help those out 
of work; one selected by the mayor, 
one by the governor and one by the 
Trades and Labor Assembly. The 
Assembly’s committee will start the 
first relief work to be sponsored by 
any union. All industries are on part 
time and many have shut down com- 
pletely since the first of the year. 
Three banks have closed here.—HEr- 
MAN F. Youna. 


Organization meetings have been 
called at Hot Springs, Ark., by the 
teamsters, cooks and waiters, and fire- 
fighters, advises Chas. W. Lester. 
Wages remain the same. Printers, 
street-railway workers, butchers and 
meat-cutters are working full time. 
The organizations make small loans 
to their members. Local No. 401 
has a continuous fund for emergency 
relief to which every member con- 
tributes 10 cents a week. 


Most of the work which has been 
going on in Baton Rouge, La., since 
1929 has been finished and left an 
excess labor supply on hand. Efforts 
are being made to keep up the wages 
and hours of labor. We try to dis- 
courage loans because finally it weak- 
ens the purchasing power. The Stand- 
ard Oil Company, employing 500 
men, is working full time.—E. H. La 
Croix. 





AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


The state government and city and 
civic bodies at Muskogee, Okla., are 
taking a registration of those out of 
work. No definite program has as 
yet been proposed to meet the unem- 
ployment situation. Prospects are 
good for the organization of bakers 
and roofers. Small loans are avail- 
able to salaried people at approxi- 
mately 25 per cent. One oil refinery 
and a small railroad shop are operat- 
ing on full time-—Tom E. ALBERT. 


The Chamber of Commerce at 
Pawhuska, Okla., is as active as pos- 
sible to help those out of work and is 
friendly to organized labor, reports 
Claude D. Whitlock. All industries 
are working part time except laun- 
dries and garages. 


Ten thousand trees have been 
planted in a new park at Amarillo, 
Texas, and those digging the holes 
received 10.cents a hole. An addi- 
tion has also been started to the court- 
house and this will give work to some 
building tradesmen. Painters gave a 
benefit dance January 2, the proceeds 
of which are to be used to aid their 
members. They,have been standing 
good for $15 worth of groceries for 
several families. There is no steady 
work here except in offices.—S. Nor- 
TON. 


Through advertising and radio 
talks, we are trying to interest and 
get property owners to have repairs 
made on their property. While there 
has been no increase in wages, there 


has been no cut. Men consider them- 
selves lucky if they get half-time 
work.—W. F. CoTTINGHAM. 


241 


At Pampa, Texas, committees of 
representative business men and city 
officials make two-minute talks at the 
motion-picture houses, urging those 
who can to create jobs. We are also 
trying to have the oil industry oper- 
ate on the 8-hour day, which would 
give work to a lot of men. Work is 
divided between the members of the 
unions so that each will have a few 
days work each week. It is almost 
impossible at this time to get small 
loans. While there has been no in- 
crease in wages, there has been no de- 
crease. The carbon companies are on 
full time.—FRANK HENRY. 


Those employed at San Antonio, 
Texas, have pledged to give a cer- 
tain percentage of their wages to help 
those out of work; the city employees 
will give a day’s wages if necessary. 
We have a full organization commit- 
tee that is doing everything in its 
power to keep the organized unions 
intact. There has been no wage in- 
creases or decreases. Work in the 
building trades is at a standstill at 
the present time, with about 30 per 
cent working full time, 30 per cent 
part time and 40 per cent unem- 
ployed.—SAM GOoDMAN. 


At San Antonio, Texas, one and a 
half million dollars have been voted 
for work on public schools, with the 
work on the new schools to begin at 
once, advises Fred Fishback. Some 
locals are levying a 2 per cent assess- 
ment on all members working to pro- 
vide for the unemployed members. 
Small emergency loans are made by 
some of the unions to their members. 
About 60 per cent of the building 
trades are working part time. 





242 


At Texarkana, Texas, some work 
has been taken over at low figures 
and turned over to the journeymen, 
allowing them to divide the profits. 
Eighty per cent of the building trades 
are idle. Most all industries are on 
part-time schedule—JOHN ALLEN. 


Mountain States 


All unionists working regularly at 
Pocatello, Idaho, lay off and give 
those out of work a chance to earn 
some money, reports Abram Forster. 
A commission has been appointed by 
the governor, on which is represented 
the Chamber of Commerce and the 
Brotherhood of Railway workers, to 
help with plans for giving work to 
those needing it. 


James M. Hurst reports that the 
Trades and Labor Assembly at Og- 
den, Utah, has raised $5,000 for the 
unemployed and needy. Each case is 
investigated before money is given 
and in lots of cases work for two or 
three days a week is furnished. The 


AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST 


employees at the American Packing 
& Provision Company have been or- 
ganized almost 100 per cent. Efforts 
are being made to organize the 
grocery clerks. We have to help 
some of our members with small loans 
or donations. Most local men can 
obtain credit from the local grocer- 
man, but not any from the chain 
stores. Railroad and garment work- 
ers are on part time. 
Pacific Coast 

Seattle Building Trades Council 
and the Central Labor Council are 
doing all they possibly can to interest 
city and county officials in starting all 
public work without delay, writes J. 
J. Hurley. Both Councils have 
united movement in establishing res- 
taurant for members providing two 
meals a day to each applicant; also 
have commissary to provide for mar- 
ried people and families. There is a 
campaign all along the line to hold 
all advantages gained and to procure 
new members wherever possible. 





Sani-Flat : 
Utilac 

Cement Coating 

Impervo Surfacer 


CHICAGO 
White Enamel Underbody ' CLEVELAND 


Benjamin Moore & Co. 


Paints,Varnishes and Muresco 
511 Canal Street, New York City 
ST.LOUIS 
CARTERET 
TORONTO 


Muresco 

House Paint 

Pure Oil Colors 
Japans and Driers 
Impervo Varnishes 











Manufacturers of 


VITROHM 
RIBOHM 


Electric Control Equipment 


Ward Leonard Electric Co. 
MOUNT VERNON, NEW YORK 





Walter Kidde Constructors 


Incorporated 


Engineers and Builders 


140 Cedar Street, New York