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— YEAR.—No. 235. VOL. 117. 


HALLUCINATIONS. . . By Right Rev. Abbot — 
Snow, 0.S.B. 

RUSSIAN POLAND .__..__ By the Lady Herbert 

BIBLE . . . . _ . By the Baron von Hiigel 

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HIERARCHY . . . By J.B. Milburn . 

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I.—HALuLvucINATIONS . ; , ; ; F ° 

Interest in spiritual manifestations—The Psychical 
Society and the census of hallucinations—The Catholic 
position— Explanation of terms, dream images, mental 
images, hallucinations, visions, illusions, simple. and 
veridical hallucinations—Prevalence of hallucinations 
—Experiences of sight, hearing and touch—Forms 
assumed by visual hallucinations—Incompletely de- 
veloped hallucinations—Influence of sex—Of heredity 
—Of ill health—Of constitution—Of overwork—Of 
anxiety—Of a state of repose—Of expectancy—Of 
suggestion—Effects of suggestion in the progress of a 
hallucination—Evidence of subjective origin—Physio- 
logy of hallucinations—Connection with the super- 


Poland and the Convention of 1882—Government inter- 
ference—Appointment of Mgr. Hryniewcki—Recal- 
citrant priests—General Kochanov’s tyranny—Exile 
of Mgr. Hryniewcki—Government interference with 
nominations—The journey of the exiled Bishop— 
Mgr. Awdziwicz—Government conditions for carry- 
ing out a visitation—Government supervision of the 
clergy—Persecution of the seminaries—Russian mis- 




Sketch of two previous papers, and of the two introduc- 
tory and three direct subjects of this last article— 
Different relations between Faith and Reason in the 
first and second stage of Biblical study—The two 
stages and their respective methods contrasted and 
illustrated—The three transcendent doctrines of the 
second stage, Canon, Inspiration, Revelation, taken 
successively in view of the difficulties as to Author- 
ship, Accuracy, and Finality, which they severally 
raise—Conclusion of whole series. 

IV.—Pastor’s History oF THE Popes P > ‘ ‘ 

Condition of the Church at the death of Calixtus ITI.— 
Election of Pius II.—His early career—The Congress 
of Mantua—Disturbances in Italy—Hostility of 

rance and Germany to the Holy See—Schemes of 
Reform-—Congress of Rome—Death of Pius II.— 
Pontificate of Paul II.—Election of Sixtus IV.— 
Excessive Nepotism—The balance of power in Italy 
—The conspiracy of the Pazzi—Advance of the Turks 
—Capture.of Otranto—Death of Mahomet II.—Re- 
capture of Otranto—The Spanish Inquisition—The 
adornment of Rome—tThe Sistine Chapel—Wars with 
Naples and Venice—Death of Sixtus IV. 

V.—Fauu or Kyicuts TEmMPLARS 

Origin of the Templars—Their rule—The first English 
house—Enmities against the Order—Philip le Bel— 
Clement V.—The Arrest of the Templars—Interven- 
tion of Edward II. in their favour—Papal commission 
—Charges against the Order—Testimony of witnesses 
-—Character of the evidence—Charges of heresy con- 
cerning confession—Disposition of the Templars’ pro- 
‘perty—Execution of the Templars in France—Meagre 
character of proven guilt. 


SIASTICAL TiTLEs BILL . a ‘ é " - 

Causes of the Restoration—Fall of the Old Hierarchy 
and appointment of Vicars-Apostolic—Early endea- 
vours for a Hierarchy—Negotiations in Rome—Letters 
Apostolic restoring the Hierarchy—Their reception in 
England—The Durham letter—The Fifth of Novem- 
ber—The Ministerial banquet—Charges of Anglican 
Bishops—Cardinal Wiseman’s appeal to the English 
people—The Queen’s Speech—Debate in Parliament 
—Introduction of the Titles Bill—The debate in the 
Commons—Speech of Mr. Gladstone—The debate in 
the Lords—Final form of the Bill—Ever non-effective 
—Its repeal. 


Sources: The Diocese of Bordeaux—Statistics of diocese, 
1350-1450—The Archpresbyteries—Revenues of bene- 
fices—The Metropolitan city-—Construction and _his- 
tory—The Cathedral—Notre Dame de la Place, the 
“Trish Seminary ”—Saint André—Parish Churches— 
Convents—The Abbey of Sainte-Croix—The Mendi- 
cant Orders—Hospitals. 

VIII.—Screntiric EvipENcE oF THE DELUGE ,. e P 

Speculations on the existence in ancient times of the 
island Atlantis—Traditions of the Deluge—Opinions 
of Buckland and the early geologists—Professor Prest- 
wich’s hypothesis—The Uniformitarian School of 
Geologists—Detailed evidence for a great submer- 
gence of land—Remains of animals apparently 
drowned by the Flood—Probable date of the Deluge 
—Coincidence of geological facts with the Scriptural 
and other narratives—The Deluge no mere local in- 
undation, but a catastrophe on a vast scale. 




The recent decision of the Holy See—The National 

Universities in Catholic times—Father Zimmermann’s 
work—Origin of the Universities and Mr. Gladstone’s 
theory—The Friars at Oxford—Rise of “ Humanism” 
—Cambridge—Blessed John Fisher—Bishop Fox, 
Archbishop Warham, and Cardinal Wolsey—The 
epidemics of 1509-1528—Intellectual dissensions— 
Cambridge as a cradle of Protestantism— Reformers 
at Cambridge—Importation of heresy to Oxford— 
The divorce-matter at Cambridge and at Oxford— 
Henry VIII. and the Universities—The submission— 
Gardiner’s chancellorship—lIntellectual weakness of 
English Reformers—Edward VI.—Queen Mary— 
Elizabeth—Deplorable ignorance of Elizabethan 
clergy—Summary of results—Comparison with Middle 

Scrence Notices . 

Book Notices . 




I i a 




OCTOBER 1895. 


HOSTS and uncanny things attract attention with 
perennial fascination, and create an itching to probe 

the mystery of their nature and meaning. Science, in vindi- 
cation of the supremacy of matter, has battled strongly and 
fiercely against spectres and superstitions, but as quickly as 
one head is severed the hydra at once presents another. No 
sooner were witches and fairies, wraiths and pixies demolished, 
than mesmerism and clairvoyance started up to be in due 
course shorn of their supernatural pretensions, but only to be 
replaced by table-turning and mediums. The survivals now 
comprise projections, astral bodies, and mahatmas. The 
recurrence of these crazes discloses the irrepressible craving 
in the soul for the unseen, for something beyond the limits of 
its own nature. In a Catholic this innate longing is gratified 
by frequent communion with spirits. With him the dead are 
aot extinct, nor excluded from the range of thought and 
presence: he speaks with a sense of nearness to saints and 
angels, he is the instrument of bounty in the realm of 
purgatory. Spirits and spirit life have for him a homeliness 
and a familiarity that lessen surprise and deaden curiosity. 
Those with less faith display more credulity and greater per- 
plexity. They ask, and with some trepidation, what truth 
anderlies the stories of ghosts and appearances, the evidence 
for which has been well sifted and the facts seemingly placed 
beyond question. Are they phantasms and hallucinations, mere 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series. } R 


figments of the brain, or have they existence external to the 
spectator? How can a friend hundreds of miles away appear 
at the moment of his otherwise unknown death? The facts 
are verified and authenticated : is the phenomenon capable of a 
natural explanation ? 

To throw light on these questions the Society for Psychical 
Research sprang up some years back. The accounts of ghosts 
and apparitions, usually second-hand narratives, were as vague 
and indefinite as the appearances themselves. The members 
of the Society undertook to thoroughly examine each case, to 
take evidence at first-hand, to secure written statements, to 
sift and verify the assertions, and to obtain any possible corro- 
boration, They then met and discussed the case, offered 
suggestions and explanations, raised difficulties or objections, 
or arranged for further inquiry. Isolated instances here and 
there, however well authenticated, could lead to few general 
inferences, and they early perceived the advantage of a large 
number of cases where they might collate common features 
and apply the ordinary laws of induction. A committee was 
consequently appointed to organise what they termed a census 
of hallucinations, by which they hoped to accumulate a suffi- 
cient number of instances, and also to ascertain the prevalence 
of these experiences. They enlisted an army of 410 reliable 
collectors. Each one received instructions to interview twenty- 
five persons over twenty-one years of age, taken haphazard, 
and furnish written answers to this question: ‘“‘ Have you 
ever, when believing yourself to be completely awake, had a 
vivid impression of seeing or being touched by a living being 
or inanimate object, or of hearing a voice, which impression, 
so far as you can discover, was not due to any external 
physical cause?” To secure an impartial and reliable return, 
the collectors were enjoined not to put the question to any 
whom they otherwise knew to have had these experiences, to 
take the direct evidence of the person himself, and to exclnde 
those who had been at any time subject to insanity or 
delirium. The respondents in the affirmative were supplied 
with a schedule on which to furnish particulars. These 
returns were examined by the committee, further details or 
explanations requested, in many cases a member of the com- 
mittee had a personal interview, and all possible documents 


and corroborations were obtained. Nine-tenths of the col- 
lectors had received an education up to the standard of pro~ 
fessional classes, and the informants were mainly their friends 
and acquaintances of similar standing. The collection com- 
menced in April 1889 and continued till May 1892, thus 
extending over three years, and the Report (400 pp.) appears 
in the Society’s proceedings for August 1894. The number of 
persons interrogated was 17,000, of whom no less than 2272 
answered the census question in the affirmative, 

Before examining the Report and its inferences, some pre- 
amble is desirable. The Catholic position is clear about super- 
natural experiences. No Catholic can doubt that Almighty God 
permits the appearance of spirits to mortals. The testimony 
of Holy Scripture alone is decisive, and amongst the many 
instances recorded in the sacred text the most conspicuous, 
perhaps, is the mission of the Archangel Raphael, who accom- 
panied the younger Tobias through a long journey in the guise 
of a man, was seen by many, and only disclosed his identity at 
the termination of his charge. Throughout the history of the 
Church the lives of the saints, the chronicles, the records of 
every age and clime, testify to the frequency of spiritual 
manifestations. A Catholic may have misgivings about this 
apparition or the other, but entertains no doubt of their 
possibility and constant recurrence: his difficulty consists in 
determining which are supernatural and which are illusions.. 
If they are supernatural, reverence deters him from scruti-- 
nising too closely the method in which the manifestation 
is recognised, for granting a divine interposition God may 
employ whatever ways He chooses. This does not prevent a 
Catholic from adopting means to ascertain the supernatural 
character of an occurrence, or from investigating whether an 
apparition might be produced by natural causes alone. Should 
the apparition of a saint be explained by natural operations, 
God may use, as He frequently does, this natural cause, in the 
same way as He may restore health either by manifest miracle, 
or by giving efficacy to ordinary medicine in answer to prayer. 
The absence of adequate motive for Divine interposition is a 
striking feature in the census of hallucinations, and helps the 
tendency to seek for explanation in natural laws known or 
unknown. The term supernatural in its current sense excludes 


the unknown natural, hence the term swpernormal more aptly 
expresses the conditions in question: the figare of an angel in 
the room may be the subjective creation of the brain, or it 
may be an objective image permitted by God: the term super- 
normal includes both suppositions. 

The precise meaning assigned to terms in the Report needs 
some explanation, Dream images are the common stock of all. 
While the exercise of will, judgment and consciousness are 
suspended, some mechenism in the brain conjures up appari- 
tions without limit, often a regular drama, at times violent or 
grotesque in action, and always inducing for the moment a 
conviction of reality. In the waking state each one has a 
greater or less facility of forming mental images—eg., the 
diagram of a problem in geometry, or the figures of a sum in 
mental arithmetic may be fairly pictured by many, and adepts 
will reproduce faces and scenes. These mental images are 
drawn within the brain, and during their persistence the 
attention is abstracted from external objects. A mental image 
which the mind believes to be external and to have relations to 
surrounding objects is called a hallucination. An external 
mental image with surroundings that do not belong to the 
surroundings of the spectator is classed as a vision. The 
presentment of real objects in such form as to induce the mind 
to believe them to be something else is an illusion. The dis- 
tinctions will be the better understood from examples. 

As I descended the stairs to breakfast, I saw Mary (the servant) 
approaching me from the basement door, dressed, as usual when on an 
errand, in her brown straw hat, black cloth jacket, and light print frock ; 
and I had only just time to reach the kitchen door to permit her to pass 
behind me, without stopping, on her way to the scullery. The instant I 
entered the kitchen I observed to my wife, “So Mary has had to go for 
milk again.” “No,” she replied, “she has not.” “ But,” I exclaimed, 
“‘T have just seen her, dressed, come from the front door; and besides, 
I heard the door banged as she went out.” “It is your fancy,” she 
returned, “ Mary has not been out this morning, and she is now in the 
breakfast-room at work.”” There was no doubt that such was the case 
(Report, p. 73). 

The image of the servant is here believed t> be external, and 
is seen in connection with the surrounding doors and passages, 
and the instance is a hallucination. 


“T was in my room (I was then residing in the North of England, 
quite 100 miles away from Miss Morton’s home), preparing for bed, 
between twelve and half-past, when I seemed suddenly to be standing 
close to the housemaid’s cupboard, facing the short flight of stairs lead- 
ing to the top landing. Coming down these stairs, I saw the figure, 
exactly as described, and about two steps behind Miss Morton herself, 
with a dressing-gown thrown loosely round her, and carrying a candle in 
her hand. A loud voice in the room overhead recalled me to my sur- 
roundings, and although I tried for some time I could not resume the 
impression (p. 85). 

Here the images are separated from the surroundings of the 
spectator and the experience is classed as a vision. 

Lying in bed, facing the window, and opening my eyes voluntarily in 
order to drive away the imagery of an unpleasant dream which was 
beginning to revive, I saw the figure of a man, some three or four feet 
distant from my head, standing perfectly still by the bedstead, so close 
to it that the bedclothes seemed slightly pushed towards me by his leg 
pressing against them. The image was perfectly distinct—height about 
five feet eight inches, sallow complexion, grey eyes, greyish moustache, 
short and bristly, and apparently recently clipped. His dress seemed 
like a dark-grey dressing-gown, tied with a dark-red rope. My first 
thought was, “That’s a ghost ;” my second, “ It may be a burglar whose 
designs upon my watch are interrupted by my opening my eyes.” I bent 
forwards towards him, and the image vanished. As the image vanished, 
my attention passed to a shadow on the wall, twice or three times the 
distance off, and perhaps twelve feet high. There was a gas lamp in the 
mews-lane outside, which shed a light through the lower twelve inches 
or so of the (first floor) window, over which the blind had not been com- 
pletely drawn, and the shadow was cast by the curtain hanging beside 
the window. The solitary bit of colour in the image—the red rope of the 
dressing-gown—was immediately afterwards identified with the twisted 
mahogany handle of the dressing-table, which was in the same line of 
vision as part of the shadow ” (p. 94). 

That is an illusion. 

Hallucinations that involve merely the image and the 
spectator are termed simple hallucinations, but some are sus- 
ceptible of corroboration from an external person or circum- 
stance. They may coincide in time with an event—c.g., a 
death, that happens elsewhere, or they may convey some know- 
ledge hitherto unknown, or they may be collective—i.e., occur 
simultaneously to two or more persons. These are called 
veridical by the Report, for the external relations can be 


verified. They have a greater interest and an importance 
than simple hallucinations, for they imply an explanation not 
only of the genesis of the phantasm, but also of its connection 
with the verified event or person at a distance. The following 
is an example: 

It occurred at Bury (Lancashire), about fourteen years ago; I was 
awakened by a rattling noise at the window, and wakened my step- 
brother, with whom I was sleeping, and asked him if he could hear it. 
He told me to go to sleep, there was nothing. The rattle came again in 
a few minutes, and I sat up in bed, and distinctly saw the image of one 
of my step-brothers (who at the time was in Blackpool) pass from the 
window towards the door. Time 2.30 a.m. I was in good health and 
spirits. Age eighteen. I had not seen him for some time. He had not 
been home for two or three months. We heard next morning that he 
had been taken ill and died about 2.30 a.m. Three step-brothers and 
myself slept in the same room. I awakened them, but they could not 
see anything. My father, hearing the talking, got out of bed, and came 
into the room. I told him what I had seen, and he got his watch, and 
said, “ We will see if we hear anything of him” (p. 227). 

In the results of the census the large proportion of persons 
who have experienced some form of hallucination first arrests 

attention. The committee, however, considerably reduce the 
2272 affirmative answers. After examination of the narra- 
tives they exclude many that are not strictly hallucinations— 
e.g., illusions, dream images, images occurring immediately 
after sleep that were probably the remains of the dream, 
mental pictures with the eyes shut, vague or indistinct sounds, 
and other experiences pronounced doubtful. In this way they 
have transferred 588 cases, a quarter of the whole, from the 
ayes to the noes. This leaves 1684 out of 17,000 persons, or 
roughly one in ‘ten, who believe that they have seen, heard, or 
felt something supernormal. This large number suggests 
deception, and the Report discusses minutely the sources of 
error. Intentional deception, refusals to answer, the bias. of 
collectors have, it concludes, no appreciable effect on the 
numbers, for they influence about equally both ayes and noes. 
Lapse of memory seriously affects the number of ayes: 

We estimate that, in order to arrive at the true number of visual 
hallucinations experienced by our informants since the age of 10, the 
reported number must be multiplied by some number between 4 and 6}, 


and that in the case of auditory and tactile hallucinations, a still larger 
correction would be needful (p. 69), 

The tendency of errors would rather increase the proportion of 
ayes. The result is at least startling, but the greater the 
prevalence of these experiences the more likely are they to be 
traced to natural causes. 

The 1684 cases, in as far as they are reliable, furnish a 
goodly number, indeed the largest on record, for comparison 
and analysis. The more numerous the instances the more 
correct will be the inferences in the inductive process. Al- 
though the experiences recorded in the census are sufficiently 
numerous to justify inferences, allowance must be made for 
the unscientific character of the evidence and the vague and 
indefinite nature of the whole inquiry. They become tendencies 
rather than scientific inferences. Taking the senses affected, 
62 per cent. of the reported experiences were recognised by 
the sense of sight, 28 per cent. by hearing, and 10 per cent. 
by touch. Of the 494 hallucinations of hearing, 84 consisted 
of mere indistinct voices, in 233 the hearer’s name only was 
pronounced, and in 177 a sentence or more was heard. Of 
the 179 tactile cases in only six did the percipient touch the 
hallucinatory object. Thus the visual instances are the more 
important and the more reliable, for hearing and touch are 
more susceptible to deception; sounds, especially at night, are 
liable to misinterpretation. 

The form that visual hallucinations assume and the acces- 
sories accompanying the experience are interesting and sug- 
gestive. Of 1112 experiences perceptible by sight, 830 took 
the human form—viz., 352 of living persons, 163 of dead 
persons, and 315 unrecognised. ‘The proportion of living to 
dead phantasms disposes of the traditional connection between 
ghosts and the departed. The living are more frequently in 
the mind, and the proportion tends to favour the supposition 
that apparitions are subjective creations of the brain. In 
dream images the figures of the living predominate. The form 
of the appearances will be best described by the Report itself : 

One of the facts brought out most strongly by our tables is the 
tendency of hallucinctions to assume familiar forms. The ghastly or 
horrible apparitions dear to writers of romance seem to be very rare 


among healthy grown-up people—at least, among those who are educated. 
The great majority of hallucinations are like the sights we are accus- 
tomed to ser, or the sounds we are acccustomed to hear, and even when 
they are not so, they often suggest, as we shall see, a sort of incomplete- 
ness in a hallucination of a natural object, rather than a hallucination 
representing something unnatural. In the exceptional cases where the 
hallucivation does represent a non-natural being, we find it assuming 
the conventional form. An angel, for instance, takes the form with 
which art has familiarised us, and we should be surprised to find one 
appearing to a grown-up person arrayed in “ blue boots,” like those seen 
by Mrs. D. when a ch'ld. 

Most visual hallucinations represent human beings, and most of these 
represent human beings of the present day in all respects. According to 
our statistics more than two-fifths of the realistic human apparitions 
represent living persoas known to the percipient, and, of these, 45 per 
cent. represent inmates of the same house as the percipient, or persons 
frequently, or (in a few cases) very recently, seen by him, while in 
another 20 per cent. they represent near relations of his—that is, parents, 
grandparents, children, husbands, wives, brothers or sisters. In the 
great majority of realistic cases the apparition represents a single figure 
only, though there are exceptions. 

As far as the reports as to dress enable us to judge, phantoms, both 
recognised and unrecognised, generally appear in ordinary modern dress, 
and do not affect old-fashioned costumes any more than real people do. 
When they move, which, as we have said, happens more often than not, 
the movement is almost always such as we are accustomed to see. ‘I'he 
phantom stands on the ground and appears to walk along the ground, 
and seems to leave the field of vision as a human being would, by walking 
out of an open door or passing behind some obstacle. A position impos- 
sible for real persons—such as being up in the air—when the figure’ is 
otherwise realistic, is very rare. We have only one instance of it. The 
proverbial gliding movement, supposed to be characteristic of apparitions, 
is rarely reported. Appearance or disappearance by an unrealistic means 
is also rare, though there are about a dozen cases in our collection in 
which the ghost seems to enter or leave a room through a wall, book- 
case, closed door, or window, or by passing up through the ceiling or 
down through the floor. 

Even when a phantom is stationary, it does not usually either appear 
suddenly out of empty space, or similarly vanish before the percipient’s 
eyes, but is generally seen by the percipient on turning his eyes that 
way, and vanishes, he does not know how, or when he is looking away. 
There are, however, instances of sudden appearance and disappearance in 
free space (p. 113). 

The Report separates a class of 143 cases, which it calls 
‘incompletely developed apparitions.” Although these are 
not full-grown ghosts they have an interest, for they admit us 


into the factory of hallucinations. Here we have transparent 
and filmy figures with nebulous substance, shapely enough for 
an idea, but without outline or features sufficient for an object 
of real vision. Figures draped hazily or shrouded cross the 
field of vision without exposing enough to identify them, or a 
partly finished image comes within sight with outline com- 
plete, but with details blurred or indistinct. The following 
are specimens: “I saw the figure of a man which was per- 
fectly transparent, and which came into the room and sat 
down by wy side” (p. 109). ‘‘There would be a sort of 
movement in the air, which gradually took the form of mist, 
and then developed into a dark-veiled figure, which came 
nearer to me, and when bending over and about to touch me 
I threw my hands into it and it vanished” (p. 120). “I 
distinctly saw—first a filmy cloud which rose up at the other 
end of the room, then the head and shoulders of a man, 
middle-aged, stout, with iron-grey hair and blue eyes” (p. 116). 
Instances are reported of the appearance of a part only of the 
human figure, the head of a skeleton develops into the head 
and features of a mother, faces come out of the wall, ‘ two 
black legs walking towards us, and ending abruptly.” These 
undeveloped apparitions have a semblance to our dream 
images, and they seem to furnish a link in the chain of 
evidence to connect the sleeping with the waking dream. 

The number and variety of the cases in the census suggest 
inquiry into what influences or promotes hallucinations. The 
informants who sent affirmative answers to the census question 
were in the proportion of two men to three women, What- 
ever mental or nervous differences exist in the physiology of 
the female would seem to favour hallucinations. This corre- 
sponds with Mr. F. Galton’s assertion in his “ Inquiries into 
Human Faculty,” that women have greater power of visualising 
than men. Men apparently forget their hallucinations sooner, 
for on examining the influence of forgetfulness the Report 
discovers that the longer the interval of time since the 
occurrence of the experience, the larger becomes the proportion 
of women who have been subject to hallucinations. The 
more impressionable female nature retains longer the memory 
of such experiences. Difference of age has little effect, old 
and young see spectres indiscriminately, except that the propor- 


tion is slightly higher between the ages of twenty and thirty. 
In young children the frequency of hallucinations is difficult 
to ascertain, for their powers of memory and observation are 
defective. That they have hallucinations is undoubted, and 
some think that they are specially liable to them. An instance 
of a child under two years of age who saw an apparition of a 
person recently dead, is recorded in the Annales Psychiques 
(January 1894, p. 7). The representation of grotesque and 
fanciful images is a feature in the hallucinations of children. 
A child’s judgment is immature and its stock of knowledge 
limited, and it is more likely to see distorted or quaint images. 
In dreams and delirium where judgment is in abeyance, 
grotesque images appear to adults, another point in the 
analogy between dream images and these hallucinations. 

The statistics of the census slightly favour heredity as 
influencing hallucinations. No special question was put about 
relationship, but accidental references in the narratives intimate 
that in no less than eighty-five families two or more have had 
supernormal experiences. ‘‘In one family, two sisters, a 
father, grandfather, two uncles and two aunts were all subject 
to visual hallucinations” (p. 154). In the 129 collective 
hallucinations—i.c., seen or heard by more than one person, 
half were experienced by blood relations. The fact of living 
together only partially accounts for this, since the hallucina- 
tions seen by both husband and wife, more frequently in 
company, are only 10 percent. In confirmation of the census 
cases every one has read of ancestral ghosts who are seen only 
by the family, as also of warnings and appearances at the 
death of a member of the family. How far these experiences 
are really attributable to heredity may be open to question; it 
seems more likely that family tradition renders the form 
familiar, and induces any hallucinatory tendency to assume it. 

We might anticipate that ill-health would prove a fruitful 
source of hallucinations. A physique weakened by disease or 
languid through lassitude might be expected to leave the 
imagination open to spectres and visions, and popular scepticism 
attributes ghosts to the machinations of dyspepsia and other 
ailments. The census tends to shatter the current notion that 
spectres are dependent on a low condition of bodily health. 
Insanity and delirium were excluded by the collectors, hence, 


with the exception of febrile hallucinations, the answers of the 
informants would include any other illness. The schedule 
submitted to the affirmative informants contained the question : 
“Were you out of health?” About 44 per cent. asserted 
positively that they were in good health at the time of the 
experience, and 48 per cent. passed the question by without 
reply. The omission to answer is assumed by the Report to 
indicate that the informant was in health. It is often clearly 
inferred in the actual narrative, the tendency is to exaggerate 
rather than to overlook the connection between the hallucination 
and ill-health, and the terms of the question might imply that 
an answer was not required unless out of health. Only 123 
cases, or about 7 per cent. report a certain degree of ill-health. 
In twenty-one the patient was convalescent, and in the remainder 
describes himself as ‘‘in a nervous dyspeptic condition,” “in a 
very low state of health,’ ‘ bronchitis with weakness of 
heart,” “ a little below par and somewhat nervous and excited.” 
So that the bulk of the informants seem to have the full 
possession of their faculties, and to be in a normal condition of 
health with no symptoms of disease, except the hallucination 
itself be regarded as such. Those who are conversant with 
the phenomena of hypnotism do not admit the hallucinatory 
tendency to be a disease. 

It may be suggested that hallucinations happen to persons 
who are constitutionally subject to them, and may be traced 
to something amiss in the mental gear. The Report disposes 
of this by a table which shows that only a third of the 
informants have experienced more than one hallucination, and 
that two-thirds state definitely that they have had one and one 
only. This favours the supposition that hallucinations do not 
imply a morbid physical condition. The frequency with which 
hallucinations occur to those who have experienced more than 
one varies in this proportion; about one-half “several or 
many,” a third two only, and the remainder from three to six. 
With some the experiences have been miscellaneous, but with 
more than half the same experience has recurred with slight 
variations, In the recurrence of the same hallucination the 
auditory and tactile show a higher proportion than the visual, 
which the Report attributes to the smaller variety of form in 
auditory and tactile cases. 


From the influence of the physical condition of the body 
the Report passes to the effect of mental and nervous states, 
which apparently have a closer connection with hallucinatory 
tendency—.g., overwork, anxiety, grief and emotional condi- 
tions. In twenty-five cases the apparition is directly attributed 
to over-strain of the mind, which is also partially responsible in 
seventeen others. The following curious incident illustrates 
the vagaries of over-pressure : 

I saw what seemed to be the end of a ladder placed against the lower 
part of my bedroom window. Slowly the head and shoulders of a man 
(ordinary workman’s dress) appear until he is high enough to unfasten 
the window catch, an operation he immediately proceeds to try to per- 
form. Place: my rooms at Oxford. Time: always between 12 and 2 a.m. 
Dates: I do not remember, but at least twice respectively in the winters 
1884-5, 1885-6, 1886-7, 1887-8, never since. I was lying sleepless and 
worried in bed, but in perfect health in other ways, the “worry” due 
entirely tooverwork. Age 24-29. The man wasa perfect stranger; actions 
suggestive simply of burglary. (N.B.—I have never been in any house 
which has been burglariously entered.) The experiences were always 
exactly thesame. I always regarded it as my sign that I was overworking. 
As soon as I could rest the hallucination disappeared ; if I couldn’t rest 
immediately, it appeared nightly (p. 166). 

The influence of grief or anxiety in producing hallucina- 
tions is difficult to determine. In one-twelfth of the reported 
cases mental distress accompanies the supernormal experience, 
either anxiety concerning the illness or absence of a friend, or 
grief attending the announcement of death. An analysis of 
the instances of death news casts a doubt whether the know- 
ledge of the death prompted the hallucination, or the halluci- 
nation itself caused the mental disturbance. In cases of 
anxiety about illness the experience usually occurred during the 
period of attendance at the bedside of the patient, and may 
be due to want of sleep or other causes. Altogether, the 
Report declines to draw any conclusion about grief and 
anxiety. In certain cases the mental distress evidently created 
the hallucination of which the following is an example: 

When going from Glasgow to New York per Anchor steamer Europa 
on March 4th, 1871, we were overtaken by a severe storm, which some- 
what alarmed all tke passengers. At 10 o’clock P.m. we were startled 
by the news that the bridge had been swept away, carrying with it the 
captain and two principal officers, who were lost. In the excitement the 


vessel fell off into the trough of the sea, which increased our fears. We 
were all gathered together in the cabin, the doctor reading from the 
Prayer Book, as we thought our last hours were come. While sitting 
lonely and sad, thinking of my loved ones at home, I lifted my head to 
look across the cabin, and saw, as I thought, my mother standing with 
my little boy waiting for me at the sea shore. I saw them very dis- 
tinctly, just as [ had seen them moving about before they died. My 
mother had died about a year before this, and my boy about six months. 
Coming to me in this hour of deep grief, it gave me a thrill of real 
joy. The vision only lasted for a few moments. I was then forty-four 
years old. About twenty were in the cabin, but no one shared the 
experience; it was personal to myself (p. 169.) 

A more important condition in the structure of hallucina- 
tions consists in a state of mental repose, and in circumstances 
favourable to abstraction or vacancy of mind. It is certainly 
striking that 38 per cent. of the visual, 34 per cent. of the 
auditory, and 44 per cent. of the tactile cases occurred when 
the percipient was in bed, or had been asleep in a chair or 
couch. In every instance the informant states that he was 
fully awake, and taking into account how small a fraction of 
a life is passed awake in bed, the large proportion of halluci- 
nations during that interval is most suggestive. The infor- 
mant was doubtless in some instances deceived himself about 
bis wakefulness, but in 671 recorded cases of experiences whilst 
in bed there is strong presumption that a state of repose is favour- 
able to hallucinations. The Report suggests that the mental 
condition before and after sleep is somewhat similar to the 
hypnotic state where hallucinations are easily induced. Per- 
sonal experience testifies to the unique condition of our minds 
in the intervals of wakefulness in bed, either expecting or 
trying to woo sleep, or reluctant on awakening to be satisfied 
that sleep is really ended. This mental state does not recur at 
other times, it is a borderland between wakeful activity and 
the oblivion of sleep. In this twilight recent statistics sug- 
gest that spirits are mainly wont to walk. We all also ex- 
perience that dream images sometimes persist after sleep has 
gone, and occasionally recur spontaneously to the memory 
during the day; a forgetfulness of the dream and the percep- 
tion in awakened consciousness of the recurring dream image 
would create a ghost. The tendency of supernormal experi- 
ences to take place whilst in bed supports the analogy between 


hallucinations and dream images. The same conditions of 
silence, recumbent position, quiescent mind, and absence of 
control of the will promote hallucinations and always accom- 
pany dreams. Supposing a common origin, the alertness of 
judgment and consciousness would account for the precision 
and definiteness of the hallucinations in contrast with the 
yrotesqueness and instability of the dream image. In confir- 
mation of the inferences from “clinical” cases the statistics 
furnish evidence of the influence of solitude on supernormal 
experiences. Of the 1112 instances of visual hallucinations 
no less than 692 (including clinical cases), or 62 per cent., 
occurred when the spectator was alone or practically alone, 
while only 308 took place in the presence of others; in the 
remainder the circumstance is not mentioned. 

Expectancy strongly wrought up will prepare the way for 
hallucinations if it does not actually create them. The fancied 
presence of a burglar in the house and intentness in listening 
will often conjure up sounds. Fourteen cases are recorded of 
the appearance of the phantasm of a friend whose arrival was 
expected, of which the following is an instance: 

This happened in 1870 when Mrs. E. was aged forty. She was 
sitting in the drawing-room of an hotel overlooking a park, and was 
waiting for her husband to take her down to dinner. The drawing-room 
door was open, and from her seat Mrs. E. had a view of part of the 
staircase and the intervening hall or passage. He delayed coming, so 
Mrs. E. ever and anon kept glancing towards the door and out into 
the hall beyond. At last one time she thought she saw him turn a bend 
in the staircase and come slowly along the corridor.: Keeping her eyes 
fixed all the time on what she thought was her husband approaching her 
with a well-known smile, Mrs. E. rose and crossed the room till she 
stood, as she thought, opposite her husband, when the spectre vanished 
from before her eyes. She was in good health at this time. In about 
half an hour afterwards, her husband, detained unavoidably, did veritably 
come into the room (p. 174). 

The prominence given to suggestion in hypnotic experiments 
marks it as a possible source of hallucinations, A person 
gazing at the stars soon gathers a crowd round him, a fair 
proportion of which before it disperses will have seen an 
imaginary comet and described the shape and length of its 
tail. The process in supernormal experiences may not be so 
pronounced, but the probability of their production by sugges- 


tion becomes of importance in considering collective hallucina- 
tions where several share the same experience. With a 
predisposition to hallucinations a slight circumstance may act 
as a suggestion. The following instance will be due, partly at 
least, to suggestion : 

In the year 1883 I was studying music, and used to practise alone fre- 
quently in the evening. Towards the autumn of that year, on one occa- 
sion I felt some one touch me, and on looking round I saw the figure of 
a gentleman whom I knew. He was dressed in black clothes, with the 
collar of his coat buttoned closely round his neck, showing no white 
collar. As I looked he faded away. This occurred on three different 
occasions. I was in perfect health at the time, and in no trouble or 
anxiety; of fullage. I had not seen the gentleman himself for about two 
years before that occurrence, and have no idea what he was doing at the 
time. The two first occasions were exactly alike, On the last occasion 
a young girl was playing a duet with me. She suddenly shuddered and 
said, “I felt some one touch me.” I also felt as if a hand touched my 
shoulder, and on looking round saw the same gentleman (p. 177). 

The imaginary touch evidently suggested the presence of 
some one, and the image of the particular acquaintance may 
arise from association of ideas in the past. The second expe- 
rience is probably suggested by the first, and the third seems 
certainly induced by the verbal suggestion of the friend. 
Sounds may easily suggest a visual hallucination; a noise in 
the room at night not unfrequently suggests a burglar, and a 
vivid imagination will see him creep from under the bed, An 
instance occurs in the “ Phantasms of the Living” : 

Between sleeping and waking this morning, I fancied a dog running 
about in a field (an ideal white-and-tan sporting dog). The next moment 
I heard a dog barking outside the window. Keeping my closed eyes on 
the vision, I found it came and went with the barking of the dog outside, 
getting fainter, however, each time (vol. i. p. 474, footnote). 

Although this ranks rather as a dream persistence than a com- 
plete hallucination, it illustrates how readily the brain supple- 
ments in one sense the suggestion of another. In hallucina- 
tions affecting two senses it is often uncertain whether the first 
is hallucinatory or real. The sound or the touch usually pre- 
cedes, and when the attention is caught the visual hallucination 
follows. The sound may be real but misinterpreted, and the 


illusion thus formed suggests the phantasm that succeeds. 
Sounds are unduly credited with a supernormal character 
because they are unexplained rather than inexplicable. The 
fact of assigning an imaginary result to a real sound may itself 
dispose the visual organs or the brain to supply an unreal 
vision. The influence of suggestion in originating hallucina- 
tions is mainly a matter of conjecture and necessarily attended 
by doubt. 

The working of suggestion is more interesting in the acces- 
sories that accompany hallucinations, or contribute to their 
formation, one thing leading on to another. In fourteen cases 
mention is made of the opening and shutting of a door. If 
the door is really opened by some physical cause—-.9., a 
draught, the fact would suggest the entrance of some one, but 
in most cases the door is found in the same position before and 
after the hallucination. The movement of the apparition 
towards the door for departure suggests the opening and 
shutting of the door as part of the hallucination, and even the 
bang of the door may be so explained. It is remarkable that 
in upwards of 1600 cases no evidence worth considering is 
alleged of any subsequent change or modification in external 
surrounding objects, the apparition does not meddle with mate- 
rial things. Some curious effects are worthy of notice. In 
four instances the reflection of the apparition was seen in a 
mirror, and in one the reflection was seen first. Here sugges- 
tion may apply: the sight of an image in the mirror obviously 
supposes a figure to cast it, and vice versd if the eyes in pass- 
ing from the figure rest on the mirror, its presence suggests a 
reflection. A similar explanation may account for two cases in 
which the apparition casts a shadow. An example will illus- 
trate the operation of suggestion : 

My cousin, Miss S., somewhat older than I, and myself had been con- 
versing in the parlour. She left me. The house door opening into the 
parlour stood open, the night being warm, and the moonlight streamed 
in over the floor beside me as I sat, leaning on the sofa-arm, my back to 
the entrance. The shadow of a human form fell on the moonlit floor. 
Half turning my head I saw a tall woman dressed in white, her back to 
me. By the contour and gleam of the plaits round her head I recognised 
my cousin, and deemed she had doffed her black dress to try a white one. 
I addressed an ordinary remark to her. She did not reply, and I turned 
right round upon her. She then went out of the door down the entrance 


steps, and as she disappeared I wondered I had heard nothing of a step 
or the rustle of her dress. I sat and puzzled over this, though without 
taking fright, for a few minutes. I was unoccupied, ruminating quietly ; 
in robust health, completely awake, untroubled; age, sixteen years 
about. It was, I felt convinced, though I did not see her face, my cousin 
(p. 187). 

One informant says : “ I watched the figure walk right round 
the room, passing between myself and the candle on the dress- 
ing-table (for a moment it hid the light from me), until it 
reached the hearthrug, when it disappeared ” (p.188). Again, 
another states: ‘‘ A finger placed between the eye and the 
image intercepted it in the same way as it would any ordinary 
object ; in short, the phenomenon obeyed all the optical laws 
of vision” (p. 141). These two instances raise the question of 
the relation of a phantasm to the objects behind and before it 
in the line of sight. In one case an image without substance 
conceals material objects, in the other intervening objects 
obscure images which presumably are seated in the brain. In 
the first the attention is so fixed on the image that the mind is 
abstracted from the objects on the other side, adverting to them 
only when the figure directs attention to them, and when a 
circumstance—c.g., the candle above—does call attention to 
their presence, the conviction of the reality of the figure un- 
consciously suggests that it should behave as if real, and hence 
obstruct the light on passing before the candle. Again, the 
conviction of the reality of the spectre leads to the expectation 
that it should be wholly or partially invisible when it passes 
behind a screen or piece of furniture. Thus the concealment 
of a chair or other article by the image, or the hiding of a part 
of the image by an obstacle becomes part of the hallucination 
through suggestion. The instance recording that objects were 
seen through the image is explained by imperfect “ externali- 
sation ” ; the more active the imagination the more opaque and 
substantial does the image appear, as the imaginative power 
weakens the figure becomes hazy, indistinct, and unsubstantial. 
Where the reports mention that the eyes were closed the hallu- 
cination usually vanishes, and sometimes it reappears on open- 
ing the eyes. The fact of closing the eyes is an effort to with- 
draw the attention, and hence becomes a suggestion not to see 
the image, while opening them again is in expectation of seeing 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.] s 


it. So also a hallucination ‘‘ does not usually follow the move- 
ment of the eyes, but can*be looked away from and back to, 
like a real object.” Here the fact of voluntarily turning the 
eyes away has the same effect as closing them, and is a sug- 
gestion no longer to seethe image. In hallucinations affecting 
more than one sense, and in subsequent hallucinations of the 
same sense, the scope for suggestion is obvious. In the flurry 
and excitement of a supernormal experience details escape 
notice, and we are reduced to piecing together inferences from 
casual observations. A cool, calm survey of the phenomena of 
an apparition would provide matter for many inferences, but 
from the nature of a hallucination a too philosophical attitude 
would dispel the image. 

In.the recorded cases of simple hallucinations, containing 
no fact to be verified externally, nothing occurs in the narra- 
tives to hinder a subjective explanation showing them to be 
mere creations of the brain. The forms which they assume 
are familiar to the brain, and even when grotesque or only 
partially developed, are such that would be considered normal 
in dreams. ‘The circumstances that tend to favour or produce 
- them—heredity, overwork, ill-health, anxiety, grief, repose, 
expectancy, or suggestion, either singly or in combinaticn, all 
indicate a subjective origin. That they are subjective cannct 
be positively asserted, but the evidence tends that way. Sup- 

posing their origin to be natural, what is the physiological. 

process in a hallucination ? The problem is to determine how 
the brain unconsciously and instantaneously projects an image 
so perfect and vivid as to deceive the senses into the convic- 
tion that it is external. Dream images suffice to establish the 
existence of.some mechanism in the brain by which images 
appear to the mind to be external and real. In sleep the 
organs of sense are closed to external stimulus, and judgment 
and will are suspended, yet the representations are sights and 
sounds, and the images so vivid in form and action as to in- 
duce a conviction of their reality. It is no reckless assump- 
tion to suppose that the faculty, whatever it may be, that forms 
the images unconsciously and instantaneously in dreams, should 
sometimes be set in motion unconsciously and instantaneously 
in waking moments, where the results would be modified by 
the activity of judgment and consciousness. 


Where is the image produced: at the sense organ, or in the 
recesses of the brain? In ordinary vision the reflection of an 
object passes through the lenses of the eye and an image is 
impressed on the retina, which retains it for a brief interval 
and transmits it along the nerve to the sensorium of the brain, 
where it is dealt with by the central authority. A vivid im- 
pression remains on the organ of sense as an “after image,” 
subsequent to the despatch to the brain. If you look at a 
strong light and close the eyes a more or less defixed image 

will be present and gradually fade away. Certain physio-- 

logists maintain that the image in hallucinations is formed on 
the sense organ by the brain, as it were, reversing the engine, 
and sending the concept from the sensorium along the nerve 
backwards to the sense organ, and resuscitating the image 
there. In support of this they allege the vividness of the 
image fully externalised and equally indistinguishable from 
ordinary sense impressions, and also the supposed similarity to 
after images. Against this theory the bulk of physiologists 
and psychologists assert that the image is manipulated ‘in the 
workshop of the brain from the storehouse of memory, and there 
remains on view without leaving the shop. Their arguments 
are mainly negative, based on the difficulties of any other 
theory. Doctors disagree; they have not established an ad- 
mitted theory on the formation of dream images, and _ halluci- 
nations introduce additional complications. We are not called 
upon to arbitrate, and can only indicate the direction of the 
examination into the origin of hallucinations. 

Should a natural explanation of these supernormal experi- 
ences be discovered, admitted, and established, it would not 
interfere with or exclude the operation of the supernatural. 
In allowing the apparition of a saint, Almighty God may pre- 
sent an entirely external figure of any consistency or form, or 
He may impress the image on the retina, or produce it in the 
brain, or pass beyond the limits of the material to the soul and 
permit spirit to recognise spirit without intervention of sense. 
Granting supernatural interposition, the method becomes of 
secondary importance. The supernatural would be ascertained 
by the nature and motive of the experience. It is remarkable 
how little motive for the appearance is discernible in all the 
instances of simple hallucinations recorded inthe census. The 



cases cited above are selected to illustrate different points 
touched upon, but they are fairly typical of the general 
character, and testify to the absence of an adequate motive. 
They are trivial, objectless, often irrelevant, and resemble 
dreams in being the baseless fabric of a vision. 

The present article has been confined to simple hallucina- 
tions which comprise four-fifths of the 1684 census cases. In 
the remaining fifth a connection with a person or incident 
external to the percipient cannot be explained solely by the 
subjective state of his mind. When the time of an apparition 
exactly corresponds with the unknown death of a friend, when 
information is conveyed that the percipient had not otherwise 
obtained, when two or more persons share the same experi- 
ence, it is evident that something more is implied than the 
formation of an image in the brain. This class of experiences. 
has a higher interest and importarce, and shall be considered 

in a subsequent article. 
T. B. Snow, Abbot. 


OTWITHSTANDING the Convention made by the late 
Emperor Alexander III. with Pope Leo XIII. in 1882, 
which, nominally, was to secure the liberty of the Catholic 
Church in Poland, the decrees passed during the previous 
persecution remain in full force. At this moment, as before, 
the jurisdiction of the Bishops is hindered by the continual 
interference of the Government in ecclesiastical matters. It 
is a fact that the Bishop cannot move any priest in his diocese 
from one parish to another without the permission and the 
knowledge of the Russian Government. In the same way, the 
direction of the seminaries depends in a great measure on 
the political authorities. The secular clergy are so hampered, 
besides, by exceptional laws and regulations that they cannot 
move a step out of their own parishes without obtaining a 
written permission from the Prefect of the district, the omis- 
sion of which is punished by fines and imprisonment. The 
local police, besides, act as spies on all they say and do in 
their churches, report on their sermons, and watch keenly 
whether any confraternities are established, especially of the 
Sacred Heart, or if any processions have been allowed. So that 
the poor parish priests are really at their mercy. But 
nowhere has this state of things been felt more bitterly than 
in the Diocese of Vilna, the capital of Lithuania. After the 
banishment to Viatka (in 1863) of Mgr. Krasinski, this diocese 
remained for twenty years without its chief pastor. The 
Diocesan Seminary was nearly empty; the greater part of 
the parishes were without priests, and the ecclesiastical 
revenues were diverted to the worst of purposes. In 1883, 
however, a holy and excellent Bishop was appointed, Mgr. 
Charles Hryniewicki, who was born at Pulsy in Lithuania, and 
whose family belonged to the ancient Polish nobility.. He 


began his studies at the Gymnasium of Bialyskock, then 
continued them at the Minsk Seminary, and finally at the 
Academy at St. Petersburg, where he passed the highest 
examinations and was promoted to the First-Class in scientific 
subjects at the end of the very first year of his academical 
course. His great piety, however, was as remarkable as his 
literary attainments, and he was ordained priest in 1867. His 
first ecclesiastical appointment was to the Professorship of the 
College at Oriza in the Province of Mohilev ; but in 1869 he 
was sent, in the same capacity, to the Academy at St. Peters- 
burg, where he remained twelve years. He was also the 
founder of the Seminary of Mohilev at St. Petersburg, of which 
he was the first Rector, having been previously made Inspector 
of the Academy, Soon after, he was created a Canon and 
Prelate of Mohilev, and in 1883, Bishop of Vilna. 

This was, as we may readily imagine, no easy post; but he 
was young and full of zeal and of the love of souls. His first 
duty was to try and purify his diocese from the elements 
which had produced such scandals. On taking possession 
of his cathedral, he spoke in the following terms: 

I will try and root out all abuses and strive to restore order and 
peace. In this work, I feel I shall have the help and co-operation of 
all who love our Lord. Let those who resist me know, that it is by the 
authority of Leo XIII. and by that of the Czar, Alexander III. that I 
act ; and that if they declare war against me, they equally do so against 
the Pope and the Emperor. ; 

The holy Bishop fancied that by abstaining from every 
political movement and by remaining a faithful subject of the 
Czar, he would be free to carry out the reforms which were 
required in his diocese, and that no one would hinder him from 
acting according to the laws of the Catholic Church. Cardinal 
Ledochowski and Archbishop Felinski had similar illusions, 
till the prison of Ostrow for the first and exile for the other, 
opened the eyes of both to the dangers of their position. 

At first, however, Mgr. Hryniewicki succeeded marvel- 
lously in his herculean task. The Governor-General, Todleben, 
was a good and moderate man and made no objection what- 
ever to the dismissal of scandalous priests. Before the 
nomination of the new Bishop, Abbé Zylinski had started for 
Rome, owned his misconduct, did penance for it, and returned 


to Vilna, reconciled to the Church. He resumed his duties 
as parish priest of Ostra-Brama, and the only thing that was 
exacted from him was, to restore a portion of his large 
revenues to help in the support of the seminary. But the 
other offenders felt the strong hand of their new pastor. 
The Dean of Grodno and the Canon of Vilna (the Abbé 
Kopeinhowicz) were deprived of their respective offices and 

Several other changes were made, and every day the Bishop 
became more and more beloved by his flock, who realised what 
it was to have to deal with one who cared for nought but 
the glory of God and the salvation of souls. But then, 
unfortunately, there came a change of Governors-General. 
Todleben went away and was succeeded by General Kochanov, 
a bitter enemy of the Poles and a violent schismatic. He at 
once forbid the Bishop to put fresh priests in the place of 
those who had been excommunicated, and he tried to insist 
that the Russian language should be used in the Catholic 
Liturgy. When the Bishop refused, he was told that he had 
better ask for his passport and leave the country. The Bishop 
replied: ‘I did not appoint myself to this arduous charge, 
nor have I the right to give it up voluntarily and leave my 
flock as sheep without a shepherd. I am ready to go to 
Siberia if you exile me; but I will never desert my post.” 
The new Governor finding him so determined, soon found 
another cause of offence. 

In the new Calendar or “ Ordo” for 1885, the Bishop had 
suppressed the names of the two excommunicated priests 
Kopeinhowicz and Matigsrewicz, who had been deprived of 
their ecclesiastical posts, although they still received a pension 
from the Russian Government. This omission displeased the 
Vilna censor, who insisted on their names being replaced in 
the “Ordo,” and had one reprinted accordingly and sent to 
the Bishop. Mgr. Hryniewicki, thus circumvented, wrote 
with his own hand under the names of these two men: “ Ex- 
communicatus Ecclesia. Carolus Episcopus:” and the “ Ordo,” 
thus annotated, was sent to all the clergy. The Governor, 
furious at what he considered rebellion against his authority, 
wrote to St. Petersburg and said that it was impossible for 
him to remain Governor of Vilna with such a man as the 


Bishop. To try and arrange matters, Prince Kantakuzen 
Spéransky, the director of the Chancery of Foreign Religions, 
was sent to Vilna, and he again advised the Bishop to resign, 
nominally on the plea of his health. 

But the Bishop replied that he was perfectly well and had 
no intention of leaving the country. The Prince returned to 
St. Petersburg, and a few days later Mgr. Hryniewicki 
received a summons to come to the capital to give some further 
information as to his diocese. The Bishop knew at once the 
meaning of this journey. He felt convinced that he would 
not be allowed to return to his flock for a long time, if ever, 
and he prepared himself for exile. 

When the news of his approaching departure reached the 
people, the deepest sorrow and distress was shown by everyone. 
All the principal inhabitants of the town hastened to the 
railway station to see their beloved pastor, perhaps for the 
last time, and to receive his episcopal blessing. It was on 
February 3, 1885, that he passed through the streets in his 
carriage for the last time, blessing his people as he passed, 
who were ranged on both sides of the road to seehim. When 
he got into the railway carriage, seeing the great crowd round 
him, he spoke the following words: 

Listen, my children, to what I am going to say to you. Do not cry or 
shout—but listen, for the time is short. I bless you and your families 
and all you love with my whole heart. Live in charity and union 
with one another; pray earnestly for grace and strength; fulfil the 
duties of our holy faith; bear patiently the persecution of our 
enemies. God has commanded us to love our neighbour as ourselves, 
and are not our enemies likewise our neighbours? Love God above all 
and your holy religion and your country. Obey the Emperor, for 
he is set over you by God, and you must render to him what is his due 
as you render unto God what is His. Remember me also in your 
prayers. I grieve to leave you, for though I have done all I could, there 
is still much that is wanting and which I hoped to accomplish in the 
next few years. Do not cry perhaps I may come back to you, 
though I do not think so (Here the cries of the people stifled the 
Bishop’s voice.] Do not cry, I repeat, my children, it is God’s will, and 
to that we must all submit. Listen once more. There are some people 
who say I am a rebel; if they can say so of one who has had no thought 
but that of defending the Church and our holy Catholic Faith 
Well, if that be “ rebellion,” I shall remain a rebel to the hour of my 
death! I have always faithfully obeyed God and the Emperor and shall 


do so to the grave. It is enough, my children. Farewell! and may we 
meet again in heaven if not on earth! 

No sooner had he arrived in St. Petersburg than he begged 
to see the Czar, but he was absent. Then he tried to see the 
Minister, Tolstoy, but he was ill. For a time there was a 
question of sending him as Bishop to the Diocese of Ptock, as 
the see was vacant owing to the death of Mgr. Borowski. 
But the enemies of the holy Bishop prevailed, and very soon 
he received the following decree of exile : 

His Majesty the Emperor, at my humble request, has relieved you 
from the government of the Diocese of Vilna, and has destined you to 
reside in the Town of Jaroslav. I have the honour to announce to you 
this the will of his Majesty and to desire its instant accomplishment. 

(Signed) Toxstoy and KantTakuzen SPERANSKY. 

On February 10, accordingly, the Bishop left St. Peters- 
burg and arrived at Jaroslav on the Volga, accompanied by 
a policeman. The news flew like wildfire through the Diocese 
of Vilna, and the grief and despair of the people is well 
expressed in the following letter : 

A heavy sorrow and loss has fallen upon us, for once more we are 
orphaned and desolate. We had such_an excellent and venerable pastor, 
who never spared himself day or night for the welfare of his flock ; who 
plucked out the weeds and sowed the good grain in his fields; who was 
the father and friend of us all. But human malice, aided and inspired 
by the Devil, has torn away our treasure from us, and God knows 
whether we shall ever see him again! Ob, in what sad and terrible 
times we are living! All the enemies of God are rejoicing in their 
victory, and the fanaticism of the schismatics increase day by day. Our 
town is like a besieged city, and on all sides one hears nothing but sad- 
ness and sorrow. 

Before leaving Vilna, Mgr. Hryniewicki had entiusted the 
administration of his diocese to his Vicar-General, Mgr. Harasi- 
mowicz, until the Apostolic See had chosen a snccessor to 
himself ; and at the first meeting of the Chapter, the Abbé 
Zylinski was the most anxious to declare that the priest 
chosen by the Bishop was the only canonical director of the 
diocese. But the Government was not at all disposed to 
admit the claims of a man who would follow in the steps of 
the deposed pastor, and M. Harasimowicz was sent off to the 


little town of Welsk in the Government of Wotohda. Before 
leaving he named the Abbé Constant Majewski as his successor 
in the administration of the diocese, he having been Rector of 
the Seminary at Vilna. But again the Governor interfered 
with this nomination and speedily exiled the Abbé Majewski 
to Wotohda. This sentence was executed with such rapidity 
that he had not the time to name a successor, and so the 
diocese remained without an administrator, save the General 
Chapter. This sad state of things has given a death-blow to 
the ecclesiastical life of the diocese, which had only just begun 
to recover from the evils which had subsisted unchecked for 
twenty years. The number of priests has been reduced to 
twenty-three. Out of 295 parishes seventy-five have dis- 
appeared and the Catholic population has equally diminished. 

But we must return to the exiled Bishop. He remained for 
five years at Jaroslav, enduring every species of petty vexation 
at the hands of the Government, especially during the first 
two years, which he bore with his accustomed patience and 
resignation. At last a new Bishop was appointed to Vilna, 
and as there was therefore no possible excuse for his detention 
at Jaroslav, he was given leave to depart. But owing to the 
ill-will of the Government, his liberation was delayed for 
several months, The new Bishop had been consecrated on 
December 30, 1889, but it was not till the following May that 
the Head of the Police communicated this new decree to his. 
prisoner : 

His Majesty the Emperor has deigned to pcrmit the iate Bishop of Vilna 
to leave the country, without any question of returning, and considers 
it to be indispensable that he should take the following route :—Moscow, 
Toula, Orel, Koursk, Kieff, Voloczysk; and that without any stopping 
or interruption. A ‘subsidy of 1500 roubles is allotted to the Bishop out 
of the ecclesiastical funds, but which will be only paid at the end of the 
year and at the demand of the Bishop, if it be proved that the said 

Bishop has done nothing contrary to the wish of the Government during 
that period. 

The Head of the Police exacted a written declaration from 
the Bishop that he would accept these conditions, which Mgr. 
Hryniewicki, with his usual calm dignity, accepted, writing: 

I will leave on the 15th, and take the route which has been indicated. 


The following account of his journey is taken from the 
Przeglad, or Lemberg Review, No. 144, June 25, 1890: 

When the day of departure arrived and the Bishop got into the 
carriage, he found that he was to be accompanied by the Head of the 
Police of Jaroslav in full uniform. On Friday, May 16, the train 
reached Moscow, and he was instantly met by a large body of police, 
who rudely demanded his luggage, and insisted on his instant departure 
for the Koursk Station. A carriage had been prepared, into which they 
roughly pushed the Bishop, who exclaimed, ‘‘ What do you mean by 
treating me as a malefactor? Do you wish to assassinate me? You 
have not the slightest right to act as you are doing, for I have signed a 
declaration that I will in all things conform to the wishes of the 
Emperor. I am ill, and want a short rest; do not, therefore, hurry me 
in this manner!” 

To this remonstrance only fresh brutality was added, to the great 
indignation of the public, who were witnesses of the whole scene. The 
Bishop, to avoid any further insults, accordingly got into the carriage, 
telling the police that he could not pay for it, as the Government did not 
give him the means to do so. He asked to stop at a shop to buy a hat 
as his own had been spoiled in the journey, but this was positively 
refused. As soon as he arrived at the Koursk Station he was forced to 
enter the carriage, which had been prepared for him a long time before 
the train started. T'wo secret police agents accompanied him, watching 
every movement and listening to every word he said. Other members 
of the police force remaiied at the door of the railway carriage, of which 
the windows were closely veiled. A quantity of writing paper and 
telegram forms had been prepared to induce the Bishop to write, but he 
declined to do so. As soon as he had entered the carriage the door was 
locked on the outside, so that he was virtually a prisoner. He had 
wished to go second-class on account of the expense, but that was also 
refused ; and every effort was made to separate him from his chaplain 
and his servant, but the Bishop declared that he would not travel alone, 
and finally took three first-class tickets. The police agents then got 
into the next carriage. At each station they urged him to get out and 
eat; but he refused, and touched only what he had brought from 
Jaroslav, while his servant prepared him some tea. On nearing Kieff a 
strange thing happened. The Bishop had fallen into an uneasy slumber, 
when he was suddenly awakened by a violent rush of air from under- 
neath his seat. He sprang up, calling for help, and found that under 
his chair a trap had opened, which caused this strong wind—a fact 
which in all probability saved his life. The guard of the train was 
summoned, and seemed very much astonished. The spies also came in, 
and were evidently greatly confused and embarrassed. But the Bishop 
insisted on being moved into another carriage, and so arrived safely at 
Kieff. There again they had to change trains, and the same pressure 
was used to force the Bishop at once into the compartment prepared for 


him. But he insisted on walking a little, as the train was not to start 
for another hour. On the platform the Bishop met with an old friend, 
with whom he entered into conversation, greatly to the wrath of his 
guards. On his resuming his place in the railway carriage a poor 
woman and her children insisted on entering it to obtain his blessing, 
which the spies tried in vain to prevent. It was on May 17 that 
the holy Bishop left Kieff and arrived at the frontier station of 
Voloczysk, where the Russian police disappeared like a bad dream, and 
the poor persecuted prelate could at last breathe freely; and, having 
taken leave of his chaplain, was received with affectionate veneration by 
his co-religionists in Galicia, who hastened to offer him the most cordial 

We leave this authentic report of the Dishop’s journey 
without comment. In the year 1891 he went to Rome, where 
he was created Archbishop of Perge; and until better times 
arise, he is now acting as simple parish priest on the property 
of a friend in Galicia. 

His successor at Vilna, Mgr. Awdziwicz, finds himself in 
an almost equally difficult position. One of the most important 
works of a Bishop is the visitation of his diocese and the 
administration of the Sacrament of Confirmation; but the 
Russian Government does all in its power to hinder these 
episcopal functions, and in some cases, as with Mgr. Koztowski 
in the Diocese of Lublin, it forbids them altogether. In the 
Warsaw Diocese the priests who came to hear the confessions 
of their people in the town, where the Archbishop was con- 
firming, have been condemned to a heavy fine, because they 
had gone out of the limits of their respective parishes without 
asking the permission of the Head of the Police. In August 
1893, Mgr. Awdziwicz undertook the canonical visitation of 
fifteen churches in the Diaconate of Lida Radunsk, where, and 
for thirty-two years, there had been no episcopal visitation. 
He had the greatest difficulty in obtaining this permission, and 
finally did so on the following conditions : 

1. That he should obtain the express permission of Orzi- 
weski, the Governor-General of Vilna. 

2. That he should not have with him or convoke more than 
six priests. 

3. Severe prohibition to the parishioners to receive the 
Bishop on his visitation with any triumphal or solemn demon- 


4. The Prefect of the district and the local police to follow 
the Bishop in his pastoral visitation, to accompany him into 
the church and to remain there, especially at the time of the 
administration of the Sacraments and of the Confirmation, lest 
any of the orthodox (that is, the Uniats, forced by violence 
into schism) should share in a Catholic function. Even at 
dinner, the Prefect or his representative was to be present to 
watch the proceedings of the Bishop and his clergy. 

By a recent decree, it has been forbidden to the parochial 
clergy to invite more than two priests to assist at any function 
in their churches, and these must have a special permission, in 
writing, from the Prefect of the district. The local police are 
equally obliged to watch over the performance of these func- 
tions in the church itself. 

In 1886 another Imperial Decree prohibited the Bishops 
from building any oratory or chapel, even in the most urgent 
cases, without a special permission from the Government. In 
June of that year, a decree suppressed altogether two parochial 
churches of Sledziany and Granow, in the Diocese of Lublin, 
because they had allowed the Uniats to participate in the 
sacraments and functions of these churches. But the hardest 
decree for the poor Catholics was issued in 1891, by the 
Governor of Siedlce, severely prohibiting the repairs or restora- 
tion or enlargement of any Catholic church, without the 
permission of the Government, although the money might have 
been offered by individuals or by the subscriptions of the 
faithful. In consequence, many of the churches have fallen 
into ruins and have had to be closed. 

In April 1893 an Imperial Decree suppressed the Seminary 
of Siedlce for four years, the Rector, Vice-Rector, and five 
priests, who were professors of this seminary, having been 
incarcerated in the Citadel of Warsaw. The first two and 
Professor Prawola are still in prison; the other four, after 
paying 1000 roubles, were released. Of the sixty students, 
thirteen were precluded from entering any seminary in the 
empire. What was their crime? None was alleged, save ‘‘ a 
spirit of Polish hostility to the Government ; ” though no proof 
whatever of this was given and there had not been the smallest 
political movement among either students or professors. 

A last decree of January 1894 imposes the law that all the 


correspondence of the Catholic clergy with their respective 
Bishops shall be carried on in the Russian language. 

We think we have said enough of the grave difficulties of 
the episcopate in this country. So much has been written 
about the desire for union with the Holy See, that people are 
apt to imagine that such an event may speedily be accom- 
plished. The known spirit of toleration of the new Czar, the 
permission (for the first time) to allow the circulation in 
Russia of the Papal Encyclicals, the appointment of a perma- 
nent minister to the Holy See, and the leave granted to the 
Bishops to visit Rome, have given Europe the idea that the 
era of persecution is a thing of the past. But they forget 
two things: the absolute power possessed by the Governor and 
other authorities in each province to carry out any measures 
they may see fit, and the impossibility of the truth being 
known to the Czar, both from the size of the country and the 
character of those around him. Every Russian is firmly con- 
vinced that the Poles are continually conspiring against the 
Government and look with suspicion upon their every word and 
deed. They are equally convinced that, as a nation, they are 
more tolerant than any other people on the face of the earth, 
and that it is only zeal for the “orthodox” church which in- 
duces some of their number to resort to measures hostile to 
Catholicity. Until these two misconceptions are removed we 
despair of any real change in the administration of Russian 
Poland. Added to these reasons, is the known hostility of 
the Holy Synod to the Catholic faith, and their determination, 
if possible, to eliminate any symptom of adhesion to it among 
the inhabitants of their conquered provinces. 

Yet, in. spite of persecution of every kind—fines, imprison- 
ment, exile and even death—the Ruthenians, Lithuanians and 
Uniats cling to their religious convictions, and, year by year, 
swell the lists of Martyrs for the Faith. How earnestly then 
should we all follow the desire of the Holy Father in his late 
Encyclical and pray for that union which can alone bring 
peace to the Christian world and stop the systematic persecu- 
tion of the Catholic Church in Russian Poland, which, though 
often ignored in other European countries, is a grave and 
undoubted reality. 

Mary E.izabetH HERBERT. 


HE two previous papers of this series* first discrimi- 
nated between the Bible qué human document, and, as 
such, one of the several proofs for the Church’s authority, and 
the Bible gud Divine Library, re-given to us as such by that 
authority. They next maintained that, in the first, pre- 
Catholic Faith stage, Reason is necessarily in its element, and 
that, in the second, the Catholic Faith stage, Reason is not 
contradicted but transcended. And they finally attempted an 
exposition of such conclusions of the Critico-historical Reason 
as, in the first stage, would seem to impose themselves on our 
acceptance, and of how these conclusions leave still intact, 
indeed sometimes strengthen the evidence for those few 
great facts on which the Church, as far as the Bible goes, is 
built. I will now attempt in this concluding paper—here 
more than ever in the hands of the Church—once more to 
insist upon the several functions of Faith and Reason, the 
Church and Science in these two stages; to illustrate the 
temper of mind in which the second stage should be approached ; 
and, finally, to indicate such conclusions of the Church as here 
impose themselves on our acceptance, and how such conclusions 
are compatible with, indeed but light up and harmonise, the 
previously ascertained phenomena of the Bible with each other, 
and their totality with the life of the soul and of the Church. 


1. If there is a specifically Catholic fundamental conception, 
it is that of the two divinely instituted, humanly necessary, 
immortal orders of Nature and Grace, Reason and Faith, neither 
identical nor antagonistic, but distinct and supplementary. 
Indeed, what is all that long conflict on the right hand and on 

* DUBLIN REVIEW, Oct. 1894, pp. 313-341; April 1895, pp. 306-337. In 
the second paper, read, p. 311, line 13, “and Charlemagne’s death (817 A.D.) ;” 
and p. 330, line 16, “as being the children of Rachel, Benjamin’s mother, who 
Jay buried by Bethlehem.” 


the left, first with Pelagianism and Manichzism, later on with 
Laxism and Jansenism, !ast with Rationalism and Fideism, 
but an historical confirmation, throughout her secular history, 
of this the Church’s inalienable attitude ? 

St. Thomas tells us that 

“ Grace does not abolish nature, but perfects it”; and that “ although 
the truth of the Christian Faith exceeds the capacity of human reason, 
yet those principles which the reason possesses by nature cannot con- 
tradict this truth. For these principles are most certain and true, so 
that neither is it possible to hold them to be false, nor to deny that 
which is held by Faith, since it is so evidently confirmed by God.” * 

Hence, on the one hand, St. Thomas can rightly say: “ He 
who strives to prove by natural reason the Trinity of Persons, 
dishonours Faith.”t And, on the other hand, Dr. Hettinger can 
declare : 

Although, with regard to the truths of Revelation, the finite, human 
Reason is not the positive (principiwm secundum quod), still less the 
productive principle (principium quo) of truth, yet the Reason is a 
negative principle, since nothing can be true which contradicts its laws.t 

Dr. Martineau remarks most correctly : 

In reasoning with the Catholic, we have always this advantage, that 
he admits a natural reason, a natural conscience, a natural religion ; 
nay, that the light which we have through them is a grace of the same 
Holy Spirit which makes his Church the depository of higher but homo- 
geneous gifts.§ 

2. And it is important to remember that Revelation does 
not simply propose to us principles, a philosophy, transcending 
our natural discovery or comprehension, but also persons and 
facts, a history. And hence, as that transcendent philosophy 
presupposes the absolute certainty of the first principles of the 
human reason on which the previous, intra-rational philosophy 
is built, so also this transcendent history presupposes the 
human credibility, attainable by ordinary historical proofs and 
methods, of those fundamental facts and events with which the 
Reason begins and which Faith appropriates and transcends. 
Neither in the case of the philosophy, nor in that of the history, 

* "@ Get.” i 2. 

¢ “Summa Theol.,” i. qu. 32, a. 1, 
t¢ “ Fundamental-Theologie,” 1879, i. pp. 144, 145. 
§ “Seat of Authority,” 1890, p. 131. 


can faith be based on scepticism; however great the share of 
grace on the one hand, and of the pure heart on the other, a 
spring-board is wanted from and beyond which the divinely 
enlightened and attracted will may plunge into the divine 
certainties of supernatural faith. 

Hence, just as M. Bonnetty had to subscribe the philo- 
sophical thesis: ‘‘ Reasoning can prove with certainty the 
existence of God, the spirituality of the soul, the free will of 
man,” so also Abbé Bautain had to subscribe the historical 
theses : 

“ We have no right to require an unbeliever to admit the Resurrection 
of Our Lord, before that certain proofs have been administered to him ; 
and these proofs are deduced from (written and oral) tradition by 
reasoning,” and: ‘“‘ Reason can prove with certainty the authenticity of 

the Revelation vouchsafed to the Jews through Moses and to Christians 
through Jesus Christ.” * 

3. Now the jurisdiction of the faith and of the Church 
will, in both the philosophical and historical questions, be, in 
the first stage, as generally indirect and predominantly dis- 
ciplinary, as in the second stage it will be direct and doctrinal 
as well as disciplinary. 

In the first stage, this jurisdiction watches, in the case of 
both sets of questions, against the introduction of the three 
kinds of Rationalism and the corresponding kinds of Fideism, 
which alone, but frequently, appear here. I will divide these 
intruders into prior, concomitant and posterior, and will con- 
sider them only in their application to critico-historical 

(1) (a) The historical investigation often starts with prior 
Rationalism, antitheistic assumptions. 

Hence, the Encyclical Providentissimus Deus condemns those 
who deny the possibility of prophecy or miracle.+ 

We want, then, right assumptions and presumptions, since 
do without them of some kind we cannot; such noble his- 
torians as J, G. Droysen, Ranke, Rudolf Kittel, give us such 
presumptions substantially the same as those required by the 

(b) Or, sometimes the investigation starts with prior Fideism, 
Catholic assumptions. 

* Denzinger’s “ Encheiridion,” ed. 1888, Nos. 1506, 1491, 1493. 
+ Tablet, Jan. 6, 1894, p. 7. 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.] T 


Hence, Abbé Bautain had to sign the thesis that ‘“ (super- 
natural) Faith, a divine gift, is subsequent to Revelation,” and 
that “the use of Reason precedes Faith and leads man to it by 
means of Revelation and of grace.”* And the Encyclical tells us: 
“‘The first thing to be done is to vindicate the trustworthiness 
of the sacred records, at least as human documents.”+ Pro- 
fessor Robertson Smith, then, says quite correctly : “ All sound 
apologetic admits that the proof that a book is credible must 
precede belief that it is inspired.” +t 

(2) (a) The investigation often proceeds with a concomitant 
Rationalism, accepting the too hurried and too subjective 
conclusions of individual scholars as though they were the 
calm and final word of science. 

Hence the Encyclical says: “This vaunted ‘ Higher Cri- 
ticism’ will resolve itself into the reflection of the bias and 
the prejudice of the critics.Ӥ The distinguished American 
New Testament scholar, Dr. Thayer, says, then, very truly: 

Anybody who has watched the changing fashions of criticism can call 
to mind one person and another who caught up with avidity the view that 
happened to be in vogue among the so-called “ advanced ”’ critics and still 
clings to it. In critical theories the rhymester’s advice is as good as 
respecting fashions in clothes—“ Be not the first by whom the new are 
tried, Nor yet the last to lay the old aside.”’|| 

(0) Or, sometimes, the investigation is unduly checked by a 
concomitant Fideism, by theologians refusing assent to the 
well-established conclusions of scholarship on points well 
within its competence. 

Such was the case in the long refusal of the Protestants of 
the seventeenth century to admit the late introduction of the 
Hebrew vowel-points. 

“Nowadays every one knows,” writes Professor Sanday, “that the 
Hebrew of the Old Testament was written purely in consonants without 
vowels; these were added in the sixth or seventh centuries a.p. This 
was first made out by the French Calvinist Louis Cappellus in 1624. But 
the set of opinion throughout the Reformed Churches was so strong that a 
later work by Cappellus could only be published (in 1650) by the help of 
his son, who had joined the Church of Rome. Indeed, in one of the 

* Denzinger, loc. cit., Nos. 1488, 1493. 

+ Tablet, loc. cit , p. 9. 

t ‘Old Testament in Jewish Church,” ed. 1892, p. 312. 

§ Tablet, loc. cit., p. 10. || Critical Review, v. iii. p. 207. 

pine ee 


Swiss formularies (1675) it is expressly laid down that not only the 
Hebrew consonants but also the vowel-points were divinely inspired.” * 

(3) (a) The investigation often concludes: with posterior 
Rationalism, anti-Catholic conclusions, and this by denying any 
ulterior source or range of truth other than its own. 

Hence the Encyclical bids 

“the Catholic student bear well in mind, as the Fathers teach in 
numerous passages, that the (divine, dogmatico-moral) sense ot Holy 
Scripture can nowhere be found incorrupt outside of the Church, and 
cannot be found in writers who, being without the true faith, only gnaw 
the bark of the Sacred Scripture, and never attain its pith.” “ False 
philosophy and rationalism must lead to the elimination from the Sacred 
writings of all that is outside the natural order.” + 

The Bollandist Pére de Smedt tells us: 

A supernatural fact, taken historically, is composed of two elements. 
It is first of all a fact,and next a fact possessing a supernatural character. 
For establishing the fact, we have no other critical rules than those which 
guide us in the research of natural facts; for establishing its super- 
natural character, we have to content ourselves with the purely negative 
demonstration that none of the (natural) explanations proposed can 
satisfy a candid mind, that all are contrary to the assured laws of the 
metaphysical, physical or moral order.{ 

(b) Or, the posterior Rationalism may be positive, attempting 
to prove, by internal evidence alone, the Church-attested 
Inspiration and dogmatic meaning of the Bible. So all Protes-. 
tant bodies, more or less. 

To sum up. The Church’s jurisdiction, throughout this. 
first stage, would seem to be, ordinarily,§ indirect and 
disciplinary, She sees to it that the investigation starts with 
neither less nor more than Theistic assumptions; that, in 
proceeding, it neither prematurely accepts but partial, short- 
lived opinions nor rejects the unanimous, lasting conclusions of 
scholars. as to the historico-literary phenomena; and that it 

* “Oracles of God,” 1891, pp. 20, 21. 

+ Tablet, loc. cit., pp. 9, 10. 

t “Des Devoirs des Ecrivains Catholiques,” p. 12. 

§ With Abbé Loisy I would say: “Questions of origin and composition 
remain, even for the Bible, questions of literary history, depending directly 
upon historical testimony and critical examination. The Church has never 
yet defined the authorship, method of composition, or textual condition of 
any Biblical book. But she most certainly could do so, since these facts are 
directly related to the object of Revelation, although not included in it.”— 
“ Etudes Bibliques,” reprint 1894, pp. 50, 51. 


does not conclude with denying the subsequent supernatural 
verities concerning the Bible, nor with attempting to itself 
establish these as within it own competence. Hence, where 
scholarship starts from, and everywhere applies Theistic as- 
sumptions, and does not deny the possibility of a subsequent 
supernatural teacher of subsequent supernatural truths about 
and from the Bible, but restricts itself to the middle region of 
forwarding research into the historico-literary phenomena of 
Scripture, there it is in possession. Where it has thus arrived 
at unanimity, faith joins with common sense in accepting its 

lt. In the second, Catholic-Faith stage, Faith not Reason, 
Doctrine not Science, are in possession: the Church’s juris- 
diction is here always direct, and doctrinal as well as discipli- 
nary. Here, in virtue of her now admitted divine authority, 
she proposes to us certain facts and doctrines concerning the 
supernatural meaning and character of the Bible, of an ad- 
mittedly transcendental character. Here the reality and true 
raison détre of the mere phenomena of the Bible are reached at 
Jast, and reached with the divine certainty of Faith. 

(1) She proposes to us the Canon of Scripture, and that 
as based on her own authority, and rejects all attempts at 
‘including or excluding books or parts of books, according to 
direct internal evidence of their supposed fitness or unfitness, 
as unreasonable and Rationalistic. 

The Councils of Trent and of the Vatican repeat the Canon of the 
‘Third Council of Carthage (a.p. 397), and of the Decrees of Popes St. 
Damasus (about 374) and Innocent I. (405) and define: “If any one 
shall not receive these books in their entirety with all their parts, as 
sacred and canonical, let him be anathema.” 




(2). She next proposes to us these particular books as all 
divinely inspired throughout, and this again, on her own 
authority, and as beyond all direct conclusive proof. 

“The Church holds these books,” defines the Vatican Council, “to 
Le sacred and canonical, because, having been written under the inspira- 
tion of the Holy Ghost, they have God for their Author, and have been 
handed over to the Church as such.”* “The system of those who con- 

* Denzinger, loc. cit., Nos. 666, 1637. 


cede that Inspiration regards only the things of Faith and Morals cannot 
be tolerated,” says the Encyclical.* 

Her authority does not constitute their Inspiration, but is 
our only conclusive proof for its reality, nature and extent. 

(3) She finally proposes to us the Revelation contained in 
the Bible, and that as inerrant and transcendent. 

“The books of the Old and New Testaments,” defines the Vatican 
Council, “ contain Revelation without error ;” and (renewing the decree 
of Trent) “in matters of Faith and Morals, pertaining unto the edification 
of the Christain Faith, that sense of Scripture is to be held to be the 
true one which the Church has held and holds, whose prerogative it is to 
judge of the true sense and irterpretation of Scripture.”+ 

Here again, of the whereabouts, the nature and the meaning 
of Biblical Revelation, the Church is alone the appointed, 
fully competent and conclusive witness and teacher. 


I will next consider successive and contrasted stages of 
knowlege and belief in various subject-matters, as apparently 
instructive illustrations of the temper of mind specially 

adapted to our second stage. 
1. Take the relations between Physics and Metaphysics. 
That penetrating Catholic scientist, M. P. Duhem, contends 
that : 

“The experimental method reposes upon principles which are self- 
evident and prior to all Metaphysic;” hence that “it belongs to Meta- 
physic to account for the self-evident foundations on which Physic rests, 
but this study adds nothing to their (physical) evidence and certainty ; ” 
again, that “unless you establish a real distinction between Physic and 
Metaphysic, you are bound to recognise the physical method even in 
Metaphysic, that is, to accept Positivism ;” and, finally, that “the sane 
and prudent tradition of the Schools has never entirely disappeared: at 
all times these have been Physicists, the greatest through their dis- 
coveries, who have recognised that mathematical theories have for their 
object the co-ordination of the natural laws, and that the research into 
their causes constitutes another problem.t 

Apply this to the human and the divine side of Scripture, 
and we get Professor Robertson Smith telling us: 

* Tablet, loc. cit., p. 10. 
+ Denzinger, loc. cit., Nos. 668, 1636, 1637. 
+ “Physique et Metaphysique,” 1893, pp. 10, 12, 19, 30. 


Scripture, with the mastering of the whole situation and character and 
feeling of each human interlocutor in the drama of Revelation. What is 
more than this lies beyond our wisdom. It is only the Spirit of God 
that can make the word a living word to our hearts, as it was a living 
word to him who first received it.* 

A distinguished Catholic critic writes : 

M. Renan did not see that the divine-human reality of religion had 
to manifest itself by means of phenomena, and that the purely scientific 
observation of these phenomena cannot determine the law that underlies 

This is solely the business of the Church. 
2. Take the relations between Physiology, Psychology, and 

Strict Neo-scholastics, e.g., Dr. A. Stoeckl, tell us that “ empirical 
psychology is a fit, indeed necessary, preliminary to philosophy proper.” 
And then as introductory to psychology itself, he gives some account of 
human anatomy and physiology.f 

Apply this to questions of date, composition, adaptation, de- 
velopment on the one hand, and those of Canonicity, Inspiration, 
Revelation, theological Interpretation on the other hand, and you 
will find it impossible to argue from the latter to the former, 
ég., that the Pentateuch cannot be a mosaic of four great 
documents, but must be all composed by Moses, because it is all 
inspired ; as impossible as to prove, from the soul being the 
‘*form” of the body, that a particular number and kind of 
bones and ligaments is in the human hand or foot. 

3. Take the difference between (culpable) Nature and Grace 
as propounded by faith. 

Cardinal Newman tells us: 

“There are two parties on this earth, two only, if we view men in their 
religious aspect : those few who hear Christ’s words and follow Him, and 
those many for whom Christ prays not, though He died for them.” But 
the world “ considers that all men are pretty much on a level; that it is 
impossible to divide them into two bodies, or to divide them at all.” 

' They may indeed “ be easily mistaken for each other, for the difference is 
- largely inward and secret.” § 

* “Old Testament in Jewish Church,” ed. 1892, p. 13. 
+ Bulletin Critique, 1895, p. 428. 

~ “Lehrbuch d. Philosophie,” ed. 1881, pp. 21-37. 

§ “Discourses,” ed. 1871, pp. 147, 148, 152. 

The whole business of scholarly exegesis lies with the human side of 

ae nO OLT: 


Apply this to the question of the difference between Biblical 
and other books ; in both cases we get the Church warranting a 
difference intrinsic but resting on transcendent grounds; we 
can believe, we cannot directly and conclusively prove it. 

4, Take our Lord’s Humanity in relation to His Divinity. 
Cardinal Hergenroether tells us: 

“The Apostle John combats in his Epistles false teachers who denied 
the reality of the Incarnation, quite in the manner of the later Gnostics; 
they attributed to our Lord but a seeming body, and hence were strict 
Docete.” ‘One of the fundamental traits of Gnosticism is its absolute 
antinomy between spirit and matter. The latter is conceived either as 
unsubstantial, as chaos, or, more usually, as identical with evil; hence 
follows the negation of Christ’s true humanity and corporality.” * 

Apply this to Scripture, and we must beware of any 
Scriptural Docetism, parallel to the Christological one. The 
Inlitteration of the Spirit is as real in the one case, as the 
Incarnation of the Son is in the other. Our Lord’s body 
weighed a particular weight on His mother’s arm; the hands 
that blessed and healed, the eyes that wept and broke were, are, 
of a particular size and shape and colour. The Spirit's letter 
is composed of such and such documents of a definite age and 

length and literary complexion. In both cases the Faith tells 
us that Reason can thus observe and register, and bids Reason 
do so as far as possible. 

5. Take the doctrine of the Holy Trinity in its relation to 
Faith and Reason : 

“The divine Trinity is, for the human, indeed every created mind, in 
so far a mystery, as that the reality of the three persons in God cannot 
be proved by its natural powers. Indeed, even the intellectual appre- 
hension of this mystery cannot be other than analogical, and therefore 
obscure and imperfect; more so, indeed, than the apprehension of God’s 
nature and essence.” “ Yet this incomprehensibleness has at times been 
emphasised in such a manner as to make it almost appear as though God 
had revealed this mystery for the purpose of propounding a riddle to 
man, and not of enriching his mind with an exceedingly sublime and 
fruitful cognition.” + 

And Dr. Hettinger finds the contribution of reason to this human 
cognition in the correct positive and negative apprehension of the 
Church’s definitions of the dogma; in the proofs of its antiquity from 

* “ Hanbuch d. Kirchengeschichte,” ed. 1876, i. pp. 114, 119. 
t+ “ Dogmatik,” 1873, i.. Nos. 1078, 1086. 


Scripture and Tradition; and in the attempt, by means of the analogies 
of the life of the human soul, to fathom this mystery as far as possible.* 

Apply this to Scripture, and the Church’s trinity of doctrine 
concerning it will also be neither directly demonstrable nor 
completely comprehensible, yet the same fourfold contribution 
of reason will here also be possible and desirable towards its 
ever-increasing apprehension as a doctrine intrinsically true 
and fruitful, harmonious and harmonising. 


We will now take the Church’s three transcendent doctrines, 
in the order of the degree of their transcendence ; hence, first, 

(1) Now the sacred and canonical character of the Biblica} 
books is but the exact application and delimitation of the 
character of divinity to certain definite books. And since 
human certainty as to the divinity of Scripture, its content 
and origin, is attainable by the natural reason,t it seems to 
follow that the divinity of single books is so likewise. Yet 
it will be safer to contend that the nucleus alone of the Old 
and New Testaments can be thus proved, with human certainty, 
to be divine ; and that only after this or other reasons have 
occasioned the act of divine faith in the Church, does the mind 
get sufficient certainty either human or divine as to the divinity 
of some of the books which fringe the Old and New Testament 
Canons. By my human certainty as to the divine character of 
the Law and the Prophets in the Old Testament, and of the 
Gospels and the great Pauline Epistles in the New Testament, I 
get occasion’ for my act of faith in the Church ; and the Church 
then gives me divine certainty, not only as to these books, but 
also as to such of the Hagiographa and of the Deutero-canonicals 
of the Old and New Testaments as yield me but an uncertain 
human assurance. The case appears analogous to the 
difference between natural and supernatural knowledge of the 
Unity and Attributes of God. 

(2) Canonicity and Inspiration. 

* “ Apologie,” ed. 1869, iii. p. 85. 
+ Cf. Schell’s “ Dogmatik,” i., 1889, p. 122. 


“ Canonicity concerns in the first place not Inspiration,” says Professor 
Schanz, “ but apostolic authorship (or attestation) and all involved by it. 
Once its apostolic origin is certain a document will be inspired for him 
who believes in special apostolic graces. Even as to the Old Testument, 
the ground of early Christian belief in it was the authority of the Apostles, 
otherwise it would have been impossible for St. Paul to take up an 
oppositional attitude towards the Old Law.” * 

“For the consciousness of the Westerns,” writes Dr. Harnack “(e.g., 
Irenwur, Tertullian, the Muratorian fragment), Apostolicity is un- 
doubtedly the primary quality of the New Testament collection, and this 
involves Inspiration. At Alexandria the term Apostle is taken in a 
wider sense, and is made to include the seventy disciples (Luke x. 1.)” ¢ 

Hence Canonicity, as equal to Apostolicity, in this wider 
sense, is not simply identical with Inspiration though it involves 
the latter; nor can we directly prove this Canonicity for all the 
Old and New Testament writings, ¢.g., the Canticle of Canticles 
and the Second Epistle of St. Peter. 

(3) Now the following positions are admitted with regard to 
the Old Testament Canon : 

“As a question of principle,” writes Abbé Loisy, “the origin of the 
Old Testament Canon coincides with the redaction and first promulgation 
of the Law. As a matter of fact the Law becomes fully, finally canonical 
by its official promulgation through Esdras (444 B.c.).” “The collection 
of the Prophets did not receive this promulgation, but recommended 
itself only by the value attaching to each of its parts before their final 
union by Nehemiah (432 B.c.).” “So also with the collection of the 
Hagiographa, which, because of its heterogeneity, was longer before 
acquiring a final form ; the Bible of Judas Maccabeu; (161 3.c.) pro- 
bably contained it complete.” “There exists but one Jewish Canon, the 
Palestinian, with a difference of appreciation and of practice as to the 
non-canonical religious books. Jerusalem, without being hostile to 
them, hesitates to admit them as divine, and excludes them from her 
sacred collection; Alexandria venerates them as sacred and inspired, 
and uses them much us she does the canonical books with which she 
confounds them in her Bible, though her official Canon remains the same 
as that of the metropolis. The Apostles and apostolic men will have 
formed for themselves a Greek Bible by taking, in the contemporary 
Alexandrian collections, such books as they regarded as inspired, i.e., the 
books of the Hebrew Canon and also the Deutero-canonicals which we see 
that they used. It is this Apostolic Bible which they bequeathed to the 
Church, and the Church instructs us of its true extent.” { 

* “Theol. Quartalschrift,” 1895, pp. 201, 198. 
+ “Dogmengeschichte,” i., ed. 1888, pp. 318, 322. 
~ “Canon de l’A. T.,” pp. 53, 54, 65, 69, 70. 


(4) The Canonicity of a book is distinct from its traditional 
authorship. (a) The conciliar definitions of Canonicity bear 
directly only on the divine and authoritative character of the 
book. Indeed, as the fullest belief in the Church’s magis- 
terium as to dogmatic facts, as to her having and exercising 
the power of inerrantly defining, not only that particular 
propositions are of faith or heretical, but that a particular 
book or part of a book contains them, in no wise involves 
belief in any inerrancy in designating the actual author of the 
document in question: so neither does the fullest belief in the 
actual exercise of her infallible magisteriwm in defining a 
particular book to be canonical, necessarily involve the ex- 
ercise of her power to define the human authorship. 

Bishop Hefele tells us : “The Fifth General Council no doubt anathe- 
matised Origen.” Yet the very strict Dr. Scheeben tells us: “Interior 
assent to such a judgment is required only in so far as there is no reason- 
able ground for assuming that the censured expressions do not really 
proceed from the person named. Reasonable grounds for this may be 
producible where, as here, judgment is passed on very ancient writings, 
especially where no examination of the authorship has preceded the 
decision as to the theological character of the writings.”* So, again, 
Fénelon could, with complete submission to the Brief of 1699, explain to 
the Pope in 1712, that one of the censured propositions was indeed 
“‘ erroneous,” and had appeared in his book, but was not his.t 

“ As to Biblical authorship,” writes Abbé Loisy, “ the Church no doubt 
could emit an infallible decision in the matter, yet up to new she has 
never defined the authorship or method of composition, but only the 
Inspiration and Canonicity of the Biblical books.” t 

The Councils and Popes, in their canonical lists, have but 
followed the current, sometimes unscientific, attributions. 
Thus the Synods of Hippo and III. Carthage (393, 397, a.p.) 
and Pope Innocent I. (417) put down “the five books of 
Solomon,” meaning by this, says Dr. Kaulen, “ Proverbs, 
Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus.” § Now these 
authorities can hardly have even thought that Solomon (about 
933) was the author of Ecclesiasticus (written about 185 B.c.). 
As to Wisdom, “ its origin should be referred approximately 

* “Conciliengeschichte,” v. ii., ed. 1875, pp. 861, 898; “ Dogmatik,” i. 
p. 259. ; 

+ “ Cuvres,” ed. 1822, v. ix. p. 618. t “ Etudes Bibliques,” pp. 50, 51. 

§ Denzinger, loc. cit., Nos. 49, 59 ; “‘ Einleitung,” p. 289. 



to the time of Ptolemy Philopator” (about 222-204 B.c.).* 
As to Ecclesiastes, Bishop Haneberg, Dr. Kaulen, Cardinal 
Newman, Abbé Loisy allow or incline to a post-exilic date ; 
Dr. Bickell explicitly maintains it.t 

(b) The Fathers, again, are primary authorities as to Faith 
and Morals ; all are truthful transmitters of traditional opinions ; 
some few, above all Origen and St. Jerome, are also scholars 
capable of testing historical evidence ; but the majority are 
more trustworthy as to the fact of the Canonicity of the single 
books, than as to their precise authorship. Wisdom was 
usually attributed to Solomon up to St. Jerome’s time; the 
legend of Esdras re-dictating all the Books of the Hebrew 
Canon was fully believed by Ireneus, Tertullian, Clement of 
Alexandria ; and that of the seventy Greek translators of the 
Old Testament having each translated independently and yet 
identically is believed, among others, by St. Irenzus.t 

(c) Jewish tradition, again, requires careful sifting. Philo 
(15 B.c.) and Josephus (about 115 a.p.) specially insist upon 
Moses having himself written even the last chapter of 
Deuteronomy descriptive of his own death. And Philo’s 
conception of the Law is so elastic, that in one place he refers 
to the Psalter under that name.§ 

“ According to a well-known passage in the Talmud,” writes Professor 
Robertson Smith, “ even the Prophets and Hagiographa were implicitly 
given to Moses at Sinai. Beginnings of this method are seen in Esra 
ix. 11, where a law of the Pentateuch is cited as an ordinance of the Pro- 
phets. Mosaic law is not held to exclude post-Mosaic developments.”’| 

(d) Our Lord’s method of quotation does not decide the 

(a) His uniqueness is rightly based by apologists, ¢.g., Dr. 
Hettinger,‘| upon this also, that, whereas even Socrates is often 

* “Finleitung,” loc. cit., p. 283. 

+ “Gesch. d. bibl. Offenbarung,” ed. 1876, p. 374; “ Einleitung,” p. 274; 
Nineteenth Century, Feb. 1884, p. 197 ; “ C. de l’A. T.,” p. 39; “ Der Prediger,” 
1884, passim. 

+ Kaulen, loc. cit., p. 281 ; Loisy, loc. cit., pp. 18-21; “ Adv. haer.,” iii. c.21, 


§ “De Vita Moysis,” iii. 39; “ Antiqu. Jud.,” iv. 326; Ryle, “ Philo and 
Holy Scripture,’’ 1895, p. xxviii. 

| “Old Testament in Jewish Church,” pp. 312, 313 ; Berachoth Bab., 5a; 
“*Talmud Jer. Megilla,”’ i. 5 ; [iv. 1.] 

‘I “ Apologie,” ed. 1867, i. 2, p. 440. 


busy with morally indifferent matters (see three cases in 
Dr. Xenophon’s “‘ Memorabilia,” iii. 10), Christ’s teaching re- 
mains exclusively occupied with matters of immediate moral and 
religious import. But that complicated problem, the precise 
authorship of the several Bible books, is no such matter. 
Hence His very greatness would lead Him to adopt the current 
literary attributions, 

(8) His whole method was demonstrably one of minute 
conformity to all the habits of His time and people, where 
principle permitted. So with the xpaozeda, the “hem of His 
garment,” no doubt the four blue or white tassels worn by 
every strict Jew on the four corners of his cloak.* So with 
the éxiovar=“ in” or “at the bush,” .e., on occasion of the 
story of the bush. He is referring to this section by the title 
which, for purposes of reference, had been popularly associated 
with it, exactly as Philo does.t 

(y) He says in John vii. 22: ‘Moses gave you circum- 

““Whether,” says Miss Wedgwood, “the correction, ‘not that it is of 
Moses, but the fathers,’ be from the speaker or the writer, we have the 
name of Moses used, at a critical moment and in a serious argument 
addressed to Jews, as a mere type of the Jewish law.” “A careful study 
of Christ’s quotations will show that inspiration was to Him a heritage 
of the race, that its individual channels had as little importance as that 
of the cup filled at a running stream.”’t 

(ec) In the New Testament the authorship of the Joannine 
Gospel and Epistles, and of the Epistles to the Hebrews, Jude 
and II. Peter has its difficulties. 

But as to the first, the very learned, ‘“ advanced,” indeed 
often reckless Paul de Lagarde writes : 

I have long since convinced myself that the Fourth Gospel with the 
three Joannine Epistles are by the author of the Revelation of John, and 
that this author is no other than St. John the Apostle.§ 

Indeed “the certainty of Justin Martyr’s knowledge of this 
gospel ” || makes it necessary that it should have been written by 

* Schanz, ‘‘Comment. iiber Mtt.,’’ 1879, p. 276. 

+ Ibid., p. 357. Ryle, loc. cit., p. xxii. 

t “The Message of Israel,’’ 1894, pp. 48, 301. 

§ “ Deutsche Schriften,” ed. 1886, p. 70. 

|| So even Jiilicher, ‘‘ Einl. in das N. T.,"’ 1894, p. 250. 


St. John, or, at the least, put into final form and published at 
Ephesus, soon after his death, by an immediate disciple of his. 

As to Hebrews, it need not be taken as fully Pauline. 
Origen says its thoughts are St. Paul’s, ‘‘ but God knows 
who wrote it”; St. Jerome, that many hold Barnabas or 
Clement to be its author, ‘“‘ but indeed it does not matter 
whose it is, since it is by some ecclesiastical author, and is 
honoured through daily reading by the Churches”; Estius 
(1613), that the matter and order are St. Paul’s, the composition 
St. Clement’s or rather St. Luke’s ; Dr. Kaulen, that St. Paul 
occasioned and sent, that one of his disciples, probably St. 
Clement, wrote it ; Abbé Loisy, that “‘ the attitude of the West 
towards Hebrews has but one plausible explanation: that the 
Roman Church, which knew the Epistle before 100 a.p., did not 
know it as by St. Paul, but another writer, not an Apostle. 
Was it Barnabas, as thought Tertullian?” * In any case, he 
was a Paulinising Jew-Christian of Alexandrian culture. 

As to the closely allied, relatively unimportant, obscure little 
Epistles of Jude and II. Peter, the following three points appear 
to be secured. There is no serious difficulty about the author- 
ship of Jude. Even the “ advanced” Dr. von Soden admits : 

That a younger “Brother” of Our Lord, whose missionary travels 
(1 Cor. ix. 5) may have led among Heathen-Christian circles, should 
have written this epistle at a late date, say 80-90 a.p., cannot reasonably 
be declared impossible.t 

II. Peter is directly dependant upon St. Jude. The strict 
Qatholics, Drs. Hundhausen and Kaulen declare: “It is hardly 
doubtful that the substance of the Epistle of St. Jude (vv. 
3-18) is interwoven with the texture (i, 20-iii. 3) of IT. 
Peter.”{ The question as to whether the writer be St. Peter 
himself, or one writing in his person, is but a question of fact. 
For if such impersonation be not incompatible with veracity 
and Inspiration in the case of Solomon in the Books of Wisdom 
and Kcclesiastes, neither is it necessarily incompatible with 
either, here, in the case of St. Peter. 

* “Kus. H. E.,"’ vi. 25; “Epist. ad Dard.,” No. 129; “In. Pauli Epp. Com- 
ment.,” ed. 1843, v. vi. p. 12; “ Einleitung,"” p. 544; “C. du N. T.,’’ 1891, 
p. 277. 

+ “Hand-Komm. z. N. T.," iii. 1890, p. 166. 

+ Kaulen, loc. cit., p. 566. 


(5) Canonicity does not involve unity of authorship. This 
is clear, in the Old Testament, in the case of the Psalter, 
although held to be entirely by David, by SS. John Chrysos- 
tom, Ambrose, Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and others; and of 
Proverbs, although frequently ascribed by the Fathers to Solomon 
alone.* Two authors are admitted for Job, by Dr. Bickell and 
Abbé Loisy, who give Elihu’s speech to a later author; t and 
for Isaiah, by at least four Catholic authorities ‘The 
Deutero-canonical fragments of Esther formed certainly no part 
of its first redaction ; the same is probable in the case of Daniel ; 
yet all these (eight) additions are sacred and canonical.” § Four 
authors, we have seen, are admitted by several Catholics for 
the Pentateuch, which would thus become for the Old Testament 
something like what Tatian’s Diatessaron (165 a.D.?) would 
have been in the New Testament, had this Harmony been pre- 
served alone, instead of the four Gospels separately.|| 

As to the New Testament, we have Catholic authorities 
admitting successive work in SS. Matthew and Luke.) For 
the passages, Mark xvi. 9-20, and John v. 4; vii. 53-viii. 11, 
omitted by all the great Uncials, we have the weighty opinions 
of Padre Vercellone: ‘‘The opinion is probable that up to the 
present the authenticity of these passages has not been defined ;” 
and of Abbé Loisy: 

We may consider it a point of faith that the evangelic fragments 
specially intended by Trent (i.c., Mark xvi. 9-20, Luke xxii. 43, 44, John 
vii. 53-viii. 11) are canonical, the work of inspired authors, but it is not 
of faith that they are respectively by SS. Mark, Luke and John.** 

(6) As to the Authenticity of the Latin Vulgate. 

“ Where,” says Dr. Kaulen, “it can be proved that a particular shorter 
or longer passage was not received from the first in the Vulgate, the 
rejection of its Scriptural Authenticity is compatible with the Tridentine 
Decree.”++ Hence, as to I. John v. 7, Fr. Cornely, 8.J., tells us that 

* Kaulen, loc. cit., pp. 261, 269. 

+ ‘* Buch Job,” 1894, pp. 12, 57; “ Le Livre de Job,” 1892, pp. 22-44. 

t DUBLIN REVIEW, April 1895, pp. 321, 322. 

§ “C. du N. T.,” p. 263. 

|| DUBLIN REVIEW, loc. cit., pp. 320, 321. 

I Ibid., Oct. 1894, pp. 333-336. 
- ** “Sulla Autenticita delle s. parti della Volgata,” 1866, p. 45; “C. du N. 
T.,” pp. 243, 244, 262, 263. 

tt ‘*Gesch. d. Vulgata,” 1868, p. 392. 


“ The whole question is only whether the Trinitarian argument from this 
verse is strictly Scriptural or Traditional,” and leaves us free to accept 
or reject the Scriptural Authenticity.* Dr. Kaulen says: “The passage 
is to be viewed as a Commentary, venerable through its wide prevalence, 
on verse 8.”} The same is the view of Professors Scholz, 1836; Bisping, 
1871; Schanz-Aberle ; Paulin Martin, 1889 ; Loisy, 1891. 

2. And critics join hands with theologians in the following 
points : 

(1) The reasonableness of a separate sacred literature, and 
the basing its claims on its coming from a previous special 
Revelation, and its leading to a subsequent special Interpreta- 

Professor Robertson Smith says : 

To say that God speaks to all men alike, without the use of a revealing 
agency, reduces religion to mysticism. There is a positive element in all 
religion, an element learnt from our predecessors. If what is so learnt is 
true, we must ultimately come back to a point in history when it was 
new truth, acquired by some particular man or men, who, not getting it 
from their predecessors, must have got it by personal revelation from 
God Himself. 

And Professor Bruce: 

“The Bible was to (the older Protestant) theologians not only the record 
of revelation, but revelation itself”; and yet just “in this respect is the 
Bible unique, that it is a literature which providentially grew up around 
a historical revelation of God in Israel.” § 

And Canon Gore concludes: “It is, we may perhaps say, 
becoming more and more difficult to believe in the Bible 
without believing in the Church.” || 

(2) The Deutero-canonical Books. 

Professor Sanday says: ‘‘I confess that the Roman defini- 
tions on this head do not seem to be irreconcileable with fact 
and history, or to be such as need divide churches.” 

(3) The high purity of text still attainable in the New 

See the nobly warm defence, chiefly with regard to St. 
Paul’s main Epistles, by so “ advanced ” a critic as Dr. Kuenen ; 

* “Tntrod. in libros N. T.,” 1886, pp. 669-681. 

+ “Einleitung,” p. 36. “QO. T. in J. C.,”’ pp. 11, 12. 

§ “ Apologetics,’’ pp. 300, 302. 1 “Tux Mundi,” ed. 1891, p, 248, 
‘! “Inspiration,” 1893, p. 275. 


the striking warnings of Dr. Jiilicher ; and the testimony of 
such fearless textual critics as Drs. Westcott and Hort, who 
say, after years of closest labour at the New Testament text: 

In the variety and fulness of the evidence on which it rests, the text 
of the New Testament stands absolutely, unapproachably alone among 
prose writings. .... We cannot too strongly express our disbelief in 
the existence of undetected interpolations of any moment.... . The 
New Testament books, as preserved in extant documents, assuredly 
speak to us, in every important respect, in language identical with that 
in which they spoke to those for whom they were first written.* 


The second doctrine, Inspiration, lands us in full transcend- 
ence. “Inspiration,” says Professor Schell, “is, by its very 
nature, a transcendental mystery, cognisable by Revelation 

alone.” t 
1. The discriminations of theologians are as follows : 

(1) Inspiration and Theism. 

“Inspiration,” writes Professor Schell, “is understandable only by 
means of a full and deep apprehension of the theistic conception of God, 
as an infinite Power enclosing, bearing, exciting all finite being and 
action, and this by being itself effective, not by renouncing its own 
effectiveness. God always acts as strengthening and awakening from 
within, whenever He vouchsafes new objects of thought and of aim from 

(2) Inspiration is omnipresent. 

“ Inspiration, then, does not formally signify a shifting in the relations 
between the divine and the human causality to the disadvantage of the 
latter, but a heightening both of the divine influence and of the human 
spontaneous activity. Materially, it extends as far as the human author- 
ship, including the will, the plan or thoughts, and the execution or 
words ; for these three activities are not only synchronous but condi- 
tional, and influence each other mutually, so that no one or no two of 
them would suffice as the sole vehicle of Inspiration. In all limiting 
schemes the spontaneous share of the sacred writer falls short of the 
origination of other writers, whilst God on His part does not fully speak 
to us.§ 

* “Ges. Abhandlungen,” pp. 330-369; “ Einleitung,”” pp. 401, 402; ‘‘The 
New Testament in Greek ;’’ Introd., pp. 278, 281, 284. 

+ “Dogmatik,” i. p. 112. t Ibid, p. 100. 

§ “ Dogmatik,” pp. 103, 104. 

oOo wi mM F *F 



“The error consists,” writes Padre Semeria, “in putting the question 
thus: ‘ Are the words inspired?’ The book is inspired: the book ie, so 
to say, a multiple production, like the construction of a house. To ask 
whether the action which terminates in the whole does not act equally 
upon the parts is absurd; we might as well ask whether the architect 
of the house has built the bricks.” * 

“The whole inspired book,” urges Abbé Loisy, “is the joint work of 
God and of man: of God as principal, of man as subordinate author.” 

(3) Inspiration and consciousness, 

“The inspiration of the will to write,” says Dr. Schell, “stands above 
and acts through the factors which usually occasion literary labours, by 
either creating or simply using the appropriate circumstances.”{ “The 
sacred writers,” says Dr. Dausch, “could be conscious or not of (the 
inspirational character of) their impulse to write. The prophets were 
often directly ordered to write down their visions; but who would 
assume for the apostles, for St. Luke, a conscious special impulse? Was 
not the general order of Christ to proclaim His Gospel sufficient ? ” § 

But in every case the writer would remain thoroughly con- 
scious of what he was writing. 

“The only proper idea of Inspiration,” writes Fr. Clarke, “is that God 
used His instruments as men, preserving their human faculties so that 
they knew and understood what they were saying and had said.’’|| 

(4) Inspiration is distinct from Revelation. 
The Council of the Vatican defines that 

The Church holds the Scriptural books as sacred and canonical not 
only because they contain Revelation without error, but because, having 
been written under the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they have God for 
their Author.§[ 

They contain Revelation; they are inspired and Word of 

“ Revelation and scriptural Inspiration,” writes Dr. Dausch, “ are essen- 
tially different; even in the case of the prophets, revelation must have 
preceded registration both in time and logic. The Apostles, again, did 
not surely require special revelations with a view to writing. And would 

* Revue Biblique, “ Chronique d’Italie,” Avril 1893. 

+ “ Etudes Bibliques,” p. 69. t Ibid. p. 105. 
§ “ Die Schriftinspiration,” 1891, p. 240. 

|| Tablet, May 5, 1894, p. 682. 

‘I Denzinger, loc. cit., No. 1636. 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.] U 


it not suffice for the Psalmist that his canticles should have issued from 
his heart habitually steeped in the Spirit of God?” * 

. (5) Inspiration and Truth. 

Inspiration everywhere effects and guarantees at least a 
relative and economic truth, such a minimum of adaptation to 
the scientific persuasions and historical standards and methods 
of the time and place, as was necessary if the Divine Message 
was to be not only true but understandable, not only Word of 
God, but Word of God through particular men to particular 

“By the relative side of the Bible,” writes Abbé Loisy, “ Revelation 
was proportioned to the requirements of the times in which it appeared. 
This was a necessity, and this necessity could not but become an imper- 
fection in the course of ages, when the progress of the sciences should 
have transformed astronomy, cosmology, the natural sciences, and even 
the secular history of humanity.” But “the perpetual magisterium of 
the Church is there, to discern for us infallibly, under the ancient form 
-which was its vehicle, the ever new truth contained in Scripture.”t 

And these ready-found relativities, the necessary starting- 
points and vehicles for the imparting of new, supernatural 
truth, were, even taken in themselves, never simply, formally 
erroneous.t This I shall now attempt to show. 

(a) “The sacred writers,” says the Encyclical, “ described and 
dealt with the things of the visible universe in more or less 
figurative language, or in terms which were commonly used at 
the time, or put down what God, speaking to men, signified, 
in the way men could understand and were accustomed to.” 
And this because “they did not intend to teach men the 

* ‘Die Schriftinspiration,” 1891, p. 240. 

+ “£t. Bibl.,"’ pp. 70, 71. 

~ The Encyclical says, indeed, ‘‘ There are those who wrongly think that, in 
a question of the truth or falsehood of a passage, we should consider not so 
much what God has said as the reason and purpose which He bad in mind in 
saying it."’ But a little earlier it tells us that “to understand how just” is a 
rule just quoted from St. Augustine with regard to apparent conflicts between 
Scripture and Science, “we must remember first that the Holy Ghost who 
spoke by the sacred writers did not intend to teach men those things (i.e., the 
essential nature of the things of the visible universe), things in no way pro- 
fitable unto salvation.” Now these two passages are contradictory, unless we 
take the italicised words as a limiting clause, and understand the first passage, 
not to forbid us “ to consider the reason and purpose which God had in mind 
in what He has said” (for this is precisely what is done, for all natural science, 
in the second passage), but only to forbid us doing so with a view to declar- 
ing any passage either non-inspired or, though inspired, false. 


essential nature of the things of the visible universe, things in 
no way profitable unto salvation.” * Now it is simply through- 
out Scripture that by universal consentt the Inspirer thinks, 
and the writer writes and thinks and understands what he writes. 
Hence it follows that even when there is no intention to teach, 
the writer must have thought something. And since, in all 
cases of science, these thoughts are but pre-existent per- 
suasions, unconscious of any alternative, never formal exclusive 
convictions, and there is no kind of intention to teach or 
systematise, the devout reader and the dogmatic theologian 
can entirely neglect these accessory thoughts, and yet attain 
the full object and formal teaching of the Bible. Still these 
persuasions are there, and subserve the same purpose as ether 
to light, atmosphere to sound, pigments to painting: they are: 
the ready-found vehicles of Revelation, the runner who brings 
home the message. The theologian studies exclusively the 
light and the sound, the painting and the message; but the 
scholar, reconstructor of the whole mental environment and 
furniture of the past, cannot ignore the humble existence or 
character of this wther and atmosphere, these pigments, this 
runner. Since “no instruction concerning secular matters 
transcending the intellectual horizon of the times of composi- 
tion can be expected’’;{ since, in quasi-scientific passages 
when we find them in fault ‘‘the writers did not err, because 
they had no formal intention of teaching as true what we 
find incorrect,” § it follows that we should be prepared for 
the traces of such persuasions in cases such as the immovable- 
ness of the earth, the shortness of the periods of Creation, the 
universality of the Flood. As to the first, Abbé Loisy tells 
us: ‘From one end of Scripture to the other the earth is 
supposed to be really immovable under the dome of the 
heavens”; as to the second, Fr. von Hummelauer, 8.J., says: 
“The Scriptural text of Genesis i., according to its literal 
sense, speaks exclusively of six ordinary days of twenty-four 
hours each”; as to the third, see the same writer's very 
friendly account of the many approved Catholics who now 

* Tablet, Jan. 6, 1894, p. 10a. 

+ E.g., Padre Brandi, ‘‘ La Questione Biblica,”’ 1894, pp. 21, 22. 
+ Schanz, “ Theol. Quart.-Schrift,” 1895, p. 182. 

§ Loisy, loc. cit., p. 92. 



teach an even ethnographically limited Deluge.* Yet, in the 
first case, Scripture is but teaching the glory and immovable- 
ness of the Eternal; in the second, the grand order and suc- 
cessiveness, the freedom and goodness of Creation; in the 
third, not an exact history, but the moral lesson of the divine 
estimate and punishment of sin. 

(>) “ The principles,” says the Encyclical, “ here laid down” 
(with respect to natural science), ‘‘ will apply to cognate sciences, 
and especially to history.” 

“* By cognate sciences,” says Fr. Clarke, “are intended sciences cognate 
with physical sciences, i.e., sciences whose conclusions are not per se 
theological, though they may be put to religious uses.” For “ Revelation 
is doctrine given by historical events, e.g., the Resurrection, and in that 
case, as in the Bible history generally, the teaching of history is the 
teaching of doctrine.”’t 

“The Encyclical,” writes Fr. Lucas, S.J., “nowhere determines 
which of the Old Testament Books are historical; but only lays it 
down, as I understand its teachings, that those books or parts of books 
which claim to be truly historical are historically true.Ӥ 

“This is of importance,” adds Dr. Schanz, “for whole books and 
the whole method of ancient, hence also sacred, historiography. When 
the sacred writers do not claim to write history or to write it as de- 
manded by modern criticism, they cannot be accused of error, if the 
representation does not completely correspond to the standard of 
severely historical science.” || 

“ The aim,” writes Abbé Loisy, “ pursued by the writers to whom we 
owe the general narratives of the beginning of Genesis, was one of 
religious and moral instruction. All the historical interpretations of the 
narrative are but so many hypotheses, to be classified according to their 
degree of probability. The (religious and) moral signification is the 
only point absolutely outside discussion, because it is the only point 
which the authors really intended to treat.” 

Cardinal Meignan agrees : 

The aim of the inspired author to whom we owe the preservation and 
redaction of the narratives of Genesis i.-xi. is, primarily, religious and 
moral instruction. One never succeeds in building more than varyingly 
probable hypotheses upon the details of the narrative; only (the religious 

* Loisy, loc. cit., p. 92; “Comm. in Genesim,’’ 1895, pp. 65; 223-256. He 
adopts the vision-theory for the cosmogony, a theory which does no violence 
to the text, but is nowhere suggested by it. The ideal interpretation, as 
advocated by P. Semeria in the Revue Biblique, 1894, avoids both drawbacks. 

+ Tablet, loc. cit., p. 106. + Lbid., April 28, 1894, p. 642. 

§ Month, June 1894, p. 154. || Loe. cit. p. 188. 

q “Et. Bibl.,” pp. 27-29. 


and) moral signification remains always outside discussion, becaues it is 
the only point which the writer had in view. * 

“In Chronicles,” declares Professor Schanz, “many differences of 
dates and facts could be adduced, which are explicable in part from the 
aim of the book, in great part only from the use of different sources.” + 

As to the aim of the Redactor : 

“The critics,” says Dom Howlett, “declare that Chronicles, Tobit, 
Esther, Judith, Jovas, are instances of Jewish Haggadah, or narratives 
intended to convey some moral lesson, not strictly historical, but 
founded upon history. That, in the abstract, such buoks might exist in 
the Bible, there is no reason to deny.” Futher Cornely, Dr. Dereser, and 
Drs. Jahn, Movers, Scholz, are referred to as holding some such views 
with regard to the first, second and fourth book respectively.f 

As to the character of his sources: 

“Many things,” says St. Jerome, “are said in Scripture according to 
the opinion of the times to which the events (gesta) are referred, and 
not according to the objective reality (rei veritas).” § 

Abbé Loisy sums up: 

All the books and the different parts of each book of the Old Test:- 
ment have not the same historical character, and all the Biblical books 
were drawn up according to processes freer than those of modern historio- 
graphy. || 

2. The admissions of the critics are as follows: 
(1) The truthfulness of Scripture : 

“No doubt,” says Dr. Kuenen, “ we find a particular pragmatic aim in 
many Biblical narratives ; but we must carefully guard against represent- 
ing it as purely arbitrary. If the writer puts facts in a particular light, 
he no doubt does so in order that others may see them in the same light, 
but still first of all becawse he himself so sees them. Asa matter of 
fact, the Biblical writers saw persons and things in the same light as 
that in which they present them to us.” 4] 

(2) The scientific value of the Biblical Cosmogony : 

“ Among all ancient theories,” says Dr. Dillmann, “the Biblical narra- 
tive approaches most nearly to the results of physical science.” ** 

“It presents us,” writes Dr. Driver, “ with a series of representative 
pictures remarkably suggestive of the (scientific) reality, if only they be 
not treated as ‘a revelation of it.’” tf 

* “TA. Testament dans s. rapports avec le N.,” 1895, p. 101. 

+ Loe. cit., p. 191. 

t DuBLIN REVIEW, July 1894, pp. 77, 93. 

§ “In Jerem.,” c. 28. || Loc, cit., p. 80. | “Ges. Abh.,” p. 38. 
** “Genesis,” ed. 1886, p. 11. tt Expositor, Jan. 1886, p 41.. 


(3) Scripture unique among all sacred books. 
Professor Max Miiller, of singular competence and en- 
thusiasm as to the latter, confesses : 


The pioneer workers in the sacred Oriental literature have raised 
expectations that cannot be fulfilled, fears also that are unfounded- 
Try and imagine what the Old Testament would have been if it had not 
been kept distinct from the Talmud, or the New Testament if it had 
been mixed up with the spurious gospels, and the records of the wrang- 
lings of the early Councils, if you would understand, to some extent, the 
wild confusion of sublime truth with vulgar stupidity that meets us in 
| the Veda, the Avesta, and the Tripitaka.” * 


} The third doctrine, Revelation, brings us at last to the real 
| raison @étre of the Bible and of the Church. 
1. Theologians distinguish as follows : 

(1) All Revelation foreshadows or reflects the Incarnation, 
| and shares in its touching condescension, economy and adapta- 
tion to our needs. Nowhere is it a monologue of the Absolute 
Mind, but everywhere a message from the Absolute Mind, 
| through a finite mind to finite minds. 

“The connection,” writes Father Clarke, “of the faith and morals 
with history, science, and soon, is so close that, however a theologian or 
theological school may begin, the end uniformly is that either the 
principle of reserve, which is that of the Encyclical, or the principle of 
mistakes, which is that of the partial inspiration theory, is applied to both 
alike.” ¢ 

“The truths of Faith and Morals, the special object of Revelation,” 
says Abbé Tisy, “appear in the Scriptures such as the Biblical writers 

were capabie ot apprehending them.” ft 

The truth, then, as revealed to us is not only quantitatively 
different from the truth as it is in God, but is also qualitatively 
adapted to our apprehension, whilst ever retaining the unique 
life-giving quality drawn from the Author of Life and Truth. 
As a Roman child was laid, new-born, at its father’s feet, and 
only if he himself lifted it up was allowed to live; asa mother’s 
milk is uniquely adapted to her child, just because, though of 

-* “Sacred Books of the East,” v. i., 1879, pp. x., xv. 
+ Contemporary Review, July 1894, p. 53. t Loc. cit., p. 94. 



her very essence, it is not identical with either the whole of her 
person or any other single part of her; so also with man: 
inconceivable creation must be followed by unutterable con- 
descension, absolute truth must bend down and be proportioned 
to his needs, if he is to rise and to approach God, and is to 
grow into the image of His likeness, 

(2) Hence, Revelation has a development, 

Vincent of Lerins wrote, in 434 A.D., of the purely sub- 
jective development of doctrine in the Christian Church : 

Is there no progress in the Church of Christ? Indced there is, a very 
great one. Let the religion of souls imitate the growth of bodies; there 
is a great difference between blooming youth and mature old age; yet 
the very same individuals become old men who were youths. * 

As to the objective development of doctrine in the Bible, 
Abbé Loisy tells us: 

The ancient ages had such lights as sufficed for their needs. The 
Christian Revelation existed in germ before expanding fully at the 
coming of Our Lord. Neither should the theologian deny the existence 
of such a progress, nor the critic its legitimacy. 

Now ‘this development of Biblical religious doctrine is 
shown in all its constituents: notion of God, the human 
destiny, the moral laws.” t a 

(a) As to the nature of God : 

“The Old Testament, e.g., Job, attributes all phenomena directly to God. 
Our distinctions of orders, physical and moral, natural and supernatural, 
are absent. There is but one only order, the divine order of the universe. 
God marshals the clouds, the wind, the rain, the snow and hail. Storms, 
above all, are a kind of theophany.” 

And as to moral temptation : 

“The accomplishment of Providential decrees, the language of the Old 
and even of the New Testament does not distinguish between the direct. 
volitions and the simple permissions of God. From the point of view of 
the will of Providence, all appears as necessary, e.g., the hardening of 
the Jewish people’s heart takes place by a sort of divine necessity without 
‘suppressing human responsibility.” t 

* *¢Common.,” cc. xxviii., xxix. 
+ Loc. cit., pp. 80, 85. 
} “Job,” p. 69; “ Evangiles Synoptiques,” 1894, p. 298. 


(b) As to the human destiny, Bishop Mignot tells us : 

The ancient Jews had no very precise conceptions as to the immor- 
tality of the soul, eternal rewards or punishments; all was somewhat 
confused in their belief as to survival.* 

Abbé Vigouroux says : 

The Psalmist, as a!l the other pre-exilic Biblical writers, is silent as to 
future rewards, or at least does not speak of them clearly.t+ 

And Abbé Loisy : 

Job does not find his moral sanction in the alternatives beyond the 
grave; like the authors of Proverbs he has no idea of them, or at least 
does not dwell on them; he finds it in his unshaken faith in the justice 
of God. Death is not annihilation for the Hebrew sages; but man’s 
continued existence is conceived only in the vaguest manner, and has a 
diminished, shadowy life, and his idea of retribution is not directly 
attached to it. They are all pre-occupied with the greatness of God and 
the nothingness of man.”{ 

(c) As to the Moral Laws : 

“Divorce was permitted by the Mosaic Law (Deut. xxiv. 1). The 
husband could dismiss the wife for ‘something shocking,’ being bound 

only to give her a written attestation of separation: she was then 

free to re-marry. Jesus condemns divorce absolutely (Mat. v. 32, 
Mark x. 8-12). The lex talionis ‘an eye for an eye’ (Ex. xxi. 24) is a 
penal law founded on a principle of rigorous justice applied to an 
elementary social stage. The judge only was charged with its execution: 
Jesus views it as a moral law, and its execution in the substitution of 
all-suffering charity for claimful justice.Ӥ 

(3) In the Imprecatory Psalms, “the Speaker,” says Dr. 
Cheyne, “can be shown, in most cases, to be” not a private 
individual thirsting for private revenge, but ‘“ the Church or a 
typical pious Israelite” calling upon the Judge of all the 
earth to reveal His justice by deciding between His friends and 
His enemies.|| Yet we cannot but say with Bishop Haneberg: 
““These Psalms seem clearly to belong to such antiquities as 

can never grow new.” ‘| 

* Vigouroux, “ Dict. de la Bible,” v. i., 1894, p. xxi. 

+ “ Livres Saints et la Critique,” vol. v. p. 56. t “Job,” pp. 85, 86. 
§ “Synoptiques,” pp. 194, 198. 

|| “Origin of Psalter,” 1891, p. 258. 

{ “Gesch, d. bibl. Offenbarung,” ed. 1876, p. 356. 


The story of Jael and Sisera, the Books of Esther and 
Judith, require and admit analogous explanations and allow- 
Canticles is increasingly held to be a rudimentary drama, 
with three chief personages (King, Shepherd, Shepherdess), a 
view accepted as possible by Bishop Haneberg ;* and hence as 
having, even in its literal sense, a high ethical object. Now 
“there exists,” says Padre Semeria, “a Catholic School, as 
orthodox as the allegorical, which admits here a literal human 
sense and a divine typical sense” or intention: “‘ faith assures 
us of the latter, it suffices that science should find nothing to 
oppose to it.”t And this condition is fulfilled, for even the 
most ‘‘advanced” critics, from Herder (1778) to Cornill (1891), 
admire, “ notwithstanding its Oriental taste, the deeply moral 
character of this unique book.”{ ‘‘ The typical interpre- 
tation,” says Dr. Driver, ‘‘ is perfectly compatible with the 
literal sense.Ӥ Fr. Gietman, S.J. (1891), has to place his 
allegorical interpretation within a narrow coinpass. 

As to Ecclesiastes, the difficulties of its apparent teaching 
have by no one been more forcibly put than by Bishop Hane- 
berg.|| They are best met, if we admit: (1) that it was 
written in times of terrible anarchy and decay, about 200 B.c., 
and that it is “ upon life not absolutely, but as he witnessed 
it, that the writing passes sentence ;” and (2) that he stands 
between the pre-exilic period when the individual found his 
end in membership with his God-loved free nation, and the 
Christian dispensation with its clear, constant doctrine of the 
fuller life beyond the grave; end that hence, as the Ceremonial 
Law according to St. Paul, so this book also helps demon- 
strate the insufficiency of that covenant which was then 
“‘ decaying and near its end” (Heb. viii. 13).7 

2. And even the most ‘‘advanced” of the serious critics 
increasingly admit the unique character or degree of the 
Bible’s perception of religious and moral truth. 

See Kuenen’s severe castigation of Renan’s presentation of 
the God of the Old Testament—c.g., “his description of the 

* Loc. cit., pp. 375, 376. + Revue Bibl., loc. cit. 

t Cornill’s ‘ Einleitung,” p. 237. § ‘‘ Introduction,” ed. 1892, p. 424. 
|| Loc. cit., pp. 370-372. 

‘I See Driver, loc. cit., p: 442 ; Nowack, “ Der Prediger,” 1883, p. 204. 


nature and character of Jehovah is exaggerated and one-sided ; 
that of the so-called Elohism is pure imagination.”* 
See Wellhausen’s incidental remarks—e.., 

** Among all ancient peoples there is a relation between the Deity and 
national affairs, the utilisation of religion as a mainspring for law and 
custom ; in no other people in such purity and strength as among the 
Jews.” “ Not through entrails or the flight of birds, but through men he 
spoke to men : that is the precise conception of Revelation—the mysterious 
relation between the divinity and the human spirit, which attains its 
fulness and becomes articulate in individual elect souls.” ‘The highest 
flight of this divine spirit (of union with God) is to be found in Psalm 
lxiii. 23-26. Here the lost life is refound in a higher life, without the 
expression of any expectation of a beyond; against death and devil the 
interior certainty of communion with God gets thrown into the scales. 
That is, of course, a degree of religion too high to appeal to the many.” 
“ Even the post-exilic Jews refused to part with the large-heartedness 
and rationality which is at the core of moral Theism; even the Priestly 
Code puts forward the pre-Mosaic Patriarch Abraham as the finest pattern 
of devotion, and hence is well aware of a piety independent of the Cere- 
monial Law.” “It is a marvel how for the Jews their God remained the 
most living personality. They were penetrated by and convinced of 
their religion in quite a different way than ever were the Greeks of their 
philosophy.” + 

See, finally, Mr. Montifiore, who delights in Professor Sanday’s 
*“* Inspiration ” as a reminder to the Old Testament critics ‘ of 
the limits of their tether and their province, and (if they need 
it) of the wonderful and unique character of the writings 
which they dissect ;” and who says: 

So far as I have read the religious literature of other races, the words 
of the writers of the Bible seem to me to exceed the words of other great 
(and as I believe inspired) teachers in “fulness, power, and purity.” 
‘Even Plato does not bring out the loving-kindness of God. I agree with 
Dr. Sanday when he says: ‘On the greatest points of all, those which 
relate to the divine character and attributes, the Bible is not only supreme 
but unique. The believer in the Bible has no need to exaggerate, he has 
but to state the facts as they really are.’ 


And now these poor sketches are ended, with their perhaps, 

alas, bewildering analysis of the mere phenomena of those 

* Loe, cit., pp. 431-440. 
+ “Isr. u. Jiid. Geschichte,” 1894, pp. 71, 69, 178, 180, 182. 
+ Jewish Quarterly, 1894, pp. 587, 588, 594. 


sacred writings which lie for ever in the lap of our great 
mother, the Catholic Church. Such studies cannot reach, do 
not claim to attain the spiritual truth of Scripture, reserved for 
humble purity of heart, and the true teacher of us all. They 
can but help precisionise the successive whens and wheres, the 
secondary whys and hows of the apparition, throughout fourteen 
centuries and more, of God’s condescensions to us creatures here 
in time and space, and to remove obstacles out of the way of 
upward-moving souls. For hopeful symptoms are abroad of 
a return and an advance to Theism, to Christianity, to the 
Church’s fully transcendent life, Let men but give the Church 
a fair trial by action, and they will find in her the “ justi- 
fication, against a vain and temerarious science, of the noble 
folly of living, and, if need be, dying, to save one’s soul.”* 
But previous, carefully courageous discrimination will, on our 
part, be wanted, in view of such a cry as ‘‘ the Bankruptcy 
of Science”—a cry so true and hopeful with respect to the 
claims of its over-eager votaries to have reached the reality of 
anything, or to have supplied life with one single sufficient 
motive for action; so dangerously excessive a reaction, if 
applied to the undoubted achievements of the sciences, each 
within its own domain, which are renewing the face of the 
earth and the phenomena of history. 

And the conception of Scripture which, if thus occasioned, 
is really caused by the Church’s own secular positions, fits in 
well with all we have each of us experienced of God’s dealings 
within us and without. I look within me, and I see how God 
has ever used the old surface-knowledge which He found 
there, as a starting-point, frame and vehicie for my apprehen- 
sion of the new deeper light and love that He was giving me; 
and this in proportion as He had made me fit to “ bear” some of 
the “‘ many things” which He had “to tell” me. I look up at 
Him, throning on our altars, and I see a condescension too great 
for any one but Him alone. I look around me, a mere unit 
among my fellows, that “ greater part which must be content to 
be as though they had not been, to be found in the register of 
God, not in the record of man,” and I realise that it was 
from the midst of such a crowd that an obscure woman was 

* Blondel’s “Action,” 1893, p. 490. 


moved to bless *‘ the womb that bore Him and the breasts that 
gave Him suck;” that it was to this one among the world- 
forgotten many that He revealed the ‘Still more blessed are 
they that hear the word of God and keep it,” as His hidden 
mother had done so perfectly thoughout the silent years. And 
so I am ready for the Church’s Bible, and its having taken men 
successively as it found them, inerrantly using their existent 
sublunar persuasions as the vehicles of supernatural truth ; for its 
divinely deep condescension ; and for its being the ever-growing 
manifestation of an inexhaustible Person, as test and food and 
reward of poverty of spirit and purity of heart. Only 
through what I may keep and gain in common with the truly 
humblest of my fellows, can my soul’s ear be won tothe divine 
harmonies of the Spirit in Scripture, and of that “ God-gifted 
organ-voice ” of all men, the testimony, teaching and authority 
of the Catholic Church. 


1. Geschichte der Péipste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Mit 
Benutzung des pédipstlichen Geheim-Archives und vieler 
anderer Archive bearbeitet von Dr. Lupwic Pastor. 
Zweiter Band: (Geschichte der Piipste im Zeitalter der 
Renaissance von der Thronbesteigung Pius’ IT. bis zum 
Tode Sixtus IV. Zweite Auflage. Freiburg: Herder. 

2. The History of the Popes, from the Close of the Middle Ages. 
Drawn from the Secret Archives of the Vatican and other 
Original Sources. From the German of Dr. Lupwic 
Pastor, Professor of History in the University of 
of the Oratory. Vols. III. and IV. London: Kegan 
Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co. 1894. 

HE sale of the first two volumes of the English transla- 
tion of Pastor's History of the Popes has been so 
successful that Father Antrobus has been encouraged to bring 
out two other volumes, thus completing all that portion already 
written by Dr. Pastor. Though a certain degree of 
uniformity has been preserved, the reader will note with satis- 
faction that the new instalment presents a far better appear- 
ance than its predecessor. Moreover, he will find that the 
blemishes which detracted from the perfection of the earlier 
volumes have been, as a rule, carefully guarded against in 
those which now lie before us. He will, however, regret that 
Dr. Pastor’s divisions and numbering have not been retained ; 
and though the Table of Contents in the English version is an 
excellent one, it is rather an original composition than a trans- 
lation. But let us say, once for all, that Father Antrobus and 
his colleagues have done their work admirably. 

Of Dr. Pastor’s characteristics as a historian something was 
said in a former number of this Review [July 1892}. The 
present volumes tend to confirm the estimate there given. 
They display the same indefatigable search after truth, the 


same plain-speaking about the defects of those in high places. 
So, too, they contain few brilliant pictures, little insight into 
character, and hardly any wide surveys of the course of events. 
The present writer is aware that he is expressing an opinion 
which will be controverted in some quarters. A history, we 
| are often told, should not be a romance or a philosophical 
| treatise. It has to deal with truth—the whole truth and 
| nothing but the truth—and it should leave to the novelist all 
| straining after ‘‘ effect” and to the scientist all attempts to 



discover “laws.” This view, though commonly accepted in 
Germany and to a less extent in England, is surely not the 
true one. History, like any other branch of study, should 
| serve “for delight, for ornament, and for ability.” A bare 
ii presentation of facts will attain none of these purposes. Never- 
| theless, no writer can henceforth deal with the period embraced 
by Dr. Pastor without consulting these volumes; and the more 
it they are studied the higher will be the estimate formed of the 
i| industry, the learning, and the honesty of their author. 
| At the death of Calixtus III. (1458) the Papal Restoration 
seemed to be complete. The anti-Popes had died in obscurity ; 
disputed elections were heard of no more; Germany and 
q Spain, England and France, all agreed in acknowledging one 
Pontiff as Head of the Church. The conciliar party had been 
1 defeated, and all opposition from the East was at an end since 
the downfall of Constantinople. The revival of learning, . 
which at first had threatened to be a revival of paganism, had 
| been christianized by having a Pope as its most munificent 
| patron. The Turks, though they had gained possession of the 
capital of the East, had found in the sturdy Hungarians and 
| Albanians far tougher foes than the effete and degenerate 
Greeks. Still, much remained to be accomplished, and signs 
were not wanting of yet greater difficulties in the not distant 
| future. The conciliar party had been defeated, but only for 
the moment. They still clamoured loudly for reform in head 
aud members. Serious dangers, too, were to be apprehended 
from the Cardinals, who were more than ever bent on curtailing 
the papal prerogativesandturning the government of the Church 
into an oligarchy consisting of themselves. Civil war in 
England and the struggle with the Moors in Spain deprived 
both of these powers of any external influence; but France 


was hankering after a renewal of the Avignon vassalage, while 
Germany threatened heresy in addition toschism. Italy, hope- 
lessly at variance with itself, proved a greater triel to the 
Popes than the countries beyond the Alps. The alliance be- 
tween the Papacy and the Renaissance had been the means of 
introducing dangerous and unworthy elements into the Church. 
The Turks, though they had been checked at Belgrade, were 
now consolidating their conquests and making ready for fresh 
advances, Such was the position of the Papacy at the 
opening of the period which we are now about to study. We 
must bear in mind throughout that our subject is the history, 
not of the Church, but of the Popes. Though the interests of 
the head and the members may be the same, their activities 
necessarily differ. Hence we are to confine our attention to 
those transactions in which the Popes directly played a part. 
And we shall note, too, what has already attracted our atten- 
tion, that each pontificate has a character of its own. There 
is, of course, a certain continuity, a certain sameness, between a 
Pope and his predecessors and his successors ; but there are also, 
at times, marked differences. To go no further than the 
former voiumes, no one can have failed to be struck with 
the change from the stern, ascetic Eugenius to the scholarly and 
artistic Nicholas, and from him again to the fiery old warrior, 

The. conclave which ensued at the death of Calixtus III. 
was short. Capranica, who beyond doubt was the fittest for 
the tiara, was unfortunately carried off by fever just before the 
assembling of the cardinals. The French party endeavoured 
to secure the election of D’Estouteville, but in spite of their 
efforts the requisite majority of votes were speedily given to 
Piccolomini, who took the title of Pius II. (August 19, 1458). 

{Mneas Sylvius Piccolomini, a scion of a noble but im- 
poverished family, was born at Corsignano, near Siena, in the 
year 1405. He was bred to the law, but soon forsook his 
professional studies to devote himself with ardour to the 
classics. In his twenty-seventh year his ability attracted the 
attention of Cardinal Capranica, who carried him away to the 
Council of Basle. There the young Humanist became a 
violent opponent of the Papal party; and when his patron 
became reconciled with Eugenius IV. he transferred his ser- 


vices to Cardinal Albergati. He was then (1438) sent on a 
secret mission to Scotland and England, where he encountered 
many romantic and dangerous adventures.* On his return to 
Basle he divided his time between opposition to the Pope and 
the society of a circle of friends, like himself, of studious habits 
and lax morals. It must be borne in mind that at this time 
he was not an ecclesiastic, and that he frankly admitted his 
unfitness for so high a calling.t His letters and his writings, 
notably a short story in Boccacio’s style, betray the most 
shameless immorality. But as he drew near to middle life a 
great change came over his opinions and his character. The 
party to which he belonged was daily losing ground. His 
patron, the anti-Pope, Felix V., had not the smallest chance 
of supplanting the legitimate Pontiff. Taking advantage of 
Frederick III.’s visit to Basle, Aineas Sylvius joined his 
service and went with him to Austria (1442). Three years 
later he was actually sent to Rome to make arrangements with 
Eugenius for the holding of a council. The meeting between 
the Pope and his antagonist promised to be a stormy one, but 
the envoy won over Eugenius by a speech of consummate 
skill.t A year later he became a priest (1446), and hence- 
forth was a staunch supporter of the Papal cause. So complete 
a conversion has naturally called forth the most diverse judg- 
ments on the part of historians. Some have seen in it nothing 
but the worldly wisdom of a partisan quitting the losing side 
and throwing in his lot with the victors. But the fact that 
Aineas Sylvius not only changed sides but also began to lead 
a decorous and even devout life, shows that the step which he 
took was not influenced merely by unworthy motives. At any 
rate he soon gave proof of his devotion to the Holy See. The 
opposition of the German princes had long been a source of 
anxiety to Eugenius [V. ®neas Sylvius returned to Germany 
and succeeded first in breaking up the League of the Electors, 
and then in inducing them to send a conciliatory embassy with 
him to Rome. Under Nicholas V. he was frequently employed 

* A most interesting account of these is given in his “Commentaries,” the 
substance of which may be seen in Dr. Creighton’s “‘ History of the Papacy,” 
vol. ii. book iv. 

+ ‘‘Timeo enim continentiam ” he wrote to one of his friends, 

t Pastor, vol. i. p. 345, 


in diplomatic missions, but his services met with no great reward. 
His cardinal’s hat was bestowed upon him, not by that 
enlightened patron of the Renaissance, but, strangely enough, 
by the warrior-Pontiff, Calixtus IIT. 

Truly, Pius II. was the very personification of the Renais- 
sance. Pagan, anti-Papal, immoral as he had been, he became, 
without relinquishing his love of letters, one of the most 
honoured occupants of the Holy See. The Humanists hailed 
his accessior with delight, for they expected the return of the 
golden age cf Nicholas V.; but the new Pontiff was too much of 
an author himself to play the part of a mere Maecenas. He 
continued to labour at his magnificent work, ‘‘ A Geographical 
and Ethnographical Description of the whole of the known 
World, with historical illustrations,” in which he displays great 
elevation of thought, acute observation, and a knowledge of the 
influence of geography on history, far in advance of his age. 
In his preface he apologises for the fact that a Pope should 
have any time to devote to literature. 

Our time has not been taken from our duties, but we have robbed our 
old age of its rest that we might hand down to posterity all that we know 
to be memorable. We have given to writing the hours due to sleep. 
Some will say that we might have spent cur vigils better. We know 
that many of our predecessors made better use of their leisure; but ours 
is not unfruitfully employed, for knowledge begets prudence, and prudence 
is the guide of life.* 

But the work by which he is best known is his Memoirs. 
All through his eventful life it was his wont to make notes of 
all that befell him, all that he had seen, and all that he 
learned from others. The first book, which contains the story 
of his life before his Pontificate, is the only portion which is 
more than a rough draft; the remainder is composed of frag- 
ments arbitrarily pieced together. Though it naturally repre- 
sents its author in the best light in the various transactions of 
his career it is nevertheless recognised as a high authority for 
the history of his times. 

In his “ Commentaries” (says Dr. Creighton, vol. ii. p. 489) we have 

the best literary work of Aineas. The study of history was to him the 
source of instruction in life, the basis for the formation of his character. 

* See Creighton, vol. ii. p. 488. 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.) x 


He looked upon events with reference to their results in the future, and 
his actions were regulated by a strong sense of historical proportion. 
Similarly, the present was to him always the product of the past, and he 
shaped his motives by reference to historical antecedents. It was pro- 
bably this historical point of view which made him engage in so many 
schemes, because he felt that, when once affairs weré in movement, the 
skilful statesman might be able to reap some permanent advantage. He 
was not willing to let slip any opportunity which might afford an opening 
for his political dexterity. Had he been less of a student, had his mind 
been less fertile, he might have concentrated his energies more success- 
fully on one supreme object. 

His enemies lost no opportunity of dragging his early 
licentious writings into light. Pius sadly recognised that he 
could neither disavow nor suppress them. Semel emissum 
volat <irrevocabile verbum. He could only, like another 
Augustine, retract what he had written. ‘Follow what we 
now say, he writes, “ believe the old man rather than the 
youth ; esteem not the layman higher than the Pope; cast 
away Adneas, hold fast to Pius; the gentile name was given 
us by our parents at our birth, the Christian name we took 
on our Pontificate.” This is surely a sufficient answer to al} 
the cavils which still are repeated against him by the enemies 
of the Church. Had he continued his former irregularities, 
had he gloried in his shameful writings, he would have 
deserved our severest reprobation. But to charge the peni- 
tent Pius with the misdeeds of the profligate Aineas is most 
unjust and unreasonable. 

The great aim of Pius’ pontificate was to deliver the East 
from the Turks. No sooner was he crowned than he invited 
all Christian kings and princes to meet him in congress at 
Mantua. He himself set out from Rome in January 1459. 
And here it may be remarked that few Popes have been such 
great travellers as Pius. His geographical writings were no 
mere compilations, but were in many parts the result of his 
own observations. He had a keen eye for beautiful or striking 
scenery, and hence his works abound in admirable descriptions.* 
When he reached his destination he found that none of those 
who had been invited had yet appeared. In truth, the Christian 

* An account of Pius’ progress through the various Italian cities may be 
seen in Pastor, vol. iii. p. 47 seq. 


sovereigns were much more bent on their own aggrandisement 
than on beating off the advance of the Turk. The Emperor 
Frederick, on whom the brunt of the defence should have 
fallen, had taken advantage of the misfortunes of Matthias 
Corvinus to get himself declared King of Hungary. The 
other German princes also held aloof. Charles VII. of France 
was incensed with Pius for recognising Ferrante as King of 
Naples in opposition to the Angevin claimant. It was not 
until September that the arrival of some of the Italian princes 
and embassies from Corvinus and the Duke of Burgundy 
enabled the Pope to open the Congress. Pius himself de- 
livered a lengthy and eloquent address, in which he described 
in touching terms the miseries of the conquered countries and 
bewailed the indifference of the western nations to their fate.* 
Later on, the representatives of France and Germany arrived, 

but they showed little enthusiasm for the crusade. All 
agreed that war should be undertaken against the Turks, but. 
there was the greatest diversity of opinion as to the means of” 
prosecuting the war. The Venetians especially distinguished 
themselves by the urgency of their demands both for leadership 
and for money. Pius lamented his own inability to take 
personal part in the campaign. ‘‘Oh, had we but the youthful 

vigour of our former daysf you should not have gone without 

us into battle or into danger. We ourselves would bear the: 
Cross of Our Lord; we would uphold the banner of Christ 
against the Infidel, and would think ourselves happy if it 
were given to us to die for the Faith.” A decree was passed 

ordering all ecclesiastics to contribute a tithe of their revenues, 

all the laity a thirtieth, and the Jews a twentieth. Meanwhile 
the terrible Mahomet II. was steadily annexing the yet un- 
conquered portions of the Balkan peninsula. In the north 

Servia was seized, while in the south he overran the Morea. 

Then in the far east, Sinope and Trebizond, the relics of the 

old Eastern Empire, fell into his hands. A powerful fleet 

sailed over the Augean Sea and took possession of nearly the 

whole of the Archipelago. Finally, the Sultan led a mighty 

host of 150,000 men into Bosnia. Bobovatz, the bulwark of, 

* Pastor, vol. iii. p. 79 seq. 
+ “Osi que fuerant, juvenili in corpore vires,” Zn., v. 475. 


the country, was at once treacherously surrendered to him, and 
Corvinus himself was starved into submission. Never was the 
Christian cause in a worse plight, and this after all the efforts 
of Calixtus and Pius! Those of the fallen princes who could 
make their escape flocked to Rome to implore the assistance of 
the Pontiff. Thomas Palzologus, despot of the Morea; Char- 
lotte of Lusignan, Queen of Cyprus; Catherine, the mother of 
Corvinus, all found there a home and a generous protector. 
But the troubles of the Pope were as great as the troubles 
of the exiles whom he befriended. His espousal of the cause 
of Ferrante stirred up dissension in Rome. Lawless bands of 
youths paraded the city and established a veritable reign of 
terror. The turbulent Roman barons took sides with René of 
Anjou, and entered into alliance with Piccinino and Malatesta, 
the Pope’s most inveterate foes. His return to Rome (October 
6, 1460) restored order within the city for the time.* 
But Malatesta, the powerful despot of Rimini, poet, philo- 
sopher, and patron of the arts, profligate, and warrior, 
continued till 1462 to disturb the northern provinces of the 
Papal dominions. More serious still was the hostility of 
France and Germany, the two great western powers of the 
continent, The Pragmatic sanction of Bourges, enacted as far 
back as 1438, had deprived the Holy See of all nominations to 
French benefices, and had forbidden the payment of any Papal 
taxes on their revenues; moreover, it had affirmed the supe- 
riority of Councils over the Pope. Eugenius IV., Nicholas V., 
and Calixtus III. had striven in vain to procure the repeal 
of this law. Undaunted by these repeated failures, Pius II. 
did not despair of success.t His espousal of Ferrante’s cause 

* His address to the envoys who met him at Viterbo, whether actually 
delivered or not, is worth quoting :—“‘ What city is freer than Rome? You 
pay no taxes, you bear no burdens, you occupy the most honourable posts. 
You sell your wine and corn at the price you choose, and your houses bring 
you inrich rents. And, moreover, whois yourruler? Is he a count, a mar- 
quess, a duke, a king, or an emperor? No! one greater than all these—the 
Roman Pontiff, the successor of St. Peter, the Vicar of Christ. He it is who 
brings you glory and prosperity, and attracts the wealth of the whole world 
to your gates.”—Pii II., “‘ Comment.,’’ 113, 114. 

+ “The French prelates,” he writes in his ‘‘ Memoirs,’’ p. 160, “ supposed 
that they would have greater liberty ; but, on the contrary, they have been 
brought into grievous bondage, and made the slaves of the laity. They are 
forced to give an account of their affairs to Parliament ; to confer benefices 
according to the good pleasure of the king and the more powerful nobles ; to 
promote minors, unlearned, deformed, and iliegitimate persons to the priestly 


against René, however, little disposed the French King, 
Charles VII., to come to any favourable terms. Louis XI1., 
who succeeded in 1461, began his reign by reversing all his 
father’s policy, and hence was not indisposed to treat. As 
might be expected from the character of that Macchiavelian 
prince and his unprincipled envoy, Jouffroy, the negotiations 
were based on the principle of do wt des. If the Pope would 
support René and assist in the subjugation of the Genoese, 
Louis would not only withdraw the Pragmatic sanction, but 
would also send an army of 70,000 against the Turks. We 
cannot here follow the tangled mazes of the diplomacy of both 
sides in this discussion.* Pius at one stage of the proceedings 
seemed disposed to yield. The objectionable statute was 
repealed, at first conditionally and afterwards unconditionally 
(1462). Jouffroy received the cardinal’s hat, though his 
nomination was opposed by many members of the Sacred 
College on account of his evil life. But as soon as Louis 
found that the Pope was not to be won over, even by the 
promise of aid for his darling crusade, all the obnoxious 
provisions of the Pragmatic sanction were renewed, and the 
hostility of the French Court became more marked than ever. 
Meantime, Bessarion’s mission to Germany had proved 
an utter failure. His principal antagonist had been Diether, 
who had caused himself to be chosen Archbishop of Mayence, 
and had refused to pay the fees exacted by the Papal 
chancery. When excommunicated for his contumacy he 
had appealed to a General Council, and had stirred up the 
Count Palatine Frederick, the Elector Frederick of Branden- 
burg, his brothers Albert and John, together with the Bishop 
of Wiirzburg, to join in his appeal. At the Diet of Mayence 

office ; to remit the punishment of those whom they have justly condemned ; 
to absolve the excommunicated without satisfaction. Any one conveying into 
France a Bull contrary to the Pragmatic sanction is made liable to the penalty 
of death. Parliament has meddled with the affairs of the bishops, with 
metropolitan churches, with marriage and matters of faith. The audacity of 
the laity has gone so far that even the most Holy Sacrament has been stopped 
by order of the king when borne in procession for the veneration of the people 
or for the consolation of the sick. Bishops and other prelates and venerable 
priests have been cast into common prisons. Church property and the goods 
of the clergy have been confiscated on trifling pretexts by a secular judge, and 
handed over to lay people.” Is this a description of the Church in France in 
the middle of the fifteenth century, or at the end of the nineteenth ? 
* Pastor, vol. iii. p. 136 seq. 


he declared a Council to be the only remedy against the 
encroachments of Rome; he characterised the tithes and 
indulgences as frauds, and the Turkish war as merely a 
pretext to support them. This violent Janguage on his part, 
and the conciliatory action of the Papal Nuncio, induced many 
of his supporters to fall away from him. A Bull was issued 
against him by Pius (January 8th, 1462), requiring him to 
give up all lands belonging to his bishopric; and, later on, 
Adolph of Nassau was nominated bishop in his stead. The 
whole story of Diether’s conflict with the Holy See,* and the 
support which he received, is one more proof, if proof were 
needed, of the sure and certain preparation for the disastrous 
events of the next century. Much more was this the 
case in the dissensions between Bohemia and the Holy See— 
dissensions which were heretical rather than schismatical, and 
were all the more dangerous because the people as well 
as their princes were alienated from the teaching of the 
Church, Pius had himself been auncio in Bohemia (1451), 
and so was in a position to understand thoroughly the cele- 
brated compact entered into between the Bohemians and the 
Council of Basle (1433), whereby the use of the chalice had 
been granted to the laity. He knew well that the conditions 
insisted on by the Council f had been utterly disregarded, and 
that the compact had been used as a confirmation of heresy. 
Thus the Bohemians themselves had been the first to break 
the compact. Under these circumstances they cculd not 
complain when, after their envoys had been heard in Rome, 
the compact was annulled by the Holy See.t 

One of the first acts of Pius II.’s pontificate had been the 
appointment of a Commission to take measures for the reform 
of the Roman Court. ‘Two things are particularly near to 
my heart,” he said to the members of this Commission, “ the 
war with the Turks and the reform of the Roman Court.” 
Two projects were brought forward: the one by Cardinal 

* Pastor, vol. iii. p. 165 seq. 

+ When the Blessed Sacrament was administered under both kinds, the 
laity were to be reminded that Christ was present, wholly and entirely, under 
each species. The Bohemians were also to conform to the Church in other 
matters of dogma and discipline. 

t Dr. Pastor devotes a whole chapter to the negotiations between George 
Podiebrad, King of Bohemia, and Pius II. (vol. iii. p. 213 seq.). 


Nicholas of Cusa, the other by Domenico de’ Domenichi. 
Cusa’s plan embraced the reform of the whole Church. It 
recommended the abolition of pluralities ; the inquiry into the 
condition of hospitals and the fabric of churches; the strict 
enclosure of nuns; the suppression of fraudulent dealers in 
indulgences ; the examination of the genuineness of relics and 
miracles. As for the Court of Rome, the Cardinal insisted 
that the Pope himself should be rebuked whenever he gave 
any cause of scandal; the Court was not to be an asylum for 
idle and roaming prelates, beneficiaries, and religious, or to 
furnish them with opportunities for suing for higher dignities 
and richer benefices; all its members must conform to the 
rules of the Church, in conduct, morals, dress, tonsure, and 
observance of the canonical hours. Domenichi was of opinion 
that the reformation should begin with the Pope and the 
Cardinals, then be extended to the Bishops, and ultimately to 
the other members of the Church.* Had either of these 
schemes been carried out, there can be no doubt that the 
scandalous dissensions which darkened the history of the Church 
during the next hundred years would have been avoided. 
Who was to blame that so little was done? In justice to 
Pius II., it should be remembered that his anxiety to band all 
Christendom tegether against the Turk—a most praiseworthy 
object surely—prevented him from giving attention to matters 
which, though of great importance, were not of such pressing 
urgency. Then again, the troubles in Italy, in France, and in 
Germany were not favourable for a project which at first would 
have caused still further opposition to the Holy See. Those 
who clamoured most loudly for reform were the very persons 
whose own conduct stood most in need of it, and who would 
have been the first to resist any attempt to enforce it. The 
Pope’s life was admitted to be beyond reproach. His promo- 
tion of his nephews and his beloved Sienese is not altogether 
defensible ; but he had some excuse, seeing that he had deter- 
mined foes and few friends in the Apostolic College. The 
licentious Rodrigo Borgia and other worldly cardinals and 
courtiers were often sharply rebuked by him. He took some 
steps to put a stop to the extortionate demands of the Roman 

* His recommendations will be found in Pastor, vol. iii. p. 273 seq. 


penitentiaries ; he favoured the stricter Benedictine congrega- 
tions, and also the Franciscan Observantines; he forbad the 
baptism of Jews under twelve years of age, against the will of 
their relations, and also the practice of compelling the Jews to 
work on Saturdays. By the canonisation of St. Catherine of 
Siena he was enabled to pay a deep debt of gratitude which 
the Holy See had incurred towards that glory of her sex, and 
at the same time to gratify his patriotic feelings: “To a 
Sienese,” as he said, ‘‘ has been granted the happy privilege of 
proclaiming the sanctity of a daughter of Siena.” And, as all 
travellers know, that ancient city and the neighbouring Pienza 
are still full of memories of Pius II. and the Piccolomini. 
The mighty projects of Nicholas V. for the adornment of 
Rome had no attraction for him, nevertheless the roof of 
St. Peter’s, the Lateran, Sta. Maria Maggiore, S. Stefano, Sta. 
Maria Rotunde (Pantheon), the Capitol, many of the bridges, 
and also the city walls were repaired by him. His well-known 
epigram expresses his veneration for the Eternal City and his 
indignation against those who would degrade it into a quarry : 

Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas : 
Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet, 

Sed tuus hic populus muris defossa vetustis 
Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit. 

Impia tercentum si sic gens egerit annos 
Nullum bine indicium nobilitatis erit.* 

The triumphant advance of the Turks roused the Pontiff to 
make a final effort to stir up a fresh crusade. The Neapolitan 
question was at rest for the time; Malatesta had been over- 
thrown; and at last the Venetians had been roused by the 
insults and injuries which they suffered at the hands of the 
infidels. A fresh Congress was held at Rome (September 
1463), which promised to be more successful than the abortive 
assembly of Mantua. The Pope’s address and his subsequent 
Bull of Crusade cannot be read, even at this distance of time, 
without causing in us a glow of enthusiasm for the Holy War. 
He announced his intention, though against the advice of his 
physicians, of himself setting out with the expedition. 

* The original is not given by Dr. Pastor. The English translators can 
hardly be complimented on their version of it. 


Our cry, Go forth! has resounded in vain. Perhaps, if the word is, 
Come with me! it will have more effect ..... It may be that seeing 
their Teacher and Father, the Bishop of Rome, the Vicar of Christ, a 
weak and sickly old man, going to the war, the Christian Princes will be 
ashamed to stay athome ..... We are well aware that at our age we 
are going to an almost certain death. But let us leave all to God, His 
holy will be done! We are too weak, indeed, to fight sword in hand, and 
this is not the priest’s office. We will do as Moses did, who prayed upon 
a height while the people of Israel were doing battle with the Amalekites 

This noble resolve did not produce the expected result. The 
envoys put all sorts of obstacles in the way of any concerted action. 
Some success was gained by the Hungarians under Matthias 
Corvinus, but the Venetians met with nothing but reverses in 
the Peloponnesus ; and the Duke of Burgundy, who had been 
one of the few princes to enter warmly into the Pope’s plans, 
now failed to appear. Great opposition was raised, even in 
the Papal States, to the levying of contributions for the 
Crusade. The Cardinals, too, were openly opposed to the 
war. But all these difficulties, and all the bodily ailments 
from which he suffered, could not deter Pius from carrying 
out his heroic resolve. As he left the city (June 18th, 1464) 
he exclaimed with emotion: “ Farewell, Rome! never will you 
see me again alive.” At Ancona, the port of assembly, he 
found that hardly anything was ready ; the Crusaders who had 
already arrived being without leaders, arms, or money. Then 
the excessive heat brought on a pestilence. At last, on 
August 12th, the approach of the Venetian fleet was announced. 
But it was now too late, for the broken-hearted Pontiff was 
sinking fast. He had himself carried to the window of his 
bed-chamber, and, as he gazed on the ships coming in, “ Alas!” 
he said, ‘‘ hitherto the fleet has been wanting to me; and now 
I must be wanting to the fleet.” Next morning he received 
the Holy Viaticum, and the day following he delivered a fare- 
well address to the Cardinals. He then begged his friend, 
Ammanati, +o bring him once more the Blessed Sacrament on 
the Feast of Our Lady’s Assumption ; but that same night, the 
eve of the feast, he peacefully passed away (August 14th, 

With all his faults, and they were great and many, there 
is an undoubted charm about the story of Aineas Sylvius 


Piccolomini. His autobiography and his letters, written in 
choice Latin, have laid bare for us with singular frankness the 
very recesses of his soul. It is from himself that we learn of 
his pagan scepticism, his shameless profligacy, his unbounded 
ambition, as well as of his repentance and his altered life. 
One vice, at any rate, cannot be laid to his charge—he was no 
hypocrite; and this, perhaps, more than anything else, makes 
us less severe in our judgment of him. And what a lesson is 
his career as Pope! Taken away from his beloved literary 
labours, a burden cast upon him which he was unfitted to bear, 
spending and being spent in the vain attempt to unite 
Christendom against the Turk, dying prematurely with the 
thought that he had failed in the one object for which he had 
sacrificed all else.— Vanitas vanitatum et omnia vanitas, 

The next pontificate need not detain us long. Cardinal 
Barbo, a Venetian, a nephew of Eugenius IV., who had been 
nearly elected at the last Conclave, was now chosen Pope, and 
took the title of Paul II. (August 30th, 1464). The new 
Pontiff was a tall, well-made, handsome man; his bearing was 
dignified yet effable; in character he was generous and 
amiable, His love of splendour has been praised and blamed 
by different writers. His own defence of it was that the Pope 
ought to appear in a style befitting the highest dignity on 
earth, though his private life was exceedingly simple. He 
socn gave proof of his determination by setting aside the 
Election Capitulation, which would have reduced him, he said, 
to the position of a mere Doge. By his dismissal of certain 
Humanists from the Roman Chancery he incurred the fiercest 
hostility of the partisans of the Renaissance. Platina, who 
distinguished himself by his insolent conduct, and who was in 
return treated with much severity, afterwards revenged him- 
self by writing a bitter ard prejudiced life of Paul. A society 
of heathen-minded Humanists, under the presidency of the 
celebrated Pomponius Laetus, went so far as to enter into a 
conspiracy against the life of the Pope. As we are largely 
indebted to these scholars for our knowledge of the history of 
his pontificate, we are not surprised to find that he is usually 
depicted in a very unfavourable light. Still, the fact that 
they have been unabie to accuse him of any serious faults 
has eventually told in his favour. Modern historians have 


been enabled, by investigation of various archives, to give us a 
true portrait of the Pontiff. He was no opponent of the 
Renaissance in itself, nor, on the other hand, was he a Humanist 
of the style of Nicholas V.; he was simply a practical man of 
business who had little sympathy for mere scholarship. His 
collection of gems and antiquities, however, was one of the 
finest in the world; and his love of the architecture of the 
Renaissance has a lasting monument in the magnificent 
Palazzo di Venezia. As regards the work of reform, he 
began, like so many other Pontiffs, with the best intentions, 
but soon became discouraged by the difficulty of the task. His 
appointments to the Sacred College were, on the whole, 
excellent, though they included three of his nephews.* The 
troubles with the various Italian States, with France, and with 
Germany, which had disturbed the preceding pontificate, con- 
tinued throughout Paul’s reign. The pilgrimage of the Emperor 
Frederick III. to Rome, and his marked deference to the 
Pope, did much, however, to raise once more the fallen prestige 
of the Holy Seet Skanderbeg, the heroic king of Albania, 
also visited Rome (1466), and was generously entertained by 
Paul, who also gave him large sums of money to help him in 
his wars against the Turks. Though he continued as long as 
he lived to inflict defeats on the infidels, their progress in 
other quarters was unchecked. Mahomet II. had turned his 
attention to obtaining the command of the sea. The magnifi- 
cent island of Eubcea (Negropont) fell into his hands in 1470, 
and now the whole coasts of the Adriatic seemed at his mercy. 
Once more a Congress assembled in Rome. The immediate 
nature of the danger induced the rival Italian States to con- 
clude a general defensive alliance. At the same time efforts 
were made by the Pope to stir up the Sultan’s enemies in the 
far east, but in the midst of the negotiations Paul II. was 
stricken down by apoplexy (July 26th, 1471). 

Sixtus IV., who succeeded, was a man who might have 
been expected to render great service to the Church in the 

* Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, received the hat in 1467. 
To please Louis XI., Jean de la Balue, bishop of Evreux, was nominated at 
the same time. “I know the faults of this priest,” the Pope is reported to 
have said, ‘‘ but I was constrained to cover them with this hat.” 

t Pastor, vol. iv. p. 160 seq. 


hour of her need. A member of the Order of St. Francis, 
distinguished as a professor of philosophy and theology, and 
an eloquent preacher, he had been elected General of his 
Order in 1464 and had received the cardinal’s hat in 1467. 

A portrait from the hand of his Court painter, Melozzo da Forli, 
which is still preserved, represents the new Pope as a man of middle 
stature, and strong, compact frame. The features are regular, the nose 
and forehead forming an oblique line, with a gentle curve between them. 
The powerful head impresses us with an idea of uncommon energy and 
force, which difficulties could not daunt ; while the lines on the brow bear 
wituess to a life of hard, unremitting toil.” 

What he would have done had he followed his own bent 
can only be a matter of conjecture; for he at once carried 
nepotism to an excess hitherto unknown in the annals of the 
Church. As we study the story of the period treated of by 
Dr. Pastor, we cannot fail to be struck with the prevalence of 
this bane. Thus, Eugenius IV. was nephew of Gregory XIL., 
and his nephew became Paul II.; Alexander VI. was nephew 
of Calixtus III., Pius III. nephew of Pius II., and Julius II. 
nephew of Sixtus IV. No attempt will here be made to 
defend the practice, though it gave to the Church a S, Carlo 
Borromeo as well as a Rodrigo Borgia. We must, however, 
bear in mind that there were certain circumstances of the 
times which might be pleaded in extenuation. A Pope often 
owed his election less to the favour of the majority than 
to a compromise among several rivals. He found himself 
opposed at every turn by the existing members of the Sacred 
College, while secular princes demanded the hat for men who 
were avowedly hostile to his policy. What wonder if he took 
steps to secure a new majority on whom he could rely? And 
where could he better find these than among his own relatives ? 
Even the ardent reformer, Domenico de’ Domenichi, had admitted 
the lawfulness of the practice. But he had insisted that good 
men of mature age should be chosen, and unhappily this 
condition was often neglected. When Sixtus IV. became Pope 
he had fifteen nephews and grandnephews. Six of these, while 
quite young and undistinguished (one only seventeen years of 
age), were named cardinals and were loaded with the richest 

* Pastor, iv. 209. 



be al 

s 2 i” ee eee 



benefices; four others were married into princely families and 
received the highest secular posts. The most famous of the 
young clerics were Giuliano della Rovere and Pietro Riario, both 
of the Order of Si. Francis. The former, who afterwards became 
Julius II., was made Archbishop of Avignon and of Bologna, 
Bishop of Lausanne, Coutances, Viviers, Monde, and finally of 
Ostia and Velletri, and Abbot of Nonantola and Grotta- 
ferrata. His moral character was not without blemish, but, as 
the times went, he was a fairly respectable prelate, if rather 
worldly. Far different was his cousin Pietro. A wit, a lover 
of good cheer, and splendour, and worse, a man of boundless 
ambition, he was utterly unfit for any ecclesiastical office. 
Yet he was made Archbishop of Florence (lately held by St. 
Antoninus), Patriarch of Constantinople, Abbot of S. Ambrogio, 
and bishop of numerous dioceses. In spite of his open 
profligacy he enjoyed the favour of the Pope more than any 
of the other nephews, so that it was even reported that Sixtus 
thought of resigning in his favour! But his scandals and 
ambitious projects were cut short by a penitent death 
(January 5, 1474), when he was only in his eight-and- 
twentieth year. His brother Girolamo, who was married to 
the natural daughter of Sforza, Duke of Milan, succeeded in 
the Pope’s good graces and soon involved him in questionable 

The security of the Papal States depended mainly on the 
preservation of the balance of power among the Italian 
princes. It was during this pontificate that the policy was 
inaugurated which, under succeeding Popes, and notably 
under Julius II., led to the consolidation of the Temporal 
Power of the Holy See. We cannot here follow all the 
tangled maze of Italian diplomacy.* But there is one in- 
cident which cannot be passed over in any account of Sixtus’ 
reign. After the assassination of Sforza (1476), Lorenzo de’ 
Medici began to take the lead among the States of the north 
of Rome. He had been on such good terms with the Pope 
that the finances of the Holy See had been entrusted to his 
care and he had farmed the customs of Rome and the rich 

* Dr. Pastor devotes no less than five chapters (v., vi., vii., ix., and x.) to 
this subject ; yet a Protestant critic (Guardian, July 10) complains that he 
has not laid sufficient stress on it. 


alum works at Tolfa. The cause of the rupture between him 
and Sixtus is somewhat involved in obscurity, but there is 
ample evidence of hostility on Lorenzo’s part,* and it must 
be confessed that the Pope was far from conciliatory, especially 
in forcing Salviati into the see of Pisa against the will of 
the Florentines. The baneful influence of Girolamo, egged on 
by his wife, had much to do with the growth of ill-feeling 
between them. In 1478 the relations became so strained 
that the overthrow of the Medici appeared to be the only 
means of securing the Temporal Power. So strong, however, 
was Lorenzo’s position that his enemies did not dare to attack 
him openly. On the other hand, the Pope would not lend 
himself to any plot to inflict upon him the same fate 
as had befallen Sforza. This difficulty was not insur- 
mountable to villains’ like Girolamo and Salviati. They 
induced him to consent to an armed insurrection against the 
Medici, while privately they planned the assassination of 
Lorenzo and his brother Giuliano. The visit of young Cardinal 
Rafaelo to Florence offered an occasion for the accomplishment 
of their design. Lorenzo invited a brilliant company to a 
banquet in honour of his guest. Giuliano, who was to have 
been present, excused himself on the plea of ill-health, but 
promised to attend the High Mass in the Duomo, This change 
in the arrangements caused some disunion among the con- 
spirators. The deed, if done at all, must now be executed in. 
church on Sunday at the solemn hour of Mass. From such 
an infamy even a desperado like Montesecco, who had 
agreed to kill Lorenzo, shrank. His place, however, was 
taken by two clerics. The Cardinal, accompanied by Lorenzo 
and Giuliano Medici and a splendid array of clergy and 
nobles, entered the Duomo and the service began. Suddenly, 
one of the conspirators rushed at Giuliano and plunged his 
dagger into his side, The wounded man defended himself 
vigorously until Francesco de’ Pazzi stabbed him to death. 
Meanwhile, Lorenzo had also been attacked, but being only 
slightly wounded had escaped into the sacristy. Outside the 
Cathedral Salviati’s attempt to seize the Seignorial Palace and 
Jacopo de’ Pazzi’s appeal to insurrection utterly failed. The 

* Pastor, vol. iv. p. 292 seq. 


enraged populace fell upon the conspirators and slaughtered 
them all without mercy. Some days later Montesecco, too, was 
seized and beheaded.* The failure of this abominable plot 
enormously strengthened the hands of Lorenzo, who henceforth 
rose to absolute power in Florence. On the other hand, the 
Pope, who had allowed his honoured name and office to be 
associated with it, suffered a corresponding loss of prestige. 
Yet he did not abate in any way his opposition to the Medici. 
While regretting the sacrilegious and murderous acts of the 
conspirators, he insisted on satisfaction from the Florentines 
for their repeated violation of ecclesiastical immunities and 
detention of Cardinal Rafaelo, and finally excommunicated 
Lorenzo and his adherents, and laid Florence under an Interdict. 
The struggle continued for more than two years longer, when 
at length peace was suddenly concluded, for the terrible news 
was brought that the Turks had landed in Italy and captured 

We have seen how the great sultan Mahomet II. had ob- 
tained the command of the sea and threatened the western 
shores of the Adriatic. The aliiance entered into between the 
Holy See and Venice and Naples warded off his attacks for a 
time. A great Christian fleet even sailed to Asia Minor and 
seized the wealthy city of Smyrna (1472); but dissension 
among the leaders threw away the advantage of this success. 
In 1475 Mahomet gained possession of the rich Genoese colony 
of Caffa in the Crimea, and, profiting by the feuds between the 
Pope and the Medici, largely increased his dominions in Europe. 
The island of Rhodes, the last bulwark of Eastern Christendom, 
was vigorously attacked in 1480, but the heroic defence of the 
Knights of St. John withstood all the Sultan’s efforts, This 
check was counterbalanced by the success of his fleet in the 
West. Italy, the seat of the Papacy, the arch enemy of 
Islam, had always been the desired goal of each conquering 
sultan. With Venice and Naples at variance, with the Pope 
in conflict with the powerful Medici, the conquest of the 
peninsula did not seem a formidable task. A landing was 
effected in Apulia; Otranto was taken and its inhabitants 

.® Before his execution he confessed his own guilt, but expressly exonerated 
Sixtus from all complicity in the plot to assassinate the brothers (see Pastor, 
vol. iv. p. 303 seq). 


were subjected to unexampled barbarities. All Italy was 
stricken with consternation as the awful tidings got abroad. 
The Pope, who had made preparations for his flight to Avignon, 
sent round imploring appeals to the Italian princes to put an 
end to their disputes and to unite to drive out the infidel. 
Once again a conference was held in Rome. No help was 
forthcoming from distracted Germany ; Edward IV. of England 
declared that he could do nothing; the King of France de- 
manded to be secured from an English attack before he would 
contribute to the war against the Turks. The Italians, how- 
ever, who were more directly menaced, entered into the 
crusade with great vigour, Sixtus setting a striking example 
by sending his plate and sacred vessels to be coined down to 
meet the expenses of the expedition. While all Italy was 
engaged in anxious preparations, it was rumoured that the 
dread enemy of Christendom was no more. The news of 
Mahomet’s death seemed too good to be true, but as soon as it was 
confirmed beyond any doubt, the inhabitants of the threatened 
provinces gave way to unrestrained joy, the Pope himself 
taking part in the processions of thanksgiving. Though some 
of the allies thought that all danger was now at an end, the 
majority felt that the time had come for striking a favourable 
blow. A great fleet set sail for Otranto. The Turks held out 
with their usual obstinate valour, but at length (September 10th) 
the city was once more in the hands of the Christians. With 
the passing of the danger all unity ceased between the allies. 
Sixtus endeavoured in vain to keep his own fleet together. 
Unseemly disputes about the division of the booty and about 
arrears of pay demoralised his men, and the outbreak of the 
plague completed their disruption. 

In the midst of his conflict with Florence, Sixtus joined with 
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain in establishing the Spanish 
Inquisition (November Ist, 1478). He soon found occasion, 
however, to remonstrate with those sovereigns for their severity 
and their attempt to turn a spiritual court into a political 

As it is mercy alone [he wrote] that makes us like to God, we beg and 
exhort the King and the Queen, for the love of Jesus Christ, to imitate 
Him, whose property it is always to have mercy and to spare. Let them 


have compassion on their subjects in the city and diocese of Seville, who 
are sensible of their errors and ask pardon. 

Still, it must be borne in mind that he himself had established 
the Inquisition, and that he condemned only the abuse of it. 
Attempts to clear him of his responsibility and to consider it 
as a merely State institution, cannot be justified by the facts of 
the case.* 

In the matter of reform, the most crying need of the Church, 
Sixtus did next to nothing. A Bull was drawn up at his 
command containing provisions for the amendment of his 
Court. Unhappily, it was never published, for the majority 
of the Cardinals were strongly opposed to measures which 
would necessarily be directed against their own unworthy con- 
duct. The political complications in which the Pope became 
entangled through his infatuation for his nephews led even to 
fresh abuses. He added to the crowds of venal officials; he 
strained to the utmost his rights of taxation; he diverted the 
revenues of the Roman University; yet his Treasury was 

* Dr. Pastor has an admirable note on this subject (vol. iv. p. 404), which 
shall be quoted in full as an example of his honesty and learning. “The view 
which regarded the Spanish Inquisition as a purely State institution was 
popularised in France by De Maistre (‘ Lettre 4 un gentilhomme Russe sur 
l’Inquisition Espagnole,’ 11-12, Lyon, 1837), and in Germany by Ranke 
(Fiirsten und Volker, i. 241 seq., Hamburg, 1827 ; and with slight alterations 
also in the fourth edition of 1877, p. 195 seq.). It has been recently put for- 
ward on the Catholic side by three other historians: Gams (‘ Zur Geschichte 
der Span. Staatsinquisition,’ Regensburg, 1878); Hergenréther (‘ Kirchen- 
gesch.,’ ii. 765, 3rd ed., and ‘Staat und Kirche,’ p. 607 seq.) ; and Kn6pfler 
(Rohrbacher’s ‘ Kirchengesch.,’ 68 f., and ‘ Hist. polit. Bl.,’ xc. 325 seq., and 
xci. 165 seqg.). In favour of the opinion we have adopted above, may be cited 
the old theologians of the Inquisition, such as Paramo and Carena, who must 
have been accurately acquainted with the matter ; and, among modern writers, 
Balmez (‘Protest. und Kath.,’ ii. 177, Regensburg, 1845); Prat (‘Histoire du 
P. Ribadeneira,’ 347 seq., Paris, 1862) ; Orti y Lara (‘ La Inquisicion,’ Madrid, 
1877); Rodrigo, Grisar (see ‘Innsbr. Zeitschr. fiir Kath. Theologie,’ 1879, p. 
548 seq.) ; Bauer (loc. cit., 1881, p. 742 seq.); F. X. Kraus (‘ Alzog’s Kirchen- 
gesch.,’ ii. 106, N. 3, 10th ed.) ; Funk (‘ Lit. Rundschau,’ 1880, p. 77 seq., and 
‘ Kirchengesch.,’ 360); Briick (‘Kirchengesch.,’ p. 533, 4th ed., and ‘Kir- 
chenlexicon,’ vi. 765 seg., 2nd ed.); and Julio Melgares Marin (‘ Procedi- 
mentos de la Inguisicion,’ 2 vols., Madrid, 1886, i. 82 seq.). This last, who is 
keeper of the Archives at Alcala, speaks with full knowledge of their contents. 
On the Protestant side see ‘ Herzog,’ vi. 740 seqg., 2nd ed. (Benrath), and 
‘Allg. Ztg.,’ 1878, p. 1122. Excessive regard for the authority of Ranke has 
prevented the general acceptance of the correct view of this question, and, in 
the case of Catholic publicists, it is hard to decide how far apologetic con- 
siderations may have weighed in their adoption of the theory of a State insti- 
tution. Apologetic ends must not, however, be allowed to influence the 
historian, whose sole aim should be truth.” And yet Dr. Pastor is accused of 
being an unscrupulous apologist of the Papacy ! 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series | Y 


always in difficulties through the squandering of his finances. 
On the other hand, it should be remembered that he was a 
munificent patron of literatura and the arts; and if he did not 
entertain all the vast schemes of Nicholas V., he nevertheless 
has been surpassed by few Popes in what he accomplished for 
the adornment of Rome. S. Maria del Popolo, S. Maria della 
Pace, 8. Pietro in Vincoli, and SS. Apostoli; these churches 
with all their exquisite early Renaissance architecture and 
carving were the work of Sixtus and his relatives. The Ponte 
Sisto which he constructed still bears witness to his name. 
And the traveller who journeys over the weary waste of the 
Campagna to Ostia and Grotta Ferrata will forgive something 
to the family which raised those two picturesque castles, which 
add such a charm to the view. But there is one other of 
Sixtus’ works which far surpasses all of these. Franciscan as he 
was,” he was filled, in spite of all his faults, with a tender love 
of Mary Immaculate. In 1475 he approved of a special office 
of the Immaculate Conception for December 8th. He also 
drew up the oft-quoted Constitution which, without pronouncing 
any definite decision on the doctrine, laid down stringent 
rules regarding public attacks on it. It was in honour of this 
privilege of Our Lady that he built and adorned the noble 
chapel at the Vatican which still bears his name. The archi- 
tect was the Florentine, Giovannino de’ Dolci, while the artists 
‘were no other than Ghirlandajo, Botticelli, Signorelli, Roselli, 
Perugino, and Pinturicchio. . 

As we survey this sanctuary of Italian Renaissance we cannot fail to 
acknowledge that the choice of subjects for the frescoes could not have 
been better. To the chief scenes from the life of Moses on the one side 
correspond on the other those from the life of Our Lord, as the fulfil- 
ment of their typical signification. What Moses, the leader of the 
Chosen People, foreshadowed, has been perfected by Christ for all time. 
Peter, who lives in his successors here, reigns as the Vicar of Christ. 
Through him the human race is brought to the Saviour, as the Jewish 
nation, the type of Christendom, was led by Moses to the feet of Christ. 
The development of the whole plan of Salvation is concentrated in the 
three names: Moses, Christ, Peter. Thus the magnificent drama of the 
story of the Church is presented to the spectator as the Life and the 

Truth in the frescoes of this chapel, which in its historical aspect is 
the most remarkable in the world ; and thus worthily was the building 

* He canonised St. Bonaventure, April 14, 1482. 


fitly inaugurated, which afterwards, under another Pope of the house of 
Rovere, was to be enriched with the marvellous productions of the giant 
genius of Michael Angelo.* 

Meanwhile the Pcpe’s evil genius, Girolamo Riario, had 
involved the Holy See in an alliance with Venice against 
Naples. At first the southern kingdom obtained some success, 
bat the great battle of Campo Morto in the Pontine Marshes 
was a complete victory for the allies. The death of Malatesta, 
who had commanded their army, led to the retirement of the 
Venetians, and soon afterwards we find Sixtus making peace 
with Naples. Later on, we find him at war with Venice and 
laying that city under Interdict. Here again it is impossible 
for us to examine into the causes of these marked changes of 
policy. Dr. Pastor has gone into them with marvellous 
patience and skill, and with a fairness which cannot be denied. 
He lets us see that Girolamo’s unprincipled ambition and 
Sixtus’ weak compliance were chiefly to blame for much of the 
miserable dissension in the Italian States. By the middle of 
the year 1484 Girolamo had to own to his uncle that there 
was little hope of subduing their rivals. The Pope became 
greatly agitated at these tidings, especially as he was suffering 
at the time from fever and gout. Then came the news of the 
peace of Bagnolo (Aug. 7th), which was a veritable triumph 
for Venice. This was more than he could bear. The hand 
of death was already upon him, and during the night of the 
feast of St. Clare he breathed his last (Aug. 12th, 1484). 

In surveying the period covered by the preceding volumes 
of Dr. Pastor's history we noted the vast change for the better 
which had taken place in the position of the Holy See during 
the Pontificates of Martin V., Eugenius IV., Nicholas V., and 
Calixtus III. No such progress, alas! can be recorded in the 
reigns of the succeeding Pontiffs. True, we hear no more of dis- 
puted elections, or of a council sitting in defiance of the Popes. 
Yet we cannot but feel that their authority has been under- 
mined, and that their hold on Christendom, especially on Ger- 
many, has been weakened. The scandals in the Sacred College 
have brought discredit on the highest ecclesiastical offices ; 

* Pastor, vol. iv. p. 470. 





instead of reforms, abuses have increased with astounding 
rapidity. In the time of Pius II. there were some signs of 
improvement; under Paul II. it was still possible; but 
Sixtus IV. destroyed all hopes, and henceforth there was 

nothing left but a revolution. 


1. La Reéegle du Temple. Edited by M. HENRI DE CuRzON. 
Paris. 1886. 

2. Le Procés de VOrdre et des Fréres du Temple. Par M. 
Lavocat. Paris. 1888. Records in the Rolls. 

HE Church has always been prolific in religious Orders 
suited to contemporary needs; and the old days when 
Europe tended naturally towards the Holy Land, when religion 
was the central thought, and when even worldlings moved 
perforce under its influence, brought forth in the regular course 
of events the military Orders. In their case, too, as in that 
of some other religious brotherhoods, it might be expected that 
they would drop out of existence as the necessity which called 
them into being died away. But the history of the Order of 
the Temple is unique. Its rapid increase, its glory and 
prosperity, its sudden downfall, form a cameo sharply cut out 
from the annals of the Middle Ages. 

About the year 1098 a French and a Flemish knight who 
had followed Godefroy de Boulogne to the Holy Land devoted 
themselves to prayer, penance, and the protection of pilgrims 
on their way to Jerusalem. The vocation of Hugues de 
Payens and Godefroy de Saint Omer supplied a need of the 
time. Companions joined them; they took monastic vows; 
and Baldwin II., King of Jerusalem, together with the 
Augustinian canons of the Holy Sepulchre, gave them a 
habitation near the site of the ancient Temple, whence they 
began to be called ‘‘ pauperes commilitones Christi Templique 

Gifts and bequests flowed in on the new Order; the 
chivalry of Europe flocked into its ranks. In 1127 Pope 
Honorius II. resolved to place the Knights Templars on a 
more regular footing in the Church. To this end, in 1128, he 
called a Council at Troyes, at which Hugues de Payens was 


present, and over which Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, was 
commanded to preside. 

The vocation of the Templars, with its union of prayer, 
mortification, and Christian valour, was peculiarly agreeable to 
the spirit of St. Bernard. He was heart and soul a Crusader, 
but a Crusader inspired by common-sense no less than by 
religious ardour. He wanted disciplined armies to send to the 
Holy Land, and not a helpless rabble; above all, armies vowed 
to the practice of the evangelical counsels. He welcomed the 
Templars as invaluable auxiliaries, and threw himself with zest 
into the work of forming their Rule. 

There has been much disputation concerning this Rule of 
the Templars. The enemies of the Order in after times did 
not fail to make capital of alterations which were introduced 
by degrees, and which so modified the text edited by St. 
Bernard that in some particulars the ‘‘ French Rule,” as the 
later edition was called, contradicted the Latin Rule sanctioned 
by the Council of Troyes. But Pope Honorius and St. Bernard 
themselves intended that modifications should be made accord- 
ing to exigencies of time and place. The Rule even in iis 
latest developments is Cistercian and Bernardine. 

M. de Curzon, the learned editor of ‘“ La Régle du Temple,” is 
of opinion that the Latin Rule, the original of which had been 
appended to the proces-verbal of the Council of Troyes, was 
several times revised, and that the French Rule is subsequent 
even to the latest revision of the Latin Lule.* It was cus- 
tomary to entrust copies of the whole Rule only to the great 
dignitaries of the Order ; even the commanders of monasteries 
often possessed only abridgments. But whatever alterations 
were made in the Rule in course of time were well known to 
and approved by the Holy See, to which the Order was directly 
subject ; nor did the Rule, so far as it concerned the daily life 
of the barrack-cloister, diverge to any notable extent from the 
lines laid down at Troyes. ‘To its last day, as M. de Curzon 
remarks, it consisted of regulations which were entirely 
monastic, austere, and irreproachable. 

The obligation of assisting daily at mass and Office, and‘of 
saying paternosters where the knight or brother was unable to 

* Introduction. 


read ;* two Lents in the year, besides numerous other fasts ; 
weekly chapter and discipline for faults; abundant almsgiving ; 
charitable treatment of sick and aged brethren, in whose favour 
all fasts were relaxed; kindly care of animals; plainness of 
armour and caparisons, in distinction to the dandyism of the 
secular knights of that day—these form the salient features of 
the Rule. The white tunic and mantle, emblems of chastity, 
belonged to the knights; the serving-brothers wore brown or 
black; so, too, did the married brothers who in early days 
were affiliated to the Order.t All bore on their mantles the 
great red cross. 

The Grand Master, the seneschal and marshal, were the 
highest superiors of the Order; below them ranked the com- 
manders of provinces. But the Order was a kind of aristo- 
cratic republic ; and the Grand Master had not even a casting 
vote in the great chapter. 

Later, in 1173, Pope Alexander III. gave formal permission 
to the Order to enrol priests as chaplains, and exempted them 
from all episcopal authority. The brothers were exhorted to 
confess to their chaplains exclusively, “car ils ont greignor 
pooir, de l’apostoile, d’eaus assoudre, que un arceuesque.” t 

At the time of the Council of Troyes, the Order was spread- 
ing rapidly throughout the West. Hugues de Payens himself 
founded the first English home of the Templars, to the south 
of Holborn, on a spot where some excavations which were 
made about a hundred and sixty years ago revealed the 
remains of the round chapel in Caen stone. Towards the end 
of the twelfth century the magnificent buildings of the New 
Temple, complete with ranges of cloisters, barracks, and ter- 
races, arose beside the Thames; and the Patriarch of Jerusalem 
himself, in the year 1185, consecrated the Church in honour 
of “ Our Ladye Seynte Marie.” 

The Order was then in the first flush of its glory. The- 
martial story of the Crusades fills up the annals of the twelfth 
century. At Gaza, Tyre, Acre, Ascalon, the Templars and: 

* Thirteen paternosters were added in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
patroness of the Order, “ beginning and end of our religious profession.” 

+ These did not reside in the “camps” with the regular brothers who had 
taken the vows. 

t French rule.—‘ For they have greater power from the Pope to absolve 
them than an Archbishop.” 


the Hospitallers slew and were slain. Everywhere the Friars- 
preachers and Friars-minor quested for the soldier-monks ; they 
were the corps d’élite, the chosen children of the Holy See. 
They would have been exterminated in war, but that the noble 
youth of Europe filled up their ranks. Their wealth was 
great, but they also gave great alms; and when the disastrous 
struggle with the power of the Soldans was diverted to Egypt, 
it was the Templars who paid the ransoms of St. Louis. 

Owing to national jealousies all the bloodshed and treasure- 
shed bought but a barren glory. The Orders of the Temple 
and the Hospital, too, though the knights of each were bound 
to follow the other’s gonfalon in battle if separated from their 
own, gave way to an esprit de corps which hindered their 
efficiency. When Acre fell in 1291 Europe was inclined to 
throw the blame on the military Orders. It was then that 
Pope Nicolas IV. called a Council at Salzburg, with a view to 
a fusion of the Hospital, the Temple, and the Teutonic Order.* 
The Templars, proud of their great past, opposed the project. 
This short-sighted policy rang the knell of that glorious 
brotherhood which for a century and a half had been the 
vanguard of the Christian armies. 

In France at least the Order had numerous enemies: they 
were to be found among the new noblesse, whom Philip IV., to 
strengthen his own power, had selected out of the bourgeoisie, 
among the clever hungry jurists, and among the clergy, who 
envied its exemption from taxation. A cry began to be raised 
that the Temple had had its day, and had failed in its raison 
Wétre. It wasrich; throughout Europe it possessed nine thou- 
sand manors; its treasuries were everywhere full; these riches 
would be better in other hands. The French world, from the 
king down to his newest bourgeois gentilhomme, suddenly became 
aware that the interests of religion required the ruin of the 
Order of the Temple. 

There were in the institution itself certain peculiarities of 
which an enemy would not be slow to take hold. The reser- 
vation of the Rule in its entirety to high dignitaries of the 
Order suggested the existence of a secret body of doctrine and 

* A simiar fusion had been advocated by St. Louis of France, and by Pope 
Gregory X. 


of laws. It was a fact that externs were seldom present at 
the reception of new subjects into the proud and exclusive 
Order, and hence arose suspicions as to the mode of initiation. 
The assertion, very generally made, that the chapters were 
generally held by night was not borne out by evidence on the 
various trials, but it was none the less commonly maintained. 

From secrecy it seemed easy to argue Gnosticism. Europe 
had for two or three centuries been more or less invaded by a 
horrible mysticism imported from the East. Heresies as to 
the divine and human natures of Our Lord had been followed 
by the worship of Baphomet and the Ogdoode, the cultus of 
the black cat, and the various devilries of Manicheans, 
Cathiarists, and Albigenses. In those days it was a favourite 
vituperation, from which the highest authorities of the Church 
did not always escape, to charge an obnoxious person or com- 
munity with some of these practices and beliefs. That 
charge was now brought against the Templars. It was a new 
and a strange weapon with which to attack the consecrated 
chivalry which had always been especially favoured by the 
Holy See. True, the novitiate exacted by the primary Rule 
had fallen into disuse, and so had the law which forbade the 
readmission, after penance and absolution, of excommunicated 
deserters ; yet until this time (about the year 1306) there had 
been no outcry as to widespread corruption in the Order. 
Also, the outcry was confined to France. 

King Philip IV., or Le Bel, was always in such extreme 
need of money that he had already thought fit to be scandalised 
by the impiety of the Lombards and Jews, the seizure of whose 
property was the natural outcome of his fervour. The Templars 
were a greater prey. But Philip was accustomed to contend 
with great antagonists. He was now just issuing from his 
deadly struggle with Pope Boniface VIII. A Pontiff of daunt- 
less courage, Boniface had opposed Philip’s invasion of eccle- 
siastical rights, and in consequence became the object of 
monstrous calumnies, some of them identical with the very 
accusations which Philip afterwards levelled at the Templars. 
The king, being excommunicated, appealed to a future General 
Council, and commanded all the ecclesiastics in his dominions 
to second the appeal. The Cistercians, and others who re- 
fused, were thrown into prison. But the French Templars, 


for once rather national than Catholic, adhered to the 

To students of Church history, it is not surprising to find 
that this act of complaisance to the civil power was speedily 
followed by the ruin of the knights at the hands of that very 
power. Vain was the hopeof compromise with a king greedy 
of the possessions of his subjects. 

There was this difference between Henry VIII. of England 
when he suppressed the monasteries, and Philip IV. in his per- 
secution of the Templars. Henry acted in defiance of the 
Popes; Philip coerced a Pope into becoming in part his 

The irony of time has brought forward a historian of 
Philip’s own nation to paint in fiery colours his turpitude and 
savagery. M. Lavocat’s work, though not altogether discrimi- 
nating, is more valuable than the pages of Sismondi, in that 
he writes from a Catholic point of view. No doubt his stand- 
point is too exclusively French. The author almost seems to 
forget the fact that the Templars were an international and 
sovereign Order, not more French than they were Spanish, 
English, or German ; he touches but slightly, for instance, on 
their great power end influence in Aragon and Castile, and 
even carries his Gallicism so far as to reproach them with 
refusing to unite with the Hospitallers because the fused 
Orders “ could have created a vast maritime empire in the 
Levant and in Greece .. . . and opened to France an immense 
commercial and political future” (p. 49). By so French a 
writer the guilt of France in the persecution of the Templars 
is all the more strikingly brought out. 

The high-spirited Boniface VIII. was dead. His successor, 
Benedict XI., relieved Philip from the excommunication ; but 
his reign was short, and Philip made every effort to secure a 
successor who should be altogether at his disposal. He knew 
that Bertrand le Gotte, Archbishop of Bordeaux, aimed at the 
Papal throne ; he promised him his support on certain condi- 
tions. One of these was the revocation of all Bulls and acts. 
of Boniface, another was probably the destruction of the 
Order of the Temple, “ the right arm of the Papacy.” 

Bertrand won his election; but his heart was transformed 
with his dignity when he became Clement V. He saw the 


impossibility of condemning his predecessor’s memory, declaring 
him guilty of heresy, and burning his bones, according to 
Philip’s outrageous demands. He would willingly, too, have 
saved the Knights Templars. There was at his ear a traitor 
who, though for years he had been a cameriere and a personage 
of confidence at the Papal Court, had never yet thought fit to 
make known the abuses which he now declared to exist in the 
Order. This was Cardinal Cantilupo, one of the only two 
Templars living in whose favour the Rule had been relaxed, 
which forbade the admission of children into the Temple; he 
had been received at the age of ten, on account of his high 
rank. From him emanated the denunciations of which Clement, 
in his subsequent Bulls, spoke as having been addressed per- 
sonally himself ; and which were supported by “the king, 
dukes, counts, barons, and commonalty of France.” But 
Clement cannot have credited these charges, because he was 
always of opinion that a General Council would find the 
Templars innocent ; and even now he advocated a fusion be- 
tween the Temple and the Hospital, a thing assuredly not to 
be thought of if one of these Orders was stained with heresy 
and crime. To this end he summoned the two Grand Masters 
before him at Poitiers. Foulgues de Vilaret was detained 
before Rhodes; but Jacques de Molay, who had succeeded 
Bellogisco, slain at Acre, as Grand Master of the Temple, 
journeyed from Cyprus at Clement’s bidding, all unknowing of 
the “ direful doom” which awaited him in France. The Pope 
and king received him honourably; but de Molay, brave, 
blunt, undiplomatic, unlettered, devoted to what he conceived 
to be the interests of his Order, was strongly opposed to the 
project of fusion. His conduct made no difference to his fate or 
the fate of the Temple. A fusion was the last thing desired 
by Philip, who had already (September 14, 1307) sent out 
lettres de cachet to the governors and crown officers throughout 
France, commanding the arrest of the Templars, and the de- 
tention of their goods until further orders from himself.* 

* M. Lavocat is right in saying that there were two distinct prosecutions, 
the one of the Order, the other of the persons of the brothers ; a fact which 
has not been clear to some historians. ‘The Pope alone could deal with 
the Order ; the brothers could be prosecuted by the Sovereigns in whose 
dominions they resided at the time. 


The Grand Master was ignorant of this step wh2n he followed 
Philip to Paris, where, on the 26th of October, both assisted in 
state at the funeral of Catherine Courtenay, wife of Philip’s 
brother. On the following day the great blow fell. De Molay 
and 140 brothers were suddenly arrested and dragged to 
prison ; the king took possession of the Temple, and by 
uniting his own treasure with the treasure of the Order made 
the two inextricably one. 

On the horrors that followed it is only necessary to dwell so 
far as to show by what kind of legal process the guilt of the 
Templars was proved. Without authorisation from Clement V., 
torture was freely employed by the inquisitors and the officers 
of the Crown. The evidence said to have been extracted by 
this means is hardly worthy of notice; first, because torture 
can never serve the cause of truth; and secondly, because 
even the depositions taken in the torture-chambers are of 
doubtful authenticity. It is well known that the French 
jurists were always able to prove what the king desired. 
Most of the knights were unlettered, and unable to follow the 
Latin procés-verbal ; nearly all who were said to have con- 
fessed either retracted their confessions, or denied that they had 
ever made them. In order, therefore, to weigh the indictment 
of the Templars, I purpose to dwell chiefly on the inquiry held 
in England, which, though by no means without its harsh and 
arbitrary features, was yet fair and mild compared to the trial 
in France. 

From the first Philip IV. was fiercely anxious to see his lead 
followed by other sovereigns, and especially by Edward II. of 
England, his vassal for Guienne and future son-in-law. 
Clement V. had not as yet sent out the Bulls in which he 
commanded an international trial of the Order of the Temple, 
when Philip sent to London as his special agent the inquisitor 
Peleti, who had already distinguished himself in France by 
his merciless treatment of the Templars. But Philip’s plans 
met with a temporary check. The sympathies of Edward, his 
prelates, barons, and people, were with the Knights Templars. 
Herr Schottmiiller supposes that Edward was at this time 
(November 1307) still under the influence of the wise counsel- 
lors of his predecessor. He wrote to Philip, saying that he found 
it impossible to believe the knights guilty of the heresies and 


crimes described by Master Peleti; nay, more, he sent letters 
to the Kings of Portugal, Castile, Aragon, and Sicily, ex- 
pressing his opinion that it was most unseemly to condemn 
the Order of the Temple, “ which had always been renowned 
for piety and virtue, had fought for God and the Church, and 
was known to be a stronghold of the Catholic Faith.” He 
interceded for the Order with the Pope himself, whom he 
besought to protect the brothers “ against illegal proceedings, 
dictated by envy and malice.” 

Yet, in the following year, Edward entirely withdrew his 
protection from the Templars. The learned author of the 
“‘Proces der Tempelherren ” attributes this change to the levity 
of Edward’s character, to an awakening appetite for possible 
spoils, and to favours accorded to him at this time by 
Clement V. He could hardly have refused to institute an 
inquiry at the instance of the Pope, whose Bull “‘ Pastoralis pre- 
eminentiz ” reached England early in 1308-9 ; and Archbishop 
Robert Winchelsey, whom Schottmiiller describes as purposely 
detained at the Papal Court, made no difficulty about sending 
instructions to his suffragans to preside at the proceedings in 
the Southern Province. But the blow fell suddenly on the 
Templars in England. On September 14 orders were sent 
to the sheriffs to arrest them in all parts, and deliver them 
over to the custody of the constables of the Tower of London, 
and of the castles of York and Lincoln. As the Tower would 
not hold all the prisoners, the “four gates of the City” were 
requisitioned of the Mayor and Corporation, as also “‘ the houses 
lately occupied by the Penitent Friars.”* 

The Pope sent over as his commissioners at the London 
trial, the Abbot of Luguy, and de Vaux, a canon of Nar- 
bonne, who, together with Ralph, Bishop of London, opened 
the inquiry in the chapter house of Whitefriars, in November 
1309. The principal heads of the indictment, as contained in 
the Papal Bull, were as follows: That the brethren at their 
reception were asked to deny Christ and to spit on the 
Cross. That some of them held Christ to have been a false 
Prophet. That they did not believe in the Holy Eucharist 
nor in the intercession of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints. 

* Close Rolls, Edward II. 


That in some provinces they adored an idol head, twofold or 
threefold, and wore round their waists cords which had 
touched this idol. That they adored acat, That they swore 
to advance the Order per fas aut nefas. That they practised 
various immoralities. That they believed in the power of the 
Grand Master and commanders, although laymen, to absolve 
them from sin. That their priests omitted the words of conse- 
cration in the Mass. 

The first article of examination was that touching reception, 
and the evidence of the brothers all went to show that this 
was carried out in accordance with the simple and devout form 
prescribed in the Rule. Henry de Tadcaster, received at 
Flaxflete, deposed that a number of the brothers were present 
at his reception, but no seculars, as custom did not allow of 
their admission on such occasions. He had sworn on the 
Gospels, z.c., a page of the Gospels on which the Crucifixion 
was represented,” to observe poverty, chastity, and obedience, 
never to do an injustice, nor to kill any one except in war or 
in self-defence, after which he received the white mantle and 
the helmet. ‘There is no other way of receiving brothers 
into the said Order,” the witness further deposed.t 

In like manner Thomas Chamberleyne took his oath that 
there was only one mode of reception in all countries. He had 
first heard of the rumour of an impious rite of initiation about 
two years before. Asked whether he believed that any of the 

* This form must have been substituted for the earlier one of swearing on 
the altar itself. The formula of profession was as follows :—‘ Vis abrenun- 
ciare seculo?—Volo. Vis profiteri obedientiam secundum canonicum institu- 
tionem et secundum preceptum domini nostri Paps ?—Volo. Vis assumere 
tibi conversationem fratrum nostrorum ?—Volo.” (The psalm “ Deus auxilie- 
tur et benedicat nobis.’’) 

“Ego regulam commilitonum Christi et milicie ejus Deo adjuvante servare 
volo, et promitto propter vite eterne premium, ita ut ab hac die non mihi 
liceat collum excutere de jugo regule ; et ut hc petitio professionis firmiter 
teneatur, hanc conscriptara obedientiam ‘in presentia fratrum in perpetuum 
trado, et manu mea sub altare pono, quod est consecratum in honore Dei 
omnipotentis et B. Marie et omnium Sanctorum, et dehinc promitto obedien- 
tiam Deo et huinc domui, et sine proprio vivere, et castitatem tenere secundum 
preceptum d™ pape; et conversationem fratrum domus militiz Christi 
firmiter tenere.” (A vow to be always ready to succour the Holy Land was 
often added, and sometimes a vow never to dwell in a place of which a 
Christian had been unjustly disinherited, &c.) The white mantle and helmet 
were then bestowed on the new knight, and the commander gave him the 
“‘pax ” on the lips.—“ Régle,” &c. 

+ Wilkins, “ Concilia,” vol. ii. p. 335, 


brothers had spontaneously confessed to abuses in presence of 
the Pope and cardinals, he boldly answered “ No.” 

Of the same tenor was the evidence of knight after 
knight, brother after brother. Sir William Raven made a 
slight diversion by deposing that about a hundred externs 
had been present at his reception at Templecombe in Somerset, 
at the hour of prime in the chapel. William de la More, 
Grand Commander of England, had received him. Maven 
himself could not read, but some of the lettered brothers read 
the Rule to him aloud. I am at a loss to know why the 
inquisitors enjoined the custodians of the knights, under pain 
of the greater excommunication, not to let Raven speak or 
consort with his brothers after this deposition. 

Of great importance for the defence of the Order was the 
history of Robert le Scot, who “had entered the Order 
twenty-six years before, and afterwards left it through levity 
and remained in the world for two years.” Then, coming to 
Rome, he confessed himself to the Pope’s penitentiary, by 
whose advice he returned to the Order of the Temple, and after 
many prayers and much penance was readmitted at Nicosia, in 
Cyprus, by command of the Grand Master actually ruling 
(de Molay). 

Clearly, then, the evil opinion conceived of the Order by 
the Holy See was of very recent date. 

Futhermore: ‘ W. Cumbroke, procurator of St. Clement 
Danes near the New Temple; Thomas, vicar of St. Martin’s- 
in-the-Fields; Hamo, procurator of St. Bride’s, and John 
Warwick, priest of St. Dunstan’s,” all neighbours, testified 
that they knew of nothing against the Templars. 

Nevertheless, on the 4th of February, 1310, the Bishop of 
London and inquisitors, meeting at St. Martin’s, Ludgate, 
brought out fourteen new articles, dealing with the alleged lay 
absolutions in chapter, denial of the Sacraments, and blind 
obedience to superiors, as well as with the charges of 
idolatry and immorality. Brother Ralph de Barton, chief 
chaplain of the Temple, was examined at great length, and 
denied all the charges. He took his oath that he always said 
the words of consecration in the Mass, and was convinced that 
the other priests did the same, and that all the brothers 
believed in the Holy Eucharist. He had never heard of the 


adoration of a cat or of idols; and the absurdity of this count 
was brought out by the inquiry whether it was true that the 
brothers swore on the Sacrament to conceal their idolatrous 
practices. Examined about the little cords worn by the 
Templars, Barton answered that they were given to the 
brothers after their reception as a token of chastity, and had 
nothing to do with idolatry. One point alone of this priest- 
Templar’s evidence was unsatisfactory : it concerned the death 
of Sir Walter de Bacheler, late commander in Ireland, who 
had been accused of making away with the property of the 
Order, and who died in the penitential cell of the Temple 
Church, as it would appear, of the rigours of his imprisonment. 
About this time an order was sent to Crumbwell, constable 
of the Tower, to keep the Templars in fetters, and not to allow 
them to talk together. Later, in August, a further order 
followed to deliver the Templars to the inquisitors when 
required, and to permit the inquisitors, according to ecclesias- 
tical law, to do what they would with the bodies of the said 
Templars.* One is at a loss to account for extra securities at 
this time, especially as the testimonies against the Templars 
were nearly all at second-hand. The witnesses had usually 
learned their facts from some one else, who was dead, or 
could not be found, or at least was not produced. Thus, 
Robert le Dorturier had heard that the Templars had acquired 
property unjustly at Isleworth ; he had also heard of immoral 
practices, but only from “‘a man of Isleworth,” who once 
stayed at his brother Adam’s house. Adam le Dorturier 
himself being produced, could give no evidence against the 
Order. A friar minor related how 
a veteran, who had left the Order of the Temple, told him that there 
were four principal idols in England: one in the sacristy in London, 
one at Bystelsham, one at Bruer, and one “ beyond the Humber”; and 
that it was Brother de la More who had introduced this misery into 
England, and brought thither a large folio, in which were written out 
the nefarious idolatrous practices. 

But the friar, being questioned as to the name of this 
veteran deserter, answered that he understood that he had changed 
his name.t 

* Close Rolls, Edward II. 
t Wilkins, ‘‘ Concilia,” vol. ii. p. 363. 

rT SsF.—h—C Crh 


Another testimony for the prosecution was that of a woman, 
named Agnes Lovehote, caretaker of a gentleman’s house in 
the suburbs of London. This woman declared that she had 
contrived to conceal herself in one of the buildings of the 
Temple, and had witnessed a midnight assembly of the Tem- 
plars, when they worshipped with infernal rites a black image 
with brilliant eyes. Hers is just the sort of hysterical declara- 
tion which some woman was sure to make at a time of public 

So unsatisfactory was the evidence for the prosecution, that 
the alleged confessions of Sir Galfrid de Gonaville before the 
French Commissioners, in which he certified that he had been 
made to spit on the Cross at his reception, was sent over and 
laid before the English tribunal,* 

Strangely enough, the only crime which was finally held to 
be proved by the English inquisitors was that of a wrong belief 
concerning the Sacrament of Penance. Sir William dela More 
was examined on this subject in June 1310, when he explained 
satisfactorily enough that the pardon given by lay superiors 
in chapter referred merely to faults against the Rule, and was 
given in the words “Quod rogaret Deum ut indulgeret ei, et 
nos remittimus vobis, et frater capellanus absolvet vos;” and 
he was borne out in this assertion by Barton and others of the 
Templars who were in Holy Orders. Nevertheless, it appears 
that some of the knights (and presumably many more of the 
serving-brothers) confounded this pardon with sacramental 
absolution, fancying, in the words of Brother Walter Clifton 
before the Bishop of St. Andrews, that “‘ the Lord Pope had 
granted this power of old to the Grand Master.” Singularly 
enough, of all the charges adduced, this strange error was the 
only one which the Bishop of London, who had watched the 
proceedings throughout, held to be positively proved. 

Indeed, the inquisitors were in an awkward position. The 
Templars had sent a protest to the Archbishop of Canterbury 
and his suffragans, in which they declared that they had always 
adhered to the Catholic Faith and to their monastic vows, and 
“denied and firmly contradicted, for all and for each, that 

* Gonaville had becn received in London. 

[Vo. 16 of Fourth Series. | Zz 


they had fallen into any heresy or evil-doing.”* The evidence, 
when sifted, certainly tends towards acquittal; if any doubt 
remained, the accused should have had the benefit. But the 
bishops were in some sort under the necessity of finding an 
open verdict. The Order was about to be destroyed; more- 
over, Edward II., always under somebody’s domination, was 
now dragged in the wake of his strong and turbulent father-in- 
law. As a sort of compromise the Bishop of London demanded 
that the Templars should be reconciled and absolved under the 
following form : 

Since thou dost confess thyself to have erred grievously concerning 
the Sacrament of Penance, and to have been accused in the Apostolic 
Bulls of heretical depravity which thou canst not disprove, and since 
thou askest the mercy of the Church, we absolve thee, de. 

A number of the brethren—how many we do not knowt— 
assented to this form, and were reconciled at the western doors 
of St. Paul’s and of “ St. Marie Berking Churche.” They were 
then dispersed among different monasteries, where they led 
edifying lives; their maintenance being charged on their own 
forfeited manors. 

One is sorry to have to add that the more heroic spirits, 
those who persisted in declaring that they could not abjure 
errors which they had never committed, were condemned to 
irons “in vilissimo carcere.” Among them was the Grand. 
Commander, William de la More. His captivity, however, was 
not of long duration; he died in the Tower early in 1313. 

It has generally been taken for granted that the property of 
the Temple, at least in England, was made over to the Knights 
of St. John: But the records tell a different tale. Some, 
indeed, of the numerous manors were granted to the Hospital, 
but others remained in the king’s hands and were bestowed by 
him on different nobles. The Earl of Pembroke, for instance, 
was grantee of all the property of the Order in London and 

* The four knights especially deputed to defend the Order in France made 
a similar protest, full of the purest Catholic doctrine. 

+ Death would appear to have been busy among them, for at this time there 
were only eight in Aldgate, and none in the other gates and the extemporised 

% His maintenance, like that of the other prisoners, had been charged on 
the manors. 


the suburbs,* except the Temple itself, which was made over 
to the lawyers.. 

In Aragon, where the knights long defended themselves in 
their fortresses, in Castile, Portugal, and the Archbishopric of 
Mayence, the trial of the Order resulted in acquital. Yet the 
Temple was doomed. Clement V., striving even now to save 
the Order and to protect the persons of the knights, was 
accused of being bribed; was told that ‘‘ le Pape n’est pas in- 
faillible en matiére de foi;”t and that “he sinned through 
ignorance” in deferring the abolition of the Order of the 
Temple. In the meanwhile Philip IV. had abated nothing of 
his inhuman persecution. Several times new articles were 
brought forward against the Templars, each more outrageous, 
not to say impossible, than the last.{ Strange forms of torment 
were used to extort confessions, and the Sacraments were 
refused to those who died in prison of their injuries and priva- 
tions. In city and meadow, beside the silver Seine, amid the 
orchards of the Dombes and the vines of Champagne, arose the 
funeral pyres of the children of St. Bernard. At St. Germain 
fifty-six perished together by slow fire. They were offered 
their lives if they would plead guilty while the flames were yet 
about their feet, but the only answer of each and all was a 
protest of innocence. They died without a cry or groan, and 
the only shrieks heard were those of the mothers and sisters 
who had crowded round urging the victims to confess—Rizpahs 
who were yet unable to drive away the vultures. 

The Grand Master had been brought several times before 
the three cardinals who acted as the Pope’s commissioners, and 
had declared that he was there “to defend the Order which 
had raised him to so great honour.” Yet an unexplained 
circumstance throws some mystery around the closing scenes 
of this brave soldier's death. He is represented in the 
procés-verbal as having pleaded guilty to the first indictment, 
that of the denial of Christ at receptions. Yet when his own 
confession was read to him at a subsequent appearance before 
Cardinals Defarge, Nouelli, and Fréauville, he started, made 

* Close Rolls, Edward II. 

+ Pamphlets quoted by Lavocat. ; 
+ One of these was the same charge of roasting and eating infants which 

was brought by the Pagans against the early Christians. 


the sign of the Cross several times, and roundly declared that 
there was treachery. The proces does not specify the ground of 
his protest ; but Sismondi infers that de Molay’s ignorance of 
Latin had been taken advantage of, and that he had never 
made the admissions that were written down in his name. 
This is a point which will probably never be cleared up, espe- 
cially as de Molay, when brought before Pope Clement and 
the king, was strangely flurried and confused. It must be 
remembered that, though nominally under Clement’s protection, 
the Grand Master was really Philip’s prisoner. Who knows 
what were the dreadful secrets of the French prison-houses ? 
M. Lavocat takes it for granted that de Molay had really 
pleaded guilty to this charge but had been too much agitated, 
when before the Pope, to put forward what the author regards 
as palliating circumstances; and it is true that on one of their 
interviews Clement remanded him as being temporarily non 
compos mentis, But when we consider Philip’s extreme desire 
for the destruction of his victim, it seems not unfair to suggest 
that the stratagem of prison drugs may have reduced de Molay 
to this state. Certain it is that on March 18, 1313, when 
he had been condemned to perpetual imprisonment and had 
been produced on a scaffold at Paris, together with de Charnay, 
commander of Normandy, to hear the sentence publicly read, 
both prisoners denied or retracted their confessions. The 
Cardinal-commissioners thereupon remanded them till the 
morrow; but there was to be no morrow for the two knights. 
On that same day, “ at the hour of vespers,” de Molay and de 
Charnay were burned on the Ile des Griefs by Philip’s command; 
and chroniclers agree in saying that they endured their last 
agony valiantly, protesting to the end their own innocence and 
that of the Order. 

The people gathered up their ashes as the relics of martyrs. 
Indeed, it is impossible to believe that the Templars were 
unloved of the French populace. They were accused of 
avarice, but they continued to give large alms. In one day, 
during a recent scarcity in Normandy, the knights had fed 
over eleven thousand poor. Their enemies were of the great 
ones of the earth. 

Already the Grand Master had survived the Order. In 1311 
a council composed of three hundred bishops met at Vienne, 


partly for the very purpose of trying the cause of the Temple, 
yet all the knights who presented themselves ‘‘ for the defence 
of the Order” were thrown into prison unheard, On March 6, 
1312, Clement V. solemnly suppressed the Order. But the very 
language of his proclamation bespoke him still unconvinced. 
He deciared that 

the confessions obtained, the offences divulged therein, the suspicions 
raised, above all the accusations brought against the Order by the 
prelates, dukes, counts, barons, and commonalty of France, had caused a 
scandal which could not be allayed while the Order continued to exist. 
Therefore he suppressed it by his suvereign power, and not by a definite 
sentence, which he could not lawfully pronounce after the inquisitions 
and proceedings recently held. 

Philip IV. respected ecclesiastical law sufficiently to make 
over, nominally at least, the estates of the Temple to the 
Knights Hospitallers; but he taxed and mulcted them so 
heavily in the transfer that the Hospital found itself a good 
deal the poorer for its inheritance. 

The ransacking of the treasuries and sacristies ipso facto 
disproved the charge of idol-worship, which was one of the 
most serious crimes imputed to the Templars. Neither in 
France nor in England had they had time to put their affairs 
in order before their arrest, yet in neither country was an idol 
of any sort discovered. The treasury of the Paris Temple did 
indeed reveal a silver gilt head, but it contained part of a 
female skull, supposed to be a relic of one of the virgins of 
Cologne. As to the ridiculous charge of the adoration of a 
cat, it was but a part of the general incrimination of the 
Templars as Gnostics. They could but deny it; such a charge 
was impossible to disprove. I am aware that it used to be 
said (and Hallam credited the assertion) that Gnostic symbols, 
including the gattws niger, were found in the churches of the 
Templars, and in other medizval churches; but modern 
archeologists dispute the real meaning of the symbols in 
question. The imputations of immorality may be placed in 
one category with those brought against the monasteries of 
England by Henry VIII. ; dictated by the same motive, based 
on no better ground, denied by all the brothers except a few 
renegades, certainly never proved. 

With respect to the denial of Christ at receptions, most 


assuredly it was not the general practice of the Order, whose 
motto was Malo mori quam negare, and who had confessed the 
name of Christ on so many foughten fields. But there is 
some reason to suppose that it was customary in certain com- 
mands, and at the whim of certain commanders, not because 
they held Our Lord to be a false prophet, nor because of a 
promise made to a Soldan by a captive Grand Master, according 
to Galfrid de Gonaville’s apocryphal story; but as a test 
whereby the staunchness of the postulant might be tried. 

Such is M. Lavocat’s view ; but it must be owned that he 
takes a good deal for granted out of the forced and manipulated 
confessions of the French torture-chambers. In England, as 
we have seen, the brethren testified to the reception being 
bona ac honesta, and alike in its ritual in all provinces of 
the Order. Thus the whole “ proven” guilt of the Order is 
narrowed down to an error of individual brothers concerning 
the Sacrament of Penance; an error of ignorance which, as one 
might well think, might have been corrected without chains, 
prisons, and final degradation. 

But the alternatives of innocence or guilt had in reality but 
little to do with the fate of the Order of the Temple. It had 
been prejudged, and the mighty fell in unexampled destruc- 
tion. If it had sinned through pride; if jealousy of rivals had 
ever dimmed the glory of its deeds of valour in the Christian 
eause ; and if the impersonal selfishness of a corps d’élite had in - 
any degree hastened the loss of the Holy Land to Christendom, 
the Order atoned for all defects in that last fiery trial, and 
vanished from the world in one great martyrdom. 



HE development and expansion of the Catholic Church in 
England during the present century is due to the action 
of many causes. Leaving out of consideration the continuous 
influx of Catholics from the sister Isle, there are three great 
historical events which have combined their forces to render 
possible and to forward the wonderful progress of the Church. 
The Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 removed the civil 
disabilities under which Catholics had laboured for three 
centuries. The Oxford Movement of the “ forties” wrought 
a great change in public feeling towards doctrines and religious 
practices which had long fallen into disuse and disrepute, and 
at the same time strengthened the Catholic body by the 
influence and authority of a host of distinguished converts. 
The altered conditions so produced necessitated numerous 
administrative changes, especially the restoration of the 
ordinary form of Church government by bishops, of which 
the Catholics of England had been deprived since the days 
of Elizabeth. The logical outcome of the tolerance granted 
by the Bill of 1829, was that Catholics should be free to 
practice their religion and to employ all the means at their 
disposal for its expansion. But Rome, proverbially cautious, 
refrained from action until the growing necessities of the 
Church in England clearly demanded a reorganised system 
of administration, and until there was a fair prospect of the 
change being at least ignored, if not quietly accepted, by the 
Government of the day. It is with the history of the manner 
in which that restoration of Church government was effected, 
its reason and attendant circumstances, and one of its im- 
mediate results, that we propose to deal in the following 
The first organised system of episcopal government for 
England was projected by Pope Gregory the Great, who 
directed St. Augustine to found two archiepiscopal sees, one at 


London and the other at York, with twelve suffragans each. 
The scheme was carried out partly by St. Augustine and partly 
by Archbishop Theodore, though, after Paulinus, no archbishop 
sat in the See of York till, by a decree of Pope Gregory III., 
Bishop Egbert secured the pallium. From St. Augustine’s time, 
bishops in communion with Rome continued to hold rule in 
England till the sixteenth century, when a breach occurred, 
which, repaired for a time under Queen Mary, was rendered 
permanent by Elizabeth’s restoration of the Royal Supremacy. 
Henceforward the Catholics of England had no bishops in 
ordinary at their head. They were ruled by archpriests 
from 1598 till 1623. From 1623 till 1688 they were under 
the guidance of one Vicar-Apostolic. Then four Vicars- 
Apostolic were appointed to preside respectively over the 
London, Midland, Northern, and Western Districts. 


Constant attempts were made to obtain the constitution of 
these Vicars-Apostolic as bishops in ordinary, and this was one 
of the expressed objects in the foundation of the Catholic 
Committee in 1783. In 1838 the Vicars-Apostolic sent to 
Rome a body of resolutions—Statuta Provisoria—petitions for 
increased powers by which the Vicars might be raised to the 
state of Ordinaries; for the erection of Chapters to advise . 
and elect the bishops ; and for the appointment of vicars-general, 
missionary rectors, &c. As their name was meant to imply, the 
arrangements here suggested were only temporary in their 
nature and to act as a bridge to a future hierarchy. It was 
feared, however, that if the Statuta were adopted, the hierarchy 
would be indefinitely postponed. Accordingly, petitions for a 
hierarchy again flowed in, but nothing was done by Rome at 
the time except to increase the number of Vicars-Apostolic 
from four to eight. 

But the movement for a hierarchy was now fairly afoot. 
Dr. Rock, the antiquarian, espoused it warmly. A priests’ 
club, called ‘‘The Adelphie,” was founded in London, and 
there the matter was discussed and urged, till it was at last 
taken up by the press in “The Catholic Magazine.” In the 
spring of 1845, Bishop Griffiths proposed to the Vicars-A postolic 


a petition to Rome, begging that the Vicars-Apostolic might 
be changed into titular bishops, and also drew up, for the 
benefit of the authorities in Rome, a list of reasons for and 
against the measure. ‘T'wo years later, in the April of 1847, 
a seven days’ meeting of the bishops took place. It was an 
anxious council. Unfavourable representations of the English 
clergy had been made to Rome by Italian priests who did not 
understand the country ; complaints and appeals against the 
Vicars-Apostolic were frequent. The position of the Vicars- 
Apostolic was thus one of great difficulty. Two of their 
number were therefore sent to Rome to explain matters and, 
at the same time, to feel their way towards a re-establishment 
of the hierarchy as the only effectual means of restoring good 
order. This brings us to what may be regarded as the first 
real negotiation for a restored hierarchy. 

The need for such a measure was indeed pressing. The 
only code of government then possessed by English Catholics 
was a constitution issued in 1753 by Pope Benedict XIV., 
which was based on a state of affairs that was now passed 
away. It was grounded on the following considerations : 

1. That English Catholics were under penal laws and 
enjoyed no liberty of conscience. 

2. That their colleges were abroad. 

3. That there were no religious houses in England. 

4. That there were no congregational churches, but only 
private chapels served by the chaplains of noblemen, at which 
the faithful might attend. 

In this way, what had been a direction was now obsolete, 
and instead of being a help, was rather an embarrassment and 
a clog. Besides, as we have already seen, the status of the 
Vicars-Apostolic was one of great difficulty and of little or no 
authority. They had no power to legislate for local wants in 
the light of local experience by corporate action. Further- 
more, the clergy were aggrieved; they had no representative 
voice in the nomination of their bishops; they were without 
laws to regulate, on a satisfactory footing, the mutual relations 
of authority and obedience. Naturally, therefore, complaints 
and appeals to Rome were many and distressing. The laity, 
too, could not but feel the reproaches flung at them by their 
fellow-countrymen that a hierarchy dared not be given to 


them, and that the Apostolic descent lay with the Protestant 

On the other hand, the difficulties in the way of the re-estab- 
lishment of hierarchy were considerable. There was the question 
of the maintenance of the bishops; the difficulty of finding 
suitable men from a limited clergy ; the question of the local 
titles of the proposed bishops; the fear of clashing with the 
English law, and of rousing unnecessarily any bad feeling in 
England ; and lastly, there were the objections put forward 
by those Catholics who opposed the measure. 

Bishops Wiseman and Sharples arrived in Rome in July. 
There they immediately drew up a memorial of the work 
done in England during the last six years, to combat the 
accusations of want of zeal that had been made against the 
bishops. This was pronounced to be entirely satisfactory. 
Then, in conference with Mgr. Palma at Propaganda, it was 
determined that the time had come for a new constitution for 
the organisation of the Church in England, to supersede the 
out-of-date regulations of Benedict XIV. To this, however. 
Bishop Wiseman was opposed. After all, it could only result 
in a provisional arrangement which would be as troublesome 
as a restoration of the hierarchy. The Vicars-Apostolic at 
home supported Bishop Wiseman’s contention; and Mgr. 
Barnabo, pro-secretary of Propaganda, on hearing of the 
difficulties, said: “You will always have these troubles and 
questions until you obtain a hierarchy, Ask for it, and I will 
support your petition.” 

A petition for the re-establishment of the hierarchy was 
accordingly drawn up, and presented to the Pope, Pius IX., 
who declared himself satisfied on the question. Objections, 
however, were raised, according to custom, in order that they 
might be met at the outset. Cardinal Acton had objected 
that a hierarchy would render Catholics in England less loyal 
to the Holy See. The two bishops triumphantly disposed of 
this by pointing out that the English were the only nation 
who had given martyrs, many and illustrious, for the rights 
and supremacy of the Holy See. Cardinal Castracane also 
brought forward the point that if Lingard’s “ History of England” 
were a true one, it was clear that “we had always been a 
nation inclined to withstand authority.” His Eminence, how- 


ever, agreed that, if the other Cardinals approved, he would 
waive his objection and vote with them. 

But a delay now arose, owing to troubles in Italy, which sent 
Bishop Wiseman to England on a diplomatic mission to the 
Government. Then Bishop Griffiths died, and Bishop Wiseman 
was appointed pro-Vicar-Apostolic for the London district. In 
October, a letter was received by the bishops from Propaganda, 
asking for a joint scheme for the restoration of the hierarchy on 
the principle of redistribution of the eight vicariates into 
twelve dioceses. The Vicars-Apostolic met in London on the 
11th of September, and drew up a plan which somehow or 
other never reached Rome. No more was.heard until they 
again met in London in the May of 1848. They were over- 
whelmed with difficulties. Famine and fever were abroad in 
the land; the Northern and Midland vicariates were vacant ; 
many able priests had fallen victims to the fever ; and there 
were three troublesome cases of appeal by priests. Bishop 
Ullathorne was therefore sent to Rome, as the representative of 
his brother bishops, to hasten the settlement of the appeals, 
the filling up of the vacant vicariates, and the re-establishment 
of the hierarchy. 

Dr. Ullathorne arrived in Rome on May 27th. The delay that 
had occurred was explained by Mgr. Barnabo as having arisen 
from the difficulty of settling the proper person for the office 
of archbishop. A congregation for the discussion and settle- 
ment of the hierarchy question had already been appointed, 
and was to assemble in June, provided a plan could be sug- 
gested for filling up the London and Midland Vicariates. Dr. 
Ullathorne therefore drew up two memorials: one suggesting 
that Bishop Walsh, preparatory to being made archbishop, 
should be transferred from the Midland district to London, 
with Bishop Wiseman as his coadjutor; the second proposing 
to meet the difficulties of episcopal maintenance and of finding 
suitable men from a small body of clergy, by filling up the 
existing vacancies, by changing the Vicars-Apostolic into titular 
bishops, and by leaving the new dioceses, formed by redistri- 
bution of the old vicariates, under the temporary administration 
of neighbouring bishops. 

The Congregation of Cardinals met on the 26th of June. 
‘The two memorials enabled a favourable decision to be arrived 


at, but further information was required upon the question of 
the titles, limits, &c., of the dioceses, the division of London, 
and a bishop for the Midland district. Bishop Ullathorne 
replied by four memorials. The first treated of the change of 
the Vicars-Apostolic into Ordinaries. The second recommended 
Dr. Hendren, a Franciscan, as bishop of the Western district, 
which had always been in the hands of the regular clergy. 
The third document drew out a suggested plan for the redistri- 
bution of the eight vicariates into twelve dioceses which was 
accepted and afterwards incorporated in the Letters Apostolic 
re-establishing the hierarchy. Lancashire was subsequently 
subdivided, thus raising the number of dioceses to thirteen. 
The fourth memorial discussed the question of the titles of 
the new sees; and recommended that the greater part of 
the titles should be taken from populous localities, where 
there were no existing Anglican titles, or where some other 
title could be adopted. This was suggested in order to 
avoid any conflict with English law and to keep within the 
restrictions of the Emancipation Bill of 1829, for which, in 
1845, Lord John Russell had declared he could conceive no 
good ground. 

At the second meeting of the cardinals, which took place on 
July 17th, all was approved and settled, with the exception 
of the titles, on which the cardinals desired to consult the 
personal feelings of each bishop. Dr. Ullathorne therefore 
proposed to return home and meet the assembled hierarchy 
at the opening of the Salford Cathedral. Meanwhile, the 
Pontifical decree had been prepared, with spaces for the titles ; 
the historical preface being by Mgr. Palma, frora materials 
supplied by Dr. Grant, rector of the English College in Rome, 
whilst the body of the document was the work of Cardina) 

These negotiations were known in England without awaken- 
ing any offence in the papers. In a discussion in Parliament 
on August 17th, Lord J. Russell declared ‘‘that it would be 
very foolish to take means of great vigour or energy to 
prevent the Pope from communicating with the Catholics of 
this country.” No support or recognition would be given to 
the new bishops ; but here was a declaration, bearing out the 
force of the oath prescribed for Catholics in the Emancipation 


Act, that the action of the Pope with regard to English 
Catholics was free. 

Further political troubles, however, had arisen in Italy to 
delay the accomplishment of the measure. In November 1848, 
the Pope had been compelled to fly from Rome to Gaeta. 
Rome was in the hands of the revolutionists. Order was not 
restored till the April of 1850 when the Pope returned to his 
own city. Late in the summer of that year, the discussion of 
the English hierarchy question was resumed, and resulted in a 
unanimous petition from the Cardinals of the Congregation for 
the issue of the brief. There was another difficulty now in 
the way. Bishop Walsh of London had died in the February 
of 1849, and Bishop Wiseman was Vicar-Apostolic of the 
London district. The Pope had determined to confer the 
cardinal’s hat upon Bishop Wiseman, a course which would 
necessitate his removal from London to Rome. For a cardinal 
could not be a Vicar-Apostolic ; he could not live in England 
merely as a cardinal under Vicars-Apostolic; and it was feared 
that his residence in England might irritate the feelings of 
Protestants or clash with the law of the land. News of this 
promotion leaked out in July. In August Dr. Wiseman had 
an interview with Lord John Russell, at which he communi- 
cated to him his appointment and his future destination as 
Librarian of the Vatican Library. The leave-taking was 
friendly and cordial on both sides, 

This removal of Bishop Wiseman, however, seemed nothing 
short of a calamity to the English Bishops, and strong repre- 
sentations were immediately made to Rome of the injury that 
must result to the cause of Catholicity in England. But as 
things were at the time, the position of a cardinal in England 
was ecclesiastically impossible. 

The only way out of the difficulty was the accomplishment 
of what had been so long under consideration—the creation of 
a hierarchy in England, and the sending back of Bishop 
Wiseman as the head of it. This latter course was gladly 
hailed by all parties. We have already seen how careful 
Rome had been, in all previous negotiations, not to ruffle 
English feeling, or to violate English law. Now again, at the 
last moment, and in the same spirit of anxiety, Sir George 
Bowyer, a Catholic barrister of some fame, was called in and 


asked, amongst other things: 1. Whether it was unlawful for 
a cardinal to reside in England? 2. Whether the creation of 
Roman Catholic diocesan bishops was contrary to the law of 
the land? To both these questions, he and the others consulted 
were unanimous in returning a direct negative. At last, 
therefore, all was clear, and so, on September 29th, 1850, the 
Letters Apostolic, re-establishing a Catholic hierarchy in 
England, were promulgated. 

In these letters, following on the historical introduction, 
comes the effective portion, couched in these words: 

Wherefore, after having duly considered the whole matter, of our 
own motion and certain knowledge, and out of the plenitude of our 
Apostolical authority, we decree and ordain that in the Kingdom of 
England shall again flourish according to the laws of the Church, the 
hierarchy of bishops in ordinary, who shall take their titles from the 
Sees which we appoint by these presents in the districts of the several 
Vicars-A postolic. 

The sees and their extent are then described in detail. 

At a consistory held on the following day, Bishop Wiseman 
was created a cardinal priest and, on October 3, received the 
cardinal’s hat, with the title of St. Pudentiana, demanding at 
the same time the pall as Archbishop of Westminster. Four 
days later, on October 7, His Eminence, still in Rome, issued, 
out of the Flaminian gate, the gate looking towards his own 
See of Westminster, a pastoral letter addressed to the clergy. 
and laity of his new archdiocese. Naturally this pastoral took 
a jubilant tone. It bore tidings of success after long anxiety 
and discussion—tidings of a new departure which seemed to 
open a vast prospect of success in promoting the cause of God 
in this country. After greeting his flock and tracing in 
outline the plan of the restored hierarchy, His Eminence 

continued : 

The great work then is complete ; what you have long prayed for and 
desired is granted. Your beloved country has received a place among 
the fair churches, which, normally constituted, form the splendid aggre- 
gate of the Catholic communion. Catholic England has been restored 
to its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament from which its light had long 
vanished, and begins anew its course of regularly adjusted action round 
the centre of unity, the source of jurisdiction, of light and of vigour. 

The pastoral was published without being communicated to 


the English bishops, and along with the Letters Apostolic, quickly 
found its way into Zhe Tins and other papers. The storm of 
furious indignation that the publication of these letters aroused 
throughout the country was as violent as it was unexpected. 
There had been no premonitory rumblings, no warnings of an 
eruption. On the contrary, as we have seen, ministers had 
expressed no objections when the matter of the proposed 
hierarchy was brought before them; it would be ignored and 
so be tolerated. The press had remained silent. Now, 
however, the sleeping dogs began to howl and bark. That 
they were baying the innocent moon did not render their bark 
the less vicious or uproarious. On October 19th, the attack 
was thus opened by a leader in Zhe Times : 

We respect the sanctity of religious opinions, we recognise the 
inviolable rights of conscience under every form of worship, and we 
profess the liberal opinion of the age we live in, that no civil disabilities 
ought to be annexed to religious distinctions. 

But with due deference to all this, we must reject this 

attempt of a foreign power to fasten its authority on our divisions, 
and resist the construction of those great engines of the Romish hier- 
archy which it is the great glory of our forefathers to have expelled and 
overthrown. .... Is it here in Westminster that an Italian priest is to. 
employ the renegades of our National Church to restore a foreign 
usurpation ? 

Again, on the 22nd of October, the same journal thundered 
forth a description of the papal documents as 

documents proceeding from a foreign Government, [and evidencing] 
an audacious and conspicuous display of pretensions to resume the 
absolute spiritual dominion of this island which Rome has never 

But even in the midst of such denunciation it was compelled 
to admit that 

the letter of the law which prohibits Roman Catholic prelates from 
assuming the titles of the Anglican bishops has been obeyed, whilst its 
spirit has been set at defiance. 

On the 24th it returned to the same subject as follows: 

For the objects of spiritual domination and government, these seditious 
synods, these fictitious dioceses and these indefinite episcopal powers are 


avowedly intended to carry on a more active warfare against the liberties 
and the faith of the people of England. 

It would be difficult to imagine anything further from a true 
view of the case than this. The ordinary language of legal 
documents, the exuberant joy in the tone of the Cardinal’s 
pastoral were perverted into the language of aggression, an 
attack on the laws and liberties of England, an insult to our 
Gracious Sovereign still happily reigning, a daring display of 
. Romish ambition, and all the other thousand and one epithets 
which can be picked up to be flung as dust from the highway 
into the eyes of those who pass. 

Perhaps we may be pardoned if, in order to convey an idea 
of the hubbub of indignation that arose, we make a few more 
quotations from the papers of the day. Said the Morning 
Post : 

To create a cardinal-archbishop of Westminster, and to nominate 
bishops over the land with titles of honour and conditions of precedence, 
is itself a direct invasion of the royal authority, and an attack on the 
constitution of 1688. 

“ The insult which is thus offered to the English nation is 
aimed against both Church and State,” chimed in the Morning 
Herald; whilst the Spectator found consolation in the 
following : 

We believe Popery cannot live in the free atmosphere of England, now 
becoming freer every day. Popery cannot breathe the same air with 
natural philosophy, with natural theology, nor with anything else that is 
free as the sun and the wind. 

Unfortunately for this, the Daily News thought otherwise : 

The fact is, the country is in progress of being sold to Rome by the 
very institutions and the very guardians which the State Las appointed 
and privileged and endowed. It has been their pinguitude, their mono- 
poly, their over-bred distaste and aversion for all that is popular in 
religion that has produced the opposite extreme; and that opposite extreme 
turns out to be popery. 

To counteract such declarations as these, Bishop Ullathorne 
published in The Times of October 22nd a letter deprecating 
the agitation and explaining that the Pope’s action was con- 
cerned solely with spiritual matters and with the Pope’s own 


spiritual subjects, who, in all temporal concerns, were subject to 
and guided by the laws of the land. At St. Chad’s, Birmingham, 
on the 27th of the same month, Dr. Newman preached a 
sermon on the subject of the restored hierarchy, entitled 
“Christ upon the Waters.” 

Meanwhile, Cardinal Wiseman was coming leisurely home. 
On November 3rd, he wrote from Vienna to Lord John Russell, 
assuring him that he had not imagined, in August, that he 
would return to England, and lamenting the erroneous and 
even distorted view which the English press had taken of 
the recent action of the Pope, and explaining that he himself 
was invested with a dignity purely spiritual. 

Unfortunately, however, whilst this conciliatory letter was 
on its way, Lord John Russell, on November 4th, was busy 
with the composition of a letter to the Bishop of Durham, 
which has since become historical as The Durham Letter. The 
salient points of that letter are contained in, and its tone may 
be judged from, the following extracts : 

My pear Lorp,—I agree with you in considering the late aggression of 
the Pope upon our Protestantism as insolent and insidious, and I 
therefore feel as indignant as you can upon the subject..... There is an 
assumption of power in all the documents which have come from Rome 
—a pretension to supremacy over the realm of England, and a claim to 
sole and undivided sway whica is inconsistent with the Queen’s supremacy, 
with the rights of our bishops and clergy, and with the spiritual inde- 
pendence of the nation as asserted even in Catholic times. 

I confess, however, that my alarm is not equal to my indignation. ... . 
No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon 
a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its rights to freedom 
of opinion, civil, political, and religious. 

Upon this subject then I will only say that the present state of the law 
shall be carefully examined, and the propriety of adopting any pro- 
ceedings with reference to the recent assumption of power deliberately con- 
sidered.” .. . . The letter concludes by declaring that “the danger to 
be apprehended from a foreign prince of no great power is nothing to the 
danger within the gates, from the unworthy sons of the Church of Eng- 
land herself.” 

This letter was an unconcealed ebullition of temper from the 
Prime Minister of England sitting in Downing Street.* Its 

* Punch described Lord John Russell's action as follows :— 
“‘ Little John Russell 
Got in a bustle 
At hearing the general cry : 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series. | 2A 


appearance in the papers fanned the flames of intolerance and 
religious bigotry that were already leaping and roaring over 
the face of the country. Few more unfortunate or ill-timed 
declarations have ever fallen from a responsible Minister in 
modern times. Just when the nation was settling down to 
peace, when by the labours of his predecessors and partly even 
of himself, the law had become just, ‘‘ he took advantage of his 
great position to rouse up the spirit of strife and hate among 
us, and to quicken into active life the demon of persecution ” 
(“‘ Roebuck’s Letter,” December 2). As Mr. Bright afterwards 
declared in Parliament: The least that could be said about the 
letter was that it had been penned under “ feelings of excitement 
which were hardly becoming in a Prime Minister.” However, 
the Minister's word had gone forth into the ears of the nation ; 
he had in his loudest tones “cried, havoc! and let: slip the 
dogs of war.” Every petty persecutor, every zealot against 
Rome, every hater of all things Romish, every mob orator 
desirous of making political capital, joined in the hue and cry, 
knowing that they had the Prime Minister at their back. 

Naturally, the 5th of November afforded such people a 
splendid opportunity of giving vent to their anti-Catholic pre- 
judice. Zhe Times of November 6th, 1850, contains reports of 
the Gunpowder Plot sermons which were all plainly and indig- 
nantly directed against this figment of the Papal aggression. 
In the Guy [awkes’s processions, effigies of the Pope and 
cardinals were substituted for the usual guys. Men carrying 
brushes and bowls of whitewash inscribed walls and pavements 
with “No Popery! No wafer gods! No Catholic humbug!” 
In a procession that passed through some of the streets of 
London there were fourteen guys; one of them, 16 feet high, 
representing Cardinal Wiseman between an impudent nun and 
a fat monk. In another, the effigy was dubbed “St. Guy the 
Martyr!” ; whilst another was labelled, “ Cardinal St. Impu- 
dence, going to take possession of ‘Westminster.” Similar 
demonstrations were held at Salisbury, Ware, Peckham, 
amid the ringing of church bells, and to the strains of the 
‘Rogues’ March.” 

So a letter wrote he 
In the popular key, 
And said ‘ What a good boy am I!’” 


The agitation was not, however, confined to popular celebra- 
tions. Words tending to excite and inflame the worst feelings 
of intolerance were uttered in high and responsible quarters. 
The Rev. Dr. Cumming lectured at Hanover Square Rooms on 
November 7th. Having engaged in prayer, he proceeded to 
describe the Pope as 

the man of sin, the head of the apostasy, the head of that system 
which was designated in the Scriptures as the mystery of iniquity, 
Babylon the great, the mother of harlots and the abomination of the 
earth who had had the boldness to insult our Queen, our Church, our 

He concluded his address by quoting Shakespeare to the 

That no Italian priest 
Shall tythe or toll in our dominions. 

On November 11th came the Ministerial Banquet at the 
Mansion-House. There, the Lord Chancellor of these realms, 
forgetting, in the fury of the storm, the impartial solemnity 
due to his office, in a reply to the toast with which his name 
had been coupled, “‘ hurled his award against us from behind 
the tables of good fellowship and the anti-popish cheers of 
civic grandees.” After words in praise of the Established 
Church, and in condemnation of the enemies that beset her 
from within and from without, he said : 

The hymn of triumph for the admission to equality in civil liberty has 
given place to the note of insult, triumph and domination, announcing 
that you have come under a Roman Catholic hierarchy. Considering the 
language to which I refer, it would seem as if some were acting in anti- 
cipation of the fulfilment of an ancient prophecy which presents a 
cardinal’s hat as equal to the Crown of the Queen of England. If such 
be anticipated, I answer them in the language of Gloster, 

Under our feet we'll stamp thy Cardinal’s hat 
In spite of pope or dignities of Church, 

Lord John Russell also declared from the same place: “ It will 
be my duty to maintain to the utmost of my power the supre- 
macy of our Sovereign.” 

Amongst these expressions of responsible opinion must cer- 
tainly be numbered and recorded a few specimens from the 


charges delivered to their clergy by the bishops of the Estab- 

London described the action of Rome as “an insult to the 
sovereign ... . a most wanton and insolent aggression,” and 
spoke of the “spurious and schismatical hierarchy.” His 
Grace of York talked of “intolerable and usurped authority ”; 
of “this novel and daring violation of ecclesiastical law, this 
insulting and presumptuous intrusion.” St. David’s had 
‘feelings of contemptuous pity” for what Exeter alluded to 
as “a daring display of Romish ambition,’ and which Bath 
and Wells denounced as “an act disgraceful to a minister of 
Christ.” The clergy in return addressed their bishops ; in fact 
it seemed to be a time for everybody to address everybody 
else. Addresses also poured in to the Queen from all quarters. 
To these her Majesty replied in general terms, and in words 
which showed that she was in a sphere far removed from the 
storms of bigotry that were swirling around her. Cardinal 
Wiseman, in his second lecture at St. George’s Cathedral, 
Southwark, on December 15th, thus described those answers : 

A voice has been heard from the Throne, gentle yet firm, as becomes a 
Queen’s, a voice that gives assurance of justice to the assailed, and 
security of equal rights to all. 

A whirlwind of fury, described as follows by Cardinal Wise- 
man, swept over the country : . 

Sarcasm, ridicule, satire of the broadest character, theological and 
legal reasonings of the most refined nature, bold and reckless, earnest 
and artful argument—nothing seemed to come amiss; and every in- 
vocable agency, from the Attorney-General to Guy Fawkes, from 
premunire to a hustling, was summoned forth to aid the cry and 
administer to the vengeance of those who raised it.* 

To meet all this agitation an address of loyalty, composed 
by Cardinal Wiseman, and signed by the Catholics of England, 
was presented to her Majesty. The Cardinal also now threw 
himself into the newspaper war that was raging, and on the 
20th of November issued, in a pamphlet of thirty-two pages, 
* An Appeal to the Reason and Good Feeling of the English 
People on the subject of the Catholic Hierarchy.” It was 
printed in full in the Zimes of the same day. The day after, 

* Introduction to Cardinal Wiseman’s “ Appeal.” 


the same newspaper, climbing gently down from its previous 
position, congratulated His Eminence, in a lengthy leader, on 
his recovery of the use of the English language, and avowed a 
wish that he had spoken more plainly before. It then pro- 
ceeded, however, to show that 

The Roman Catholic Church has two languages—one of more than 
mortal arrogance and insolence, the other, artful, humble, and cajoling, 
but behind it all, ever of the same stern unbending spirit. 

A brief reswmé of this justly famous appeal must necessarily 
find a place here. 

After an introduction sketching the history of the Roman 
Catholic hierarchy in England from 1623 to 1850, and of the 
frequent requests for bishops with the full knowledge of the 
responsible Ministers of the time, the Appeal opens with a short 
description of the agitation that had sprung up against the 
recent action of Rome. His Eminence then goes on to show 
—first, that the Queen appoints bishops whom those who do 
not believe in them need not obey, and that the denial of the 
royal supremacy is no offence at common law; secondly, that 
only the taking of the names of existing Protestant sees, 
deaneries, &c., was forbidden by the Emancipation Act ; thirdly, 
that as we could only get our hierarchy from the Pope we had 
a right to appeal to him for it; fourthly, he shows that, as 
the law declares the Pope has no power in England, the 
spiritual acts of the Pope do not come under the cognizance 
of the law, and that therefore bishops may be appointed and 
take titles, not forbidden by law, without any infringement of 
the law ; fifthly, it was demonstrated that the mode of establish- 
ing the hierarchy had been neither insolent nor insidious, for 
the same had been already done in the colonies and acknow- 
ledged by the authorities, whilst the whole history of the 
recent restoration showed that ministers had been cognisant of 
what was going on; sixthly, it was explained that Westminster 
was taken as the title of the metropolitan, partly from neces- 
sity, as London was already the title of a Protestant see, and 
Southwark a separate Catholic see, and partly also to avoid 
giving offence. Then followed the conclusion of the appeal, 
pointing to the part of Westminster which alone the Cardinal 
covets, bewailing the action of the Protestant clergy, and 


thanking the people of England in general, and Catholics in 
particular, for their forbearance. From this peroration, pro- 
bably the most forcible passage the Cardinal ever penned, we 
quote the following : 

Yet this splendid monument, its treasures of art, and its fitting 
endowments form not the part of Westminster which will concern me. 
For there is another part which stands in frightful contrast, though in 
immediate contact, with this magnificence. .... Close under the Abbey 
of Westminster there lie concealed labyrinths of lanes and courts, alleys 
and slums, nests of ignorance, vice, depravity and crime, as well as of 
squalor, wretchedness, and disease ; whose atmosphere is typhus, whose 
ventilation is cholera; in which swarm a huge and almost countless 
population, in great measure, nominally at least, Catholic; haunts of 
filth which no sewage committee can reach—dark corners, which no 
lighting board can brighten. This is the part of Westminster which 
alone [I covet, and which I shall be glad to claim and to visit as a blessed 
pasture in which sheep of Holy Church are to be tended. . . . . Thanks 
to you, brave and generous and noble-hearted people of England who 
would not be stirred up by those whose duty it is to teach you gentleness, 
meekness and forbearance, to support what they call a religious cause 
by irreligious means; and would not hunt down when bidden your 
unoffending fellow-citizens, to the hollow cry of No Popery, and on the 
pretence of a fabled aggression. 

On this whole noble passage from which we quote, a writer, 
analysing and commenting on the Appeal over the nom-d’emprunt 
of “ John Bull,” remarked : 

If this passage is too good for an archbishop, the anomaly may be 
accounted for by the fact that he is poor and cannot afford to be stupid. 

The Spectator of November 23 declared : 

Whether confuting the Premier un grounds of political precedent, 
meeting ecclesiastical opponents with appeals to principles of spiritual 
freedom, rebuking a partisan judge, or throwing sarcasm at the indiffusive 
wealth of a sacred establishment which has become literally hedged from 
the world by barriers of social depravity, he stated shows himself the 
master of dialectical resource. 

The London News of the same date sorrowfully assured its 
readers : 

The appeal is so temperate, so logical as to increase the public regret 
that it did not appear a month ago, before the mischief was done, and 
before this angry flood of theological bitterness was let loose over the 


Atlas declared that Cardinal Wiseman was “at once the 
most polite and astute reasoner of his time”; whilst The 
Morning Chronicle (November 21) regretted that 

The false position taken up by the Prime Minister should have 
enabled Cardinal Wiseman to assume, with so much plausibility and 
success, the defensive position of the representatives of an injured and 
insulted community. 

It will be evident from quotations such as these, which 
might be multiplied indefinitely, that the appeal was not 
without its effect. It pierced opponents panoplied in defective 
armour, and where it failed to convince, it at least succeeded 
in extorting the tribute of unwilling admiration. But His 
Eminence did not rest content. On December 8th, he com- 
menced a course of three lectures on the Catholic hierarchy at 
St. George’s Cathedral, Southwark, in order to console and 
fortify his own immediate subjects. 

However, in spite of all attempts to stem the tide of violent 
feeling that had been aroused by a mistaken press, by a 
Minister appalled by the fear of losing office, and by an epis- 
copate alarmed for its undisturbed comfort, the hideous agita- 
tion went on through all the dark days of December and of 
January. Addresses continued to pour in to the Ministry 
and to the Crown. Expectation rose on tiptoe as the time for 
the opening of Parliament approached. The Prime Minister 
had declared in the Durham letter that “the law should be 
examined, and that the propriety of adopting any proceedings 
with reference to the recent assumptions of power should be 
deliberately considered.” Would the Minister fulfil his threat ? 
The agitation over the so-called Papal aggression had at first 
fallen into the hands of the press, and of the clergy of all 
denominations, who had treated it from a point of view natural 
enough to a clerical eye, as a conflict between rival religions 
struggling for the mastery over the consciences of their con- 
gregations. Then it had fallen into the hands of the lawyers, 
whose profession led them to view it as a problem involving 
many points of antiquarian and historical interest. Was it 
now about to enter on a third stage of existence? Was it, in 
obedience to popular clamour, roused by the indiscreet indigna- 
tion of a Minister of the Crown, now about to be forced under 
the jurisdiction of Parliament, whose power is not only to 


discuss, but to determine? There was anxiety in some 
quarters, but for the most part the future policy of the Govern- 
ment was a foregone conclusion. 


These hopes and expectations were not disappointed. On 
February 4, 1851, Parliament was opened by the Queen in 
person. The Queen’s Speech, after alluding to difficulties 
attending the land question, proceeded as follows: 

The recent assumption of certain ecclesiastical titles, conferred by a 
foreign Power, has excited strong feelings in this country, and large 
bodies of my subjects have presented addresses to me expressing attach- 
ment to the throne, and praying that such assumptions should be 
resisted. I have assured them of my resolution to maintain the rights 
of my Crown, and the independence of the nation against all encroach- 
ment, from whatever quarter it may proceed. I have at the same time 
expressed my earnest desire and firm determination, under God’s blessing, 
to maintain unimpaired the religious liberty which is so justly prized by 
the people of this country. It will be for you to consider the measure 
which will be laid before you on this subject. 

This, of course, was the signal for the fray in Parliament, 
After a spirited protest against the projected legislation by 
Lord Stanley, the Lords agreed to the Address; but in the 
Commons, it was made the subject of a warm and prolonged 
debate of three days. Mr. Roebuck, M.P. for Sheffield, rose 
immediately after the seconder of the Address, and denounced 
the agitation in all its aspects. 

To say to the Catholics that they shall not have bishops who derive 
their power from the Pope of Rome, is to say to them—you shall not 
have bishops to confer on you the spiritual comforts of your religion. 
In other words, it is gross persecution. .... I charge the noble lord 
with dealing falsely on the present occasion with the people of this 
country..... Does anybody believe that the Catholics of England, who 
are amongst the most peaceable and submissive of all classes of her 
Majesty’s subjects, and who are, I will say, too humble, of all persons in 
the world should be accused of making inroads upon her Majesty’s pre- 
rogative, because Dr. Wiseman is cailed Cardinal-Archbishop of West- 
minster. There is no meaning in this word aggression; the contest is 
wholly one as to the spiritual influence of the Pope. I would treat alike 
the Catholic who bows to the Pope, the Methodist who bows to Con- 
ference, and the Episcopalian who does not bow to anybody, but Lows to 


this House. For eventually, this House governs the kingdom: the 
Queen’s supremacy is the supremacy of the Minister, and that means 
the opinion of this House. 

Lord John Russell assured the House of the sincerity of his 
letter to the Bishop of Durham, reminded them of Rome’s 
aggressive spirit in matters temporal as well as spiritual, and 
gave notice of the Bill he would introduce upon the subject of 
the Roman Catholic hierarchy. 

In pursuance of this notice, the Prime Minister, on Feb- 
ruary 7th, rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill “‘ to prevent 
the assumption of certain ecclesiastical titles in respect of 
places in the United Kingdom.” Cardinal Wiseman was present 
under the Gallery. 

Declaring that he was acting under a full consciousness of 
his responsibility, Lord John Russell pointed to a recent synod at 
Thurles against the godless colleges, to the unchanging aggres- 
sive spirit of Rome, the anti-Roman legislation in Catholic 
countries and in bygone England, and to the fact that Rome’s 
recent action was an interference of ecclesiastical power with 
the temporal supremacy of the realm. The debate was pro- 
longed until the 14th before the first reading of the Bill was 
passed. Mr. Roebuck again threw himself into the forefront 
of the opposition, and was followed by Mr. John Bright. 
Mr. Bright wondered why the proposed bill was not aimed at 
that greater danger of the Church of England, the enemies 
within her own gates—rather than appeal to the bigotry of 
the country against the Pope. The Bill proposed would be 
impotent for the object professed. The matter was not worth 
legislating upon; but if the country was to be affrighted, it 
was but fair to bring in a more substantial measure. Mr. 
Disraeli, too, whilst promising to vote for the measure, abused 
it roundly, “This Bill,” he said, “is to combat an aggression. 

. . « Isa piece of petty persecution the only weapon we can 
devise on a solemn political exigency of this vast importance?” 

On the night of the 14th, the House at last divided. The 
members were : 

For the introduction of the Bill . ‘ . 395 
Against ~ “ , ‘ . 68 

Majority . ° ‘ . 332 


The Bill was then ordered to be printed and placed in the 
hands of members, In its original form it was briefly as 
follows : 

A long preamble cited the Emancipation Bill of 1829 to 
show that titles of episcopal sees, &c., in the United Kingdom 
were not to be taken, and that the assumption of other titles 
from names of places in the Kingdom was also illegal and 
void, as inconsistent with the rights above rehearsed. Then 
it was proposed that the following points should be enacted : 

1. A penalty of £100 for assuming titles to pretended sees, 
&c., in the United Kingdom. 

2. That all deeds or writings executed by or under the 
authority of persons using such titles, should be void. 

3. That all endowments of such pretended sees, and all 
gifts in favour of such persons, should enure to Her Majesty, 
and remain at her disposal; whilst all powers relating to 
charitable bequests, &c., vested in such persons, were to be 
exercised as her Majesty should think fit. 

4, That persons liable under the Act might be compelled, 
in any suit in equity relative to such trusts, to answer upon 
oath, notwithstanding such liability. 

Such, in substance, was the Bill as at firstintroduced. The 
preamble contained two falsehoods. First, reciting Section 24 
of the Emancipation Bill, it declared that it might be doubted 
whether the said enactment extended to the assumption of 
the titles of places, not sees already recognised by law. There 
never had been any doubt on the subject. The enactment 
did not extend so far. Secondly, the preamble declared the 
illegality of the assumption of such titles. On these two 
false declarations, the first section imposed a fine of £100. 
Sections 2 and 3 were more serious matters; interfering, as 
they did, with the validity of our bishops’ signatures, and the 
charitable bequests made to them in the interests of their 
office. Section 2 would have cast a slur on all their episcopal 
acts, their ordinations, the validity of the marriages of their 
subjects ; whilst Section 3 was directly opposed to the Charit- 
able Bequests Act of 7 & 8 Victoria, by which a Board of 
Commissioners, composed of 5 Protestants, 5 Catholics and 
3 Judges of the Irish Courts of Equity, was appointed to be 
trustee for any property which might be bequeathed or con- 


veyed to it in trust for the Catholic bishops and their 

And yet, in the face of all this, speaking on the authority 
of the preamble, Zhe Times of February 18th had the hardi- 
hood to declare that the Bill created no new offence, but only 
imposed a new and moderate penalty for the commission of an 
old offence ; and consequently that the Bill was a mitigation of 
the dangers of the position of the Romish hierarchy rather 
than a penal law, 

Lord John Russell had given notice that he would move the 
second reading of the Bill at an early date. But he had 
reckoned without his host. Much was to happen before then. 
The Government were met by two adverse votes. One was 
directed against their policy of maintaining the taxation of the 
country in the form then existing. The other was a division 
in favour of a motion by Mr. Locke, M.P. for East Surrey, 
who proposed the assimilation of the county with the borough 
franchise. There was then only one course open to the 
Ministry so discredited. Russell and his colleagues placed 
their resignations in the hands of the Queen. Lord Aberdeen 
and others were asked to form a Ministry, but were unable to 
do so under the circumstances of the time. It is certain that 
this ill-starred measure of the Titles Bill was at the bottom 
of the difficulty. Both Lord Aberdeen and Sir John Graham 
regarded it as a violation of the principles of toleration. At 
last, after much hurrying to and fro between Downing Street 
and the Court, and after much anxious sounding and discussion, 
the late Government were called upon to step into the breach, 
and carry on the business of the country as best they could. 

Making a virtue of necessity, Lord John Russell determined 
to push on the legislation upon which there was least dis- 
agreement. But even here he was compelled to trim. He 
therefore gave notice that having been advised by persons of 
competent authority that the provisions of the Titles Bill 
might interfere with the ordination of priests and with existing 
endowments, he would have those provisions re-examined and 

The debate on the second reading of the Bill was opened 
oz Friday, March 7, by Sir G. Grey, who explained the modifi- 
cations introduced by the Government. The main point was 


the excision of Clauses 2 and 3, in which form, he declared, 
the Bill would still “‘ be an unambiguous declaration of Parlia- 
ment, embodying a national protest against the assumption of 
ecclesiastical titles.” The debate was continued for several 
days with much spirit and even acrimony on both sides. The 
Irish members, rallying to the call of Frederick Lucas, the 
editor of Zhe Tablet, opposed the Bill step by step. It was 
not a little grotesque to find friend and foe in agreement 
in their scorn for this miserable measure. Adherents and 
opponents alike regarded it with sneers. To the former it 
| was tuo weak, to the latter it was a mere piece of unnecessary 
| persecution, and a sad retrogression on the legislation of the 
last thirty years. Many awful things too were prophesied of the 
grasping policy that would be pursued by our new bishops. * . 

A powerful speech against the Bill was made by Mr. Glad- i 
stone, then member for Oxford University. “If,” said he, | 
“our temporal affairs had been interfered with, redress should 
be demanded from the Court of Rome, not punishment 
inflicted on our fellow-countrymen. If, again, the appointment 
of bishops was of itself a spiritual act, why should the Crown 
interfere with Catholic bishops; if, on the other hand, it was 
of itself a temporal act, why exempt the Scotch bishops. If 
recourse was to be had to forgotten points of law, he protested 
against the application of such doctrines to one body alone. 
The Bill before the House said nothing about the foreign 
power that was supposed to have infringed the rights of the 
Crown, but imposed, instead, penalties on her Majesty’s 
subjects. It had ever been the moderate party among English 


* Lord Ashley quoted Milton :— 

“Then they shall seek to avail themselves of names, 
Places, and titles, and with these to join 
Secular power, though feigning still to act 
By spiritual. ,.. 
And from that pretence, 
Spiritual laws, by carnal power, shall force 
On every conscience.” 

Mr. Walpole deprecated the idea of producing a non-effective measure, and 
aptly quoted— 

“ They must not make a scarecrow of the law, 
Setting it up to fear the birds of prey, 

And let it keep one shape till custom make it 
Their perch and not their terror.” 


Catholics that had wanted bishops in ordinary, and it had 
been part of Pitt’s policy in 1790 to help them.” He con- 
cluded finely as follows : . 

England moves slowly but steadily in legislation. We have a function 
hefore the nations—to take a step and keep it... .. Let us show the 
Pope and the cardinals that we too have a semper eadem, and not spend 
the latter half of the century in repeating Penelope’s process work (of 
undoing what we have done), but without Penelope’s purpose. 

This speech was delivered on March 25, just before the 
division upon Lord Arundel’s amendment to read the Bill that 
day six months. The numbers proclaimed by the tellers 
were :— 

Against the amendment . , ‘ . 433 
For ‘i ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ - 9 

The second reading was therefore carried by a majority of 
338. Commenting upon the numbers of this division, Zhe 
Times was compelled to admit : 

In spite of this gigantic majority there was no advance towards an 
ultimate settlement of the question. Although the second reading was 
carried so triumphantly, the Ministerial Bill has really no supporters. 

The truth of this is evident from the severe handling which 
the Bill received during its long and stormy passage through 
Committee. At last, however, the third reading was proposed 
by Lord John Russell on July 4, and was agreed to by a 
majority of 263 against 46. 

During the debate, Mr. Reynolds expressed the general 
opinion when he had declared that even the noble lord, the 
head of the Government, could not tell what shape the measure 
would assume twenty-four hours hence. It was, indeed, a 
political and religious chameleon. Some discussion ensued as 
to the title of the Bill. Mr. Grattan proposed that it should 
be dubbed “ A Bill to prevent the free exercise of the Roman 
Catholic religion in the United Kingdom.” Mr. Gladstone 
again siezed the opportunity to denounce it “as the first step 
backwards to the abyss of persecution. He was not pleading,” 
he said, ‘‘ for papal bulls, but for the equal religious freedom 


of all classes of her Majesty’s subjects. The Act as it then 
stood, saved, by exemption, the bishops of the Episcopal 
Church of Scotland.” ‘‘ They do not exist,” cried a voice. ‘No,” 
retorted Mr, Gladstone, ‘‘ not in the eye of the law. Neither 
do the Catholic bishops. So leave as much existence to the 
titles of the Roman Catholic bishops.” 

At length, under the title of “An Act to Prevent the 
Assumption of certain Ecclesiastical Titles in respect of places 
in the United Kingdom,” the Bill went up to the House of 
Lords, and was, as a matter of courtesy and custom, read a 
first time. On Monday, July 22, the second reading was 
moved by Lord Lansdowne, who admitted that if their lordships 
did not think they were dealing with the aggression of a 
foreign power which was dishonourable to the sovereign, they 
ought to reject the Bill. On the otker hand, Lord Aberdeen 
and the Bishop of Norwich declared that the mere toleration 
of an Episcopal Church, such as the Catholic, included the 
liberty to appoint bishops, to determine their number and 
rank, and to bestow upon them any titles that did not infringe 
on avy existing rights. If the Bill were allowed to be any- 
thing more than a dead letter, there would be trouble in 
Ireland. After an adjourned debate the Bill was allowed to 
be read a second time by a majority of 227 against 38. On 
July 25, the Lords went into Committee, and on the 29th, on 
the motion of Lord Lansdowne, passed the third reading 
without a division. The Royal Assent was given on August 1, 
the feast of St. Peter’s Chains, and so the Bill became part, 
ever an inoperative part, of the statute law of England. 

We have seen the provisions of the Bill as first introduced. 
It was now barely recognisable as the same measure, so merci- 
less had been the running fire ef criticism through which it 
had had to pass, so pliable had its promoters proved them- 

The Preamble still cited the Emancipation Act, but declared 
that there was a doubt whether the passage in question met 
the case of new titles. Accordingly, it was enacted by Clause 
1 that all letters apostolical, briefs, &c., as well as the titles 
and jurisdiction which they conferred, were illegal and void. 
By Clause 2, all persons who procured, published, or used 
such briefs, and all who assumed the titles conferred by such 


briefs, were declared liable to a fine of £100. Clause 3 
exempted the bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church of 
Scotland from the operation of the previous clauses; whilst 
the Irish Charitable Bequests Act was also exempted by 
Clause 4, 

Such, then, is this ill-starred measure—the offspring either 
of a Minister’s burst of indignation or want of foresight, or 
which was even, as some have maintained, a preliminary move 
in a deeply laid scheme of the Whig party to enslave the 
Church. Early in the debate, Mr. Disraeli had poured 
scalding scorn upon it as neither asserting nor vindicating a 
single principle, and as remedying no substantial evil. The Bill 
was as rickety a piece of legislation as the tottering Ministry 
that had framed it. Even Zhe Times of July 7 was compelled 
to admit that the ‘‘Government had little cause to triumph 
over its prostrate and humiliated adversaries.” In the first 
place, the prime mover of the Bill had altogether changed it. 
Then friends and foes had dictated amendments, and enforced 
them by parliamentary defeats. Yet this disciplinary treat- 
ment was meekly accepted by the Ministry, who adhered, not 
merely to office, but to the principles of an act, of the preamble 
and two enacting clauses of which they disapproved. If the 
amendments were trivial, why were they so pertinaciously 
resisted ? If important, how was it they were so easily 
adopted? Originally a Bill against certain ecclesiastical 
titles, a clause was withdrawn and an admission made that, 
for certain purposes, the use of such titles must be permitted, 
It had been re-cast, battered, and tinkered, till it had lost 
every vestige of its identity. Surely, the introduction, ex- 
clusion, and the reintroduction of principles, as well as the 
dual designing of its structure, were poor guarantees for the 
perfection of a measure which had for so many months en- 
grossed the attention of Parliament. 

On July 31, Zhe Times, bitter as it had been against us, 
and savagely as it had hounded on the Ministry to persecuting 
legislation, found itself speaking as follows of the Bill recently 
passed : 

It is an embarrassing compromise between the necessities of self- 

defence and the maxims of religious liberty. For ourselves, we trust it 
may remain a dead letter, not from the supineness of the Administration, 


but from the prudence of the parties against whom it is directed. We 
have done little, and that little may become less, but the national reso- 
lution has been placed indisputably on record, and the very scantiness 
of our legislation is the best proof of its eyuitable intent. 

The truth is, the country was ashamed of itself; the great 
newspaper was beaten, and was now climbing down. The 
last words we have quoted were strangely prophetic ; the little 
did become less. From the beginning, the Bill remained a 
dead letter, and that through no submission on the part of 
those against whom it had been launched, till, after an un- 
successful effort in 1870, Mr. Gladstone repealed in 1871 the 
Bill which he had so stoutly resisted in 1851. 

J. B. MIitsurn. 

( 378 ) 



AST year I published in the Revue des Questions Historiques 

a rather extensive review, written for the Catholic Scien- 

tific Congress in Brussels, of the administrative and financial 

organisation of the Diocese of Bordeaux on the eve of the 

Revolution. This work has suggested to me a monograph of 
the same nature covering a given period of the Middle Ages. 

The latter is a far more difficult undertaking than the 
former. In my last year’s essay I was able to treat my subject 
exhaustively and to secure perfect exactitude. This time my 
information contains a number of lacuna to be filled in, and 
the figures which I give can only be taken approximately. 
Nevertheless, I have been able to bring forward numerous 
reliable documents and I have the certainty that the chief 
lines of the subject are beyond the reach of possible contra- 

In the first place, I will briefly name the sources from which 
I have drawn my information. 

We have in Bordeaux an immense collection of archives, . 
wherein are found, gathered together in the two series indi- 
cated as G and H, nearly all that has survived of the original: 
deeds, accruing from the archives of the ecclesiastical and 
regular establishments of the ancient Diocese of Bordeaux. 
It was here that I had chiefly to direct, in the beginning, my 
researches. Unfortunately, outside of the archives of the 
archdiocese and of the metropolitan chapter, which are defi- 
nitely arranged and catalogued, and of the collegiate chapter 
of St. Seurin-lés-Bordeaux, the inventory of which is still in 

* By arrangement, this article by M. le Chanoine Allain, Archivist of the 
Diocese of Bordeaux, which we hope may be helpful in the study by com- 
parative methods of Medieval Diocesan structure and history, will appear 
simultaneously in the Revue des Questions Scientifiques.—EDITOR. 

[ Wo. 16 of Fourth Series.) 2B 


the press, a considerable pile of registers and isolated papers 
relating to other establishments (chapters, parishes, abbeys, 
priories, and religious houses), is still in the stage of very 
incomplete arrangement, and many years must elapse before 
we can have any idea of the unknown riches which it contains. 
But it so happens that the archives of the archdiocese, in some 
of the groups of documents of which it is composed, can 
throw much and very clear light upon many subjects of im- 
portance. I will point out in the first place the ‘“ Accounts of the 
Archdiocese,” which are almost complete for the period of time 
of which I am about to write; they are full of references to 
the secular and regular benefices at that time existing in the 
diocese, of its administrative divisions, of its titular revenues, 

-of the sources and the importance of those of the archbishops, 
.of their retinue and their mode of living, and of the auxi- 

liaries whom they associated with themselves in its government. 
We have some of the deeds or charters, both papal and royal, 
which were conferred upon them; a small number of the 
registers of their episcopal court; of the dues paid to them 
for the large amount of land which they possessed and of 
which they were the overlords; their title-deeds of property, 
of customs, and of feudal rights. On the other hand we are 
only imperfectly informed of their synods, their visitations 
and the part they took in the collation of benefices. We 
have not any vegesta of their deeds. ‘Their political actions, 
however, are better known to us, thanks above all to the large 
printed collection: Rymer, Réles Gascons; the nine quarto 
volumes of the collection of the Archives Municipales de 
Bordeaux, and the thirty quarto volumes of the Archives 
Historiques de la Gironde. The archives of the two chapters 
of St. André and of St. Seurin supply us with reliable data 
concerning their constitution, their privileges, their revenues, 
their lands and their jurisdiction both ecclesiastical and civil. 

I have, naturally, studied with most minute attention all 
our books of local history which could be of any real value to 
the subject, but above all have I applied myself to the study 
of original documents which have been made use of. I am 
confident of the accuracy of my statements, and should, I hope, 
be prepared, if necessary, to bring forward satisfactory proofs 
for each one of them. 


IJ.—TwseE DI0cese. 

The diocesan territory was in the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries much the same as it was at the time of the French 
Revolution. There were always united together under the 
crozier of one pastor, the two ancient cities of the Bituriges 
Vivisci and the Boians. 

Its division into archpresbyteries was made, at the earliest, 
after the commencement of the sixteenth century, and very 
probably even later; it continued in substantially the same 
form as long as the ancient French Church lasted, consisting of 
eleven divisions at an early period, or reduced to ten by the 
amalgamation under one archpriest of the two pagi of Buch and 

To prove the truth of the statistics which follow I have 
chiefly made use of the plan of contrasting and comparing 
very minutely the numerous lists of ecclesiastical taxes, which 
have been preserved for us by the accounts of the arch- 
bishopric. I have only admitted into my list of figures those 
benefices of which the existence is expressly proved by a 
number of texts all ranging in date from 1350 to 1450. By 
carefully comparing these with the indications of the Powillé 
du Diocese de Bordeaux au XVIII. Siecle, which some years 
ago I arranged according to the documents of the diocesan 
archives, I am now able to establish with certitude some very 
tnteresting facts. 

In the first place the number of parochial divisions did 
not materially differ at the two epochs which I am comparing. 
In the eighteenth century 390 parishes and 35 annexes; in 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries about 403 parishes and 
10 annexes. But my calculation here is not absolutely 
reliable, for from 1350 to 1450 there were changes caused by 
union and disunion, and also by the dissolution, either 
permanent or temporary, of some parishes, caused by the 
ravages of war, or by epidemics. 

Regarding the priories the difference is much more con- 
siderable, and we find a more noticeable falling off in proportion 
as we leave the Middle Ages. In the period from 1342-68, 
106 priories, at least, mentioned in our financial documents, 
and we might add more to the number, both regular and Hospi- 


tallers, were founded in the metropolitan city. In the 
eighteenth century there existed only 61—what had become 
of the others? Many of them had been reunited to the 
neighbouring parishes; and here again the ravages of war, 
which was almost incessant in the Bordelais country up to the 
end of the Fronde, had carried on the work of destruction. 
On the other hand, these establishments, the nature of which 
was entirely changed by secularisation, the commanderies no 
longer supplying any real want, were not often able to survive 
the diminution of their revenues caused by the fall in the value 
of money, though the amount of the dues remained the same. 
The same fate befell the various chapelleries, which were 
almost innumerable in the Middle Ages. 

The secular chapters only numbered four (they increased to 
six a little later on): namely, the metropolitan church of St. 
André de Bordeaux, and the collegiate ones of St. Seurin-lés- 
Bordeaux, St. Emilion, and Villandraut. 

The diocese possessed at that time its eleven abbeys, for the 
most part not in a very flourishing condition, but which the 
Revolution found still existing. In addition to these we must 
reckon fourteen convents of men and three of women. Also 
many institutions of the Hospitallers; the learned Baurein 
puts their number at a hundred: but by the fourteenth cen- 
tury many of them had become simple priories. 

Having made these general observations, I will endeavour 
to describe the diocese, following the topographical order of the 
archpresbyteries, which, almost in all cases, correspond with the 
official and very ancient order of the Synodal lists. 

1. In the North-West, between the Gironde and the ocean, 
the archpresbytery of Zesparie, whose archpriest was curé of 
St. Esttphe; his territory comprised more or less all the 
actual district of Lesparre. It consisted of 39 parishes; 7 
priories, 1 of which, Soulac, was conventual; 2 abbeys, St. 
Pierre de l'Isle and St. Pierre de Verteuil, both belonging to 
the Canons Regular of St. Augustine; a convent of Franciscan 
friars at. Lesparre ; an establishment of Knights Templars at 
Benon (which, like all others belonging to the Templars, had, 
after the suppression of the Order, passed into the hands of 
the Hospitallers), and finally a hospital at Grayan and a house 
of Hospitallers at Trélody. 


2. South of the Archpresbytery of Lesparre was that of 
Mouliz. Its archpriest was curé of St. Médard en Jalles; it 
comprised 27 parishes; 6 simple priories, 1 priory of Hos- 
pitallers and 1 house of Templars, at Arsins. 

5. The archpresbytery of Buch-et-Born had been formed by 
the reunion of the pagus Bogeit and the pagus Bornensis ; it 
was the territory of the civitas of the Boians, of whom the last 
historical trace is the mention in the Notitia provinciarum et 
civitatum Galliw. The country of Buch still belongs to the 
actual diocese of Bordeaux and to the department of Gironde ; 
that of Born, a piece of land of about 45 kilometers from 
north to south, and from 18 to 20 east to west, along the 
coast, now belongs to the diocese of Aire in the department of 
Landes. It is a country of melancholy aspect, consisting of 
fens, forests, and downs. Its archpriest was curé of Parentis- 
en-Born ; it consisted of 27 parishes, 11 of them in Born and 
16 in Buch, and only 2 priories. 

4, The archpresbytery of Cernés, bordered on the east by 
the Garonne and the diocese of Bazas, on the south by the 
same diocese, on the west by the last-mentioned archpresby- 
tery, and on the north by that of Moulix. Its principal place 
was Gradignan ; it consisted of at least 49 parishes and 4 
others of which the existence as baptismal churches is doubtful, 
5 of them having entirely disappeared, and being only known 
to us by the accounts of the taxes of the fourteenth century ; 
12 priories, many of which were originally institutions of the 
Hospitallers, destined chiefly for the relief of travellers and 
pilgrims; a secular Chapter composed of a dean and twelve 
canons, founded by Clement V. at Villandraut, the place of 
his birth, and definitely organised by a Bull of John XXII. on 
the 15th January 1316. 

5. Having on its western confines the pagus Sarnensis, and 
separated from it by the Garonne, the archpresbytery of 
Bénauge, had eastern frontier adjoining the diocese of Bazas, 
and its northern frontier the archpresbytery of “‘ Entre-deux- 
Mers”; it was bordered on the west by the Garonne. It 
formed a triangle with a base of about 18 kilometers and a 
height of 28. The country was populous, and the inhabited 
portions adjoined closely upon each other without interruption. 
Its chief town was St. Pierre de Loupiac. I reckon in it 47 


parishes and 13 priories. That of St. Sauveur at St. Macaire 
was conventual, of the order of St. Benedict, and had preserved 
a certain importance all through the Middle Ages; it possessed 
at least four monastic officials, viz., priewr, sacriste, chambrier, 
and owvrier, each of whom were separately assessed in the tax 
office; it was dependent upon the Abbey of St. Croix at 
Bordeaux. Its magnificent Romanic Church is to-day the 
parish church. At St. Mocaire also there was a convent of 
Franciscans, founded in 1265, which found a benefactor in 
Edward III., King of England. 

6. The archpresbytery of Entre-deux-Mers, north of the 
preceding one, took its name from its position between the two 
rivers Garonne and Dordogne. During the Middle Ages the 
first-mentioned river was, at Bordeaux, constantly called the 
sea. Its archpriest was curé of Génissac; it numbered 54 
parishes, 15 simple priories, 2 abbeys, the first of which, a 
very important one, that of Sauve-Majeure (Sancto Maria 
Sylve Maioris), of the order of St. Benedict, has long since 
fallen to ruin; but it was generally in a flourishing condition 
up to the time of the French Revolution. It was founded in 
1080 by St. Gérard of Corbie. In 1364 the Black Prince 
accorded to it a charter of protection. Twelve of its monastic 
offices were officially registered, viz.: those of prieur, célérier, 
hotelier, chambrier, infirmrer, économe, awmonier, réfectorier, 
sacriste, pitancier, bibliothécaire, and jardinicr (ortholanus). The - 
second abbey was that of Bonlieu or Risus-Agni, of the Cis- 
tercian order, an affiliation of Pontigny, and founded in 1141 
by Blessed Sicaire, a monk of Jouy in Burgundy. ‘Towards 
1380 it contained only seven monks, and was partly destroyed 
by the wars. 

7. Across the Garonne, between Libourne and Moulon, was 
situated the archpresbytery of Lntre-Dordogne; it was 
bordered by the river of that name and by the river Isle; its 
eastern frontier adjoined all along the diocese of Périgueux. 
The curé of St. Magne was its archpriest, and it numbered 46 
parishes, amongst others those of St. Jean in the town of 
Libourne and St. Symphorien at Castillon, the place where was 
fought the battle in which Talbot was killed, and which defi- 
nitely decided the restoration of Guienne to the crown of 
France. In this district there only existed five priories, but 


we also notice there a celebrated Chapter, that of St. Emilion, 
and one abbey, that of Faize. St. Emilion, much renowned 
from an archzeological point of view, and greatly famed for its 
generous wine, owes its name to a holy hermit who came from 
Vannes in the second half of the eighth century, and who died 
full of days and of merit, celebrated for his miracles, in 767. 
An abbey was erected over his grave; but it was secularised 
on the 18th December, 1309, by Clement V. The collegiate 
church possessed 12 canons, 1 dean, 3 other dignitaries, a 
cantor, sacristan, and an almoner. JBesides the abbey there 
were, in the town of St. Emilion, a convent of Franciscans and 
one of Dominicans, and lastly an endowed hospital which owed 
its existence to the liberality of a certain canon, Eymeric de 
Vinhey, who made a will in its favour in 1403. Libourne 
possessed a Franciscan house and two hospitals. Faize was 
a Cistercian abbey affiliated to Pontigny, and established in 
1137 by the. generosity of Pierre, Viscount of Castillon, From 
the thirteenth century there was a house of Great Carmelites 
at Castillon. 

8. To the north and west of “‘ Entre-Dordogne,” from which 
it was separated by the river Isle, we find the archpresbytery 
of Fronsac. Its principal town was Bonzac. 1t numbered 35 
parishes, 19 priories, and 1 abbey, St. Pierre de Guitres, of 
the order of Cluny, the origin of which is unknown. Its fine 
church still exists unimpaired, Our tithe-roll enables us to 
know the number of the monastic offices. They were: 
aumdénier, pitancier, sacriste, and owvrier. 

9. West of the archpresbytery of Fronsac, and also upon the 
right bank of the Dordogne, was the archpresbytery of Bourg, 
with its principal town of Gauriac. It comprised 40 parishes 
and 8 priories. The town of Bourg, which was rather cele- 
brated in the Middle Ages, possessed an abbey belonging to 
the Canons Regular of St. Augustine. Its history is very 
obscure. As regards its monastic offices our texts for 1350— 
1450 only mention, besides the abbot, the sacristan and the 
almoner. Finally we may mention the priories of the Hos- 
pitallers of St. Antoine d’Artiguelongue and of St. Lazare de 

10. The last archpresbytery of the diocese was that of 
Blaye, upon the right bank of the Gironde, whose archpriest 


was curé of Marcillac. It numbered 26 parishes; 16 priories ; 
three abbeys, of which Pleine selve of the Premonstratensian 
order, established in the middle of the twelfth century, was 
rarely in a very flourishing condition, Saint Romain of Blaye, 
belonging to the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine, was a 
very ancient monastery owing its name to a holy priest, a 
contemporary of Saint Martin, mentioned by Gregory of 
Tours in his de gloria confessorum. The monastic offices in 
this monastery in the beginning of the eleventh century were 
those of chambrier and sacristain. Bertrand du Chastel 
caused much anxiety to the Bordelais by his suspected intrigues 
with the Duc d’Orleans and other French captains. The third 
abbey in Blaye was that of Saint Sauveur de Blaye, of the 
order of Saint Benedict; the authors of Gallia Christiana 
have ignored its origin ; it had three monastic officers : sacriste, 
hotelier, and ouvrier. From the year 1218, Blaye possessed 
in addition one hospital. 

It is now time to speak of the revenues and of the various 
benefices both secular and regular. A title-roll of 1362, 
unfortunately very incomplete, provides us with very accurate 
references upon this subject, but the interpretation of the 
figures is difficult, owing to the incessant variations in the 
money of this region and doubtless of various other places in 
the fourteenth century. A very competent numismatist, 
M. Emile Lalanne, Director of the public weights in Bordeaux, . 
assures me that in the text with which we are dealing, it is 
the /ivre of Bordeaux which is meant; and he thinks, though 
not without some hesitation upon this almost insoluble problem, 
that we might use a multiple of fifteen to get at the real 
value. I give in the footnote* some prices in Bordeaux 
livres of 1337, the preceding accounts being in leopards and 
pounds sterling. 

For 267 parishes mentioned two curés received 80 liv.; one curé 
77 liv. ; three had 70 liv. ; one 65 liv. ; four 60 liv.; twenty-three 

“* Clothing : 1} ell of blanket, 42 sous : thread and making, 20 sous ; 2 ells of 
grey and 2 ells of red cloth for a gown, intended for the nephew of the arch- 
bishop, 10 liv. ; to the tailor for the making of one double gown, for two 
pairs of stockings and for two double cowls for the same, 30 sous; four dozen 
gloves, 56 sous; nine pairs of shoes for the cubicularius of the archbishop, 
31 sous ; three pairs of stockings for the same, 45 sous ; 18 pairs of shoes for two 
little choristers, 75 sous; repairing the shoes of a valet, 2 sous 11 deniers. 

Wages : Six days of gardeners, 17 sons6 deniers ; six days of women who have 
weeded the garden, 6 sous. 


from 40 to 55liv.; eleven from 82 to 35liv.; thirty-two had 30liv.; 
twenty-five 25 liv. ; and forty 20 liv. The following are the 
lowest figures : thirteen curés received 10 liv. ; one 9 liv.; and 
two 5 liv. 

Here we have the revenues of the abbeys: Guitres Bourg 
and Saint Romain of Blaye, 500 liv.; Saint Sauveur of Blaye, 
300 liv.; Isle, 150 liv.; la Sauve, 140 liv.; Pleineselve and 
Verteuil, 100 liv.; Bonlieu, 30 liv.; the abbot and monks of 
Faize, 100 liv. 

The figures relating to the monastic offices of the various 
abbeys vary very considerably, the maximum being 500 liv. to 
the cellarer of the Sauve, and the minimum 6 liv. to the hotelier 
of Saint-Sauveur of Blaye. 

With regard to the priors the extreme figures also vary very 
much. To determine them precisely it would be necessary 
to entirely transcribe the entries in the before-mentioned roll. 

The Metropolitan City. 

Such is a brief, but still I believe complete, list of 
the ecclesiastical establishments existing in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries in the ten archpresbyteries of the 
diocese of Bordeaux. It remains for me to enumerate those 
of the metropolis itself, where they multiplied very quickly as 
time rolled on. Like all cities of any considerable importance 
in the Middle Ages, the capital of Guyenne was bristling with 
the towers of parish and conventual churches, chapels and 
houses of Hospitallers which in certain quarters crowded closely 
upon each other; while in others they were less numerous, but 
everywhere the service of God was amply provided for and 
almost the entire population, profoundly Catholic, could find, 
everywhere at hand, abundant means of satisfying their 

We are well acquainted, thanks especially to M. Leo 
Drouyn, with the Bordeaux of 1450 during the last days of 
the English dominion there. He has drawn up a plan of it 
upon a very large scale, all the indications of which are verified 
by original and contemporary texts. In those days the town 
was not of quite the same form as it is to-day ; nowit is in the 
shape of an elongated crescent, of which the river forms the 


inner curve. At the close of the Middle Ages it was in the 
form of an irregular octagon, of which eastern sides followed the 
Garonne. It was very easy at that time to notice its successive 
growths as the old walls were still in existence. 

The Roman Bordeaux, which was a commercial town of 
great wealth, had never been fortified. Towards the middle 
of the third century, probably in 276, it was destroyed by the 
barbarians. About the year 300, the city was re-built and 
surrounded by very solid ramparts, into which were built, 
without any order, innumerable débris of buildings, stones 
covered with inscriptions, &c. These ramparts were flanked 
by 46 towers and were entered by 14 gates. The wall was 
rectangular, its larger sides measuring a little over 700 métres, 
the smaller ones slightly under 500. ‘This is the town which 
was sung of by Ausonius. The Bordelais were content with 
it for eight centuries, but during that long period numerous 
independent structures arose in the suburbium. In the North 
West the faubourg of Saint Seurin gathered itself round the 
Basilica in which were preserved the relics of the holy and 
celebrated bishop of that name. In the South were the Abbey 
of Sainte Croix and the many dwellings which rapidly collected 
in its shadow. Little by little commercial faubourgs developed 
themselves, and that so quickly, that by the end of the twelfth 
century (towards 1200) it was necessary to enclose by a double 
wall, well provided with towers and fortifications, an entirely ~ 
new quarter at the south of the city. It was here that the 
Commune had its hotel-de-ville and that the great merchants 
built their lofty and strong houses. In 1302, the town had 
extended itself considerably to the north and south ; it was 
then that the ;wrats decided to construct a third enclosure, the 
development of which attained to 6000 métres, 

In 1450 the three lines of ramparts were still in existence, 
well kept and guarded ; the town was strong, free, rich and 
well populated. It had been for some time a capital which 
had to be respected by the central power. During the whole 
time of the union of the Bordelais country with the English 
crown, the Church had strengthened herself there, and had 
grown in power and riches, had increased her privileges and 
exercised in civil, juridical and political affairs a prominent 
part which increased as time went on. The archbishop’s 


palace, two chapters, 15 parishes, 13 chapels, 14 priories and 
hospitals, 1 abbey, 5 convents of men and 3 of women, such 
is the strong staff of ecclesiastical and religious establishments 
which had sprung up and taken root in the soil of Bordeaux. 

At the south-west angle of the Roman castrwim rose the 
Cathedral, dedicated to Saint Andrew; this was certainly no 
longer the church which was consecrated by Pope Urban II. in 
1096. Some parts of it had been rebuilt, notably in the first 
years of the fourteenth century. The transept and the choir 
with their collateral naves, their chapels, their four towers and 
their superb portals, are particularly remarkable from the double 
point of view of their architectural conception and their sculp- 
tural decoration, while their dimensions are very considerable. 
In the large nave, which is simple »ut of immense size, used ~ 
to be held the municipal assemblies to which the ‘“‘ common 
people” were called. It is here that upon the 25th July 
every year the new jurats were proclaimed; here that they 
exchanged oaths with the bourgeois, as also did the King of 
England’s representatives. At the time of which we are 
speaking the rich and powerful Metropolitan Chapter had just 
finished erecting, towards the apse of the church, the beautiful 
square belfry, which stands quite isolated and is known by the 
name of “ Pey Berland Tower.” 

The large nave was surrounded on all sides—on one side 
by the canons’ houses, which were built round a charming 
cloister in the fourteenth century, and which were very 
unadvisedly destroyed a few years ago; on the other by 
the archbishop’s palace, an immense ‘pile of buildings of all 
periods, in which very illustrious personages were often 
received, especially princes and lords from England. It was 
here that King John was brought after the fatal battle of 
Poictiers. The Dean of the Chapter had a charming house 
close by. 

At the bottom of the square, behind the apse of Saint 
André, stood the Romanic chapel of Saint Sauveur, and just 
behind it the little parish church of Notre Dame de la Place. 
This church was, for a long time, the centre of a confraternity 
of thirteen priests, called “‘ La Treisaine,” which was instituted 
in 1237 by Archbishop Géraud de Malemort and confirmed by 
Pey Berland in 1440. When, at the beginning of the 


fourteenth century, Notre Dame de la Place was given up to the 
Irish Seminary, the exercises of the “Treisaine” were carried 
out at Saint André. There were eight other parishes within 
the limits of the Roman castrwm, viz.: Saint Paul, Saint 
Christoly, Notre Dame de Puy-Paulin, Saint Projet, St. 
Mexans, Saint Siméon, Saint Remi, and finally Saint Pierre, 
of which the nave alone stood inside the ancient walls; the 
iwrats had just rebuilt the choir outside of them. None of these 
churches were of much value from an artistic point of view. 
In the old town were still to be seen the chapels of Sainte 
Marthe and of Sainte Catharine. It was but poorly provided 
with convents ; the Mercy Convent and that of the Order of 
the Temple had been built there. I am not aware of the exact 
epoch at which the Templars came to Bordeaux, but the 
Fréres de la Merci established themselves there in 1320. 
There had also been in the same quarter some Friars of the Sack, 
Sachets or fratres de sacco, whose convent seems to have enjoyed 
but a short existence. 

It was also in the ancient Gallo-Roman town, not far from | 
the Cathedral, that was to be found Saint André, the most 
important hospital of Bordeaux. It had been instituted in 
1390 by the liberality of a rich canon, Vital Carles, a cantor 
of the Church of Bordeaux. As he had evidently noticed that 
a good number of the charitable institutions which had been 
erected as benefices had, in time, become ordinary secular - 
priories, he expressly desired that his should be governed 
by a lay Hospitaller, and placed it under the patronage of the 
mayors and jurats of the town; but of course it was an 
understood thing that the hospital should have its chaplains, 
for it was really more the care of the souls of the poor and 
sick than the alleviation of their bodily sufferings which deter- 
mined him to bestow his bounty. 

At the time of the first enlargement of the town there were 
two parish churches, Saint Eloi, and Sainte Colombe. The 
first was the chapel of the jurats, whose tribunal was called 
the “ Court of Saint Eliége”; its front faced the Hétel de 
Ville and the two walls of the second inclosure hemmed it in 
very narrowly. Though it has since been provided with a side- 
aisle it still retains the type of a very small city Church of the 
Middle Ages. Its apse, of the fourteenth and fifteenth 


centuries, is very elegant and in very good style. Sainte 
Colombe covered the spot which bears its name until the year 
1607, when it collapsed on the 2nd December. I have 
found amongst the diocesan archives a petition from the 
churchwardens from which I judge that the facade of this 
ancient church must have possessed great artistic interest. 
The area of Sainte Colombe was singularly restricted, its 
greatest length not reaching more than 250 métres and its 
greatest width 150 métres at most. In the same quarter I 
find three chapels; those of Lopsault, Notre Dame des Ayres 
and Saint Jean; a commandery of Saint Antoine, founded in 
1352, whose buildings, later on, passed into the hands of the 
Feuillants, and three hospitals, Notre Dame de Cayffernau, 
Sent Marsaau and Sent Johan. We do not know anything 
more of these chapels and hospitals than their existence, which 
is proved, especially by the contemporary mention of them 
found in the terriers and in the registers of dues. We 
know, however, that Saint Jean belonged to the order of 
Hospitallers, and that in 1224 the Brothers acknowledged a 
debt of 36 sols annual tax to the Metropolitan Chapter. 

The third enlargement of the town of Bordeaux has, very 
justly, been called ‘‘the quarter of the convents”; it is there 
that the imposing mass of buildings of the abbey of Sainte 
Croix has risen since the Middle Ages; and there that the 
monasteries of the Mendicant Friars were built in the thirteenth 

The northern portion of this third enlargement was depend- 
ent upon the parish churches of Saint Remy and Saint 
Mexans, of whose existence we have already spoken as being 
in the Roman city. In the south three other parishes had 
been erected ab antiquo: Sainte Eulalie, which most likely 
replaced the ancient monastery of Vierges spoken of in the 
Gallia Christiana according to the Acta sanctorum ordinis sancti 
Benedicti; Saint Michel, and finally Sainte Croix, where one of 
the collateral naves of the abbey was appropriated for parish 
use and assigned to a secular curate, 

Sainte Eulalie, whose district extended far beyond the ram- 
parts, still exists with its naves, its elegant spire, rebuilt about 
thirty years ago, and its charming polygonal apse of the 
fifteenth century. This church gloried in the possession of 


remarkable relics, notably those of SS. Clarus, Justinius and 
their companions, martyrs, piously preserved by Charlemagne. 
Lopés, basing his account on authentic documents, tells us that 
in 1174, the Archbishop, Guillaume le Templier, 

consecrated the parish church, Sainte Eulalie, of Bordeaux and after- 
wards united the curacy to the Chapter of the Metrupolitan Church, 
which had enjoyed for a long time (as we are told by the deeds) 
the right of burial and of the sacraments in this church, and Pope 
Alexander III. authorised this union. 

At first Saint Michel was only a simple chapel, dependent 
upon the abbey of Sainte Croix. Its possession was the subject 
of serious litigations in the eleventh century between the monks 
and the canons of the Metropolitan Church. The monks, having 
proved the antiquity of their rights, obtained, in 1099, permis- 
sion to remain there in a decree of Archbishop Amatus, Papal 
Legate, on condition of their paying an annual rent of two sols 
to the chapter. Many of the Popes successively confirmed this 
decision, especially Clement V., who never forgot the assistance 
which he had received from the abbot and monks in the 
troublous days of his episcopate. Like the other parishes of 
Bordeaux, Saint Michel never possessed a curé who bore the 
title; it was governed by a perpetual curate, but during 
the whole of the Middle Ages it never ceased to increase 
in population and in wealth. Its endowments were very 
numerous, and the services attached to them were performed 
by a college of incumbents, whom Louis XI., in the year 1466, 
vainly endeavoured to form into a chapter. The parochial 
spirit was very highly developed in this quarter, and the in- 
habitants had constantly in view the object of giving to their 
church an architectural and decorative splendour which should 
make it rank as one of the first in the city. In this they 
succeeded. Saint Michel, which was almost entirely com- 
pleted in 1450, is a very beautiful edifice, not without defects, 
it is true, but of very great artistic value. The vast proportions 
of its conception are far superior to the collegiate church of 
Saint Seurin and to the abbey church of Sainte Croix. The 
magnificent belfrey, one of the most beautiful ornaments of the 
town, was built only in February 1474. At the time of which 
I am speaking, the spot upon which it now stands was occupied 
by a simple chapel, built over a charnel-house in the centre 


of the parish cemetery. The abbey and parish church of 
Sainte Croix is also still in existence. It had a splendid 
Romanic facade, which had been left unfinished by the monks 
and which has been restored, or rather rebuilt, in our own 
times ; though not without having, according to the best critics, 
lost something of its original character. The interior is large 
and sufficiently regular, the three naves being terminated by 
beautiful apses of the twelfth century. It is quite beyond doubt 
that this Benedictine abbey dates from the time of the Merovin- 
giens ; the story de monacho burdigalensi, told by Gregory of 
Tours, quite gives us the idea of a community of monks 
organised and governed by an abbot. This monastery stood 
outside the walls of the town until the beginning of the four- 
teenth century. It must have been destroyed by the Saracens 
in 732; restored at first by Charlemagne; then restored again 
by the Normans; and finally definitely re-established by the 
Duke of Gascony, Guillaume le Bon. Since that time its 
prosperity has always been on the increase. It was richly 
endowed with pracdia and with dues, many churches were 
given over to it, and princes and popes conferred great privi- 
leges upon it. The list of abbots given us by the Gallia is a 
very full one, the first mentioned being that of Elias towards 
the year 902. The 20th, Pierre Arnaud, was created cardinal 
by Clement V. at the time of his first promotion. In 1375 the 
abbey was governed by Pierre de Fermat, 22nd abbot, distin- 
guished on the list as optimus abbas, After him we find, 24th, 
Pierre de Camiade (1349-1371); 25th, Raymond Bouard de 
Roqueis (1376-1380), who later on became Archbishop of 
Bordeaux ; 26th, Bernard Salomon (1382-1384); 27th, Ama- 
nieu de la Mothe (1384-1412); 28th, Pierre Andrieu (1412- 
1435), who for a long time was collector for the Apostolic 
Chamber, and obtained the freedom of the abbey from Martin 
V.; 29th, the Englishman, Pascal Guilbort, who was elected 
upon the recommendation of Henry VI.; (1436-1489), but who 
was obliged to resign the crozier to the Bishop of Bazas; 
30th, Henri de Cavier, the first commendatory abbot (1439- 
1446); and 31st, Pierre de Bramo, Protonotary Apostolic, 
also held the monastery in commendam. ‘The abbot’s revenue 
was estimated in 1362 at 316 Bordeaux livres. 

The various cloister offices were, at the end of the Middle 


Ages, and had been no doubt for long before, established as 
distinct benefices. When the tithes were collected in 1362 we 
find mentioned the célérier, the chambrier, the poissonier, the 
chantre, the sacriste, the refectorier, the infirmier, the hétclier, 
and the owvrier. Each one of them possessed, within the 
enclosure of the abbey grounds, his house, garden, and other 
dependencies. Their united revenue amounted to 1526 Bor- 
deaux livres. In the records of the jwrats (October 15, 1406) 
is preserved a document which informs us very accurately of 
the staff of Sainte Croix at that time: L’abat de Senta-Crotz 
trameto bert messenhors (the jurats) per cedula, los noms deus 
senhors, monges, caperans et clercs deudeit monester n’y don erant ; 
the prieur claustral, the sous-prieur, the chambrier, the refectorier, 
the sacriste, the chantre, the infirmier, the hételicr, the sous- 
chantre, the pitancier ; six chaplains, one of whom was styled 
vicaire (no doubt the perpetual curate of the parish), and four 
prebendaries ; finally twelve clerks, two of whom were attached 
to the person of the prior, one to the vice-prior, one to the 
chamberlain, one to the refectorian, five to the sacristan, one to 
the infirmarian, and one to the guest-master. 

The abbey was surrounded by a sanctuary, whose inhabitants 
were free from the jurisdiction of the magistrates of the town 
and of the heads of the trade guilds. In fact its territory was as 
large as that of the parish, which extended as far as the out- 
skirts of the town. Near the apse of the church stvod a chapel 
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen. 

In 1418 there arose serious disagreements between the 
abbot and monks of Sainte Croix and the archbishop, David 
de Montferrand. The monks obtained a Bull which entirely 
exempted them from the jurisdiction of the archbishop. The 
prelate naturally did not look at all favourably upon this re- 
striction put upon his authority, and tried his very utmost to 
prevent, as long as he could, the execution of the apostolic 
concession. In 1423 a new Bull was issued commanding the 
Bishop of Aire, the Dean of Saint Seurin, and Abbot of Saint 
Sever to suppress this resistance. Threatened with excommu- 
nication, the archbishop was at last obliged to submit, and, 
says Dom Devienne, “it is not known that the religious of 
Sainte Croix after this had ever anything to trouble or impede 
them in the enjoyment of the privilege accorded to them by 

=S Fr ae” 


Martin V.” I do not think, however, that this favour at all 
contributed to the regularity or to the spiritual prosperity of 
the abbey. In any case it was in a most deplorable state in 
the sixteenth century and at the commencement of the seven- 
teenth, and things went from bad to worse until the time. when 
Cardinal Sourdis brought about the union of Sainte Croix with 
the congregation of Saint Maur (1627). 

In the same quarter of the town the Mendicant orders 
possessed a number of convents of great importance. The one 
nearest to Sainte Croix was that of the Franciscans, who in 
Bordeaux were styled the ‘‘ Menuts” (minoves). They came 
to the town in 1228. 

The Cartulary of Sainte Croix has preserved for us an 
account of the agreement between their provincial on the one 
hand and the abbot and monks of Sainte Croix on the other. 
They were not permitted to receive any offering for the celebra- 
tion of Mass excepting the incevse and the candles; they were 
not to receive to penance or burial any parishioners either 
of Sainte Croix or of Sainte Michel without permission from 
the chaplain, and might not acquire any goods from these 
two churches. In the same cartulary there is inserted a charter 
of Archbishop Gérard de Malemort (May 23, 1228), declaring 
that he had consecrated the cemetery of the Friars Minor at 
Maucailhou, in the parish of Saint Michel, upon the following 
conditions: That they should only allow to be buried there the 
brothers of the Order who, while still in good health, had taken 
the religious habit; and that they should receive in their 
monastery those monks of Sainte Croix who should go there 
for the purpose of celebrating the Divine Offices; in the event 
of these regulations being transgressed the cemetery should be 
closed. In 1247, owing to the liberality of a rich bourgeois, 
Pierre de Bordeaux, they were able finally to build their 
church. The monastery was of considerable size, but I have 
not been able to obtain any information as to the number of 
friars which it generally contained. They received regularly, 
like all the other Mendicant orders, the alms of the jwrats and 
of the archbishop. In 1420 the jurats issued to the guardian 
and priors of the Augustinians, of the Dominicans, and of the 
Carmelites an order to expel, within two days, all the religious 
of French extraction. 

[Vo. 16 of Fourth Series. ] 2C 


Quite close to the “‘ Menuts” lived the “ Menudes,” viz., 
the Franciscan nuns or Poor Clares. 

I have not been able to discover so far [says Baurein] the year in 
which they established themselves at Bordeaux. The oldest voucher 
which has come under my notice, and which mentions these nuns, is the 
will of Pierre Carpin, prebendary of Saint Seurin in the year 1295- 
This ecclesiastic bequeaths to them, as also to other communities in the 
town, a legacy of 20 sols. 

Les Sors Menudas were at first established outside of the 
walls, which place they were obliged to leave at a date not 
precisely known, their buildings having been destroyed to help 
in the defence of the town. This site was preserved, and in 
1375 was called “ Menudas Belhas” (apud Minorissas antiquas). 
Baurein found, in an act of Jan. 18, 1375, the names of 
twelve religious composing part of the community, and many 
of them belonged to noble families. An abbess governed 
this convent, to which frequent legacies were bequeathed, and 
which existed until the last quarter of ‘the sixteenth century. 
At that time its revenues were incorporated with the Convent 
of the <Anonciades which had been but lately founded at 

The Augustinians claimed as their founder Robert Burnell, 
Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Chancellor to the King of Eng- 
land. lLopés has published the Act of December 21, 1257, 
in which is verified the permission accorded to these religious © 
to build a church and to have a cemetery upon the ground 
belonging to the parishes of Saint Eloi and Sainte Eulalie, on 
condition that they should pay a rental of 30 livres, and 
under the ordinary restrictions concerning the administration of 
the Sacraments and the burial of the dead. A sentence of 
the official, dated April 20, 1336, ratifies their obligations 
with regard to the canons of the Metropolitan Church. Their 
church was a very large one. The bell tower, much disfigured, 
however, is still in existence. 

Adjoining this religious house was that of the Augustinian 
nuns. M. Leo Drouyn has discovered in an ancient inventory 
of Saint André (Act of July 12, 1354), the proof that they 
held from the Chapter 

the ground upon which they lived, in return for the pension of certain 


corporals, and of a towrilhon of good linen, according to the quality 
and estate of the Chapter of Bordeaux, and this each year upon the 
feast of Saint Andrew. 

This convent was no longer in existence at the end of the 
sixteenth century. 

The house of the Carmelites also stood in the southern por- 
tion of the third extension of Bordeaux. The following is 
what Lopés says of it: 

On the 26th June, in the year 1264, the Chapter came to an agreement 
with the Carmelite Fathers concerning the monastery which they had 
built in their district. It was not, however, in this year, that they were 
first established, as M. de Saint Marthe writes in his chronique, after de 
Lurbe, but long before; first on the spot which is still called lous Carmes 
Bielhs, which is at present incorporated in the Convent of the nuns of the 
Anonciades, and secondly where they are still at the present day, in the 
year 1217 by Gaillard, Lord of Landes, at which place died Simon Stock, 
the sixth general of their order, who was buried there in 1250. 

The authors of Gallia seem to believe, upon good grounds, 
I think, that the first establishment of Carmelites at Bordeaux 
did not take place before the middle of the thirteenth century. 

The Dominicans had built their monastery in the north of 
the town, and this seems to have been the most important 
one in the city of Bordeaux. Bernard Gui relates, with his 
accustomed precision, the circumstances of its foundation. It 
took place in 1230 during the episcopate of Géraud de Male- 
mort, and was due to the liberality of a rich bourgeois of 
Bordeaux, Amanieu Colomb. From the outset the Dominicans 
of Bordeaux obtained many privileges from Gregory IX. 
When the Archbishop hesitated as to whether he should bless 
their cemetery, the Pope commanded him to do so, substituting, 
in the event of his refusal, the Bishop of Comminges. 

Later on [says Rabanis] Simon de Montfort added to the monastery 
buildings a splendid infirmary, and such was the magnificence of the 
whole that it became the habitual place of residence of the Kings of 
England when they visited the city; the part of the monastery which 
was occupied by them being called the Royal Apartments, 

In the deeds of the last presentation made to the Domini- 
cans by the Kings of England, Henry VI. gives as the motive 
of his gifts that 

SE REE: Sean bee 


this Convent possessed vaster and more remarkable buildings than any 
other house of the same order, and that a large portion of these had been 
built with the design of accommodating not only the kings, but also the 
princes and their families and other high dignitaries of the State so long 
as they should remain in Bordeaux. 

In 1325 Arnaud Calhau, a former Mayor of Bordeaux, 
Seneschal of Saintonge and Lord of Blaye, rebuilt the Chapter 
Room, the richness of which was in keeping with the rest of 
the house. The church measured about 60 métres in length, 
and 45 at its greatest breadth. 

The Dominican nuns or Sors de Santa Catharina, certainly 
possessed a convent at Bordeaux about the year 1450; but I 
do not know the date at which they were founded, and what 
may have been their importance. 

Five hospitals were successively established in that part of 
the town which was surrounded by ramparts in the fourteenth 
century ; that of Saint Esprit, not far from the Dominican 
Convent (and which, later, became a priory united to the 
College of Saint Raphaél towards the end of the sixteenth 
century); that of Puch-Moton, near the Church of Saint 
Michel, about which M. Leo Drouyn has collected considerable 
evidence ; Sainte Croix, which, however, was perhaps founded 
only after the year 1450; the hospital of the Peste, whose 
name sufficiently indicates the object for which it was especially 
destined ; and, finally, the most important of all, that of Saint 
James, whose church had been restored to use during this cen- 
tury, and which was transformed into a warehouse by the 
decrees of 1880. 

In 1119, says the Chronique de Bordeaux, William, Duke of Guienne, 
in honour and in memory of Saint James, founded at Bordeaux the 
hospital and priory of St. James, in which pilgrims going to and returning 
from Saint Jaques in Galicia, should be housed, lodged, and fed, and 
foundlings, deserted by father and mother, should be kept and nourished 
until they attained the use of reason.* 

The Archbishop Armand Géraud, in the year 1122, conferred upon 
the Chapter (of Saint André) the power of confirming the prior who 

* “Guillaume, duc de Guienne, en l’honneur et memoire de Sainct Jaques, 
institue 4 Bordeaux Vhospital et prieuré de Sainct Jammes, auquel les pélerins 
allans et venans de Sainct Jaques en Galice seroient hébergez et nourriz et les 
enfans exposez n’estant advouez de pére et de mére, nourriz jusques a l’age 
de_connoissance.”—Chronique Bourdelaise. An. 1119. 


should be presented to them and the payment of dues which the hospital 
had to make to him every year upon the feast of St. James the Apostle ; 
so long as no one dying in the parishes dependent upon the Chapter 
should be buried in the cemetery which he had consecrated for the 
hospital, with the sole object of the burial of the poor, without license or 
permission from the canons. And as fresh disagreements arose between 
the brothers of this hospital and the canons, Géraud, Archbishop of 
Auch, Papal Legate, following the advice given him by Guillaume, Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux ; Elias, Bishop of Agen; Aimar of Saintes; Garsies 
of Bazas and Guillaume of Acqs, delivered sentence in the year 1174, 
in which permission was granted to the hospital to bury the brothers 
who served there, as also the poor and pilgrims; ordaining that with 
regard to others who should be buried there, whether from the city or 
from the outskirts, half of all the offerings which were made upon the 
day of the funeral, and upon the seventh and thirtieth days of the 
ensuing month, as well as half of all the goods, whether household or 
otherwise, which should be left in legacy, should belong, without any 
diminution, to the canons. It was also added that every year one of the 
brothers of this hospital should present hiinself before the Chapter and 
ask them to depute a canon to celebrate High Mass in their church on 
the feast of St. James, upon which occasion he should be paid the annual 
tax of two sols, and this decree was confirmed by a papal bull of Pope 
Alexander III. on the 30th June (Lopés). 

This priory was taken on lease by the Jesuits in 1574, for the instruction 
of youth both in good morals and in the teaching of Catholic religion, 
with the charge of the housing and nourishing of foundlings and pilgrims 
before mentioned.—Chronique Bourdelaise. 

Again, in the suburbs of the town we find numerous 
charitable institutions and chapels: the Hospital of Saint 
Julien, founded in 1231 for poor pilgrims; that of the Gahets, 
with its Church of Saint Nicholas, ‘‘ destined at first,” accord- 
ing to Baurein, “for men supposed to be suffering from 
ladrerie or leprosy.” These poor people were sometimes the 
objects of special acts of charity ; many wills of the fourteenth 
century, examined by the same writer, mention legacies made 
to the “community of the Gahets of Bordeaux;” and the 
chapels St. Genés, St. Laurent d’Escures, and St. Germain. 

In 1383 the Carthusians of Vauclaire, being obliged to 
leave their monastery, which had been wrecked by the French 
soldiery, took refuge in Bordeaux, where they were received by 
a rich notary, Pierre de Maderan. They were given some 
buildings and a garden in the north of the town, where they 
established themselves and continued to keep this hospitium, 
where some of the monks still resided even after more favour- 


able circumstances permitted the others to return to Périgord. 
This is proved by conclusive documents which were preserved 
by Baurein. 

I have kept for the last the important faubourg of 
St. Seurin, which was, probably, the first centre of Christianity 
in Bordeaux. In the neighbourhood of the basilica, in which 
were venerated the relics of the great bishop of the fifth 
century—a church already celebrated for its crypt and its 
Merovingian tombs, surrounded by its cloister, its houses of 
canons, the oustaus of its dignitaries—there were no less than 
six chapels and two hospitals. A short distance from the 
Port Dijeaux stood the chapel of St. Ladre, relating to which 
Baurein has collected a number of deeds, and which certainly 
existed before 1235 and after 1831; the chapel of ‘La 
Recluse ;” a little distance from it and opposite the gate 
of St. Symphorien, stood a chapel of the same name; then 
came that of the priory of St. Martin of Mont Judaique, which 
without doubt replaced an extremely ancient oratory dedicated 
to the great Bishop of Tours. Close to this church the holy 
Archbishop Pey Berland (1430-1451) founded a hospital 
under the patronage of St. Peter: 

He provided it with beds, an income, and all things necessary for the 
maintenance of the buildings, and of the eleven poor persons whom they 
were obliged to receive, whatever part they came from; he made a 
foundation for a priest to reside there and to direct it, and who should» 
be, at the same time, Titulary of the Chapel of Andernos ; he also placed 
there an hospitaller of honest life and good reputation, or a woman of 
the same character, to wait upon the poor. In one of the codicils of his 
will, he bequeathed to this foundation a hundred gold nobles which he 
had lent to Medard de Durfort and to other cavaliers, also a missal, a 
chalice, a chasuble, and a coffer or box in which to preserve these 

In the cemetery which surrounded the collegiate Church on 
three sides, there stood, in the Middle Ages, three chapels. 
That of St. Etienne was, according to all appearance, one of 
the primitive sanctuaries in which the first Christians of 
Bordeaux used to congregate; it was originally the parish 
church of the faubourg; that of St. Georges, “which was 
already old at the end of the thirteenth century,” was used 
later on as a charnel-house; and, finally, that of St. Esprit, 
built in a hexagon, which had, most likely, succeeded an 


ancient baptistry, became the seat of a celebrated confra- 

Such were, as far as we may with certainty gather, the 
benefices of the diocese and of the town of Bordeaux, at the 
close of the Middle Ages. Even putting apart from our Church 
the Metropolitan rank, which she so justly merits, we may truly 
say of her that by the extent of her territory and the large number 
of her establishments both charitable and religious, she ranked 
as one of the first in France, and indeed in all Christendom. 
To give a more complete and exact idea of her greatness it is 
necessary to speak with more detail of her two great chapters 
of St. Seurin and St. André and of her archbishops, and this 
will form the subject of a subsequent article. 


( 296 ) 


The Secret of Plato’s Atlantis. By Lord ARUNDELL oF WaRDOrR. 
London : Burns & Oates. 1885. 

On Certain Phenomena belonging to the Close of the Last 
Geological Period, and on their bearing upon the Tradition 
of the Flood. By JosepH Prestwicn, D.C.L., F.R.S., 
F.G.S. London: Macmillan & Co. 1895, 

OME few years ago a work was published entitled ‘‘ At- 
lantis: the Antediluvian World,” by Ignatius Donnelly. 

It seems to have reached its seventh edition in the year 1883 ; 
but we do not think that we ourselves or our readers would 
ever have heard of it, if it had not elicited a reply from Lord 
Arnndell of Wardour. It is founded upon a mythical tale, 
related by Plato, from whose works, translated by the late 
Professor Jowett, Lord Arundell, in an Appendix to his treatise 
quotes it at full length. We need not dwell upon it in any 
detail, but may briefly explain that Atlantis was imagined to 
be an island in the Atlantic Ocean near the Pillars of Hercules, 
which fell to the lot of the god Poseidon, who, falling in love 
with a young lady whom he met there, took up his abode in 
the island and founded a kingdom; it was a beautiful and 
fertile place, full of fruits, flowers, and abundant vegetation, as 
well as of various kinds of animals. Mr. Donnelly, contrary 
to general opinion and particularly to that of Professor Jowett 
(no mean authority on a matter of that kind) who regarded it 
merely as a fable, believed the story to be based on fact. He 
maintained that there once really existed in the Atlantic 
Ocean, opposite the mouth of the Mediterranean, a large 
island, the remnant of an Atlantic Continent ; that it had been 
inhabited by a ‘‘ populous and mighty nation,” some of whom 
migrated to the eastern coasts of America and also to Europe. 
That it was the true antediluvian world, the Garden of the 
Hesperides, the Garden of Eden, the Elysian Fields, &. &c. ; 
that early mankind dwelled there in peace and happiness, Lut 


that it perished in a terrible convulsion of nature, when the 
whole island with nearly all its inhabitants sank into the 
ocean, a few escaping in ships and rafts and carrying with 
them the tidings of the catastrophe, which we find still sur- 
viving in the legends of the Deluge. 

Now the Atlantic Ocean has been very fully and carefully 
sounded ; indeed we might venture to say that the bottom of 
that vast sea is almost as well known as its surface, and we 
should have thought that if an island in such a position had 
been submerged, it could scarcely by any possibility have 
escaped notice when soundings were made in that part of the 
ocean. Be that as it may, however, Lord Arundell takes the 
ground of history and tradition in his reply to Mr. Donnelly ; 
and he shows that Plato’s story was probably a fable originating 
in the narrative of a voyage to the north-west coast of Africa, 
by the Carthaginian Hanno about 505 B.c. He also adduces 
evidence to prove the general diffusion of the tradition of the 
Flood ; its existence (as is well known) among the Greeks, and 
in some uncivilised nations, including the aboriginal races of 
North America, where one would not readily expect to find 
it.* Lord Arundell in a former work on “ Tradition,” has 
gone into these subjects at greater length; but we do not 
propose to dwell upon this at present, for the existence of the 
great diluvian tradition is now generally recognised. It 
supplies indeed the ground for the recent work of Professor 
Prestwich, to which we are now about to call the attention of 
our readers. Before proceeding further, we may say that 
whatever weight we may attach to the traditional recollections 
of the Flood amongst half-civilised or barbarous nations, there 
are three accounts of it especially noteworthy: one is the 
Scriptural narrative ; another familiar to classical scholars, the 
story of Deucalion; the third, a very old version, recently 
brought to light by the investigators of Oriental tablets, the 
Babylonian or Chaldean narrative. It is to be remarked that 
in all three we have the same feature of the escape of one 

* In a recent work entitled “The Land of the Maskeg,’ by H. Somers 
Somerset, a tradition of the tribe called the Cree Indians, showing a belief in 
the Deluge, is mentioned. This tribe inhabits the extreme North of America, 
and, like other tribes in those parts, have in great measure been converted by 

Catholic missionaries. 



family in an Ark or vessel; in the Book of Genesis it is Noah 
and his wife, his sons and their wives; in the classical story, 
Deucalion and Pyrrha; in the Chaldean, Sisuthros, his household, 
his slaves, and his concubines. In all three a warning from some 
deity or demi-god is given: in all a great rain causes or assists 
in causing the flood : in all a sacrifice is offered after the Deluge 
has subsided. In the Chaldean account, the dove and raven, 
also a swallow, are sent out from the Ark, and allusion is made 
to the rainbow: the duration of the Flood, however, is much 
shorter, and it is not stated that the tops of the high hills were 
all covered. On the whole, however, this last-mentioned 
version has a great resemblance to the Biblical narrative, both 
of them doubtless originating in the same ancient story, at first 
verbally handed down from father to son, and subsequently 
put in writing; though the Chaldean form of it has been 
corrupted by passing through heathen hands, and the poly- 
theism of an idolatrous people put in the place of the mono- 
theism of the primitive tradition, which of course has been 
preserved in Holy Scripture. We are compelled here to differ 
from Professor Prestwich, who, adopting a theory which we 
believe we may call an exploded theory, thinks that the process 
was the reverse of what we have stated, and that it was “ the 
Hebrew narrative” that was “adapted from the Babylonian 
records, with such alterations as would fit it to a different 
religious belief.” “The Jewish writers,’ he adds, “have 
substituted for the polytheism of the Chaldeans the monotheism 
of their own countrymen.”* From this and some other 
remarks that he makes, it is apparent that Professor Prestwich 
does not believe in the inspiration of Holy Scripture ; but the 
independent testimony that he bears, while writing from a 
purely scientific standpoint, to the essential truth of the great 
tradition is none the less valuable, and indeed some would say 
all the more valuable, as coming from an unbiassed mind. 
He has clearly been struck forcibly with the existence of the 
tradition, and has consequently examined the scientific evidence 

* We read not long ago, in some infidel or agnostic writer, that the Early 
Hebrews were in fact polytheists, and the sacred books were originally cast in 
a polytheistic form, but were altered at a later period, and made to suit the 
monotheism then engrafted on the exploded system of idolatry. Such are the 
speculations, antagonistic and contradictory, of modern unbelievers. 


in order to see whether it corresponds with the old belief, or 
otherwise. The result appears in a small, but most interesting 
volume, the substance of which we shall endeavour to explain. 
Before doing so, however, we may observe that there is no one 
more competent than the author of this work to investigate the 
evidence afforded by geology and to appreciate its true value. 
In a critique of a former work of his, published in a scien- 
tific paper some months ago, he is spoken of as “‘ the acknow- 
ledged doyen among British geologists”; and he has occupied 
the professorial chair at Oxford (though he has now retired) 
in which formerly sat men such as Buckland and Phillips, 
The first of these two eminent men (like others of that date) 
endeavoured to prove or to corroborate the history of the 
Deluge by certain geological phenomena observed by him, but 
which have in many instances been explained, and perhaps 
better explained, in other ways. When that was found to be 
the case, a reaction occurred, and geology seemed to ignore 
the Deluge altogether, it being frequently asserted that there 
was no evidence of its having passed over the surface of the 
land at the period recorded. The present work is a remark- 
able reaction in the other direction. It must be borne in 
mind that Buckland fully believed in Scripture, and defended 
the whole Biblical narrative, even the universality, strictly 
speaking, of the Deluge—an opinion not now generally held to 
be a necesssary inference from the scriptural record, and one 
which he himself is said to have afterwards abandoned. ‘‘ They 
endeavoured,” Professor Prestwich says, speaking of Buckland 
and others, “to explain not only the destruction of life, but 
also such physical impossibilities as the universality of the 
Deluge, and the story of the Ark and its contents.” Now here 
again we feel called upon to join issue with our author, and to 
ask what is there impossible in the story of the Ark? It was 
surely possible to construct such a vessel, though the fact of 
its being built beforehand points clearly to Divine guidance, as 
it never could have been got ready for use suddenly, after the 
Flood had once commenced. A question may be raised as to the 
number and variety of the animals preserved in it, but that is 
not an essential point. The late Professor Huxley, in an 
article written a few years ago in the Nineteenth Century, made 
a difficulty about the drifting of the Ark helplessly, without 


rudder or oar, or other guidance ; but the scriptural history 
does not state that it was so left to drift, nor does it deny the 
existence of oars, sail, or rudder, though it does not explicitly 
allude to them. We have already observed that the Baby- 
lonian and Greek versions agree with that in Scripture in 
attributing the preservation of the human family that escaped 
to an ark or ship in which they took refuge. It is in fact an 
important feature in the tradition. 

As to the universality of the Deluge, in the full sense of 
the words, we doubt if even that is a physical impossibility. 
The great difficulty in accepting it is a biological one; if no 
animals were preserved excepting those in the Ark, then we 
must either suppose a fresh creation, or else evolution on a 
scale so extensive and so rapid, as neither Darwin nor any of 
his followers ever imagined. 

But we need not dwell on this, for we doubt if any writer 
in modern times, whose opinion deserves attention, maintains 
the universality of the Deluge in this sense: and indeed some 
authors, whose orthodoxy is incontestable, have allowed that 
we are not necessarily bound to believe that it was strictly 
speaking universal, even with respect to the whole human race. 
In the last number of this REVIEW, in a short notice of Father 
Hummelauer’s Commentary on Genesis, it is stated that this 
learned Jesuit leaves the question an open one. 

Professor Prestwich’s hypothesis—and it is to be remem- — 
bered that he only states it as a very probable hypothesis, open 
to further investigation—is as follows:—A submergence on a 
very large scale took place about 10,000 or 12,000 years ago, 
or perhaps less. The effect of this on the people who wit- 
nessed it, and who did not perceive the gradual sinking of the 
land beneath them, was that of a vast inrush of waters, flooding 
the plains, and leaving only the tops of very high hills un- 
covered ; men and animals fled, so far as they possibly could, 
to the high ground, the greater number being overtaken and 
drowned, while some escaped and reached the hill-tops, and 
after the sunken land rose again these fugitives returned and 
re-peopled the earth, that is, the large portion of it that had 
been flooded: the whole process took but a comparatively short 
time, the emergence being more rapid in some places than in 
others: an alteration in the level of the land was the result in 


some places of the catastrophe, and very possibly a change of 
climate took place. 

It will perhaps be in the recollection of our readers that 
Sir Henry Howorth published a few years ago a work called 
the “‘Mammoth and the Flood,” in which he went partly over 
the same ground that our present author does; it attracted a 
good deal of attention at the time and was noticed by the 
magazines and literary papers, amongst others in the pages 
of the Hdinburgh Review in an article proceeding, as we 
were led to believe, from the pen of an accomplished Catholic 
lady. It is remarkable that Professor Prestwich does not 
allude to this work, so that we must consider his present 
treatise as an entirely independent judgment on the phenomena 
he has observed, and which have led him to the same con- 
clusion as Sir Henry Howorth, viz., that the remains of animals, 
and particularly the mammoth, point to their having been 
suddenly destroyed by a vast deluge. As, however, the Pro- 
fessor does not touch on the work of Sir Henry Howorth, we 
shall so far follow him and confine our remarks to the treatise 
at present before us. 

Professor Prestwich does not, we may add, lay any y pertionlar 
stress on the remains of the Mammoth, but mentions it among 
other animals. We now proceed to lay before our readers the 
substance of his argument, the principle of which is the one so 
well known in scientific investigation—that certain geological 
phenomena, which cannot otherwise be satisfactorily explained, 
are exactly what we should expect to find, supposing this 
theory to be true. 

A preliminary objection, however, has to be met: there 
arose some years ago a geological school, of whose opinions the 
late Sir Charles Lyell was perhaps the leading exponent, and 
whose doctrine was that no great catastrophes had ever taken 
place; and that the facts which the geological record unfolds 
to us were all explicable by the operation of agencies precisely 
similar to those that we now see working—thus involving (as 
Professor Prestwich expresses it) “the assumption of uni- 
formity in degree in all time.” This doctrine is not generally 
maintained by the more recent school of modern geology; and 
the author of the work before us discards it, and states that up 
to the very date of the submergence “ described in the follow- 



ing pages, the crust of the earth was in a very mobile state” 
—a fact “proved by the presence of raised beaches with shells 
of existing species at elevations of 10 feet, 100, and up to 
600 feet or more.” 

The circumstance “that the species of shells are recent 
throughout” is particularly to be noted, as proving the com- 
paratively modern date of these upheavals. 

Leaving for the present the question how many men and 
how many animals escaped—on the assumption that this great 
submergence took place—a great number of creatures of 
various kinds in their flight before the advancing Flood would 
certainly have been overtaken and drowned. 

Now large fissures have been found in different, and indeed 
widely different, places, and in some cases on isolated hills of 
considerable height: in these fissures there have been dis- 
covered a great quantity of animal remains, not entire skeletons, 
but broken bones, singularly fresh, few of them being in their 
relative position, and none of them gnawed by carnivora. In 
England fissures of this character are common in the limestone 
rocks near Plymouth; they exist in the Cretaceous and 
Jurassic limestones in the South of France, and in certain 
high hills in Central France; also in parts of Italy, and in 
Sicily, where in the cave of San Ciro, near Palermo, an enor- 
mous quantity of hippopotamus bones have been discovered— 
and at the Rock of Gibraltar, in the limestone ranges of the 
North African Coast and elsewhere. 

If then as the land emerged after the catastrophe, “ the 
effluent waters swept into the open fissures the débris of the 
old land surface, together with the remains of the drowned 
animals, with more or less force and violence”—the result 
would be precisely as we find it. 

When the surface-rubble was not “caught as it were in 
transitu,” it would be swept down to lower levels, so as to 
form banks of breccia on the slopes and at the base of the 
hills. It sometimes, however, happened that at the sea-coast, 
owing to the land having stood at a lower level before the 
submergence than after it was over, there would be formed a 
‘Raised Beach” fronting the cliffs at a height varying from 
10 to 30 feet above the present beach ; then “as the land débris 
shot over the old cliffs it fell on the ‘ Raised Beach, and when 


the cliffs were not too high this mass of rubble entirely masked 
them, and formed a surface flush with the surface of the ground 
above the cliff.’ In this rubble animal remains have been 
found, and also delicate land-shells. There appear to be many 
examples of it on the south coast of England, at Cape Blanc Nez 
near Calais, where also some paleolithic implements have been 
found ; at other places on the French coast, and in the Channel 
Islands. The term Head has been technically applied to it, 
when it forms an overlying mass in the manner just described 
—though it does not actually differ from the rubble on the 
slopes of inland hills. 

This so-called ‘* Head ” does not generally contain very much 
in the way of organic remains, but the bones of some land 
animals have been found there—the Mammoth, the Woolly 
Rhinoceros, the Horse, the Bison, the Reindeer, the Wild Boar, 
the Wolf, the Spotted Hyana, and the Bear being amongst 
them ; land-shells have also been found, all of recent species. 

To appreciate fully the evidence adduced to show the pro- 
bability of the great submergence, it is necessary, of course, 
to read through the short treatise (for such it is) that we are 
reviewing; we can but give here a certain number of the 
principal points on which the author relies. He goes on to 
say that the considerations to which he has alluded, together 
with the circumstance that the rubble contains the remains 
of a land fauna only, have led him to infer that the south of 
England had been submerged “ at the close of the Post-Glacial 
period to the depth of not less than about 1000 ft., for to 
that height there are traces of this rubble drift.” He also 
infers that the submergence was comparatively slow and 
gradual, but the upheaval was by movements alternately slow 
and rapid; also that the submergence was of too short dura- 
tion to allow of marine sedimentation, or of marine shells being 
left on the submerged area. 

In France there are said to be several accumulations of 
what is termed “ osseous breccias,” one striking example 
occurring “‘near Semur, where a hill (Mont Genay) 1430 ft. 
high has apparently been entirely submerged, and a bank of 
breccia, derived from the rocks which cap its summit, and 
containing the remains of the Mammoth, Reindeer, Horse, 
&c., with land-shells, has been formed on its flanks.” 


Another large mass of ossiferous breccia was met with 
near Mentone, in a cutting of the railway, where it passes under 
limestone cliffs, in which is situated the cave of Baussi Roussi. 
In this breccia were found teeth of the Cave Bear and Spotted 
Hyena, together with flints worked by Man. 

In most of the instances in which we find fissures with 
animal remains, the hills where they are situated rise in the 
midst of plains or low grounds; in one case, that of the Mon- 
tagne de Santenay, the height being about 1640 ft.; this is a 
flat-topped hill near Chalons-sur-Saéne, and the question has 
arisen why so many wolves, bears, horses, and oxen should 
have ascended an isolated hill? If it was in a futile attempt to 
escape drowning, that makes it intelligible. The breccia to 
which allusion has been made “is composed of sharp angular 
fragments of the local rocks, imbedded in a matrix of red clay 
or loam, and is generally cemented by calcite.” It may be 
added that the remains at Santenay “ are evidently not those of 
animals devoured by beasts of prey; nor have they been 
broken by man.” It is not credible that animals of such 
different natures and different habitats, as the Cave Lion, 
Bear, Rhinoceros, Horse, Ox, aud Deer could ever in life have 
herded together. 

Now if this widespread submergence, and the Flood which 
it produced, are to be accepted as facts, we may also expect to 
find other traces of the turbid waters on the land so submerged. 
And it happens that there is a sedimentary deposit called 
“loess,” divisible into two classes—one well known to geologists 
and attributable to the melting of the glaciers and snow which 
once descended to a large extent from all the great mountain 
ranges of Europe: it is probable that annual inundations took 
place from this cause, bringing down great quantities of mud 
and silt, which were deposited on the flanks of the chief river 
valleys. This state of things existed at the close of the Glacial 
period, and the effects of it are to be seen in the fwviatile 
loess of the valleys of the Rhine, Danube, and other rivers. 

But it appears that there is another and larger deposit of 
loess found on the dividing watersheds and high plains separat- 
ing the river basins, in some cases at altitudes of 1300 and 
even 1500 ft. and more. The author holds that this was 
probably deposited by the ocean waters, which as they advanced 


over the surface of the submerged land would take up large 
portions of the older fluviatile loess, while at the same time the 
ice and snow on the mountains would melt and add their glacial 
silt to the mud-laden flood. On the subsequent uplift of the 
land, much of this sediment might be swept away by the 
effluent waters, but much would nevertheless remain, and 
present the appearance it now does: it seems, moreover, that 
in certain districts of Belgium the loess is impregnated with 
salt, which so far corroborates this hypothesis. 

Professor Prestwich, however, looks upon the case of the 
islands of Guernsey and Jersey “‘ as a crucial test in favour of 
the submergence hypothesis.” These islands consist of hard 
slate and granitic rocks 300 or 400 ft. high, forming plateaux 
ending generally in high cliffs fronting the shore. A deposit 
of brick earth or loess is frequently found on these plateaux, 
and the cliffs are fringed by the remnants of a raised beach, 
probably in former times continuous all round the islands; the 
fragments now remaining are covered by a “head” from 10 
to 30 ft. thick ‘“‘ embedded in a matrix of the loess from the 
plateau.” To what then is this loess to be attributed? Not 
to inundations of rivers, for there are none ; nor to rainwash, 
for there is no ground higher than these plateaux ; nor to any 
glacial flood on the Continent, for Guernsey and Jersey are 
islands and were so at the time the deposit took place. ‘On 
the other hand, the hypothesis of a submergence perfectly 
meets all the conditions.” The turbid waters deposited the 
sediment on the surface, and as the land rose again, divergent 
currents carried before them the more exposed portions of the 
loess, together with fragments of underlying rocks, and preci- 
pitated this mass of rubble over the cliffs on to the old beach 
below. The author gives a diagram-section showing the 
position of the loess and rubble-drift, and of the raised beach ; 
and he remarks that this case of the Channel Islands “ fulfils 
all the conditions of the problem in a way no other interpre- 
tation of the phenomena admits of.” 

In Spain and Portugal the traces of the raised beach and 
head are few, owing to the force of the Atlantic on the 
western coasts of the Peninsula, but they are sufficient to show 
that both the beach and the head were continued originally to the 
Straits of Gibraltar. But the Rock itself is highly instructive. 

[ Vo. 16 of Fourth Series.] 2e 


Indeed the physical history of the Rock of Gibraltar is 
almost as varied and eventful as its political or military record. 
It was in all probability in ancient times joined by a land 
passage to the African coast, which would account for the 
remains of the animals found either on the Rock or in the 
Quaternary deposits of Spain, such as the Spotted Hyzna, 
the Panther, and the Elephant; it would also perhaps, we may 
add, account for the still living colony of Barbary Apes, 
though these are nct all indigenous, having been recruited in 
recent times by importation from Africa; subsequently the 
Rock was an island about 800 feet high, and rose by succes- 
sive stages to its present height, which is 1370 feet above the 
sea. Professor Prestwich believes that the whole or greater 
part of the Rock was submerged, and “that as it rose again, 
currents swept off its surface the mass of angular débris spread 
out at its base.’ On the western side this débris now forms 
“in the lower grounds a breccia in some places 100 feet 
thick, and extending to and under the sea.” The fissures 
that intersect the Rock have been filled with a similar breccia, 
in which the remains of various animals have been found, such 
as the Panther, Lynx, Hyzena, Wolf, Bear, Rhinoceros, Horse, 
Deer, Ox, and others; the bones are mostly broken into frag- 
ments, and none of them gnawed as if by carnivorous animals. 
It is supposed that the Deer, the Horse, and Ox lived in the 
adjacent plains, and that a great and common danger, such as 
the Flood, drove together these and the others which inhabited 
the crags and caves of the Rock. When the emergence took 
place, the débris consisting of disintegrated limestone formed, 
with the scattered remains of drowned men and animals, a 
huge body of rubble. There are, however, certain cavities in the 
older breccia in which the more recent fauna have been found, 
and in these cases the bones are worn and gnawed. 

In Corsica and Sardinia, in Istria and in Dalmatia, similar 
phenomena exist, sometimes less definite in their character, 
also in Italy, particularly in the neighbourhood of Genoa and 
Leghorn; so again in south-eastern Europe and Greece, 
in which latter country the rubble-beds are said to be largely 
developed ; whilst in Crete, among several raised beaches of 
Quaternary age, there is one 65 feet above the sea level; there 
is also in this island evidence that the movements of the 


ground have been continued down to recent times, the west 
side of the island haying been raised 26 feet within the 
historical period, and the east coast having subsided; in one 
place, we are told, ‘ there is a calcareous breccia overlying a 
raised beach, similar to those on the coast of the English 

There is, however, one large Mediterranean Island, deserving 
to be specially mentioned, namely Sicily: here, in the vicinity 
of Palermo, occurs an osseous breccia, in which have been 
found, together with the remains of some few other animals, 
an extraordinary quantity of bones of Hippopotami. “ Twenty 
tons of these bones were shipped from around the one cave of 
San Ciro, near Palermo, so fresh that they were sent to 
Marseilles to furnish animal charcoal for use in the sugar 
factories.” It appears that the plain of Palermo is encircled 
by an amphitheatre of high hills; and our author conjectures 
that when the island was submerged, the animuls in the plain 
retreated, as the waters advanced, deeper into the amphbi- 
theatre of hills, crushing eventually into the more accessible 
caves and swarming over the ground at their entrance, until 
overtaken and destroyed. A few of the more agile animals 
may have escaped to the higher ground, the Hippopotami, 
however, all perishing. Then as the land emerged, rocky 
débris and large blocks from the sides of the hills were 
probably hurled down by the current of water, crushing and 
smashing the bones. The great number of Hippopotami gives 
strength to the conjecture made by some geologists that there 
was formerly a connection with Africa by an elevation of the 
Mediterranean area; so that this vast inland sea was once 
divided into two large lakes, cut off from any communication 
with the ocean.* The author observes that ‘the extremely 
fresh condition of the bones” and “ the fact that animals of 
all ages were involved in the catastrophe, shows that the event 
was geologically comparatively recent, as other facts show it 
to have been sudden.” 

Malta appears to have been entirely submerged, not a single 

* This hypothesis has been controverted on the ground that the hippo- 
potamus is an amphibious animal and is at home in the water: that is true in 
the case of a river which he knows and where he is in his depth; but surely 
not of a vast deluge of sea-water. 


genus or species of its Quaternary Mammalia being now found 
to be living on the island. It was then as now isolated, judg- 
ing from the remains of animals found there; the escarped rocks 
on the south side of the island have their lower part covered 
with a consolidated red breccia, in which have been found 
remains of the pigmy elephant, which, together with a small 
variety of the Hippopotamus, inhabited Malta in those bygone 
days. Several ossiferous fissures have been discovered on the 
hills, containing animal remains, including fragments of bones 
of very large aquatic birds and of a variety of the dormouse of 
gigantic size. 

In Asia Minor and Syria the geological phenomena above 
mentioned are much less striking, so far as these countries have 
hitherto been investigated; and Professor Prestwich raises 
the question whether “at this eastern end of the Mediter- 
ranean the submergence was of less importance?” In Egypt 
there is no distinct evidence of the submergence: and several 
animals that lived in western Europe and north-western 
Africa before the time of the rubble-drift, and disappeared 
afterwards, survived here in the Nile Valley to historic times, 
The author then supposes that it is very possible that the sub- 
mergence did not extend to Egypt; though on this point he 
** would speak with all reserve.” 

On the north-western coast of Africa (including Algeria 
in that term) there is evidence of the same character as on 
the northern coasts of the Mediterranean ; at Tangier there 
is a raised beach about 40 feet high ; at Oran one of about 
20 feet above the sea level, and “above this a breccia of 
angular fragments of slate and limestone.” There are also large 
fissures in the limestone rocks, filled with a breccia con- 
taining animal remains. As we go eastward, beyond Tunis 
and Tripoli, little or no evidence of the submergence is to be 

Professor Prestwich says nothing of those parts of Asia 
east of Syria and Palestine, and of the countries bordering on 
the Persian Gulf. We presume that they have not yet been 
carefully examined by competent geologists; but if the tra- 
dition of the Deluge, whether Hebrew or Chaldzan, is to be 
relied on, these countries are the last that we could possibly 
suppose to have escaped. 


In concluding his statement of proof, the author anticipates 
an objection that may be made to the effect that you do not 
find marine deposits on the once-deluged area; but if, as he 
supposes, the submergence was slow the ‘‘ advance of the 
waters would not have force sufficient to carry before them 
any of the objects on the shore,” or even if it could do so, the 
turbid and de-oxidised state of the waters would have destroyed 
animal life, so that the remains, if any, would decay and 
be lost. 

It is to be remarked that the waters, as they rose, failed 
to destroy the beaches over which they passed or to wash away 
the blown sands which in some places overlie the raised 
beaches ; everything seems to show that the advance of the 
flood was progressive, owing to the slow and continuous sinking 
of the land—s/low, that is, comparatively speaking, not in the 
sense that it took years to accomplish. Then after a short lull 
the elevatory movement commenced—most probably ‘by a 
continuous movement, sometimes very slow, and at others more 
or less rapid, and ending with one of greater rapidity.” The 
force of the effluent current, sweeping animal remains and 
débris into the fissures on the surface of the land, has been 
already alluded to, as also has the remarkable fact that the 
bones in the osseous rubble and in the fissures, “ mostly 
splintered into hundreds of fragments,” are not “ weathered, 
worn, or gnawed ”—their condition in this respect differing 
from that which obtains in the other known drifts. 

All the organic remains, properly so-called, belong to the 
same geological period—the late Quaternary or Pleistocene. 
A further proof, moreover, of the unity of the whole of the 
phenomena is afforded by the coincidence of the date of for- 
mation of the rents in the rocks with that of the ossiferous 
breccia lodged in them ; for if these fissures had been open at 
an earlier period there would have been a lower stratum of 
animal remains belonging to an older type and the breccia 
would have been less homogeneous in character; whereas the 
fact is otherwise in both cases. The author therefore concludes 
“that the dispersion of the surface débris, the formation of 
the ossiferous fissures, the accumulation of the ‘ head,’ and the 
local ablations of the rocks, are the necessary results of the 
submergence and subsequent re-elevation of the land.” 


One more very interesting question remains, and that is the 
probable date of this mighty catastrophe. Professor Prestwich 
says: “ Weare here confronted with very contradictary opinions.” 
Assuming the Deluge to have occurred in Post-Glacial times, 
at the close of what geologists term the Palzolithic period ; if 
we endeavour to ascertain when that was, we at once meet 
with a theory elaborated by the late Dr. Croll, and since then 
defended and in some respects amended by Sir Robert Ball. 
According to these writers the Glacial Period depended on 
astronomical considerations, which may be briefly stated thus— 
the length of the summer half-year in the northern hemisphere 
{from the March equinox to that in September) exceeds that 
of the winter half-year by about a week; this, however, was 
not always so in times past, nor will it be so in the future; 
owing to a curious movement of the earth’s axis, similar to the 
reeling movement of a spinning-top, and owing also to a 
gradual shifting of what is termed the line of apsides of the 
earth’s orbit, at a certain period which we may state as having 
been 10,500 years ago, it was the winter-half in our hemi- 
sphere, which was the longer one. Still, as things now are, the 
difference of cold and heat would not be very great; but at 
another period far more remote, the earth’s orbit was more 
eccentric than it is at present, and the difference between the 
winter and summer halves of the year amounted to a month or 
more. When it happened, then (as would be the case every 10,500 
years), that the northern hemisphere had, for a time of some 
considerable duration, year after year, so long a winter and so 
short a summer, notwithstanding the great heat of this latter, 
there might easily be such an accumulation of ice and snow 
extending some way south of the Polar regions, as would cause 
what is called the Glacial Period. Sir Robert Ball has calcu- 
lated this carefully, and has shown how perfectly possible it is. 

t would occupy some space to go into a detailed explanation 
of the astronomical causes of which the facts just mentioned 
are the result ; but they are admitted on all sides to be true in 
themselves, the only question being whether the Glacial Period 
was actually due to them, or to some geological or geographical 
causes of a totally different kind. Professor Prestwich says, 
* According to Croll’s last estimate, the Glacial Period com- 
menced 240,000 years ago, and ended with the Post-Glacial 


80,000 years ago.” That involves a vast interval between the 
Paleolithic and Neolithic times. ‘ Were that the case,” he 
continues, ‘‘ there ought to be some geological evidence either 
in the form of sedimentary deposits, or of work done in the 
excavation of valleys; I fail to find either” .... “the 
stratigraphical evidence shows that they follow quickly in im- 
mediate succession. ‘The deposits of the two periods [Palzo- 
lithic and Neolithic] are, in fact, separated merely by a few 
feet (and that only in places) of rubble drift from one another; ” 
and this drift, he explains, requires but a short time for its 

' formation. 

Now if the lapse of time since the formation of this detrital 
bed were known, we might arrive at the approximate date of 
the great submergence. One scale of measurement the author 
finds in the Alluvial beds of the valley of the Thames and 
others in the South of England; and though there is great 
difficulty in making an accurate estimate, he infers that the age 
of these Alluvial beds “is to be measured not by tens of thou- 
sands but by tens of hundreds of years.” 

The extent of denudation or wearing back of the rubble- 
drift of the ‘‘ head,” which has been caused by the action of the 
sea since it was first formed, offers a better scale for calculating 
time. Not that any really accurate estimate can be formed 
even so; but a fairly good approximation may be made if we 
know the extent that the coast-line has receded since the great 
submergence, and also if we know the present rate of wear of 
the cliffs. Professor Prestwich estimates this latter at some- 
thing between one and three feet annually, and the loss of land 
on the South Coast, generally speaking, at a breadth between 
one aad two miles; this, however, is in districts occupied by 
soft cretaceous and other strata; where there are hard 
Palzeozoic rocks, the extent of wear of the land is very much 
less : putting all together then, he computes that the total loss 
of land would come between the limits of 6000 and 12,000 
years: ‘‘ these tentative estimates,” he further states, “‘ are in 
accordance with the conclusion I had arrived at on other 
grounds, that the Glacial (including the Post-Glacial) Period 
together with the Paleolithic man, came within 10,000 to 
12,000 years of our own time.” He adds to this an observa- 
tion that some of the most eminent American geologists, 


judging from independent data of a different character, have 
formed an opinion “that the Glacial Period came down to 
within 8000 to 10,000 years of our times.” 

These figures form a startling contrast to those which recorded 
the immense periods of time demanded by the Uniformitarian 
School of Geologists, who some thirty years ago seemed to be 
carrying everything before them. Dr. Croll, who was an able 
man, moderate and reasonable in his opinions in other ways, 
put the Post-Glacial period as far back as 80,000 years; while 
Professor Prestwich, as we have just seen, brings it down to 
some time between 10,000 and 12,000 years from our own era. 

We presume, too, that the arguments which have been used 
for the great antiquity of man upon the earth will be con- 
siderably modified by these revised estimates of time; but this 
is a wide question, and one into which we must not row enter, 
as it forms no part of our present inquiry. 

In conclusion, the author of this really remarkable treatise 
calls our attention to the coincidence of the facts he has laid 
before us, as also of some other phenomena, with the events 
recorded in the “narrative of the Flood, whether in the 
Biblical or Babylonian versions.” There is the same apparent 
gradual rise of the waters, caused, in fact, by the slow and 
imperceptible sinking of the land; the same extensive 
destruction of life; and the transient character of the submer- 
gence. That man lived then on the earth is now a well- 
established fact; for although only a comparatively small 
quantity of human remains have been discovered, the existence 
of man in various places during the Quaternary period has been 
revealed by the stone tools and weapons that he employed. 
Man, therefore, must have largely shared the fate of the 
numerous animals that perished in the waters. 

In allusion to the attempt made by some writers—of whom, 
we may remark, the late Professor Huxley was one—to account 
for the tradition of the Deluge by supposing it to have origi- 
nated in one of those inundations, of exceptionally great 
extent, that occur periodically in the valley of the Euphrates, 
Professor Prestwich points out the inadequacy of this explana- 
tion. There is no record of such a flood in recent or historical 
times ; and in the valley of the Euphrates, where annual inunda- 
tions causing a rise of the river from about 17 to 22 feet, do 


really happen, the towns and villages are generally built on 
rising ground, so as to avoid danger and disaster. In fact, no 
river-flood, however devastating, could aave left such a deep 
and lasting impression on the people, as the tradition clearly 

Such, then, is the judgment of this learned and able 
geologist ; and such the evidence on which it is based. We 
have endeavoured, at the risk of wearying the patience of our 
readers, to give a fair précis of the author's arguments, to some 
extent in his own words, because the importance of the subject 
fully justified us in doing so, and because we were thus enabled 
to give a far better statement of the case than we could have 
done by casting it in words of our own into the form of an 
independent or critical essay. Geology is one of those sciences 
which cannot be grasped properly by mere students of books; 
others may be so, as, for instance, physical astronomy, which can 
be mastered within the four walls of a study by any thoroughly 
competent mathematician ; but to be a good geologist you must 
go out with hammer and chisel into the fields and river-valleys 
and amongst the rocks. We leave then to others the task of 
criticising the details of Professor Prestwich’s arguments ; and 
we do not doubt that this will be performed, more or less, by 
some of the remaining adherents of the Uniformitarian School 
of Geology. One objection will, perhaps, be taken on account 
of the very great extent of the submergence which the hypo- 
thesis involves; but if, as the author thinks, the crust of the 
earth was, at the time, in a very mobile condition—far more so 
than at present—this circumstance would greatly reduce the 
difficulty of supposing it. The only other natural cause which 
we can imagine for a great deluge, and that by no means a 
certain one, is a sudden and important shifting of the earth’s 
axis of rotation: this might result in a great flow of water 
towards the (new) equatorial regions and a very extensive 
though transitory deluge; but the general, though not 
universal, opinion of astronomers and other scientific men is 
that no important change in the position of the earth’s axis of 
rotation has ever taken place.* Unless then we are prepared 

* We say important because there is a minute displacement constantly going 
on of the axis of rotation, which does not coincide exactly with the earth’s 
axis of figure, round which it seems to perform a periodical revolution. We 


to discard not only the Scriptural record of the Deluge, but also 
the widely extended tradition of its occurrence, it appears to 
us that we have no alternative but to accept Professor Prest- 
wich’s hypothesis. We must, of course, remember that our 
author, with that prudence and modesty which are distinctive 
notes of the true scientific spirit, avoids dogmatising on such a 
subject and presents his case as a hypothesis, but one which 
there is every reason to believe to be true, since the con- 
Sequences resulting from the supposition of its truth have, as 
he tells us, agreed in a remarkable manner with the observed 
facts. That the inferences he has drawn will be disputed by 
other geologists we do not doubt; indeed, as we write, we 
notice that a brief criticism (expressed in friendly and respect- 
ful language) has already appeared in a scientific paper, and 
some explanations have been suggested, differing from those 
which he has given. We must, however, always bear in mind 
what the position of the author is, how much he undertakes to 
prove, how much he does not undertake. It is obvious from 
the very nature of the case that a rigid demonstration is not 
to be expected ; but Professor Prestwich brings to bear upon 
the question that power of inductive reasoning by which so 
many truths in physical science have been established. The 
tradition of the Flood exists and has to be accounted for: a 
number of geological phenomena also exist, and can be well 
explained by a certain theory—namely, a subsidence of the 
land on a very extensive scale and a consequent in-rush of the 
sea; followed after a brief interval by the emergence of the 
land. If, then, such a hypothesis meets the requirements both 
of the tradition and of the geological record, it must surely be 
allowed to possess a high degree of probability. Supposing 
even some of the phenomena in question can be well explained 
in other ways, that may indeed lessen the force of the argu- 
ment in detail, but yet not really militate against the conclu- 
sion. The fact that many astronomical phenomena can be 
explained, and indeed have been explained, by the old system 
of Ptolemy, has not prevented the triumphant establishment of 
the Copernican theory of the earth’s motion. 

believe that the cause of this curious phenomenon has not yet been satisfac- 
torily explained. 


The points to which we have alluded must, of course, be 
left to the judgment of professed geologists; but we may 
venture to say that we do not ourselves believe that the 
arguments of a man of so great experience and ability as 
Professor Prestwich will be seriously shaken even in detail. 
It is almost needless to remark how deeply we regret the 
manner in which he alludes to the Scriptural narrative ; we, 
as Catholics, regard it as the genuine history of this great 
event, whilst we consider the Babylonian and other versions to 
be corruptions of the original tradition, in so far as they differ 
in any essential respect, such as the introduction of poly- 
theism, from the record of Holy Scripture. At the same 
time, as we have already observed, we value highly the inde- 
pendent testimony which our author has borne to the sub- 
stantial truth of the story; of which we may truly say that, 
varied though its details may have been in passing through 
the hands of tribes and nations differing in religion and 
customs, it yet receives a concurrence of testimony from them 
all, sufficient to show that the Flood was no mere local inunda- 
tion of the Euphrates or any other river, but rather a physical 
catastrophe of vast magnitude, such as at no other time has 
ever befallen mankind. In conclusion, we venture to say that 
we expect one good result from the publication of Professor 
Prestwich’s treatise, and that is that the flippant style of 
speaking of the Deluge, said to have been adopted in recent 
times by some who might, one would suppose, have known 
better, will henceforth be dropped; and another still greater 
advantage in the lesson which good and faithful Christians 
may here learn, not to allow their belief in the sacred records 
to be lightly undermined by plausible theories advanced in 
the name of science, but to wait patiently till the apparent 
difficulties have been solved by fuller investigation; and 
lastly, we hope that not even Protestant missionaries will, as 
in the well-known instance of Bishop Colenso, permit their 
confidence in the scriptural narrative to be shaken by the 
crude scepticism of a Zulu disciple, 


( 416 ) 


Die Universitdten Englands im 16 Jahrhundert. Von ATHANA- 
SIUS ZIMMERMANN, S.J. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder- 

The Romanes Lecture, 1892. An Academie Sketch. By the 
Right Hon. W. E. Guapstone, M.P. Oxford: Clarendon 
Press. 1892. 

HE decision of the Holy See of April 2, 1895,* removing 
the ecclesiastical embargo hitherto laid upon the access 
of our Catholic students to the national universities will mark 
the beginning of a new epoch in the history of Catholic educa- 
tion, or, to put it perhaps more correctly, indicates the closing 
of an era which has lasted for some three centuries. It will be 
fittingly recorded in history as signalising the same year of 
grace which has seen the publication of the Apostolic Letter, 
** Ad Anglos.” We are much too near both events to properly 
appreciate their significance and probable results, We cannot 
be mistaken in thinking that both will one day be estimated 
as of unusual magnitude. 

At any rate, the mind is irresistibly madi back, across the 
desolate span of three hundred years of prescription and perse- 
cution, to the times when the two national universities were 
not only accessible to Catholic students, but were themselves 
Catholic institutions in as true a sense as Louvain and Wash- 
ington and Fribourg are at the present day. To some minds 
this will not be so easy to realise. Every Catholic boy and 
girl knows how we have been robbed of our grand old cathe- 
drals, and a visit to Canterbury, York, or Lincoln recalls 
memories of a glorious past, associated with a keen sense of 
loss, even to the least imaginative mind. But somehow or 
other we seem almost to have forgotten that Oxford and 
Cambridge are as truly lost heirlooms of our Church, so 
identified have they become with the ideas of Protestantism, 

* Tablet, April 27, 1895, p. 647. 


or even of free-thought and scepticism. Yet the material and 
artistic loss of our beautiful cathedrals, great as it was, has 
been far less than the intellectual loss of the ancient seats of 
learning, the homes of culture and the national schools of 
theology. It seems appropriate at this juncture to rehearse 
the sad history of the process by which these national univer- 
sities were lost to the Catholic Church, not without a long and 
gallant struggle. To do this in a brief and commodious 
manner, we purpose to select as our guide the short and ex- 
cellent monograph of Father Zimmermann, 8.J., pwhlished 
already some six years ago, but which, like too many admir- 
able publications of its kind bearing upon English church 
history, has not yet found a translator in England or America.* 
Father Zimmermann will prove a conscientious and reliable 
guide. He has diligently utilised the best sources of informa- 
tion up to the time of his writing—Father Gasquet’s star had not 
yet appeared above the horizon—and, as every page shows, has 
carefully and critically digested both the older authorities, like 
Wood, Cooper, Dugdale, or Spelman, and the modern ones, 
like Mullinger, Brewer, Bridgett, or Seebohm. This will serve 
as an excuse for presenting in this paper littie more than the 
summary of a book, itself not exceeding one hundred and forty 
pages in extent. 


Mr, Gladstone’s curious and ingenious contention in his 
brilliant Romanes Lecture that the universities of the early 
Middle Ages were the outcome of “a great systematic effort 
{of the] lay mind to achieve self-assertion and emancipation,” t 

* There is ample opening for the publication of a whole library of valuable 
monographs, for instance, on English Churchmen, translated from foreign 
languages. I will instance only a few :—Abbé Martin, “St. Etienne Harding 
et les premiers Recenseurs de la Vulgate” (Amiens, 1887); “La Vulgate 
latine d’aprés Roger Bacon”’ (Paris, 1888); and [“ Etienne Langton et] le 
Texte parisien dela Vulgate ” (in the Muséon, 1889-90) ; Dr. J. Felten, “‘ Robert 
Grosseteste, Bischof von Lincoln’ (Freiburg i. B., 1887); Dr. K. Werner, 
“Beda der Ehrwiirdige und seine Zeit.” (Wien, 1875); ‘Alcuin und sein 
Jahrhundert” (Paderborn, 1876) ; Alberdingk Thijm, ‘‘ H. Willibrordus Apostel 
der Nederlanden” (Amsterdam, 1861). Here are able and scholarly studies, 
all comparatively short, of seven great English Churchmen, all well deserving 
of translation and publication. It seems a pity they should not be better 
known and utilised in this country. 

T P. 10. 


as against the predominance of ecclesiasticism, hardly com- 
mended itself at the time to his hearers,* and probably will 
not do so to his readers at the present moment. It is, indeed, 
highly probable that the early universities, like Topsy, mostly 
“ growed.” Zimmermann altogether discountenances the old- 
fashioned idea that they were a continuation of either the old 
cathedral or monastic schools, from which they differed not 
only in the subjects and methods of study, but still more in 
their entire organisation. Mr. Gladstone opines that the Papal 
authority “‘ may” have been used “as a defensive measure to 
keep in check the separate action of the lay element.” But 
although it may be true enough that the very earliest univer- 
sities, such as Salerno or Bologna, as well as Oxford and 
Cambridge—ten altogether, according to Mr. Gladstone—were 
called into existence before either papal or regal authority 
began to intervene, yet there does not seem to be much evidence 
for the supposed organised system of “ emancipation.” The 
more probable solution appears to be that these schools, sprung 
from what Mr. Gladstone more happily styles “‘ professional 
exigencies,” were at first under local episcopal control. Green, 
indeed, by whom Mr, Gladstone seems to some extent to have 
been influenced, points out that at first the Chancellor of Ox- 
ford was simply the local officer of the Bishop of Lincoln; f 
but that later on, “ Popes, seeing in them the possibility of an 
intellectual tool and weapon that the Church needed, gave them 
privileges and immunities.”+ Be this as it may, the early 

* “Unless the accepted view in these matters has been modified by very 
recent researches, the accepted view is not quite that of Mr. Gladstone,” is 
the sensible criticism of a very scholarly article in the Jlanchester Guardian 
of October 25, 1892, evidently from an able but anonymous pen. 

+ ‘‘ History of the English People,” book iii. chap. i. (Library edition, vol. i. 

. 205.) 
. + The most recent, as well as the most complete statement of the origins of 
the European universities before 1400 is that of the great historian of these 
universities, Father Denifle, O.P. His conclusions may thus be summed up. 
Four categories may be made according to the manner of foundation—(1st) the 
eleven which arose without any formal diploma of foundation, some of these 
being the outcome of pre-existing ecclesiastical schools; among these are 
some of the most illustrious of all, including Paris, Bologna, and Oxford. 
(2nd) Sixteen created exclusively by papal diploma, among which Denifle 
places Cambridge. (3rd) Ten created exclusively by imperial and royal 
charters. (4th) Nine, created simultaneously by both papal and royal decrees 
(“Die Universitiiten des Mittelalters bis 1400,” von H. Denifle, vol. i. pp. xlv, 
814). These significant statistics confirm the truth of Paulsen’s dictum: “In 

the erection of the universities there was formerly absolute liberty, not outside 
of the Church, but inside the Church, and the Church blessed without reserve 


English universities, although true “ republics of letters,” were 
thoroughly Catholic institutions, and for all practical purposes 
may be styled ecclesiastical ones. The famous “ secession” of 
the students in 1209 is the first certain date in the history of 
Oxford, whose foundation almost certainly preceded that of 
Cambridge. From the first the history of both universities 
was intimately bound up with all that was best and holiest in 
the English Church. The Oxford career of St. Edmund Rich, 
so beautifully told by Green,* falls between 1219 and 1226, 
and it was the saint of Abingdon who first taught Aristotle at 
Oxford. But it is more especially with the coming of the 
friars of the Orders of both St. Dominic and St. Francis that 
the early glories of Oxford are so intimately bound up. It 
was immediately after his second general Chapter in 1221 that 
Brother Dominic despatched his first party of friars to England, 
and it was at Oxford, at the Feast of the Assumption, that 
they first settled and opened schools. Very soon learned men 
flocked to their Order, including Robert Bacon, uncle or 
brother of the still more famous Roger, and his dearest friend, 
Richard Fishacre, “the most learned among the learned,” as 
Ireland calls him, and who ever carried the works of Aristotle 
in his bosom; also Robert Kilwardby, eminent as philosopher 
and theologian, a future Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal; 
and John of St. Giles, called by Matthew Paris ‘“‘a man 
skilful in the art of medicine, a great professor of divinity, and 
excellently learned.” In 1229 took place another curious 
“ secession ” of students, this time to Oxford, from the mother- 
University of Paris, as a protest against the violation of certain 
privileges. Among these were the Dominicans of St. James’ 
Convent, and with them their General, Blessed Jordan, who 
wrote to the nuns at Bologna, “ Our Lord gives me hopes of 
making a good capture in the University of Oxford, where I 
now am.” The Dominicans, indeed, contributed some of its 
brightest ornaments to the university. But, as Mr. Gladstone 
points out, 

and with equal affection both the good she did herself and the good which 
was done in her’”’ (see P. Berthier, O.P., “‘ Projets anciens des hautes Etudes 
catholiques en Suisse ”). 

* Op. cit. 

+ See the late Mother Augusta Theodosia Drane’s admirable ‘‘ History of 
St. Dominic,” chap. xxxii. pp. 442-446, on the Friars Preachers at Oxford. 


the greatest names belonging to Oxford in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries are not of the Order of Saint Dominic, to whom Dante awards 
the intellectual brightness of the cherub (Paradiso, xi. 39-41), but in the 
ranks of the seraphic Francis, who could not abide the world, even in its 

academic form.* 

The Franciscan Order [he says elsewhere] gave to Oxford the larger 
number of those remarkable, and even epoch-making men, who secured 
for this university such a career of glory in medizval times.t ‘These 
men were men of English birth. But the fame of their school was such 
that Franciscans flocked to it, not only from Scotland and Ireland, but 
from France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Germany. 

The most famous of these luminaries whom Mr. Gladstone 
cites in his generous eulogium on the Oxford Friars Minor, 
were Alexander of Hales, Adam Marsh, Archbishop Peckham, 
Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, and, greatest of all, “ per- 
haps, the most striking British intellect of the Middle Ages,” the 
earlier and the greater of the two Bacons, Roger.{ Mr. Glad- 
stone goes on to point out how the fame of the early Oxford 
Franciscans was consecrated by “that superlative distinction ” 
of a special epithet attached to their names, “ coin of European 
rather than of British currency,” such as ‘‘ Doctor irrefragabilis” 

Alexander of Hales), “‘ Doctor subtilis” (Scotus), ‘‘ Doctor 
mirabilis” (Bacon), and others. Thus it was that the very 
foundations of Oxford’s greatness, which won for her already, as 
early as 1252, the epithet ‘‘aemula Parisiensis,” are owing to 
the two mendicant Orders,|| not merely for their own scientific - 
achievements, but also because they stimulated by their ex- 
ample the secular and regular clergy. Very soon the Bishops 
and the Benedictines had founded colleges at Oxford. Merton, 
the first Oxford college, dates from 1264; the first Cambridge 
foundation was Peterhouse, 1274. 

I have dwelt perhaps too long upon these early facts, but my 
object is to emphasise the essentially Catholic character of our 

* Op. cit. p. 18. The Franciscans came to Oxford in 1225. 

+ Op. cit. p. 12. 

t Sir John Herschel, Mr. Lewis (quoted by Mr. Gladstone), and, we may 
add, Prof. Jevons (‘‘ Logic,” p. 229), estimate Roger above his famous name- 
sake, Francis Lord Bacon. The same estimate of the great Franciscan is 
warmly maintained by Mr. J. Vellin Marmery in his book only just published, 
entitled “ Progress of Science; its Origin, Course, Promoters, and Results” 
(London : Chapman & Hall, 1895), in which he spiritedly defends the Middle 
Ages from the old-fashioned charge of intellectual stagnation. 

§ Op. cit. p. 19. || Op. cit. p. 17. 


‘national universities from their inception. The same is true 
from the point of view of their character of discipline, so unlike 
what they have come to be in these last three centuries. To 
begin with, the ancient university offered access to the poor, 
even to the very poor. The penniless student athirst for 
knowledge was not an object of contempt, but was on a perfect 
level with the richest and the noblest. His life was hard 
enough, though he generally had sufficiency of food, and there 
were many charitable foundations to assist, not to pauperise, 
him. The discipline was severe.* The course was much longer, 
seven years’ study was required to reach the Master’s degree. 
Theology took ten years. The student was not merely recep- 
tive. On attaining his degree he was obliged himself to teach 
‘‘cursorie.” Public disputations were frequent, as still in 
Catholic universities and seminaries abroad. This system 
may have had its weak points, but it was well suited to the 
times. It may be questioned whether we are not slowly coming 
back to some part at least of the old ways of the thirteenth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. 

The opening of the fifteenth century was characterised, as 
our own days, by a remarkable devotion to learning on the 
part of the lower classes. A statute of 1406 laid down the 
grand principle, which the nineteenth century believes itself 
to have established, that it is free to any man, of whatever 
social rank he may be, to have his son or daughter educated in 
any school of the kingdom. Numerous colleges were founded 
during the century : Lincoln, 1427 ; All Souls, Magdalen, 1457 ; 
King’s, 1440; Queen’s, 1458; Catherine Hall, 1475; Jesus, 1497. 
Henry VI. and his queen were special patrons of the universities. 
Let it be remembered that colleges at this time were really 
charitable foundations to aid poorer students, and in each case 
established out of pious motives, for God’s glory and to obtain 
prayers and masses for the souls of the founders. During this 
century also began the close connection between the universities 
and the great public schools, such as Winchester and Eton, so 
that “ young men at the English universities were better pre- 
pared than elsewhere.” t 

* As late as 1540 undergraduates could receive the birch-rod! (Zimmer- 
mann, p. 65.) 

+ Zimmermann, p. 8. To the same writer we are also indebted for an 

[ No. 16 of Fourth Series.] 2E 


The close of the century saw the rise of “ Humanism,” or 
the “‘New Learning,” the cradle of which was in Italy. 
Oxford men, like Robert Fleming, William Grey, John Gun- 
thorp, John Free, Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, and William 
Selling, O.S.B., went to Italy to become learners. In 1488, 
three Italian humanists, one of whom was Cornelio Vitelli, 
were at Oxford, boarding at Magdalen College. Vitelli taught 
Greek to Grocyn, perhaps also to Linacre. Both these great 
English humanists were good and zealous Catholics. Grocyn 
was an ascetic, devout man, much attached to the scholastic 
philosophy. Linacre, distinguished for his studies in medicine, 
and worthy of record as the founder and first president of the 
Royal College of Physicians, was no less celebrated for his piety, 
and late in life (1509) became a priest. The illustrious pupils 
of Grocyn and Linacre were Erasmus and Sir Thomas More. 
Other eminent names among the Oxford humanists of the day 
were William Latimer and William Lyly, and, above all, John 
Colet. A Londoner (b. 1466), Colet visited Italy for purposes 
of study, but his strongly ascetic mind saw and realised more 
easily than many others the intellectual and moral dangers of the 
New Learning, of which, however, he himself became one of 
the brightest ornaments. In 1496 he returned to Oxford, and 
soon gained great fame and influence by his eloquence and 
learning, not only in Greek, but also in the interpretation of 
Holy Scripture. Next year we find the famous Erasmus of 
Rotterdam at Oxford, studying Greek under Grocyn and 
Linacre. Together with his friend More, with their two 
teachers, with Charnock and Colet, he formed the never-to-be- 
forgotten coterie of classical scholars which graced Oxford at 
the close of the fifteenth century. Up to this, as Mr. Glad- 
stone is justified in claiming, Oxford had far and away sur- 
passed her sister of Cambridge, giving to England nearly all 
her great theologians, bishops, and statesmen. Cambridge 
seems to have been marked by a kind of apathy. Even in 
Greek learning, scarce one or two names of note can be 

During the following century, however, things altered, and 


admirable monograph on “Our Public Schools.” (“England's Offentlichen 
Schulen,” Freiburg, 1892.) 


eventually, at least as regards humanities, the positions were 
almost reversed, Cambridge owes her awakening almost 
entirely to Blessed John Fisher. It would be useless here to 
repeat the well-known story of his life. Suffice it to say that, 
born in 1469, he entered Cambridge in 1483. As confessor of 
the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, the pious mother 
of Henry VII., he was soon able to exercise great influence in 
favour of his Alma Mater. To him is owing a novel institu- 
tion, the establishment of salaried professorships, independent 
of the colleges. The Lady Margaret Chair of Divinity was 
founded at this time. The university awoke to new life and 
activity. In 1503, Pope Alexander VI. empowered the Chan- 
cellor to send out yearly twelve priests, either doctors of divinity 
or M.A.s, to preach all over England, Ireland, and Scotland. 
The next year Fisher himself became Chancellor. In 1506 
Erasmus, probably induced by the new Chancellor, came to 
Cambridge. The great humanist does not appear to have had 
the gifts of a successful teacher. His great faults of character, 
too, his vanity, frivolity, love of ridicule and invective, all of 
which render his testimony about his contemporaries eminently 
suspect, might, but for the goodwill of Fisher, have led to un- 
pleasant strife at Cambridge. Fisher esteemed his real talents, 
and wishing to utilise them for the Church, avoided doing 
anything to drive him into the hostile camp. Several eminent 
men at the university, Bullock, Gonell, Bryan, Aldrich, Watson, 
were among his pupils, and others were encouraged by him to. 
take up the study of Greek. Fisher himself in 1518, then in 
his fiftieth: year, learnt Greek. Thus, as the classical studies: 
began to decline at Oxford, they grew in favour at Cambridge. 

Whilst Fisher was thus making himself the real father of 
the greatness of Cambridge, three well-known Churchmen were 
doing much for Oxford. The first of these was Fox, Bishop of 
Winchester, than whom few prelates have merited better of 
the universities. The college of Corpus Christi, founded by him, 
shows in its statutes the strong influences of the Renascence. 
Great stress was laid upon the reading of the classical authors. 
Scarcely less important was the influence of Archbishop 
Warham and of Cardinal Wolsey, of whom it will be necessary. 
to speak later, when on the subject of the great religious 
separation. In several important points, Wolsey displayed 


really marvellous breadth of view. He munificently endowed 
professorships, and one of the men he brought to Oxford to 
fill a chair was the celebrated Louis Vives. Still more re- 
markable was Wolsey’s grandiose scheme of establishing schools 
in all the chief towns of the country, as preparatory schools 
for the universities. His foundation of Cardinal College, 
which he was never able to complete, and which scarce survived 
his fall, is too well known to repeat here. He has been severely 
blamed by Protestant and Catholic writers alike, from Spel- 
man to Mullinger, for his action in utilising the revenues 
of the suppressed minor monasteries to endow his college. 
Zimmermann, however, is inclined to defend him, and invokes 
Pope Clement VII., whose permission was granted for the 
purpose, as had been done in other cases of a similar kind. 
Wolsey’s misfortune (he thinks) was to have had such a tool 
as Thoma Crumwell to employ for the purpose.* 

But Oxford had fallen upon evil times. To begin with, 
visitations of sore disease well-nigh threatened her existence. 
From 1509 to 1528 constant outbreaks of epidemics, generally 
the dreaded “ sweating sickness,” drove away the students in 
crowds. More tells us in 1523 that the abbots had almost 
.ceased to send their monks to the university; neither the 
nobleman would send his scns, nor the parish priest his 
subjects or kinsfolk. Many hostels were altogether closed. 
‘This sad state of things was doubtless owing to the unhealthy 
‘position of the city and its shocking sanitary arrangements, 
or rather utter want of sanitation. Vives complains bitterly 
of the unhealthiness of the place. . 

Intellectual dissensions also broke out with considerable 
bitterness. It is a reproach to be made against the early 
humanists that, in the pride of their New Learning, they too 
often showed themselves narrow-minded, insolent, and over- 
bearing, and affected contemptuous scorn of the scholastic 
philosophy, chiefly on account of their own ignorance of any- 
thing outside the narrow circle of their own philological and 
literary studies. At first they seem to have been received by the 
theologians and philosophers with good-humour and deference, 

* Zimmermann, p. 24. But see Gasquet, “Henry VIII. and the English 
Monasteries,” vol. i. pp. 78 sqq. 


but later on the opposition of the theologians to the New 
Learning was stimulated to regrettable exaggeration. So 
arose the feud between the ‘“ Greeks” and the “Trojans,” as 
the anti-humanists came to call themselves. More had to 
invoke the intervention of the King, and Greek was at last 
duly recognised as a regular branch of study. 

Such was the state of things at the national universities 
at the dawn of the dark day of the religious troubles under 
Henry VIII. 


Mr. Gladstone does but formulate the universal verdict of 
history when he tells us that in the new epoch which now 
opened Cambridge was to become the cradle of English 
Protestantism,” to which we may add that Oxford was long 
to remain the citadel of English Catholicism.t This fact is 
not without its explanation. Wycliffism, it must be remem- 
bered, was still existent in the country as a religious party, 
and its home was chiefly in the eastern counties. These 
counties, moreover, owing to their geographical situation, were 
in easy and constant communication with the Netherlands and 
Germany. It cannot surprise us, then, that in these districts 
the writings of Luther and other Continental “ reformers” came 
to be circulated by the agency of booksellers, bankrupt traders, 
and various kinds of smugglers. They made their way soon 
enough to the University of Cambridge. As early as 1517 
Luther seems to have found there an imitator in his denun- 
ciation of indulgences. This was a Norman, Peter de Valence, 
who was eventually publicly excommunicated by the Chancellor, 
tishop Fisher, and who, though not an Englishman, may be 
claimed as the first English Protestant. The first head of the 
Protestant party was, however, the talented, but eccentric, 
and (like Luther) originally scrupulous, “ Little Bilney,” who 
by a secret propaganda won over by degrees to the Lutheran 
doctrine a knot of men: Arthur, fellow of St. John’s; Smith, 
a doctor of canon law; Forman, of Queen’s, and one or two 
others. But his most celebrated conquest was that of Robert 

* “Romanes Lecture,” pp. 23-25. 
+ Zimmermann, p. 31. 


Barnes, prior of the Augustinians. Both Bilney and Barnes, 
it is worth noting, were Norfolk men. Barnes had been a 
student of Louvain, and was an enthusiastic humanist. His 
worldly and lax character would seem to have little fitted him 
for a “reformer,” but he really became the leader of the 
party. It is remarked that, at least for the present, these 
English Lutherans did not go so far as Luther himself in all 
points, refraining, for instance, from attacks on the Catholic 
doctrine of the Holy Eucharist. Bilney’s next successful 
move, the winning over of Hugh Latimer, was of a character 
very shocking to a Catholic mind. He went to confession 
to Latimer, and under the pretext of seeking advice in his 
mental and spiritual doubts, difficulties, and trials, succeeded 
in winning the confidence and esteem of Latimer, who seems 
to have been up to this of a guileless and unsuspicious nature, 
and hitherto had enjoyed the reputation of piety and strict 
orthodoxy. Very soon he was entirely under Bilney’s in- 
fluence and guidance. Latimer’s character does not certainly 
seem to have gained by the new direction under which he fell. 
Duplicity and a decided want of steadfastness are stamped on 
his subsequent career. Summoned before Bishop West, of 
Ely, to answer for preaching Lutheran doctrine, he declared 
that he knew nothing about Luther’s teachings, as it was 
forbidden to read his books. In 1531 we find him, after some 
show of manful resistance, on his knees at Lambeth, admitting: 
having preached error, declaring that his hasty speech had led 
him into errors and want of discretion, and begging pardon for 
the scandal caused. Two years later he was again accused of 
the same errors, and declared he had been misunderstood. 
Arthur and Bilney, too, after some hesitation, are found 
recanting their errors; and, altogether, these early English 
Protestants show a decided want of constancy and much moral 
weakness as compared with their predecessors, the Lollards. 

It is difficult to explain Wolsey’s want of firmness and 
foresight at this juncture. When Barnes and Latimer were 
cited before him, he not only, led astray by Latimer’s skilful 
pleading, reversed Bishop West’s prohibition to preach, but 
with his legatine power gave him general faculty to preach 

From Cambridge the infection of the Lutheran heresy was 


carried to Oxford in 1526, by a small band of students, whose 
leader seems to have been one John Clarke. The importation 
of the dangerous doctrines into his own university alarmed 
Wolsey, and roused him at last into some activity. 

The curious history of the attempts to arrest Thomas Garrett 
of Magdalen, the most zealous propagator of the writings of the 
Continental reformers, as related by his friend Dalaber, is a tragi- 
comic story of adventures. Dalaber himself does not come very 
honourably out of it; for we find him, when brought up before 
Dr. Loudon, the head of New College, whom he styles “ the 
worst Papist Pharisee of all,” himself playing a highly dis- 
creditable part. After long opposition he finally promised, and 
even swore on the mass-book, to answer according to the 
truth, ‘‘ but in his heart resolved the opposite.” He ended by 
betraying his twenty-two companions, and was then set at 
liberty. On the other hand, it impresses us unpleasantly to 
find the University Commissioner, Dr. Cottisford, having re- 
course to an astrologer to find out the whereabouts of the 
fugitive Garrett!* The latter being eventually incarcerated, 
wrote a suppliant letter, begging not so much for delivery from 
the fetters he had merited, as from the terrible fetters of 
excommunication.t| Several of the other innovators were 
apprehended, but the authorities displayed considerable mild- 
ness in their treatment of them. Dr. Higdon (Dean of 
Cardinal College), who himself caused their apprehension, 
writes to Wolsey begging for absolution for them and per- 
mission to make their Easter duties. Longland, Bishop of 
Lincoln, apparently expecting their amendment, also pleaded 
forthem. More than a dozen of these suspects took part in 
the penitential procession from St. Mary’s to St. Flisdeswyde’s, 
and as they pass the Carfax cast there a book into the fire. 
Foxe’s harrowing tales in his Book of Martyrs about noisome 
underground dungeons and salt food are manifestly apocry- 
phal.{ Three of them died in August of the sweating sick- 
ness, and seem to have shown some repentance. Altogether, 
as before remarked, these early Protestants did not display 
much of the stuff of which martyrs are made. . 

* Zimmermann, p. 41. 
t ‘‘ Letters and Papers ” (Brewer), iv. 1804. 
~ Zimmermann, p. 42. 


More than this, men of the eloquence of Luther or the wide 
learning of Melanchthon, were wanting in their ranks, Some 
of them were coarse and vulgar in their expression, and not 
likely to exercise much influence among the more cultured. 
Indeed, the whole movement would probably have died out, 
without leaving any appreciable traces, as it did ia Italy and 
Spain, but for the lamentable affair of the Royal Divorce— 
that true fons et origo malorum of the English Church. The 
effects of the divorce case may be thus summed up in a 
sentence: the numerically and intellectually weaker party got 
the upper hand, and the universities were reduced to a state 
of servitude. 

It was in 1530, two years after the events just narrated, 
that Henry VIII., being determined upon his divorce from 
Queen Catherine, appealed to the two universities for a favour- 
able decision. From what has gone before, we can hardly 
wonder that he appealed first to Cambridge. Cranmer, Fox, 
and Gardiner, his chief tools in the matter, were Cambridge 
men. It is remarkable that the older men were inclined to 
yield to the very urgent arguments of the King; the younger 
held out more manfully. Now every kind of pressure was 
brought to bear. The King’s party, not daring to challenge a 
vote of the university at large, brought about the appointment 
of a Special Commission. But even in this Commission, 
partial as it was, things did not go smoothly; and the final 
decision that was extorted ran thus: “ Ducere uxorem fratris 
mortui sine liberis, cognitam a priori viro per carnalem copulam, 
est prohibitum iure divino ac naturali.” Practically the verdict 
was dead against the King, for it was exactly the consumma- 
tion of the marriage with Prince Arthur that was steadfastly 
denied by the Queen. We know, therefore, what value to 
attach to Froude’s eulogy of the spirit of independence and 
liberality of Cambridge in favouring the divorce,* as compared 
with the narrow-mindedness of Oxford. As a matter of fact, 
both the national seats of learning rejected it.t 

Oxford, however, was certainly much more strongly Catholic, 
and so remained for several generations, And whilst the Pro- 
testant party was very unpopular there, the party of the Queen 

* “History of England,” i. 257-262. 
+ Zimmermann, p. 44. 


was especially popular. Mr. Gladstone is correct in maintain- 
ing that 

there was a difference in the prevalent theological cast of the two 
universities. Oxford was on the losing side..... It might be said, 
without any great perversion of historical truth, that in the sixteenth 
century the deepest and most vital religious influences within the two 
universities respectively were addressed at Oxford to the making of 
recusants, at Cambridge to the production of Zwinglians and Cal- 

No wonder that extraordinary efforts were made by Henry 
to coerce the Oxford intellect and will. The younger genera- 
tion here again, especially the Arts men, held out gallantly, 
and drew down the royal wrath, expressed in no measured 
language in his letters. He concludes by reminding them, in 
words which recall our Latin exercise books, “non est bonum 
irritare crabrones.”t Unfortunately, it must be admitted that 
the part played by Archbishop Warham in this matter was a 
discreditable one. He did not hesitate to assert that the 
Universities of Cambridge and Paris had already pronounced 
in favour of the divorce, which was a falsehood. Cambridge’s 
decision we have seen above; that of Paris had not been given 
at the time. After this, we can scarcely be surprised at 
Henry’s false citation, in his letter of March 17, of the Cam- 
bridge decision, by simply omitting the crucial clause italicised in 
our quotation above. 

In spite of all, of King and Primate, and even of the 
threatened weakness of the theological faculty under tre- 
mendous pressure, it is refreshing to find the M.A.s holding 
out gallantly. After eight weeks’ strenuous contest and every 
kind of intrigue, nothing further could be squeezed out of the 
university than a decision practically equivalent to that of 
Cambridge—for which, of course, Oxford falls in for the cen- 
sures of Mr. Froude.{ 

Henry’s wrath descended heavily on the university, whose 
great Chancellor, Cardinal Wolsey, had already fallen into 
disgrace in the preceding October. It was his famous college, 
Cardinal College, that was to feel the full fury of the storm. 

* “ Romanes Lecture,” p. 25. 
+ Letter of March 6, Zimmermann, p. 46. 
t~ “History of England,” i. p. 279. 


And after various efforts to ward off the blow, spoliation and 
suppression rapidly followed one another—perhaps among the 
bitterest of the dregs that the fallen Chancellor had to drink. 
Five years later the great Chancellor and benefactor of the 
sister university, Blessed John Fisher, died the martyr’s death 
upon the scaffold (June 22, 1535). Unlike Wolsey and War- 
ham, the saintly bishop had early on foreseen the dangers for 
the English Church which the spread of the Lutheran heresy 
only too surely threatened; but his warnings had been un- 
heeded by these mighty prelates. His own services to Cam- 
bridge slackened not until the end. His new statutes, to 
some extent borrowed from Oxford, were directed partly to 
elevating the level of the studies, partly to remedying the 
ever-growing indiscipline and recklessness of the rising genera- 
tion. He is therefore very far from meriting the charge of 
narrow-mindedness which even Mullinger makes against him ; * 
and not only St. John’s College, as that historian truly claims, 
but the whole university, may justly look back with gratitude 
and pride to Bishop Fisher as the greatest of her benefactors. 
The remaining years of Henry, from 1535 to 1547, are 
rightly summed up by Father Zimmermann, in reference to 
our subject, as the epoch of the plundering and enslaving of 
the universities. The meanness and greed which disgraced 
the policy of the latter years of the reign, do not always, or 
even generally, mark the policy of the ‘Turkish Sultans,” to 
whom Zimmermann compares him. Henry has been praised 
as a patron of the universities, and a declaration of his is 
often quoted, to the effect that no foundations are more to the 
general good than those in favour of colleges, and sharply 
discriminating between the universities and the monasteries. 
There is good reason to suspect the sincerity of these expres- 
sions, and to believe that a systematic spoliation of the univer- 
sities was originally intended to follow in due course that of 
the monasteries. In spite of his foundation of Trinity, Com- 
bridge, from purely political motives, Henry cannot be said to 
have esteemed either learning or learned men for their own 
sake.f But what is a much more serious charge, is that his 
policy was directed to a systematic enthraldom of the inteilect. 

* Vol. i. p. 624. 
+ Zimmermann, pp. 53, 54, 67. 


Never were independent thought and freedom of research so 
much kept in fetters as at this epoch. Tie King’s changeable- 
ness of disposition and views rendered this mental servitude 
the more galling. The universities were called upon to 
change the opinions they had to defend according to the royal 
humour. Thomas Crumwell was made Visitor of both the 
Universities, and an elaborate document, containing detailed 
instructions, was drawn up, which Zimmermann analyses. The 
first article expressly stipulates that the members of the uni- 
versity are to promise obedience not only to the rules of 
succession established by the King, but also to all statutes 
directed to the uprooting of the Papal claims and the confirma- 
tion of the King’s supreme authority. No lectures were to be 
permitted upon the Master of Sentences and his commen- 
tators; only the Old and New Testament in their literal sense 
were to be expounded. ‘This was, of course, directed to the 
abolition of the scholastic philosophy and theology. Both 
lectures and degrees in canon law were to be abolished, “ as 
all England(!) had acknowledged the ecclesiastical supremacy 
of the King.” Melanchthon’s name is inserted among the 
authors to be expounded in philosophy. All heads of houses 
and professors must swear obedience to these new statutes. 
Two pliant tools, Dr. Layton and Dr. Legh, were deputed in 
place of their master, Crumwell, as Visitors, to Oxford and 
Cambridge respectively. Then followed a veritable panic, a 
reign of terror. With what high-handed violence the new 
ordinances were carried out, we can learn from Layton’s letters 
to his master. Duns Scotus was the object of special ill- 
treatment. His books were torn up and scattered about with 
every circumstance of ignominy. This was practically the 
banishment of sound logic from the English universities, re- 
marks Zimmermann caustically, and so things have remained 
till quite recent times. Legh proceeded with somewhat more 
moderation in Cambridge. 

No wonder that these measures, and the general uncertainty 
which prevailed, rapidly tended to diminish the number of 
students. But the severest blow which the universities re- 
ceived was in the suppression of the great monasteries between 
1536-9. Dr. Loudon was commissioned to suppress the nine 
colleges of the regular orders: Benedictines, Cistercians, 



Augustinians, Franciscans, and Dominicans, in Oxford. Nobles, 
townsfolk, and heads of secular colleges threw themselves 
greedily upon the plunder; the subjects were bettering the 
unworthy example of their sovereign. ‘The few regular colleges 
at Cambridge had the better fate. But the effects of the 
suppression of the monasteries were more far-reaching. Among 
these was the destruction of so many of the middle schools 
which had served as feeders for the universities by affording 
training for talented boys of the poorer classes. Now began 
that gradual change which eventually led to the practical 
shutting out of the poorer classes—who before this epoch had 
been in the majority at the universities—and the exclusive 
reservation of these national institutions to the rich and the 
nobles. A little later than this, as Mr. Gladstone reminds us, 
** Ascham says that among the prevailing evils, there was none 
more grave than the large admission of the sons of rich men, 
indifferent to solid and far-reaching study.” * But this was the 
process which now began, and went steadily on for three 

On Crumwell’s fall, in 1540, Bishop Gardiner succeeded as 
Chancellor. It is not our business here to discuss the some- 
what ambiguous character of Stephen Gardiner. As bishop, 
he appears to have shown a less pliant disposition than Henry 
had expected from his former behaviour. He was at any rate 
a scholar of some merit. During his chancellorship occurred 
his famous quarrel with the gifted Hellenist, John Cheke, con- 
cerning the pronunciation of Greek, which led to a strife as 
bitter as (to us) it is amusing. Here we meet with the first 
beginnings of the “ pedantry,’ which for some time was to 
cling to English learning. The chancellorship of Gardiner, 
however, to some extent appears as a time of comparative 
prosperity to the university. The new regulations published 
in 1544 were wise and useful. The foundation of Magdalen 
College, although the complete carrying out of the original 
plan was not possible till Mary’s reign (1584), falls in this 
time; and, at length, also Henry’s own long promised founda- 
tion, Trinity, Cambridge. In spite of all the misery and un- 
certainty of the times, there was still a certain number of 

* “ Romanes Lecture,” p. 23. 


scholars of note at the universities, but of these the majority 
were true to the Old Faith. 

At the death of Henry VIII. the country was in a state of 
the greatest anarchy that it had seen since the Conquest. 
Never had there been such a severing of classes and such 
divisions of men’s minds. The people were in a temper of 
despair, and but for the paid army at the King’s command, a 
revolution would probably have broken out. The short reign 
of the boy-king, Edward VI., was to mark the victory of 
Protestantism, a victory which, in spite of the temporary 
Catholic reaction under Mary, was to be continued and con- 
solidated under Elizabeth. ‘The Protector Somerset was a 
convinced Calvinist ; Warwick, later Duke of Northumberland, 
though at heart a Catholic, relied for the success of his schemes 
on the Protestant party, as the Catholics naturally favoured 

From the intellectual point of view, the Protestants at this 
time were decidedly weak, especially in theologians. Cranmer 
and his friends could not help feeling that they had no men at 
the universities who could be considered a match for scholars 
like Dr. Richard Smith, Mallet, or Chedsey at Oxford, Young 
and Bullock at Cambridge. As Mr. Gladstone points out, “a 
proof of this relative weakness is supplied by the single fact 
that to reform our service-books, and to instruct our candidates 
for holy orders, we were driven to invoke the aid of foreigners.” * 
Already in Henry’s lifetime unsuccessful overtures had been 
made to Melanchthon, and now Bucer and Fagius were im- 
ported to Cambridge, and Peter Martyr (whose name was 
Vermigli) to Oxford. 

In 1548 and 1549, a new Commission of Visitation was 
issued for both universities. The statutes, under the sanction 
of all kinds of penalties, fines, imprisonment, &c., were to 
effect a thorough revolution in the Protestant sense. The old 
doctrine was to be extirpated, foundations for masses to be 
commuted, the forms of divine service to be altered. Some 
changes were introduced into the prescribed courses of study, 
and efforts made, not indeed with success, to encourage the 
study of civil law. Further confusion was a necessary result. 

* “ Romanes Lecture,” p. 25. 


Peter Martyr began his lectures at Oxford in 1549. He 
was the first in England to deny the Real Presence. His crude 
Zwinglian teaching regarding the Holy Eucharist disgusted the 
Catholics. Quarrels and even physical strife were the result. 
Shocking scenes of profanity and desecration occurred in some 
of the college chapels, especially Magdalen. At Cambridge 
Dr. Cox was the bitterest enemy of the Catholics. He dis- 
played a literal fury in the wholesale destruction of books and 
MSS. A new feature in the strife was the introduction of 
public disputations between the parties. Dr. Richard Smith 
challenged Peter Martyr to such a trial of skill, but his crafty 
adversary eluded every attempt to make him face so able a 
disputant with auite an amusing variety of subterfuges. The 
end was that Smith, like so many other of Oxford’s ablest 
men, was forced to seek refuge in flight to the Continent. 
Other Catholics, however, Tresham and Chedsey, took up the 
cudgels in his place, and Peter Martyr, forced at last to a 
disputation, cut such a sorry figure that Dr. Cox after four 
days adjourned the meeting sine die. Bucer, also at Cambridge 
had to face the challenge of Young, Sedgwick, and Andrew, 
and came off with little credit in a public disputation on 
theology. Other such intellectual contests followed. 

Somerset and Northumberland were meanwhile gradually 
getting rid of the Catholic professors and officials, whilst 
Catholic parents (who were still in the majority) were with- 
drawing their sons from the national universities, to have them 
educated privately at home or at foreign seats of learning. 
The lecture-rooms were steadily emptying, and the diminishing 
ranks of students were recruited only from the sons of the 
richer classes, whose chief aim was pleasure, not study. We 
have Latimer’s and Lever’s lamentations to bear out these 
statements.* Huber ft is therefore fully justified in maintaining 
that the “Reformation” had injured the universities, both 
externally and internally. But we cannot agree with him in 
comparing the reign of Henry VIII. with that of Edward VI., 
to the advantage of the former. Although the evils grew 
under the latter reign, it was precisely Henry’s policy which 

* Letters quoted by Zimmermann pp. 80, 81. 
+ “English Universities,” vol. i. p. 284. 


was responsible for them in their origin. Yet even Edward 
does not seem to have merited all the praise which has been 
bestowed on him as a patron of learning. The funds for the 
schools of which he is reckoned the founder were for the most 
part derived either from Church property or the contributions 
of the local burgesses. 

In the statutes of Trinity College, Cambridge, published by 
the Visitors at this time, we find first fully developed the 
systematic plan of making the colleges independent of the 
university, an innovation which had serious consequences later 
on, as we shall see. The President is also to take an oath to 
maintain the Protestant doctrine, and the fellows are to be 
obliged to abjure the Old Faith, whilst the scholars are to take 
an oath recognising the Bible as the sole rule of Faith. We 
are already in the full swing of those penal regulations which 
long kept the doors of the universities locked against Catholics 
from the inside. 

From 1553 to 1558, the reign of Mary was marked by the 
short-lived Catholic reaction. The circumstances of her early life, 
the fanaticism of her religious opponents, the personal affronts 
she had had to endure under Edward’s reign, and the violence 
of the innovators even after her accession, must go a long way 
to account for the bitterness and intolerance she displayed 
herself when in power. At least the universities flourished 
under her reign. She stands out favourably from the other 
Tudors in her patronage of learning, and in her personal 
munificence to the universities. Two zealous Catholics, Sir 
Thomas Pope and Sir Thomas White, founded at this time the 
two Oxford colleges of Trinity and St. John’s respectively ; 
whilst the Queen’s physician, the celebrated Dr. Caius, also an 
earnest Catholic, by remodelling Gonville Hall, Cambridge, 
merited the title of the founder of Gonville and Caius, now 
known by his own name alone. The statutes display broad- 
minded zeal for the promotion of the study of medicine, for 
which foundations are provided to be enjoyed at Padua, 
Bologna, Montpellier, or Paris. The careful disciplinary regu- 
lations show us how far the moral tone had descended already 
at the universities. The keeping of horses and dogs, as well 
as bull-baiting and bear-baiting, have to be prohibited to the 
students. In spite of Mullinger’s contrary opinion, based 


upon such partial witnesses as Ascham, Jewell, and Peter 
Martyr, Oxford under Mary compares very favourably with 
Cambridge. The number of students increased—a good sign 
of prosperity. The B.A.s who graduated during the reign at 
Oxford were 216, as against 176 at Cambridge. 

At the latter university, Gardiner was reinstated as Chan- 
cellor, and we cannot but regret that his reversal of all that 
had taken place under Edward was carried out with much of 
the same spirit in which it had been introduced. Some of the 
Protestant party, like Perne, Cheke, and Cecil, yielded and 
became Catholics. Others were driven out. Those were not 
days of toleration on either side!* Atthe same time, we may 
remark that 125 M.A.s and 195 B.A.s graduated during five 
years of Mary, as against 90 and 167 respectively during five 
years of her predecessor. Gardiner died in 1555, and 
Cardinal Pole succeeded him as Chancellor. Visitors were 
now sent to both universities for the “extirpation of heresy,” 
but their new statutes were never carried out, for the Queen’s 
death followed immediately. Whatever views may be held of 
her policy, it must at least be said that she did more for the 
universities than either her predecessor or her successor. 

Over the reign of Elizabeth we may pass more rapidly. It 
was the period not only of the final triumph of Protestantism, 
but of the remodelling of Protestantism into the form of 
Anglicanism, and the consequent beginning of the long 
struggle between that form and Puritanism. Elizabeth herself 
cannot be said to have had strong religious convictions, and, 
like Cecil, who could easily change his religion, was influenced 
rather by political, or, we may say, national, motives.t Her 
endeavour all along was to found a kind of middle party, a 
species of Protestantism amalgamated with Catholic discipline. 
This was ‘‘ Anglicanism.” As usual, a visitation of the 
universities was carried out, with the inevitable new regulations 
and the usual serious interference with the rights and liberties 

* “Tt was not only Mary who thought that heretics should be burnt ; John 
Rogers, who was the first to suffer, had, in the days of Edward, pleaded for 
the death of Joan Bocher” (S. R. Gardiner, “‘Student’s History of England,” 
vol. ii. p. 424). 

+ “She cared nothing for theology, though her inclinations drew her to a 
more elaborate ritual than that which the Protestants had to offer. She was, 
however, intensely national... .. For this end she must establish national 
unity in the Church” (8S. R. Gardiner, p. 428). 


of the ancient “ republic of letters,” which would never have 
been tolerated in the Middle Ages. The Catholics showed 
great steadfastness, and nearly all the heads of colleges and 
many of the fellows at Oxford either resigned or suffered 
expulsion. The new men put into their places were mostly very 
inferior. The test oath, and the system of espionage and 
persecution which followed it, found some indeed not quite so 
staunch, and these few formed the kernel of the new 
“Anglican” party. But the new doctrines had seriously 
lowered the general estimation of the ecclesiastical character, 
and both the clergy and the universities sank under Elizabeth 
into a pitiful condition. “Sunt mutz muse nostraque fama 
fames,” was the all-too true complaint of the state of things at 
Oxford. As to the ignorance of the clergy, we have the 
emphatic testimony of Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, and of 
Cecil.* The former in 1561 reported that the heads of colleges 
were so bad that he could not say whether their absence or 
their presence were more harmful, for that none of them did 
any good; whilst “his heart bled” when he thought of 
St. John’s College. Next year Cecil wished to resign the 
chancellorship, out of disgust at the state of things, for the 
heads had no care to second him in either controlling dis- 
orderly youth, enforcing discipline, or encouraging science and 
godliness. Probably with the design of improving the state 
of things at the universities, Elizabeth paid her famous State 
visits to Cambridge in 1564 and to Oxford in 1566. Asa 
matter of fact, these sumptuous pageants did vastly more 
harm than good. They tended to encourage the taste for 
luxury and frivolous amusement, and especially to develop a 
love for dramatic entertainments, which, whilst directly bene- 
ficial to the rise of the English drama, was certainly ill- 
calculated to improve study or academic discipline. 

In 1572 the celebrated Dr. Caius, who for a time had been 
inclined, with some others, to favour the new “ via media” of 
Anglicanism, and had so kept his place, became a victim of 
persecution. His college was broken into (by the Vice- 
Chancellor and Dr. Whitgift, the future Archbishop) and all 
his vestments, sacred vessels, statues, and other objects cast 

* Zimmermann, pp. 96, 97. 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.] QF 


into the flames. He did not long survive the blow, dying in 
London, after a life spent in doing more for the promotion of 
study at his university than any one of his contemporaries. 

In spite of all, there was still considerable vitality in the 
Catholic party, at least at Oxford. Merton and Corpus had 
already shown considerable pluck in defending their privileges 
against Leicester in 1564. There was even a certain Catholic 

reaction set in: 

It would be interesting [says Zimmermann] to show in detail how many 
professors and students at both universities, little by little, returned to 
the bosom of the Catholic Church; how, in very many instances, the 
reading of Catholic writings converted zealous Protestants and timid 
Catholics; with what zeal Catholic booksellers or private persons strove 
to disseminate Catholic tracts of devotion or controversy among the 
students; how often Protestant bishops or heads of houses caused domi- 
ciliary visitations to be made, destroyed Catholic books, or severely 
punished Catholic booksellers and colporteurs.* 

One of the best known of these latter cases was that of 
Rowland Jenks. In 1592 the heads of houses at Cambridge 
established a commission to prosecute Catholics for “ seducing 
the young,” complaining that no books were so widely circu- 
lated as Catholic ones, and that in many of the rooms of 
Anglican professors the majority of the books found were those 
of scholastic theologians, writings of Franciscans, Dominicans, 
and Jesuits. Indeed, Anglicanism was no more able to pro-. 
duce a scientific school of theology then than it has been ever 
since. And there can be little doubt that, if the contest had 
been fought out with intellectual weapons only, the Catholic 
party would have come off easily victorious. Mr. Gladstone 
admits that ‘‘ the very ablest men among those [Oxford] reared, 
such as Allen, Campion, Stapleton, and the rest, were ejected 
and suppressed. ”’ f 

It is hardly cognate to our purpose to follow Fr. Zimmer- 
mann in his history of the struggle between Anglicanism and 
Puritanism. ‘‘ Nonconformity,” indeed, took its rise at Cam- 
bridge, as Mr. Gladstone points out.{ Browne and Cartwright, 
the leaders of the movement, were Cambridge men of note. 
The latter’s election as Professor in 1569 and subsequent exclu- 

* Pp. 100, 101. + ‘‘Romanes Lecture,” p. 25. t Lbid. 


sion by the Vice-Chancellor Mey led to a serious storm; the 
situation became so critical that a fresh revision of the statutes 
was decided upon. It was John Whitgift who was charged 
with this revision. This remarkable man seems originally to 
have been a Calvinist, but his skilful trimming made him a 
valued ally of the Queen. It is well known to what importance 
he eventually rose as Archbishop of Canterbury. Indeed, Fr. 
Zimmermann does not hesitate to declare that to him and 
Elizabeth is owing the foundation of the Anglican High Church 
system, and that Laud (to whom, by the way, Mr. Gladstone 
assigns so high a position as a Churchman*) merely followed 
in their footsteps. Whitgift’s new statutes transferred the 
centre of gravity of nniversity authority. The heads of colleges 
formed a new body of very great power, into whose hands almost 
all practical control was transferred. This also had much effect 
upon subsequent developments. Little by little the universities 
were becoming mere seminaries for Anglican divines, Yet, 
although Cartwright had to fly to Geneva, the Anglican bishops 
were in an awkward position, and did not dare to proceed to 
extremities against the Puritans, as against the Catholics. 
There is a curious memorial of complaint from them about the 
state of things at the universities, chiefly interesting to us as 
it incidentally refers to civil law and natural science as “ useless 
branches of study!” The fact is, the universities were once 
more in a state of intellectual decline, of which we have con- 
temporary testimony in Traver’s “ Ecclesiasticee Discipline 
Explicatio” (1574). Most of the best men fled abroad. So in 
1583 some eighty professors and students followed Dr. Allen to 
theims, and most of these were from Oxford. Leicester's 
influence at Oxford as Chancellor was for evil. Though the 
number of students increased under his rule, good discipline 
and study rapidly declined, and Oxford was soon outstripped 
by Cambridge. The centre of intellectual life had meanwhile 
been transferred to London. 

To sum up the results of the Reformation in the universities, 
The independence and rights of the national seats of learning 
had come to an end with freedom of research and opinion. 
The authority of the Senate had been superseded by that of the 

* «Romanes Lecture,” pp. 37-39, 


heads of houses, as we have seen, and these colleges were merely 
seminaries for training Anglican clergymen. ‘The students 
were made up of two classes: the sons of the nobility, idlers, 
and pleasure-seekers on the one hand, and Protestant divines, 
to whom theology was merely a “ bread-study ” leading to pro- 
spective benefices. The best class—the poorer middle class— 
had disappeared. The real talent of the universities was to 
be sought abroad, in the flourishing colleges founded by Allen, 
or after his example ; especially at Douay, which at the time 
far surpassed Oxford. The study of law and medicine had 
almost disappeared, and the professors could get no hearers. 
In seven years Oxford could produce but one doctor and eight 
bachelors in law. The natural sciences and mathematics were 
treated with the utmost contempt, as dishonourable for univer- 
sity students!* Greek was almost forgotten. During the last 
forty years of the century Mullinger admits that only two men 
at Cambridge certainly knew Greek, and perhaps three others 
had a smattering of it. Things were worse at Oxford. Latin, 
too, was far less known at the close than at the beginning of 
the century. Hebrew, owing to the importance now attached 
to the text of Scripture, had received some more attention ; 
but the most distinguished Orientalist at Oxford, Robert 
Wakefield,t had been a Catholic; and his brother Thomas, 
who also remained true to the faith, was the first public pro- 
fessor of Hebrew at Cambridge, where, however, Protestant 
bigotry forbade his lecturing. Foreigners or Jews were the 
chief teachers of Hebrew after them. Rhetoric had taken the 
place of solid learning. History has only the name of Camden 
(Oxford) to show; Leland, the antiquarian, had been suffered 
to die in neglect and poverty. In a word, learning had not 
gained in a single branch by the Reformation. And no attempt. 
at improvement was made till the reigns of the Stuarts. 
College life and discipline had fared no better. An entire 
change had come over society. The rural population, flocking 
to the towns, had become spoilt and corrupted.{ The character 
of the bishops, clergy, and heads of colleges had descended 

* See the quotations and examples, Zimmermann, p. 122. 

+ He became the first professor of Hebrew at Louvain. He had, however, 
supported the royal divorce and shared in the plundering of the monasteries. 

t Hall, “ Society in the Elizabethan Age ” (1887), pp. 104, 105. 


both intellectually and morally. The abuses of the collegiate 
system, of university ‘‘ graces,” and of the tutorial system had 
most serious results upon the universities. The students came 
up much too young—lads of twelve or thirteen, Peacham tells 
us—and were badly prepared. ‘The heads of colleges abused 
their autocratic powers. The material prosperity of the colleges 
(greatly augmented by Sir Thomas Smith’s wise regulations) 
was accompanied by general intellectual stagnation. Poorer 
students, sizars, were systematically degraded into the position 
of drudges. How different from the state of things in the 
Middle Ages! 

What the Reformation meant for the entire nation, was also what it 
meant for the universities; the robbery of the poor, the enrichment of 
the great, the almost absolute exclusion of talent and industry from 
place and honour. A brilliant university career had formerly opened 
a path to high office in Church and State; this was now reserved for a 
privileged class. Formerly the university professor was able, by one 
or more livings, which laid upon him no obligation of residence, to secure 
an existence free from anxiety; now the stipend of a professor was far 
too little. Formerly, by the study of philosophy, by public disputations 
and other scholastic exercises, not only the memory, but also the 
thinking powers had been developed; now study was directed almost 
exclusively to cramming the memory. Formerly there was freedom of 
research, so far as it did not run counter to the dogmas of the Catholic 
Church; now the narrowest compulsory teaching prevailed. Formerly 
ideal ends were united with science; now science was esteemed only so 
far as it served practical ends. From the continental universities 
nothing had been borrowed but unrestrained polemics and party 
passion. The warning of Bacon* and others fell on deaf ears. Not till 
the beginning of the present century were some of the crying abuses 
which had crept in during the sixteenth century, done away with, and 
the universities brought nearer to their true end and object.t 

It is not without significance that the vast reforms in the 
national universities which had signalised the latter half of this 
nineteenth century, have all been in the direction of the state 
of things in pre-reformation times. There has been a casting 
down of barriers ; first religious, by the abolition of test-oaths ; 
then social, by the gradual re-admission of the middle and 
poorer classes. The tendency nowadays to build a procession 
of bridges from the primary school, across the middle school 

* Works, ed. Spedding, vol. iii. pp. 326-328, 597. 
+ Zimmermann, p. 138. 


and grammar school, up to the university itself, is merely a 
reversion to what existed on a much larger scale in Catholic 
times. Even for the poor boy, gifted by talent and industry, 
there is now ever-increasing opportunity for rising to an 
academic career, but as yet to a far less extent than there was 
in the Middle Ages. The intellectual revival in every depart- 
ment has been extraordinary indeed; here again we are going 
back to the Oxford and Cambridge of Old England. During 
the last twenty years, we are assured by unquestionable 
authority, the growth of earnestness and the spirit of work, 
the decline of luxury and frivolity, the greater simplicity of 
student life have made the Oxford and Cambridge of 1895 
something very unlike that of even the seventies. Here again 
we have a reversion to the thirteenth and two subsequent 
centuries. This being so, it appears providentially timed 
that a beginning should be made of once more opening the 
road towards those old Catholic foundations, the national 
universities, for the spiritual and intellectual heirs of their 
founders, who have been exiled from them for three hundred 
years. But the restoration will scarce be complete till we 
can see the successes of St. Edmund Rich, of Stapleton, and of 
Allen—and, may we hope, those of Kilwardby, Roger Bacon, 
and Duns Scotus—pursuing the same paths of study, divine 
as well as human, by the banks of the Isis and the Cam. 


Science Fotices, 

The Scientific Work of Professor Huxley.—A_ leading 
weekly journal has described the pure scientific work of the late 
Professor Huxley as the accident of his career, giving him pre- 
eminence as the founder of a school of thought. The writer has 
surely confounded notoriety with fame. While Huxley attained 
the former by certain speculations he chose to evolve from his 
researches, his fame in the future will rest upon his brilliant biolo- 
gical investigations. 

For these has Huxley received his meed of honours, and it is only 
the consideration of his pure scientific work that falls within the 
scope of these notices. 

The first revelation of his extraordinary powers of observation 
was the brief note which, while a medical student at Charing Cross 
Hospital, he contributed to the Medical Times and Gazette concerning 
that layer in the root-sheath of hair which has since been called 
Huxley’s layer. It was, however, his original investigation of the 
fauna of the Southern Seas, carried on while he was assistant surgeon 
on board the Rattlesnake from 1846-50, that gained him fame 
as a naturalist. During the course of its voyage the vessel traversed 
many parts of tropical oceans, including the coasts of Australia, 
little investigated by the zoologist. Thus he had ample opportu- 
nities of observing the lower pelagic animals in the living state, and 
during the voyage sent home several communications to the Royal 
Society of sufficient value to ensure his election as Fellow of the 
Society shortly after his arrival in England. 

In 1874 Dr. Ernst Haeckel wrote a notice of Huxley’s principal 
biological discoveries in Vatwre. This account has been much drawn 
upon in the Huxley literature that has lately appeared. It contains, 
however, an able estimate of the value of his scientific work ; and it 
has been referred to for the following facts : 

Dr. Haeckel, without hesitation, places Huxley at the head of the 
zoologists of this country. In each of the large divisions of the 
animal kingdom he made important discoveries. As has been stated, 
his early labours were occupied with the lower marine animals, 
especially with the pelagic organisms swimming at the surface of 
the sea. 


In the Protozoa he first elucidated the mysterious Thalasicollide 
and Spherozoida. In his work on “Oceanic Hydrozoa” he has 
increased our knowledge of zoophytes. In the paper he communi- 
cated to the Royal Society in 1849 he pointed out that the bodies of 
these animals are constructed of two cell layers—of the Ectoderm 
and the Endoderm—and that these, physiologically and morpholo- 
gically, may be compared to the two germinal layers of higher 
animals. He first showed the affinities of Echinodermata with 
Vermes, demolishing the old view that the Echinodermata belong to 
the Radiata, and, on account of their radial type, should be classed 
with corals, meduse, kc. He pointed out that the whole organisa- 
tion of the former is different from the latter, and that the Echino- 
dermata are more nearly related morphologically to worms. 

He also threw much light on the important group of Tunicata by 
his studies of Ascidians, Appendicularia, Pyrosoma, Doliolium, and 
Salpa. He has made us more intimate with the morphology of the 
Mollusca and Arthropoda; and he considered the generation of 
vine fretters from a new point of view. 

He specially advanced the comparative anatomy and classification 
of the Vertebrata, and expounded his researches in his ‘* Lectures on 
the Elements of Comparative Anatomy,” and in other separate publi- 
cations dealing with living and extinct fish, amphibians, reptiles, 
birds, and mammals. 

The Mitigation of the Fading of Pigments.—In the Par- 
liamentary Report made in 1888 by Captain Abney and Dr. Russell 
on the fading of pigments in pictures, it was stated that every 
pigment is permanent when exposed to light in vacua, also that 
the rays which produce the greatest changes in pigments are the 
blue and the violet components of white light. To provide a 
vacuum casing for pictures would certainly be no easy task, though 
experiments have been made in this direction by a Company. 
Captain Abney has not chosen the preventive method for his 
experiments, but has confined his efforts to one which minimises the 
deteriorating influence by controlling the kind of light admitted to 
the pigments. The results of his experiments can now be witnessed 
in the Raffaelle Cartoon Gallery. The method consists in subtract- 
ing the active violet rays from the light admitted to the gallery. 

The glazing of the roof is in alternate strips of blue-green and 
yellow glass. The mixture of rays that pass into the gallery pro- 
duces a white light devoid of the violet rays, since they are stopped 
by the blue green and the yellow glass. The hues of the pigment do 


not suffer from the exclusion of the violet rays, for it has been 
shown that these are practically useless for giving illumination, the 
yellow rays having about two hundred times the illumination of the 
strongest violet ray. 

Captain Abney has measured the amount of luminosity lost by 
the new method : 

I place the yellow glass in one white beam, and alongside it send 
another beam of white light. By intervening a rod in the paths of the 
two beams, to cast two shadows, and reducing one by rotating sectors 
which can give a larger or smaller aperture at will during rotation, we 
can arrive at a point where the two shadows are equally luminous. 
Removing the glass the balance is again secured, and we find that in this 
case the aperture required is 60°, and in the other 85°, showing that the 
yellow glass allows 3? of the white light to pass through it. Wecan do 
the same with the blue-green glass, and find it cuts off a deal more, 
allowing only } of the light to pass. Now, if half the roof be glazed with 
yellow glass and the other half with the blue-green glass, the total light 
passing through is only 45 per cent. of what would fall through the 
aperture of the roof if no glass were in it. Absorption and reflection by 
white glass reduce that loss to about 50 per cent. 

This loss is considerable, but it can be compensated by increasing 
the area of the glazed portion of the roof. This has been done in 
the Raffaelle Cartoon Gallery. 

The diminution of chemical activity by the removal of the violet 
rays has been proved by taking a photograph in the Raffaelle 
gallery and in the adjoining one, lit in the ordinary manner. A 
bromide plate requires nearly ten times the exposure in the former 
to what it does in the latter. 

To estimate the extension of the period for fading gained by the 
new method of lighting is a matter for time alone to decide. 
“Putting it as low as ten times, we have a considerable saving. 
Thus, a picture which in ordinary light would_last ten years, will, if 
hung in this light, last at least one hundred years, and probably 
two hundred years.” 

Captain Abney has suggested that private houses might with 
advantage be illuminated with such a light as has been described. 
Not only would it tend to preserve the pictorial heirlooms, but it 
would have a beneficial effect on the eyesight, as the ultra-violet rays 
are supposed to excite the fluorescent properties of the retina 
and produce irritability. 

But Captain Abney perhaps forgets that recent experiments 
have proved the hygienic value of the violet rays. Since they are 
the microbe destroyers, the advantage in excluding them from our 
dwelling places is a very doubtful one. 


M. Andrée’s Proposed Balloon Voyage to the North Pole.— 
At the recent Geographical Congress, M. Andrée unfolded his 
daring scheme for reaching the North Pole in a balloon. It cannot 
be said to have been met with enthusiasm, but rather with criticism. 
The President of the Congress was of opinion that the plan should 
not be encouraged, and by one member at least it was denounced as 
foolhardy. In spite of adverse opinion, M. Andrée adheres to his 
intention, and certainly his voyage will command the keen attention 
of all those who are interested in balloon navigation. 

M. Andrée is a Swedish engineer. His own countrymen appear 
to be more sympathetic than foreigners, for they subscribed the 
necessary funds within fourteen days. M. Andrée is an aeronaut 
of experience and courage, having once made a balloon voyage from 
Gothenburg to the Isle of Gothland, during which he crossed part of 
the Baltic. He has also had experience of Polar regions. He 
proposes to use a baJloon large enough to carry three persons, and 
being provided with a double outer covering. It is to be furnished 
with provisions for four months. The car will be fitted with 
meteorological instruments, life buoys, and collapsible boats. It will 
be provided with means of instantly detaching it from the balloon. 
M. Andrée is endeavouring to obtain an absolutely impermeable 
covering for the balloon. If he succeeds in finding this he will 
receive the gratitude of all aeronauts. He places much confidence 
in the use of guy ropes, which he will allow to drag on the ground. 
He also intends to fix a sail on to the balloon, maintaining that the 
combination of sail and guy ropes will enable him to steer the 
ballcon to some extent. The start is to be made from Spitzbergen 
in July next. M. Andrée estimates that the journey to the Pole 
will take forty-three hours, It is doubtful whether he will return 
at that speed. 

Electric Strokes and their Treatment.—According to M. 
D’Arsonval, the deaths of persons who have been subjected to severe 
electric shocks is due to two different causes: (1) The damage or 
destruction of the tissues ; (2) The over-excitation of the nervous 
centres, arresting respiration. In this second case the victim of the 
stroke is merely in a swoon resembling some one who has been 
semi-drowned, and if treated in the right manner can be resusci- 
tated. The apparent deaths of this class seem to be produced by 
alternating currents. Since alternating currents have been used in 
the United States to execute criminals, the authorities possibly have 


now to face the startling fact that they have been burying their 
victims alive. Conclusive experiments have been tried with animals» 
but recently an accident happened to a man, at St. Denis, which 
confirms M. D’Arsonval’s theories. The man was employed 
at St. Denis in fixing a telephone wire alongside of some wires con- 
veying a current of 4500 volts. The wires were held in position by 
small posts fixed to a wall by cramping irons, He was sitting astride 
upon the bar of the lower cramping iron, foolishly holding one of the 
conducting wires with one hand. The telephone wire which he had 
taken up with him was resting on the cramping iron, and it accident- 
ally touched the conducting wire. There was a short circuit through 
the body of the man, the current entering by one hand and passing 
out by his thigh. How long the current was thus short-circuited 
is not exactly known, but it was certainly for some minutes. The 
superintendent in charge of the apparatus at Epinay, owing to the 
sparking of the terminals, suspected that there was a short circuit 
somewhere on the line, and telephoned for the machinery to be 
stopped. About a quarter of an hour afterwards, Messieurs Picon 
and Leblanc, two well-known electricians, arrived at St. Denis and 
found the man still sitting in the same position and apparently dead- 
Immediately after taking him down, which took about half an hour, 
they went through the usual process of producing artificial respira- 
tion by raising the arms, opening the mouth, &c. After some little 
time the patient began to breathe, and in two hours was able to 
speak, He appears to have felt no further evil effects from his 
accident excepting two burns, one on his hand and the other on 
his thigh. 

Possibly the same treatment might be successful in cases when 
persons are struck by lightning. 

The Electromotive Force of Starlight—Photo-Electric Cells. 
—In a recent number of Nature Professor Minders describes the 
photo-electric cell by means of which he has, in conjunction with 
Professor Fitzgerald and Mr. W. E. Wilson, measured the electro- 
motive force of the light of some of the planets and stars. 

The method for pursuing this fascinating research was first 
devised a little more than a year ago in Mr, Wilson’s observatory at 
Daramona, Westmeath. 

The original photo-electric cell was constructed with selenium, 
aluminium, and the liquid cnanthol. The way in which the cell was 
formed was as follows : 


A strip of clean aluminium, about half an inch long and one 
tenth of an inch wide, was laid on an iron plate, which was heated by 
a Bunsen flame. On the end of the strip was placed a small particle 
of selenium, which melted and formed a small black globule of 
liquid. The flame was then taken away and the melted selenium 
spread over the end of the aluminum strip by a glass rod, so that it 
formed a thin uniform layer, about *1 of an inch square, on the end 
of the strip. The dark layer was allowed to cool to a few degrees 
below its melting-point, which was about 217°C. Then the under 
surface of the iron plate was again heated, until the layer of selenium 
was nearly remelted, During the process the colour of the layer 
changed from black to a greyish brown. When it was just on the 
point of melting the heat was withdrawn, and the surface of the 
selenium cooled by being blown upon. This left the surface of the 
selenium in a state in which it is very sensitive to light. The end 
of the strip covered with selenium was immersed in a glass tube con- 
taining cenanthol, and connected with one pole of a quadrant 
electrometer, whose other pole was connected to a platinum wire 
sealed into the glass tube. This arrangement constituted the cell, in 
which the action of light falling upon the selenium layer gives the 
selenium a positive electric charge and the liquid a negative one, the 
positive charge being conveyed to one pole of the electrometer by 
the plate and the negative charge to the other pole by the platinum 
wire sealed into the cell. 

It is stated that ordinary diffused daylight will produce in such a 
cell as this an electromotive force of between one-third and one-half 
of a volt. 

The electromotive force of the light of some of the planets and 
stars, including that of Sirius, was measured by means of this cell ; 
but it has been found that it is not constant, and it is therefore un- 
reliable. The strip of aluminium at the same time conveys to the 
insulated pole of the electrometer the positive charge produced by 
light in the selenium, and part of the negative charge imparted to 
the liquid, with the result that the electromotive force is less than it 
should be. Again, there are currents circulating between the selenium 
and the back of the strip of aluminium which tend to deteriorate 
the cell. In practice it is found that the strength of such cells falls 
off after about six hours. 

An improved cell has now been devised, with which excellent 
work has been done. 

The strip of aluminium is replaced by a wire of the same metal, 
about one millimetre in diameter, at the end of which the selenium 
is deposited. The wire is enclosed in a glass tube, in which it fits 


tightly, the end of the wire on which there is the selenium layer being 
flush with the end of the tube. The other end of the aluminium wire 
is connected with afine platinum wire, which emerges from the other 
end of the glass tube and forms the selenium pole of the photo-electric 
cell. The glass tube containing the wire fits into a cork which closes 
the side of the glass cell containing the liquid. The extremity of 
the tube at which is the selenium-coated aluminium wire fits close 
up against a quartz window, inserted in the cell just opposite the 
cork. A platinum wire is sealed into the bottom of the glass cell, 
and conveys the charge taken by the liquid to one pole of the 
electrometer. In this cell, the liquid being kept out of contact with 
the wire, the local currents are avoided. The cell has remained con- 
stant for three months. 

The light of the planets and stars to be measured is received 
through a telescope on the quartz window, so that it falls on the 
selenium layer. It is important that the light of the star should 
cover the whole of the sensitive layer With this cell the electro- 
motive forces of the lights of Jupiter, Saturn, Vega Arcturus, 
Regulus, Procyon and other stars have been measured. So sensitive 
is this cell to light that if « paraffin candle is held at a distance of 
9 ft. from the quartz window of the cell, it produces an electromotive 
force of about 0°3 volts. The light of Arcturus gave 0°82 of the 
electromotive force produced by the candle at 7 ft., the light of 
Saturn and Regulus 0°56. 

It is found that the cell is most sensitive to the yellow rays, though 
it responds to all rays of the spectrum, and even to rays considerably 
below the visible red and blue. 

The Spontaneous Combustion of Hay.—For a long time it 
has been supposed that the spontaneous combustion of hay is 
caused by the joint action of oxidation and decomposition. The 
particular process, however, which so often leads to the loss of 
Jarge quantities of hay, has not, until lately, been very clearly 

We are indebted to Messieurs Berthelot and André for the expla- 
nation of the phenomenon. The process is not so simpleas has been 
thought to be the case. After hay has been dried to a certain extent 
fermentation sets in, which is accompanied by ccnsiderable heat. The 
heating increases until the temperature is reached which destroys 
the microbes. The temperature, however, does not always fall with 
the death of the agents which produced it, for the high temperature 


favours oxidation, which, when set up, re-acts on the temperature, 
which may rise high enough to effect spontaneous combustion. 
There are, therefore, two separate stages in the process: (1) The 
fermentation stage, which affords the necessary temperature for 
oxidation ; (2) The purely chemical stage, which is directly responsible 
for the spontaneous combustion, 

Notes of Cravel and Exploration. 

The American North-West.—Mr. Somerset’s * experiences in 
a region which seems to be one of the most forbidding on the earth’s 
surface are not calculated to invite others to follow in his track. 
The muskegs, from which the book takes its title, are treacherous 
morasses covered with green spongy moss alternating with pools of 
water. The country traversed in the basins of the Athabasca and 
Peace Rivers was covered to a great extent by these swamps, varied 
with forest so dense that a path had to be cut through it with the 
axe. It rained almost every day, and as the bush was wet even 
when the sky was clear, the travellers were perpetually soaked from 
head to foot. For many days they walked ankle-deep in swamp or 
muskeg, and sometimes for hours at a time in water reaching to 
above the knee. Waterproof sheets were unavailing to keep out the 
universal deluge, and often by reaching out of bed they could plunge 
their hands to the wrist, or even to the elbow, in slushy water or 
sodden mud, Add to this the plague of mosquitoes, which swarm 
in such multitudes that the moose and deer of the country often die 
from loss of blood caused by their bites and those of the bull-dog 
flies. ‘The mode of travel for greater part of the distance was on 
foot, with horses as baggage carriers. Little game was shot, and the 
rifles of the party failed to supply sufficient food, so that one of the 
horses had to be slaughtered to reinforce the commissariat, Even this 
resource proved inadequate, and they were reduced to the last ex- 
tremity of hunger, having been two days almost without food, before 
reaching the Hudson’s Bay Station in British Columbia, whence 
they were able to descend the Fraser River and its tributaries, and 
so strike the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Indians in this region 
depend largely on rabbits for their food, and as these for some 
mysterious reason die out or disappear every seven years, the mor- 
tality among the tribes increases at the same periods. 

* « The Land of the Muskeg.” By H. Somers Somerset. London: Heine- 
mann. 1895. 


General Character of the Athabasca Region.—The country 

beyond the Edmonton district in Alberta and the fertile plains of 
the Saskatchewan is declared to be totally unfitted for agricultural 
settlement, and the vast territory from the Athabasca to the Barren 
Grounds and thence to the Arctic Ocean, to the north of the 54th 
parallel, is condemned as worthless for colonisation, The Athabasca 
Landing, 104 miles north of Edmonton, is the last outpost of the 
Canadian Government, and the country north of that river, though 
nominally included in the Dominion, is not practically subject to 
any constituted authority. No treaties have been made with the 
Indians, as throughout the remainder of Canada, and it is at least 
an open question whether the jurisdiction of the Canadian courts 
extends beyond the river. The only form of authority recognised in 
practice is that exercised by the Hudson Bay’s Company’s officer 
and the Catholic missionaries : 
These last ‘says Mr. Pollen, who has written the preface of the book] fill 
a picturesque place in the story of the country. At almost every fort 
you will find the neat log-houses and church of the Roman Catholic 
Mission, and the priests themselves are all highly educated men, while 
most of them are of good French or French-Canadian families. Their 
influence with the Indians is immense. During the last rebellion the 
Canadian Government owed much to the missionaries’ power of restrain- 
ing incipient revolt, and every Hadson's Bay Company’s officer we met 
was loud and unqualified in their praise. This would hardly be so were 
not their services to civilisation and good order known beyond dispute, 
for the officers in question were to a man alien to their race and their creed, 
and, as we had lamentable occasion to remark, the bitterness of religious 
differences is not a whit softer in that country than in ours. For ourselves, 
we have a score of services to thank them for, and the fathers at the 
Little Slave Lake, Smoky River, Dunvegan, and Fort M’Cleod, placed 
themselves and all they possessed at our disposal in the friendliest 

Pére Morice, encountered at Stewart’s Lake, in British Columbia, 

was especially helpful, as his influence with the Indians was pro- 
digious. It was a surprise to the travellers to find a savant and a 
man of letters, who, though a Frenchman, spoke irreproachable 
English, working among the Indians in a lonely north-western 
mission. Judging from his congregation, however, his learning does 
not seem to be thrown away, as they-are immeasurably superior to 
their neighbours. 
They build log houses [says the author], and many speak English and read 
books and a monthly review in the native tongue, printed in the syllabary 
which their priest has invented for them. This is one of the many extra- 
ordinary achievements of this prince of missionaries, who not only is his 
own editor, compositor, and printer, but has invented a most ingenious 
syllabary, which is easily learnt; so that Indians who have no idea what 
writing is, have been known to learn to read and write this language with 
perfect correctness after two or three days’ instruction. 


The Antarctic Continent.—One of the most interesting papers 
read at the Geographical Congress in August was that of Herr 
Borchgravink, a young Norwegian, who with his companions landed 
on Cape Adair, and was probably the first human being to set foot 
on the great continent of the South Pole, conjectured to contain a 
land mass perhaps twice the size of Europe, and absolutely unknown 
to science. The explorer was compelled to work his passage before 
the mast in the whaler Antarctic as the only way of reaching his 
destination, and was consequently unable to make any regular 
scientific observations. Sailing from Melbourne on September 20, 
1894, they saw the Aurora Australis for the first time on October 18, 
in about 34° S. latitude. It formed a shining ellipse above the 
horizon with a periodic splendour culminating about once in five 
minutes and dying out in the intervals. In latitude 58°, on 
November 6, a great ice-barrier, or chain of barriers, was sighted, 
extending for forty or fifty miles from east to north-west. With a 
level top as white as snow it attained a maximum elevation of 
600 feet, the sides towering in cliffs of ashen yrey channelled with ' 
green caves, through which the seas raged and roared, spouting from 
the summit in fountains of spray. In the beginning of December 
they reached the great fields of ice entered by Sir James Ross on 
January 5, 1841, with the Hrebus and Terror. Working their 
way through the floes, which grew larger as land was approached, 
the Arctic Circle was just reached on December 24, and the speaker 
believed they were the only people who ever saw the midnight sun 
on Christmas Eve. Cape Adair, in Victoria Land, sighted on 
January 16, consisted of a mass of basalt 3779 feet high, from 
whose summit was afforded a view of the coast of Victoria Land 
stretching to the west and south as far as the eye could reach. Its 
frowning shores rose from bare and barren rocks to peaks of ice 
12,000 feet above the sea, Mount Sabine towering above the rest 
under the level rays of the midnight sun. The lofty cones sent 
down great streams of ice, and twenty of these glaciers were counted 
in the immediate vicinity of Cape Adair. The landing of the party 
was disputed by flocks of penguins, whose hoarse screams expressed 
their indignation at the presence of the intruders. The accumulated 
deposits of guano may be a valuable addition to the resources of 
Australasia. The adventurous traveller recommended regular eX- 
ploration of the Antarctic continent, and offered to lead a land party 
either on snow-shoes or with dog-sledges to be landed on the pack 
or the mainland at Colman Island, whence a journey of 160 miles 
would bring them to the South Magnetic Pole. 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series.] 2G 


News from the Upper Nile.—The Jimes of August 6 publishes 
the substance of letters which had just reached England, giving an 
account of the state of affairs in the countries north of Uganda in 
the middle of March. Major Cunningham and Lieutenant Vandeleur 
had been despatched in the previous December to Unyoro, with 
directions to take over the country and then proceed as far as 
possible down the Nile in order to report on the situation along that 
river. They succeeded in bringing their ponies safely to Fort Hoima, 
the headquarters of the force holding Unyoro, after a journey of 
thirteen days from Victoria Nyanza, through a country in which 
the crossing of five or six swamps was the only obstacle to fair 
travelling. In a steel boat, carrying sixteen men and a Maxim gun, 
the two officers successfully navigated the Nile as far as Dufile, 
reached on January 14. They learned that the dervishes were in 
occupation of Rejaf, from which it seems probable that the Belgian 
Congo Free State forces, which had taken possession of Lado, must 
have withdrawn from it, as otherwise the Khalifa’s outpost would 
be cut off from its communications with his headquarters. 
The rapids below Dufile being found impassable, the party re- 
turned to Lake Albert, their progress being much delayed by the 
strength of the current, especially below Wadelai. The country on 
both sides of the river seemed arid and barren as seen from the deck 
of the steamer. During February there was some fighting im 
Unyoro between Kabarega and a force which had marched north 
from Uganda. The result of these operations, in which Captain 
Dunning was fatally and Major Cunningham severely wounded, was. 
that Kabarega was compelled to cross the Somerset Nile and take 
refuge in the Bakedi country. The column, having achieved its 
object, returned to Uganda, leaving Major Cunningham at Fort 
Hoima in Unyoro, with Lieutenant Vandeleur in temporary command. 
As regards the movements of the Khalifa, it is not thought likely 
that he will attempt an advance in this direction, although he is 
evidently anxious about affairs on the Upper Nile, fearing to find 
himself hemmed in between the British there and the Italians at 

Swamp Vegetation in British Guiana.—Mr. Rodway, in his 
volume “ In the Guiana Forest ” ;(Fisher Unwin, 1894), devotes some 
interesting pages to a description of the work done by the courida 
(Avicenna Nitida), long confounded by old writers with the mangrove, 
in reclaiming land from the sea. This it does by the agency of its 
roots, which extend laterally to a great distance in a tangle of inter- 


lacing fibres with upward growing shoots, forming a close palisade of 

woody pegs giving coherency to the mass. This natural fascine 

collects and stops all the deposit of the streams, until mud and 

vegetable debris become sufficiently compacted together to form new 

islands, or extensions of the coast-line of the mainland. The man- 

grove assists in the same work, but in a different way, sending down 

aérial roots from its branches, which in their turn spring up into 

fresh trunks. As an instance of the additions thus formed to the 

continent and its outlying archipelagoes, the author describes the 

formation within this century of a new headland on the coast of 

Demerara, known as Courabanna Point. The creek, which originally 

drained the adjacent land, having been gradually diminished, as its 

waters were diverted by the sugar plantations established on its 

banks, had no longer a current sufficiently strong to clear away the 

mud from its estuary, where it consequently formed a shoal narrow- 

ing its outlet to a small channel on either side. On this vantage 
ground the floating seeds of courida found a lodgment, and growing: 
into a thicket, extended the dimensions of the island. The latter: 
eventually became united to the mainland as a headland or pro- 

montory, completely closing the smaller channel, and leaving the 

river but a single outlet. In course of time even this became 

obstructed, and as more plantations caused a still greater diversion 

of the stream, it finally ceased to exist, and is now completely 

obliterated. By similar action of vegetation, a sandbank at the 

mouth of the Essequibo river, marked as such on the charts of the 

early part of the century, has been converted into an island two miles 

in length by one in breadth. It owes its name, Dauntless Island, to. 
the immediate cause of its existence, the shipwreck in 1862 of the 

schooner Dauntless, whose spars, projecting through the water,. 
intercepted some of the floating tangle, and thus provided a foothold 

for the aggressive courida, the most energetic of vegetable invaders, 

in stretching to an ell the first inch of ground conceded to it. 

Railways for West Africa.—The neglect of the British West 
African colonies has restricted their usefulness to the Empire at 
large. Although they have been for four hundred years in the 
possession of the Crown, they remain little more than a selvage 
of beach, in some places extending only half a mile from the coast. 
The Royal Niger Company, on the other hand, within ten years 
of its formal constitution, administers an area of half a million 
square miles, with a population of some twenty-five or twenty-six 
millions. The amount of the trade of the West Coast is, neverthe- 


less, not far short of £7,000,000 per annum, of which three-fourths 
is transacted with the mother country. The deputation that waited 
on Mr. Chamberlain on August 25, received satisfactory assurances 
of the prospects of railway construction to develop the resources of 
the West Coast, and as regards Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast, 
the preliminary arrangements are already in a forward state. The 
latter colony, whose coast-line extends for 350 miles from the French 
settlement of Grand Bassam to German Togoland, covers with its 
protectorate about 40,000 square miles, mostly smothered in dense 
forest, the timber having been cleared only for a short distance from 
the coast. As there are no good roads, and the rivers are not 
navigable, all transport has to be effected by native porters. The 
palm oil trade, consequently, does not extend more than 50 miles 
from the coast, although the oil palm abounds. The railway in- 
tended to render this region accessible, will lead from Apam on the 
coast to a distance of some 55 miles inland, to a point where several 
important routes meet, and whence it can eventually be continued 
to Ashanti. It will thus open up a rich district, with the prospect 
of extension to the track of the Arab caravans to the interior. The 
cost of the first section is estimated at £350,000, and in order to cover 
interest on capital, calculated at £17,500, and working expenses put 
down as £13,000, a return of £30,500 would be required, which it 
is calculated a charge of 17s. 2d. on the present amount of traftic 
would produce. As a saving of over £9 a ton would be effected on 
the actual rate of carriage, a large increase may be reasonably looked 

for. The line from Sierra Leone is intended to extend from Free- 

town towards Bumban, a native town of 2000 inhabitants, the 
capital of the important district of Limba. The route of 140 miles 
surveyed passes through a fairly populous country, and strikes some 
of the tracks of existing trade with the interior. The cost is esti- 
mated at £650,000 and interest and working expenses at over 
£60,000 per annum. 

Silver Production at Broken Hill.—Mr. Moreton Frewen, in 
the September number of the Contemporary Review, shows reason 
for believing that New South Wales possesses in the celebrated 
Broken Hill mine the greatest silver deposit the world has ever 
seen. He compares it toComstock, the great “ bonanza” of Nevada, 
which from the time it was first struck in 1864, produced over a 
hundred millions sterling of the precious metals, £65,000,000 worth of 
silver and £35,000,000 of gold. Even this production may, he thinks, 
be outdone by that of Broken Hill, although it has as yet yielded in 


ten years but £15,000,000. The calculation is based on the mass of 
sulphide ores, estimated at 20,000 tons, already in sight, which 
probably contain silver, lead, and zinc in sufficient quantity to bring 
the gross yield up to £150,000,000. The number of miners and 
smelters employed was 4700, and the production for 1894 was 
3,000,000 sterling, or £643 16s. a head. Considering the number 
of other industries dependent on the camp, its expenditure of £400 
a day on timber, of £1,500,000 a year on coal, coke, and limestone, 
and of £160,000 a year on freight, the writer concludes that its 
silver “‘ bonanza” alone is worth to the colony nearly as much as its 
entire agricultural population, which outnumbers that of the camp 
by 13 to 1. Its future depends, in his estimation, mainly on tke 
solution of what he calls the greatest metallurgical problem of the 
day—how to effect the cheap separation of silver-lead from zinc so as 
to save the three metals. 

Mining Prospects in British Columbia.—Mr. C, Phillipps- 
Woolley and Mr. W. C. Prescott write in the Zimes of August 16 
and September 4, on the growing development of the mining in- 
dustry of British Columbia, mostly under the influence of United 
States capital. Three railways are now competing for the produce 
of the West Kootenay district, where there were none in 1890, and 
in 1894-5 24,000 tons of silver-lead ore were shipped thence. A 
gold bearing belt of ore has been discovered and opened up since last 
year, and the camp of Rossland, which consisted of four huts in 1894, 
has now some 2000 inhabitants. The War Eagle mine has, since its 
purchase last December, paid dividends covering its entire price and 
all subsequent expenses, while ten times its original price has been 
offered for it. ‘The Cliff mine and the Northern Star are situated 
on what is described as “one of the most remarkable fissure veins 
ever yet discovered in any country.” The space of some 300 ft. 
between its walls is filled up by the Mammoth vein, which has been 
followed for six miles in a straight line without any appearance of a 
break. The Slocan Star mine in the silver-lead district is said to 
give promise of rivalling that of Broken Hill in productiveness. 
British Columbia has since 1859 contributed 10,000,000 sterling’s 
worth of gold to the common stock, of which the greater part was 
yielded by the still unexhausted Cariboo mine. The principal 
mining fields enjoy the advantage of water communication, by the 
Arrow lakes, Kootenay lake and river, and Columbia river, while 
deposits of coal in the immediate neighbourhood will facilitate the 


working of the railways. A good road thirteen miles in length 
connects Rossland with the Columbia river, so that access to it is 
comparatively easy. 

Navigation of the Mekong.—An arduous and successful voyage 
on the Mekong is announced in a telegram of September 5 by the 
Times correspondent in Paris. Lieutenant Simon has performed 
the feat of carrying a French gunboat as far as Luang Prabang 
nearly 1500 miles from the sea, as the result of two years’ labour 
The vessel had indeed to be transported past the rapids of Khong 
on a short temporary railway, but was navigated up those of _Keme- 
rab, sixty miles in length, at the cost of six days of such critical 
work, as one of the subordinate officers says, no personal consideration 
would induce him to undergo again. From above Khong to the 
foot of these rapids the river may serve for trade, except in 
spring, when it is too shallow, but above Wien-kang the river can- 
not be regarded as navigable for practical purposes. ‘The expedition 
may, however, have a considerable effect in diverting the trade of 
the Laos country from Bangkok to Saigon, as the chiefs repeatedly 
asked the officers about the comparative cost of sending goods by the 
two routes. 


Aotices of Pooks, 

Saint Thomas et’ Le Prédéterminisme. Par H. Gayravp, 
Ancien Professeur 4 l'Institut Catholique de Toulouse. Paris: 
P. Lethielleux, Libraire-Editeur. Rue Cassette. Pp. 137. 

OW our freedom of will is to be reconciled with the science, 
will, and operation of God is a question which has engaged 

the attention of theologians since the days of St. Augustine. The 
heresies concerning the effects of original sin, grace, and pre- 
destination which were introduced during the sixteenth century 
brought the question into still greater prominence ; and there arose, 
in consequence, the two opposite schools of Thomists and Molinists. 
The Thomists were for some time rather inclined to doubt the 
orthodoxy of the Molinist position. It seemed to them that the 
Molinists safeguarded the freedom of the will at the expense of 
the divine causality. The Molinists were at least equally inclined to 
doubt the orthodoxy of the Thomist position. It seemed to them 
that the Thomists safeguarded the divine causality at the expense of 
the freedom of the will. The decision of the Holy See has long since 
made this stage of the controversy a matter of mere history. But 
whether the Thomists or the Molinists are the truer exponents of. 
the mind of St. Thomas remains an open question and is still with 
sufficient heat debated. Massive volumes like those of Dummer- 
muth, Schneeman, and Frins continue to appear on one side or the 
other. But now comes forward M. Gayraud to declare, and if possible: 
prove, that St. Thomas was neither a Thomist nor a Molinist. This 
might strike us as a little temerarious were it not that there have 
always been theologians who, like Cardinal Pecci and Satolli in our: 
own day, have stood aloof from the contending schools and claimed to 
base their position on the teaching of St. Thomas. That M. Gayraud 
has made good his case we are not prepared to say; but his brochure 
deserves the attention of those who still have an open mind upon the 



The Venerable Vincent Pallotti, Founder of the Pious 
Society of Missions. By the Lady Hersert, with Preface 
by H. E. Cardinal Vavenan. London and Leamington: Art 
and Book Company. 1894. 

W* are indebted to Lady Herbert for another edifying biography : 

it is a distinct addition to the comparatively small number of 
such lives that are accessible to English readers. And it has some 
special claims on their attention. In the first place the subject of 
it, Vincent Pallotti, belongs to our own century. He diedin 1850; he 
was acquainted with many of our own countrymen, visitors or 
residents in Rome, who have only died of recent years; a few may 
remain of those who knew him. Yet, one of our own day as he 
was, his life is one of a faith and piety quite primitive and marvel- 
lous. He was an apostle of Rome, not unlike St. Philip Neri in many 
details ; a man of good birth, fair talent, singular humility, and of a 
zeal as uncompromising as it was joyous and affectionate. His 
methods of direction, supernatural] instincts, and knowledge of hearts. 
again recall St. Philip. To all this is to be added that in his zeal for 
souls he thought of England and longed to see a college founded in 
England devoted to the education of priests to be sent on foreign 
missions, to labour for the conversion of infidel nations. We learn 
from a letter quoted by the Cardinal Archbishop in his Preface that 
Father Pallotti communicated this desire to Dr. Wiseman on the eve 
of the latter’s consecration in Rome. Later on, when the present 
Cardinal, then a young priest, made known his own earnest desire in 
the same direction, he found Cardinal Wiseman ready to encourage 
and bless the idea ; not, as Cardinal Wiseman wrote, “from mere 
personal kindness or over-eager zeal,” but because “it is an old and 
often meditated idea, suggested, or even pressed upon me by a higher 
and holier mind than yours or mine.” The outcome of this was the 
College of Mill Hill. And perhaps the wonderful success of Milk 
Hill and of its children, already in so many distant lands the bearers 
of the glad tidings to the heathen, is, to some extent, due to the 
prayers and patronage of the Venerable Vincent Pallotti. Further 
than this, we are indebted to the same holy man for one of our large 
London missions. He founded the congregation of priests known 
as the “ Pious Society of Missions”; and a number of them have 
long served the Church of Hatton Garden and the populous district 
around. We learn from this volume that the Fathers have also a 
large mission at Hastings, where very many conversions have resulted 
from their labours. Lady Herbert writes with directness and 
simplicity of style, quite becoming a most unworldly life, and with- 


out feeling (and rightly) any call upon her to apologise for the 
marvels with which the life abounds—supernatural gifts, prophecies, 
miracles, ecstasies, and the rest. It is the life of an apostolic priest 
—already declared “‘ Venerable” on 13th January, 1887, by Pope 
Leo XIII.—and being a life of intense faith, has not only the super- 
natural side just mentioned, but is full of practical lessons for both 
priest and layman of wonderful self-sacrificing charity. We hope 
the volume—it contains not quite one hundred and sixty pages— 
will find many readers. 

Outlines of Dogmatic Theology. By SyLvester JoserH Hunter, 
of the Society of Jesus. Volume II. London: Longmans, 
Green & Co. 1895. Pp. 596. 

TUDENTS accustomed to the concise style which usually charac- 
terises text-books of theology, and especially of scholastic 
theology, will no doubt find it a little difficult to accustom themselves 
to the diffuse style of the “ Outlines.” But it must be remembered 
that Father Hunter is not writing for professional students. He 
is writing for that constantly increasing number of intelligent 
Catholic laymen who desire to possess a systematic acquaintance 
with theology, and have hitherto had to content themselves with 
treatises like those of Bishop Hay, We have no wish to disparage the 
works of Bishop Hay. That they met a very real demand is evident 
from the large number of editions through which they have passed. 
But, excellent though they may be, they will not compare with the 
text-books of Fr. Hunter. To Catholic laymen, then, who have 
sufficient appreciation of their faith to desire a detailed and syste- 
matic acquaintance with Catholic doctrine, we recommend the 
“Outlines of Dogmatic Theology.” But it is not to laymen only 
that the ‘‘ Outlines ” will be useful. They might be of much assist- 
ance to students in our theological seminaries. In some of our 
seminaries there is, in addition to the ordinary course, what is known 
as the “short course” of Theology. The “short course” is intended 
for students who are a little older or a little less bright than the 
average, and the lectures in this course are delivered in English. To 
the students that follow the short course the “ Outlines ” ought to be 
particularly acceptable, and indeed we think that for them it might 
very well serve as a text-book. The present volume of the “‘Out- 
lines,” like its predecessor, contains six treatises. These treatises 
are—The One God; The Blessed Trinity; The Creation of the 
Angels ; Man created and fallen; The Incarnation ; and The Blessed 
Virgin Mary. That we consider the style of Fr. Hunter somewhat 


diffuse we have already indicated. But if his style be diffuse, it is 
at least clear and plain ; and this is no small merit when the subject- 
matter is so abstruse. Occasionally, indeed, there is a want of 
lucidity, as when our author writes : 

At the present day there is general agreement that certain texts of 
Scripture cannot be understood in any sense which does not imply that 
God possesses the scientia media, and the doctrine of these texts must 
be accepted, however great may be the difficulty of explaining the how of 
this knowledge (p. 90). 

We presume that Fr. Hunter’s meaning is that there is general agree- 
ment that God possesses that knowledge of things which Molinists 
ascribe to the scientia media. But it is one thing to admit the 
knowledge and quite another thing to ascribe the knowledge to 
the scientia media. As Fr. Hunter himself writes: “The Thomists 
did not see the necessity of assigning these objects to a distinct 
division (scientia media) of the Divine knowledge” (p. 99). But 
though Fr. Hunter advocates the scientia media, he is delight- 
fully uncontroversial. He wastes no time on controversy, and he is 
scrupulously fair to those that differ from him in opinion. We trust 
that Fr. Hunter, after he has completed the “ Outlines,” will write 
a compendium of it in a single volume, corresponding in size to the 
volume under review. If the compendium rigidly excludes the 
comparatively unimportant, rigidly excludes unnecessary words on 
what is important, dovetails part skilfully into part so that Theology 
may be seen as what it is, an organic whole, it will be, we believe, 
the most successful book that has been published in English Catholic 
literature for many years past. 

Loyalty to Church and State. By Monsignor Saroiu. Balti- 
more: John Murphy & Co. 1895. Pp. 249. 

HESE speeches are very unequal in style. The reason no doubt 

is that they are translations by various hands. It was Mon- 
signor Satolli’s custom to dictate the proposed address in Latin or 
Italian, and it was then translated into English by his secretary or 
one of his retinue. But though unequal in style, they are character- 
ised by a consistency and unity of thought. The subject-matter of 
the addresses covers a large field. The Papacy, the constitution of 
the Church, the spirit of American institutions, education, religious 
associations and confraternities, and many other topics are discussed. 
The following extract, taken from the account prefixed to the 
> “ Address at Chicago,” shows the enthusiasm with. which the 


Apostolic Delegate was received at the Catholic Congress in that 
city : 

The Delegate seemed himself as much astounded as the still fervent 
assembly wascharmed. His flashing black eyes shone with extraordinary 
emotion. He stood beside Archbishop Ireland, enthralled by the won- 
derful welcome that in its sincerity was matched only by its length and 
its ardor. The people continued to cheer, volley after volley reaching the 
great avenue upon which the congress building stood: the throngs in 
the thoroughfares were stopped by its echoes to ask the cause of so 
prolonged a demonstration of cordiality and delight (p. 142). 

We do not understand the meaning of the words “the still fervent 
assembly” in the above extract. ‘ Still” cannot be an adjective, 
because the fervent assembly was sending up cheers in volley after 
volley. It cannot well be an adverb of time, because the Delegate 
had only just entered, and the presumption would be, of course, 
against the cessation of their fervour immediately upon his appear- 
ance. The volume contains a preface by Cardinal Gibbons and an 
excellent portrait of Monsignor Satolli. As the proceeds of the sale 
are to go to the support of St. Joseph’s Seminary and Epiphany 
Apostolic College for the training of missionaries for the coloured 
people, we trust that the book may have a wide circulation. 

Theologia Naturalis sive Philosophia de Deo in usum 
scholarum. Auctore Brernarpo Borpper, 8.J. Friburgi, 
Brisgovie, sumptibus Herder, Typographi Editoris Pontificii. 
1895. Pp. 371. 

R. BOEDDER is favourably known to English readers through 
the excellent treatise on “ Natural Theology” which he con- 
tributed to the Stoneyhurst series of Manuals of Catholic Philosophy. 
The volume under review is in no sense a translation of “ Natural 
Theology.” The style is different, the method is different; it is 
addressed to a distinct class of readers. In “ Natural Theology” 
Fr. Boedder gave evidence of a large acquaintance with English 
philosophical thought. The references to English systems are less 
frequent in ‘‘‘l'heologia Naturalis.” The reason of this is, of course, 
obvious. The former treatise was written especially for’ English 
readers, the latter treatise was not. Nevertheless in “Theologia 
Naturalis,” far greater attention is given to contemporaneous 
English thought than is usual in Latin text-books. This confers 
a very distinct advantage on the treatise. The students in our 
ecclesiastical colleges invariably make use of Latin text-books when 


studying philosophy. The reason of this is, perhaps, not altogether 
apparent. The practice of Rome in this respect does not seem to the 
purpose, In Rome students of many nationalities attend the lectures. 
Where there is no native common language, an artificial one must 
be introduced ; and Latin, as more extensively known by students 
in Rome, is more suitable than Italian. Possibly, so far as England 
is concerned, it may be one day considered that the tradition which 
requires Latin text-books has had nothing higher to support it than 
the mere fact of an absence of suitable text-books in English. But 
so long as Latin text-books are in use, surely the text-books supplied 
ought to take account of the systems prevalent in this country. As 
a matter of fact they do little or nothing of the kind. The frequent 
references that we find, then, to English philosophical thought in 
*Theologia Naturalis” make it valuable as a Latin text-book. We 
find a similar attention to English thought in Fr. Boedder’s “‘ Psycho- 
logia Rationalis.” But ‘‘Theologia Naturalis” has other claims to 
commendation besides the one mentioned. It is valuable for the 
immense quantity of well-ordered matter which it contains, for the 
closeness of its reasoning, the originality of its presentation, and 
frequently for the freshness of its quotations. 

The Bible Doctrine of Man. By Jonn Larpiaw, M.A., D.D., 
Professor of Theology, New College, Edinburgh; Author of 
“‘The Miracles of Our Lord,” &c. New edition, revised and 
re-arranged. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 38 George Street. 
1895. Pp. 363. 

HERE is evidence of much learning in the earlier portion of 
this work, but, taken as a whole, it contains little that would 
commend itself to Catholic readers. Much of the volume is taken 
up with considerations of man’s original state, his fall, the conse- 
quences of his fall, and the transmission of Adam’s fall and its 
consequences to his descendants. So imperfect is our author's 
acquaintance with the attitude of Catholic Theology to Pelagianism 
that he stigmatises the doctrine of the Church on these points as 
Pelagian. What his own teaching may be is not always apparent ; 
but when he writes 

This position Protestants had to maintain against Romish controver- 
sialists on the one hand and Socinians on the other. These were not so 
much two extremes as two diverse modes of Pelagianising. The more 
subtle is that of the Romanists who seem to exalt the divine image in 
man by adding to it that peculiar feature which they call supernatural, 


it seems to us that Professor Laidlaw is the Pelagian. Surely it 
was the leading tenet of the Pelagian heresy that Adam’s state was 
one of pure nature unelevated by grace. They were as careful to 
refrain from “adding to it that peculiar feature which they call 
supernatural ” as Professor Laidlaw himself. 

Socialism. By Lord Norton. London: Rivington, Percival & Co. 
1895. Pp. 35. 

E are undecided whether to regard “ Socialism” as a book or 
as a collection of notes which it is intended one day to expand 
into a book. In any case it is a very sketchy and imperfect perform- 
ance. The writer gives the various definitions of socialism, argues 
that though a complete social level is impossible, the existing in- 
equality of conditions may be reduced, describes in fragmentary 
fashion the socialistic schemes of the last hundred years, explains 
Shristian Socialism, points out what charity can do and the method 
in which it ought to do it, discusses guilds, trade unions, brether- 
hoods, monasteries, and vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. 
In the course of his excursions he has some hits at monasticism and 
celibacy, and smiles approval on Archbishop Whateley, who “in 
his grand opening essay in the ‘ Encyclopedia Britannica,’ condemns 
the whole spirit of monasticism as contrary to the essential unity of 
mankind” (p. 24). The best thing in the book is a short quotation 
from Edmund Burke on p. 5. 

An Exposition of the Various Divisions of Infidelity. By 
the Rev. M. P. Horgan, St. Patrick’s, Sunderland. Vol. I. 
Price Sixpence. Louth: J. W. Goulding, 20 Mercer Row. 
1895. Pp. 106. 

HIS is an attempt to present in a brief and popular manner some 

of the many forms of infidelity. The writer expresses his mind 

with an unconventional plainness. Thus, after describing the 
doctrine of Spinoza, he writes : 

It is astonishing that one could be found amongst the race of mankind 
capable of advancing such astounding presumptions; but still more 
wonderful is it that others could be found who would call him a great 
philosopher instead of calling him a great fool (p. 24). 

And again: 


Kant believed he had settled all the question of reason on a firm basis, 
and his philosophy was to have a reign without end. Then Fichte rose 
and gave his master’s philosophy such a hearty Teutonic blow, that it 
failed to keep upright, and fell. Reinhold planked himself between the 
two. Schilling came, and changed, and changed, and changing left the 
scene. Hegel came, and God only knows the divisions of his disciples, 
right and left, forward, backward, up, down, until chaos came again, and 
by right ruled supreme over the brood of deep thinkers of the German 
philosophical world (p. 28). 

Besides being an exposition of heresy, Fr. Horgan’s brochure is 
designed to beta refutation of it. 

Homiletical Sermon Sketches on the Sunday Epistles, drawn 
up by a Committee of Priests, and Edited by the Rev. W. M. 
Cunnincuam. London: St. Anselm’s Society, 7 Agar Street, 
Charing Cross. 1895. Pp. 149. 

E believe that, as a matter of fact, the Epistles supply the 
subject-matter of sermons far less frequently than should be 
the case. Perhaps the reason may be that priests, with the many 
calls of mission life upon them, rarely have time to think out 
sermons for themselves, and are obliged to seek assistance from 
published sermons which, for the most part, deal rather with the 
Gospels than the Epistles. But, whatever the cause may be, the 
fact is much to be regretted. There are rich mines of dogma and 
moral in the Epistles which, so far as the purposes of preaching go, 
have not sufficiently been explored. It is with pleasure, then, that 
we welcome the little volume which lies before us. It draws a 
useful lesson from the Epistle for each Sunday of the year. The 
lesson is generally very practical and, for the preacher, is presented 
in an unusually attractive form. Published sermons are frequently 
such that a preacher must take all or leave all. There are no 
suggestions, no indications ; a single thought is strained till snapping 
point. But the “ Homiletical Sermon Sketches” are true to their 
name. They present an outline, suggest thoughts, and leave the 
development to the preacher. 

Some Side-Lights on the Oxford Movement. By Minima 
Parspartis. London and Leamington: Art & Book Company. 

T is rare to find an Apologia written long after conversion, the 
instinct of most converts of a literary turn being to give others 
their reasons for becoming Catholics, and to endeavour to persuade 


them to follow their example with the least possible delay. Never- 
theless, there is something to be said for those who, like “ Minima 
Parspartis,” pursue the opposite course. A calm retrospect, after a 
long interval of steady, quiet, Catholic life, may enable an author to 
describe the great transition from darkness to light more clearly, 
more temperately, with a fuller appreciation of cause and effect, and 
with more usefulness to others, than during the period which imme- 
diately follows it. 

This “story is intended for women,” and it is but fair to bear this 
in mind when subjecting it to criticism. 

Among the chief charms of the book are the modesty and humility 
of ‘‘ Minima Parspartis”; and it may be owing to a superabundance 
of these virtues that she has allotted an enormous amount of her 
space to the letters of others, especially those of Mr. Aubrey de 
Vere. Bethe reason what it may, there they are; and, in no un- 
friendly spirit to the author, we confess to the opinion that Mr 
Aubrey de Vere has written the best portions of her book. Not 
that we are unappreciative of her own work. Her tone is tempe- 
rate and charitable, her style is fair, and not altogether without a 
gentle and natural humour. Perhaps, if we had not been warned 
in her preface that she was writing for women only, we might have 
considered her a little emotional ; but, under the circumstances, that 
may pass. Two criticisms on the book, however, may fairly be 
offered: the first that the very long quotations from the author's 
diary, when abroad, throw no “ Light” whatever “On the Oxford 
Movement”; the second that, excellent as are many of the letters 
from friends which she has inserted, there are not a few which she 
might have omitted without loss to her readers. 

La Domination Francaise en Belgique: Directoire—Consulat 
—Empire: 1795-1814. Par L. pe Lanzac pe LaAsorig. 
2tomes. Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit et Cie. 1895. 

HE system of developing history from State papers which the 

late Von Sybel, in his “ Historische Zeitschrift,’ and when 

Director of the Prussian Archives, advanced in Germany, has an 
able supporter in M. de Laborie. 

While awaiting the fruit of the labours of M. Chuquet and the 
completion of those of M. Paul Verhoegen—the one military and 
political, the other by a local specialist—we welcome these researches 
in French sources on the administration of Belgium by France from 
the accomplished historian of J. J. Mounier. Bearing the charac- 


teristics of an authoritative work, we do not hesitate to recognise it 
as a study which, for extent of knowledge, nicety of discrimination, 
and art of presentment, will enhance the reputation that book 
brought him. 

The history of Belgium under the hand of the Directory, with its 
destructive maladministration, may not, save in the thoroughness 
of its examination, break quite new ground. But we are not aware of 
any other work which traces the imposition of French ideas and their 
measured acceptance under the Consulate with its constructive 
failures, and under the Empire with experimental statesmanship 
making for disintegration. These, while diverse in the means 
employed to bring about the absorption of the Belgians, were at 
one in their complete failure to achieve, either by assimilation or 
administration, that moral conquest without which peoples remain 
strangers. So that the discontent over which the commissioners of 
the Directory ruled up to 1799 was still active under the prefects 
of the Empire in 1814. 

The admirable idea of such a history is due perhaps to the author 
of “ L’Europe et la Revolution Frangaise.” But the lengthened 
study of the administrative correspondence preserved in the National 
Archives at Paris, official texts and contemporary narratives it 
entailed, prove M. de Laborie to have been worthy the confidence 
M. Albert Sorel placed in him. 

It is incontestable, which perhaps M. de Laborie does not seize 
in its full significance, that whether governed from Madrid or 
Vienna the Belgians continued a people homogene. Yet, incessantly 
under foreign dominion, their repugnance to coalesce with a country 
at one with them in religion and language is a problem in history of 
singular interest. M. de Laborie has brought to its elucidation the 
temper of a true historian. Without being either profound or ex- 
haustive his faculty for sifting, comparing, weighing evidence is 
strong; his impartiality sound; and his judgments impress them- 
selves as the outcome of thought and information. In dealing with 
a mass of subject-matter his constructive skill is notable; in mar- 
shalling and concentrating it on certain vital points, in giving due 
position to details and the place sympathy should be allowed in 
producing a living picture, he is excellent. We are conscious of 
antipathies; but he is, on the whole, free from their bias. The 
pages he devotes to the wretched statescraft of the Directory are 
mordant but just; those given to the Peasant’s War brilliant and 
chivalrous ; those to the Consulate informing and generous ; those 
to the Empire searching and incisive. 

M. Flammermont has told us that “ French Royalty ever knew 

[2 == ~~ 

QO == VY OY Ore WwW 


how to use the best means for quickly conciliating the sympathy and 
affection of provinces recently reunited to the Crown. .... The 
principal was its respect for the customs, the habits, the constitution 
of its new subjects.” The art was apparently lost to the Republic 
and the Empire. The former made Belgium the unhappy hunting- 
ground for its adventurers,* some of whom could not write; a mine 
for extracting the sinews of war and rapacity; where its assignats 
(paper money) fell in value during two years (1794-6) 99 per cent. 
The latter, its field for experiments in alien politics: in contempt 
of the sentiments and usages of those it tried to govern; of its mania 
for unification at any price; of its conscription ; and of its Gallican 

One of the strongest concurrent causes of the French failure to 
assimilate the Belgians was, M. de Laborie finds, their treatment of 
the religious question. We incline to go further and see in it the 
one predominant cause. Though M. le Comte Boulay de la Meurthe’s 
ecclesiastical history of the Directoire, Consulate, et Empire is still 
in the future, Sciout, Pierre, and the Canons Claessen and Davis 
form a basis of authority for sounding this difficult problem. Of 
these M. de Laborie has availed, except, unfortunately, of the last. 
When Joseph II. determined to impose his religious innovations on 
the Belgians, treating as he willed their usages, affections, and 
inclinations ; and to force his “ philosophic ” spirit and liberalism on 
Brabant, as he had done on Austria and Lombardy, he came to 
ignominious grief. The lesson had no teaching for Napoleon. The 
touch of disdain noticeable in M. de Laborie’s attitude to those 
members of the Episcopate who were inclined to see in Buonaparte 
—there was sufficient genius in the consulate to excuse the idea-—a 
God-sent deliverer, is not quite in keeping with his usual calm, and 
betrays a judgment influenced by an after-knowledge of Napoleon 
impossible to his then contemporaries. But his whole treatment of 
Napoleon’s dealings with Belgium is thoughtful and unanswerable. 
Finely just, too, his handling of Pisani, de Broglie, and Hirn, who 
so firmly withstood the pretensions of imperial authority in matters 
ecclesiastical, as also of that prétre du dieu Mars, de Pradt—who did 

By the Emperor’s attempt to enforce that regal curiosity, the 
Napoleonic Catechism, the subscription of Seminarists to the 

* On January 28, 1796, the Central Commissioner of Jemmappes wrote the 
Minister of Police: “A force de chercher, j'ai enfin trouvé deux espions, qui 
servent merveilleusement la République; l'un est deserteur d’un régiment 
frangais, et l’autre un perruquier francais, emigré et voleur. Je les emploie 
l'un et l’autre. . . 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series. | 2H 


Declaration of 1682—this in a country distinctly opposed to 
Gallicanism, whose clergy and university had always unanimously 
upheld the pontifical prerogatives ; the establishment of an Imperial 
University (against which the feeling was so great that M. Hirn 
wrote the Minister of Worship, “ que beaucoup d’écoles secondaires 
et de pensionnats ont cessé tout enseignement plutét que de s'y 
agreger”)—the Belgians were wounded in their sacred sensitiveness. 
“Les Francais qui occupent les diverses places,” boldly wrote M. 
Pisani to the Emperor, whose political genius comes out badly in 
these volumes, ‘‘ devraient en général montrer plus de religion, et 
le Belge, si zélé pour la sienne n’aurait plus de motifs de se scandal : 
iser de leur conduite.”’ But when the “ Restaurateur des autels ”— 
who to use his own words, n’aima par le soldat dévot—invaded the 
States of the Church and made Pius prisoner, his last hold in Belgium 
was gone, and Le Debicle only a question of time. Prayers for the 
Emperor ceased. Not as de Pradt says because the English were 
before Antwerp and Napoleon’s star was overcast, but, as M. de 
Laborie points out, because they scrupled to pray for one excom- 

The judicious caution of M. de Laborie’s mind is well illustrated 
by his treatment of the question of M. Hirn’s personal morality, 
seriously assailed by Savary in the Mémoires du duc de Rovigo. In 
this he is superior to Thiers, who accepted Savary at his own value. 

Historical students have long owed much to Messrs. Plon; this 
last debt is by no means the least. But how came such careful 
publishers to issue an important history without an index ? 

D. M. O'C, 

The First two Centuries of Florentine History : The Republic 
and Parties at the Time of Dante. By Professor PasquaLE 
Vittarr. Translated by Liyp— Vitiari. London: T. Fisher 

HY Filicaja’s famous sonnet been addressed to Florence, the 

history in this book would have ‘been its justification. For it 
was through a dowry of endless pain with a seal of sorrow set upon 
her that she carried her fatal gift of beauty, mid the blood of her 
sons, to a brilliancy of achievement paralleled only by that of Athens. 
By aggression, war, strategy, and treachery, through personal hatreds 
and the feuds of generations, she became the awakener of poetry, 
the renewer of painting, the perfector of sculpture and architecture, 
the trainer of diplomatists, the cradle of merchant princes, the 


Banker of her continent, founding her liberties amid the envy of 
her nation. 

The theme is captivating in the extreme, with its light and shade, 
its pathos and enthusiasm, its cruelty and its glory. Developing the 
permanence of the Latin civilisation amid barbarian Goths and 
Longobards, its growth under feudalism, until from a state of 
vassalage whether under Bishop, Count, or Emperor, Florence, with 
the eleventh century, attained its freedom in the Commune under 
the encouragement of the Popes as Professor Villari admits, though 
questioning their motive—a creation of the third estate whence 
modern society has been evolved. 

The facts of this development, its vicissitudes, struggles, dangers, 
and triumphs are detailed by Professor Villari with a knowledge and 
research which are very acceptable and worthy all praise. The con- 
flicts of Germanic origins and institutions with Roman origins and 
traditions, entailing an almost endless feud of city and city; the 
grouping of families into trade monopolists with their consequent 
jealousies, rivalries, and factions; the unity of all against a common 
foe; the gradual leadership of the more leisured; the military and 
political power they created; its transference to the people; their 
strength in Guilds with the power and riches they secured ; the art 
and luxury which followed, with the decay inevitable in their wake 
-—through all the multiplicity and confusion of this Professor 
Villari leads us with clear head and firm hand. 

And yet satisfactory as an investigation of the nature of the 
constitution, of the factions, of the Commerce out of which the 
Florentine Republic took form and was built up, we do not escape 
the feeling that it is the work rather of a compiler of history than 
of a historian. In his arrangement of authorities, in his unwearied 
examination of documents and the lucidity of their exposition he is 
excellent. But he infuses no vivifying grace into them. The finer 
insight into movements, the higher comprehension of statesmanship, 
the power to reveal the hidden springs of action are wanting. His 
reading of motives is commonplace, his apprehension of their com- 
plexities jejune; while his assessment of history as a field of man’s 
development is by no means penetrating. We regret to have been 
forced to this conclusion, as his accumulation of documentary evi- 
dence and his acquaintance with Florentine story are of importance 
to historical students. 

This lack of largeness of appreciation, the bias which constantly 
makes us hesitate to accept his judgments, is most apparent in his 
dealings with the Papacy, one of the most potent factors in the 
creation of the liberties he is studying, In dealing, for example, 


with the formation and object of the Tuscan League his statements 
of fact are correct. But a comparison of his tone with that of 
the Lutheran Hurter on the same subject differentiates severely the 
compiler of history and the historian. The impression Professor 
Villari conveys is that Innocent, one of the wisest and firmest 
statesmen Italy has produced, the inflexible defender of her highest 
liberties, was heedless of her welfare if his own grasping ends were 
gained. To Hurter he is the man who saved the Papacy from 
becoming a patriarchate of the Court of Hohenstaufen and Christianity 
from being a child of its caprices. 

His special aversion is Clement IV. The action of this Prince 
in supporting the Angevin power as a foil to Swabian greed, and 
then when it grew dangerous checking it also, has no motive to 
Professor Villari’s mind than “the Popes’ usual anxiety and 
dread of losing their supremacy in Italy” for which they ever 
“resolved in calling fresh strangers to their aid and thus drew fresh 
miseries on the land.” Probably no action of the Papacy—a line of 
statesmanship initiated by Adrian IV. and Alexander IIT. and 
steadily pursued by Clement IV., Gregory X., and Nicholas 11I.— 
proved more helpful to the liberties of the Republics than their 
far-seeing policy of restraining both Imperial and Angevin power as 
it became absorbing. The policy was eminently patriotic and in 
many cases finely unselfish : not the outcome of a greed the idea of 
which Professor Villari has borrowed from Machiavelli. Michaud is 
certainly no papal partisan, yet his ‘‘ Histoire des Croisades” contains 
this judgment : 

Had it not been for the influence of the Popes it is probable Europe 
would have been subject to the yoke of German Emperors. The policy 
of the Sovereign Pontiffs was favourable to the freedom of the cities and 
the independence of the smaller States of Germany. We do not fear to 
add that the thunders of the Holy See saved, at least for a time, the 
independence of Italy and perhaps that of France. 

How far his feeling against Clement is allowed to influence his 
judgment comes out in the matter of Conradin’s execution by 
Charles of Anjou. After denouncing the act and its perpetrator, he 
adds: “ Opinions vary as to the Pope’s share in the tragedy. It is 
certain that he beheld it in silence.” His authority is Gregorovius, 
by no means the sound witness some reviews of his lately Englished 
history would have us think. It is clear from Alzog that energetic 
appeals were made both by Clement personally and by him 
through Louis IX. to Charles for mercy to the young Prince; and 
Raynaldus is most explicit that Ricordanus and John Villanus both 
“declare he-—Charles—was most sternly rebuked by the Pope.” 


Gregory X.’s efforts to secure peace between those Guelphs and 
Ghibellines whose enmity was the curse of Florence are sneered at, 
and suspected of ulterior design, by Professor Villari. The solemn 
reconciliation he effected, when oaths of peace were sworn in the 
presence of the Pope, the Emperor of Byzantium and Charles of 
Anjou, he pronounces a “ farce.” Yet, another historian, again no 
Papal partisan, has this judgment of the Pope in his “ History of the 
Italian Republics ” : 

A glorious pontificate was that of Gregory X. Italy was almost 
entirely pacified by his impartial spirit at a time when the madness of 
civil feuds seemed to destroy all hope of repose. 

The same presence of the animus of a compiler, the same absence 
of the temper of a historian, reveal themselves in his references to 
Cardinal Frangipani’s endeavour for the same object at the instance 
of Nicholas III. For Professor Villari, Nicholas, “ full of haughti- 
ness and ambition,” was the one who “renewed the scandalous 
practices of nepotism and simony:” “The unproved and improbable 
accusation of simony” is Déllinger’s judgment after examining the 
question. And this is the Prince who saved Tuscany from French 
Rule. For, although Florence was then all powerful in that duchy, 
it was the Pope, not the city, who compelled Charles to give up his 
vicariate there, and so broke his hold on Italy. The only motive 
Professor Villari sees in this act is aggrandisement of the Papacy 
and the rapacity of the Pope. Now shrewdness was certainly a 
pronounced characteristic of the Florentines of this day. If the 
Professor's reading of Nicholas’s temperament be correct how came 
they, on his own showing, to appeal tu him to effect the pacification 
of their city and so lay themselves open to another touch of his 
rapacity ? 

The ordinary account of Archbishop Ruggieri’s starving to death 
of Ugolino with his sons and nephews is given, and the ordinary 
omission also occurs. It is not mentioned that for this crime 
Ruggieri was thrice summoned to Rome, and not obeying, was con- 
demned in contumaciam ; though the information is to be found in 
an author no more recondite than Balbo, 

The Professor treats us to some new readings of history. It is 
calmly stated that the Emperor Frederic II. was exhausted by 
the continual wars thrust upon him by the Papacy; and that 
Innocent II. “forced him to fly to arms,” and into “the incredible 
excesses of violence,” ‘ without which ” he “could not maintain his 
sway over Italy”! And: “St. Dominic at the head of mobs 
thirsting for heretic blood had ordained the massacre of the Albi- 


genses and ravaged all Provence” ! 


We regret an earnest student of historical documents should have 
endangered his reputation as an historian by such limited apprise- 
ments of the motives and actions of the Rulers of men. However, 
we shall approach the further volume Mr. Unwin has in hand 
without prejudice being, as he is, lovers of history. 
D. M. O'C. 

Memoir of Mother Mary Rose Columba Adams, O.P. By 
the Right Rev. W. R. Browniow, D.D., Bishop of Clifton. 
London: Burns & Oates. 

ORN near Woodchester in 1832, and received into the Catholic 
Church by F. Austin Maltus in 1851, Sophia Adams joined 
Mother Margaret Hallahan at Clifton, and after much good work 
at Stone and St. Marychurch, went out to Adelaide, where she died 
on December 30, 1891. The Bishop of Clifton, who knew her well 
during many years at St. Marychurch, writes an edifying and touch- 
ing biography of one who was both a charming woman and a saintly 
nun. The book will be highly prized by her religious sisters, and 
especially by that community in North Adelaide which she founded. 
But all readers will be pleased and instructed by the picture here 
presented of a well-dowered and beautiful woman despising the 
world and living in religion with complete simplicity and absolute 
devotedness to God and to good works. The most novel, and there- 
fore the most interesting, part of the story, is that which relates to 
Mother Rose’s work in Australia. In July 1883, two ladies of . 
Adelaide, with the warm approval of Bishop Reynolds, obtained six 
of the Stone sisters for the purpose of taking charge of a hospital at 
Adelaide. They were all volunteers, as their Rule did not permit 
them to be ordered out of Great Britain, and Mother Rose Columba 
was their Superior. The project of the hospital was a failure. It 
‘turned out that what the Sisters were expected to undertake was a 
hospital for both sexes, in which, as a matter of fact, there were four 
times as many men as women. This was against the Stone Rules. 
However, instead of coming back again, Mother Rose and her 
Sisters, at the earnest wish of the Bishop and clergy, stayed at 
Adelaide and gradually found their work as a virtually enclosed 
community. They opened a high-class school for girls, which soon 
began to be extremely successful. After many difficulties and hard- 
ships they established the work of the Perpetual Adoration. It is 
evident that Mother Rose came by degrees to think that this was 
‘the special purpose for which God had sent them to the Antipodes. 
Her letters, and those of her companions, give a very graphic and 


detailed account of their beginning in Adelaide—their poverty, the 
peculiarities of the climate, their teaching-work, and their struggles 
in church-building. It is a very striking circumstance that the 
clergy were unanimous, from the beginning, in assuring them that 
they would do far more for the cause of religion by staying in their 
‘convent than by going out. “If you want todo any good here,” 
said a priest, “ keep within.” And again, “ I know some who have 
their eyes on this community, and are attracted to it, because you 
keep yourselves quiet and do not appear in public” (p. 267). 
Coming to Australia, these were hardly the views for which the 
Sisters were prepared : 

Humanly speaking [wrote the Superior a few months after landing|} 

we are not the religious for this place. Less of religious life and more 
freedom of action is what seems to be required. We have three times 
offered to visit the sick poor; a list of those to be visited has been pro- 
mised, but, with one exception, nothing has come of it. My impression 
is that the Dean thinks our work is within” (p. 249). 
A fortnight later she says: “It seems to me that the community 
wanted here is one for God alone—a community for reparation and 
adoration” (p. 250). Thus did Almighty God manifest His will, and 
after some five or six years of doubt, struggle, and desolation, they 
at last received Archbishop Reynolds’s approbation to establish that 
Perpetual Adoration which they at once proceeded to make the 
grand object of their existence. Who can doubt of the necessity for 
such a work in the midst of the feverish and ceaseless activity of a 
South Australian colony, or of the blessing which it will bring on 
priests and flock? The devoted Superior, who had a large share of 
that bodily suffering which purifies the saints, saw the foundation- 
stone laid of the desired church, but died before it was consecrated. 
She was a woman of great good sense, of ardent affections (chastened 
by spiritual discipline), and of great personal influence. Her powers 
of literary expression were considerable; there are two letters (pp. 
196-7) addressed to a priest, giving him some good advice (which he 
had asked for), which are as good as anything we have seen ina 
nun’s biography for a long time. 

A Memoir of Mother Frances Raphael, O.S.D. (Augusta 
Theodosia Drane). By the Rev. Father BErtRAND WILBER- 
ForCcE, O.P. London: Longmans. 1895. 

BIOGRAPHY of the late Mother Frances Raphael Drane was 
ealled for and was expected. F. Bertrand Wilberforce has 
accomplished the work with much skill and grace. In a certain 


sense Mother Frances Raphael was already well known to our 
Catholic reading public, and even outside of that circle. Her 
writings, and above all, her poems, could not fail to impress upon 
the reader a sense of a personality so strong and so ardent as hers. 
But all her admirers will be grateful for the story of her earlier 
years—which is almost an autobiography—and for her many letters. 
It is a life and a career which is full of noble work, literary and 
religious, but there is nothing that comes out more strikingly than 
the capacity of a great mind and warm heart for self-restraint and 
self-discipline in Christ through grace. 

Augustine of Canterbury. By Epwarp L, Cutts, D.D. London: 
Methuen & Co. 

HE omission of the prefix of holiness in the title of this book 
shows plainly that it emanates from a non-Catholic source. In 
spite of this it is an interesting volume, and with the exception of a 
few remarks regarding miracles and Papal authority, it might have 
been written by a Catholic. It is a pity that the author, contrary 
to the practice of all English historians, persists in withholding from 
St. Gregory the Great the title of Pope. He invariably styles the 
Pontiff—Bishop Gregory. Dr. Cutts might at least have called 
him St. Augustine’s Patriarch, as the Bishop of Rome has always 
‘been, and is now Patriarch of the West. Such a frank acknowledg- 
ment of lawful authority would, we fear, completely shatter the . 
theory of the “Italian Mission” of Lambeth origin. St. Gregory 
did not require usurped authority to bestow the Pall upon the first 
Archbishop of Canterbury, as he only exercised an act of jurisdiction 
canonically established both in the East and the West. It was the 
duty of the Patriarch to confirm the election of an archbishop before 
the prelate could assume metropolitan powers. Such being the case 
it was but reasonable that some outward indication of this confirma- 
tion should exist. This was secured in the Latin Church by the 
bestowal of the archiepiscopal Pallium, which had been solemnly 
blessed by the Pope, and had rested upon the tomb of the Apostle 
St. Peter. This privilege, reserved as it has been for centuries to 
the Apostolic See, has become over the whole world a symbol of 
“Catholic unity and lawful jurisdiction. 

We are sorry to have to call in question Dr, Cutts’s chronology. 
In the chapter which treats of the synod held by St. Augustine with 
the British bishops on the banks of the Severn he gives a.p. 601 as 
the date of St. David of Menevia’s death, and therefore gives the 


reader to understand that the saint was present at that synod. Now 
the Bollandists assign the year 544 as the date of the decease of the 
patron of Wales. In this they concur with most historians. Dr. 
Rees, in his “Essay on the Welsh Saints,” states that there is a 
difference of twenty years with regard to the date in question 
amongst chronologists, but he says positively that, whichever system 
is adopted, St. David’s death must have taken place before St. 
Augustine’s mission to the Anglo-Saxons. The date given by Dr. 
Cutts for the decease of St. Dyfrig (Dubritius) is still more strange, 
viz., 612. Considering that the saintly Bishop of Carleon resigned 
his see at the Council of Brevi in 522, and that he was then an old 
man, it is scarcely possible that he survived till 612. 

Apart from these few shortcomings, this life of the Apostle of 
Anglo-Saxon England, and that of his successors down to St. 
Theodore, is well worth perusal. The extract that follows is a fair 
specimen of the spirit in which the book is written. Speaking of 
the ravages of the Yellow Plague in 664 and its results in England, 
he says : 

The affairs of the Church were in confusion; with a double appoint- 
ment in Northumbria, no bishop at all in Kent, and the East Saxon See 
vacant; with the Celtic customs still authorised in Mercia, and lingering 
in Northumbria and Essex, and the South Saxons still unconverted. 
‘rhe kings of Northumbria and Kent seem to have consulted together on 
the unsatisfactory state of things. We may with probability credit the 
older and more experienced, as well as most powerful, Oswy with the 
proposal that they should seek the consent of the other kings and 
churches to choose a man who would be acceptable to all, and eend him 
to Rome to be consecrated there, and on his return to exercise the 
authority of an archbishop over all the churches and bring them into 
harmony. It was an admirable scheme, and, backed by the influence of 
the Bretwalda, it met with general acceptance. Wigheard, “a good man 
and fit priest,” one of Deusdedit’s clergy, apparently not a monk, was 
chosen, and sent with some companions to Rome. But Rome, half in 
ruins, and with the Campagna falling out of cultivation and becoming 
a breeding-place of malaria, was an unhealthy place; and Wigheard, with 
almost all his companions, died there of pestilence before he could be 
consecrated, and was buried at the Church of the Apostle St. Peter. 

Pope Vitalian chose St. Theodore to replace the d-ceased arch- 
bishop-elect. Dr. Cutts does full justice to the wisdom of the 
Apostolic See in this appointment and the happy results that 


Compendium Sacre Liturgie juxta Ritum Romanum. 
Scripsit Pater Innocentius Wapelhorst, O.S.F. Ed. Sta. Neo- 
Eboraci. Benziger Fratres. 

Hymns of the Ecclesiastical Year with accompanying Tunes, 
and Six Benediction Services. London: Art and Book Co. 

HE Compendium Sacre Liturgie of Father Wapelhorst contains 
much more liturgical information than is usually found in 
Ceremonials. It is evidently drawn up to meet the needs of a real 
missionary clergy always on the move, and therefore often out of the 
reach of libraries. Its excellences are many. It will suffice, 
however, to draw attention to those of practical usefulness to all 

Besides giving in the text the ceremonies to be observed by the 
celebrant, the sacred ministers, and servers, the author has intro- 
duced diagrams which at a glance give the position of each one at a 
Pontifical Mass. This is most useful, especially to the assistant 
deacons when at the altar. It was thoughtful of the author to give 
the rites of the Jewish Paschal Supper, and to show how traces of 
these ceremonies still exist in every Christian Liturgy. In chapter 
xlii,, article iv., the Apostolic, the Roman, and the Greek liturgies 
are placed in three parallel columns and compared with each other. 

Chapter xiv. contains much valuable information. Its title, De 
sensu literali et mystico singularium partium misse, tells us what we 
may there find. The whole chapter would serve admirably as a 
help to meditation. The priest who so uses it must derive great 
benefit from the practice, and greatly increase his devotion whilst 
celebrating at the holy altar. 

Father Wapelhorst has devoted the third part of his ceremonial 
to the Roman Ritual. Most priests will find this portion of the 
book both instructive and practical. As it is but seldom that we are 
able in missionary countries to procure commentaries on the Ritual, 
the clergy of this country are sure to avail themselves of the help 
now proffered to them. ‘The fact that this Compendium has already 
reached its fifth edition shows how wide-spread has been its diffusion 
throughout the United States of America. 

The hymns published by the Art and Book Co. are all inserted in 
an index, which gives the first line of each hymn, the liturgical office 
from which it is taken, the name of the author or translator, and 
that of the composer of the music. Every great festival of the 
ecclesiastical year has its liturgical hymn given in the vernacular. 
The great founders of religious orders have each a song of praise, 


fhe music for the chanting of the Rosary has been inserted, as also 
Benediction services. In all country missions the book ought to be 
found in the hands of the members of the congregation who are 
gifted by nature with melody of voice. Even in large town churches 
it deserves to become a popular manual. 

John Wyclif. By Lewis Sercrant. London and New York: 
G. Putnam’s Sons. 1893. 

T is never agreeable to have to notice a book unfavourably, but 
Mr. Sergeant’s volume can scarcely be treated otherwise. A 
life of Wyclif could not be written without constant reference to 
many points at issue between Catholics and Protestants, and it is 
natural to expect that the latter will always lean to the side of 
the Rector of Lutterworth. This is a totally different thing from 
taking it for granted that Wyclif was always acting from saintly 
motives, and that the prelates and religious orders, opposed to his 
innovations in doctrine, were ever actuated by selfish and unchristian 
principles, The historian, to be worthy of the name, must always 
be just, and to ensure this he must thoroughly study both sides of 
the question of which he treats. This the author of the “ Life of 
John Wyclif” has not done, as far as we may judge from the 
perusal of his work. 

When a'writer sits in judgment upon a dogmatic decision of the 
Vicar of Christ, we certainly expect him to know the exact meaning 
of the Papal definition. The interpretation put by Mr. Sergeant 
upon the pronouncement of the famous Bull of Boniface VIII., 
Unam Sanctam, is unwarrantable. It is exactly what we might 
expect from a writer who, not being conversant with Theology, 
Ecclesiastical History, and Canon Law, must be writing in the dark. 
A fair-minded man would at least have inquired what Catholic 
writers have said on such an important subject, before venturing to 
handle historical and dogmatic matters wholly beyond his sphere of 
knowledge. There was a time when such literary liberties might be 
taken with impunity, but happily that day has now passed away, 
and the English reading public look for fairness and justice in those 
who pose as historians. 

Mr. Sergeant has been equally unhappy in his references to the 
history of the Franciscan Order. The Bull of Pope Nicholas III. 
Exitt, and that of Johu XXII. Quorwmdam, have most probably 
never been read or, perhaps, even seen by him. Most certainly he 
has utterly misunderstood their purport. It is useless to dwell 


further upon the many misleading statements and wild conjectures 
in his work, as they will have little weight with most readers. 

Publications of the Catholic Truth Society. London: 
18 West Square, 8.E. 

PJ\HE sixpenny monthly Catholic Magazine which this Society has 

just started, began well in May and promises a successful 
career. It is bright, interesting and illustrated. The serial story, 
“‘ Claudius,” of which the scene is laid in the earliest years of 
Christianity and the principal figure is St. Paul, merits the high 
praise of recalling “ Fabiola” and “ Callista.” A series of sketches 
of our Catholic Colleges, beginning with Stoneyhurst, should be both 
valuable and interesting. F. Thurston, 8.J., writes on “ Witchcraft,” 
and Mr. Costelloe on ‘‘ Christian Art;” and amongst other contri- 
butors are “ Katharine Tynan” and Dr. Barry. The Editor is 
Lady Amabel Kerr. 

The new Dean of Canterbury, who has been suffering lately froma 
new accession of Protestantism, has provoked from Catholic apologists 
two valuable replies, in which his shallow show of learning is well 
exposed, and which the Truth Society has done well to reprint. 
Preaching last Good Friday in Westminster Abbey, Dean Farrar 
gave expression to the typically Protestant dislike for the Cross ; 
and not content with this, essayed to show that what he described 
as morbid meditation on the Passion was unprimitive, unscriptural 
and uncatholic. F. Thurston’s reply is at once convincing and 
amusing. Apt quotations from the Dean’s well-known “ Life of 
Christ” furnish him with a valid argumentum ad hominem, and 
exhibit the absurdity of “ Farrar reproving sentimentalism ;” whilst 
more permanent value attaches to a sketch of the evidence from 
S. Scripture and the primitive church for the traditional observance 
of Good Friday. F. Procter’s little pamphlet was occasioned by the 
Dean’s including Savonarola among the leaders or “ harbingers” of 
the Reformation. Coming from the pulpit as beseems the rejoinder 
of a Friar Preacher, it is couched in more rhetorical tone than 
F. Thurston’s, but is none the less serious and well-grounded. 
The gist of the reply may be summed up in the words of the 
Calvinist Bayle :— 

“It is very strange that Protestants should number among their martyrs 
a friar who during his lifetime had always celebrated Mass and invoked 
the Saints, and who at the hour of his death went to Confession and 
Communion, made an act of faith in the Real Presence, and humbly 
accepted a plenary indulgence granted him by the Pope ” (p. 5). 


“The Land of Mist and Mountain” is a series of Irish sketches 
full of pathos and quiet beauty, from the graceful pen of Mrs. Hink- 
son (Katharine Tynan). Perhaps they are too sad and too devoid of 
incident or adventure to be popular in the ordinary sense ; otherwise 
they come very near to a type of story greatly wanted for general 
diffusion, wherein Catholicism underlies and pervades the whole, 
without being unduly paraded. The best of the sketches is “ A 
Saint,” the least satisfactory, to our mind, “ An Exile’s Sister.” 

“The Venerable Edward Oldcorne, 8.J.,” was martyred for alleged 
complicity in Gunpowder Plot. His Life, by Father McLeod, 8.J- 
is very readable and edifying, and includes a graphic account of the 
labours and sufferings of missionary priests in England under Eliza- 
beth. Three valuable Lectures by the Bishop of Clifton on “ Re- 
union of England with Rome,” are also being republished. As we 
write the members and friends of the Society are met in Conference 
at Bristol ; we sincerely hope that their deliberations will result in 
strengthening and developing the admirable work upon which the 
Catholic Truth Society is engaged. 

Selected Feast-day Hymns, literally translated, in the original 
metre and rhythm, by J. P. Vat D’Eremao, D.D. Latin and 
English. London and Leamington: The Art and Book Co. 1895. 

E cannot conceive what purpose is expected to be served by this 
translation of theChurch’s hymns. The genius of the English 
language, its rhythm, accents and metre, are so diverse from those of 
Latin, that a literal translation of liturgical verse, hampered by such 
restrictions as the author adopts, was foredoomed to failure. The 
difficulties were not diminished by the evident fact that English is 
a foreign language to the translator, who, undeterred by danger, has 
yet essayed a task from which Pope, or Dryden, or Caswall might 
well have shrunk. Dr. Val D’Eremao admits in his preface that 
“it needed some courage to put forth yet one more” translation of 
these hymns—some will think that another word than courage would 
best describe what prompts a man to put forth such prosy, halting, 
unrhythmical verse as this: 

“ Thou all-creating Lord! recall 
That of our body, sometime gone, ” 
In Virgin’s womb, most sacred hall, 
By birth the form Thou didst put on” (p. 3). 

* * * * 


“ A novel kind of power behold! 
The waters blush, in jars arranged ! 
And when to pour out wine ’twas told, 
Its nature water straightway changed” (p. 7). 

* * * * 

“ Alone, ’mong cities where men live, 
Thou greatest, Bethlehem! decreed 
Salvation’s Chief from heaven to give 
In human body born injeed” (p. 9). 

If an accurate translation of these hymns were wanted it should 
have been done in prose; no object, literary, devotional, or liturgical 
being gained by turning sacred poetry into doggerel like this : 

“Thou mountest o’er the starry sphere, 

To where does God himself assign 

(And not to mortals dwelling here) 
To Thee, o’er all things, power divine ; 

That this creation’s orders three,— 
Or things of heaven, or earth they be, 

Or under earth,—all made by Thee,— 
Should humbly bend the subject knee” (p. 27). 

“Come, O Creating Breath Divine! 
Visit the intellects of Thine, 
And fill our hearts with heavenly grace, 
Which their existence to Thee trace” (p. 31). 

Or again : 

** Unto the weak He His flesh truly gave as food, 
Gave to the sad, too, the cup of His holy blood, 
Saying: ‘ Receive what I give in this chalice good, 

All drink from it in my memory! 
Thus this new sacrifice did He then institute, 
Of which the offering service He did depute 
Unto priests only, who first take, then distribute 
To all the others, as willed He” (p. 49). 

As for singing these verses to the old Gregorian tones, as the 
author fondly hopes, we should pity the choir that tried to fit the 
Mechlin chant to the following version of the “ Ave maris stella.” 

* Hail, Star of this vast sea! 
God’s lov’d mother and yet 
Always virgin purely, 
Happy gate to heaven set. 

* * * * 

Sinners free from chains strong, 
To us, blind, true light bring, 

Drive from us all our wrong, 
Ask for us each good thing. 


Prove thyself our mother, 

Make our prayers received be 
By Him who, our Brother, 

Born for us was of thee” (p. 54). 

To judge by the way in which he prints it on p. 66, the author is 
unaware that the “Alma Redemptoris Mater” is written in hexameters, 
and his version in this case is certainly not in the same metre as the 
original. Altogether one wonders how the Censor deputatus could 
write “‘ Nihil obstat” before the publication. It contains, of course, 
nothing that is contrary to faith or morals; it is ingenious and well- 
intentioned; but it has practically resulted in making the sacred 
hymns ridiculous; and from this the Censor might surely have 

saved us. 

Devotions in Honour of 8. Thomas of Canterbury. Second 
Edition. W. Knott, 26 Brooke Street, Holborn. 

7H\HIS Manual of Devotions, put forth anonymously, with a Preface 

vy a well-known Anglican clergyman, is altogether Catholic in 
its tone and spirit, consisting as it does mainly of Masses and 
Offices in honour of St. Thomas, taken from the Sarum Missal and 
Breviary ; the metrical antiphons and responses, and the majority 
of the hymns having been translated specially for this work ; the 
rest of the compilation comprising various other prayers, litanies, 
and hymns. Mr. Worth’s preface (we speak of the second edition) 
is valuable, as showing the antiquity of the Catholic doctrine and 
practice of the invocation of Saints, at least as far back as the fourth 
century. It might have been added that the Roman Catacombs 
testify to the direct invocation of the martyrs in the third century. 
Origen would be another witness of this period ; and St. Irenzeus 
and St. Justin in the second century. This brings us close to the 
inspired writings, which are not wanting in testimony to the same. 
Altogether we consider this little Manual admirably calculated to 
do its share in dissipating the mists of ignorance and prejudice 
which still obscure the minds of so many of our countrymen. It 
has been inspired throughout by a fervent devotion to the great 
Archbishop who championed, even unto the shedding of His Blood, 
the authority of the Holy See, and whose intercession and blessing 
have been well merited by this loving tribute from one who cannot 
be far from “ the Kingdom of God.” 


Loreto, the New Nazareth. By Wituam Garratt, M.A. 
London and Leamington: The Art and Book Co, 18995. 

: occurrence on December 10 of this year of the sixth cen- 

tenary of the miraculous translation of the Holy House of 
Loreto to its present site renders the appearance of a volume on the 
history and aspect of the sanctuary especially appropriate. The 
present work, which has already attained a circulation of 55,000 in 
five different languages, is admirably adapted to be the pilgrim’s vade 
mecum, as it contains in a compact form all the information he can 
require, while the fifty engravings with which it is illustrated add 
to the interest and intelligibility of the text. The evidence for the 
authenticity of this most venerable and august relic is clearly stated; 
as well as the history of some of the subsequent miracles by which it 
has been confirmed. The Ark of the New Covenant, it invests the 
hill above Recanati, which it has chosen for its resting-place, with 
a sanctity of which that of Solomon’s Temple was but a type. It is 
interesting to note that the building now in Italy formed only a 
portion of the actual habitation of ‘the Holy Family, which, like 
many Eastern dwellings, consisted of excavations in the rocks, 
either natural or artiticial, by which access was given to the interior 
portion built of brickwork. According to the accepted tradition the 
Holy House of Nazareth was the home of Our Lady’s parents, in 
which she was born, and which she inherited from them. St. Joseph, 
who came to live in it after his marriage, had his workshop, accord- 
ing to the custom in Nazareth and the East generally, in a street in 
the town. 



1 it 
t is 


( 485 ) 

Rebiews in Rrief. 


On the Road to Rome: And How Two Brothers Got 
There. By Witt1am Ricnarps. New York, Cincinnati, Chicago : 
Benziger Brothers. 1895.—Ina little book of a hundred and seven- 
teen pages of large print, an American gives an account of his own 
and his brother’s conversion. If it does not contain anything very 
new, or very striking, or very original, its arguments are offered 
in a plain and straightforward manner. Possibly this particular 
apologia may be precisely the book most likely to convert some 
particular Protestant; and, if so, it has our best wishes. At worst, 
it is well-intended. 

St. Chantal and the Foundation of the Visitation. By 
Mgr. Bovcaup, Bishop of Laval. Translated from the eleventh 
French edition. By a Visitandine. With a Preface by His Eminence 
Cardinal Grspons. New York, &c.: Benziger Brothers. 1895.—Many 
will welcome these two well got-up volumes. The Abbé Bougaud’s 
Life of St. Jane Frances of Chantal was the work of his youth, and 
it was through it that he was introduced to Bishop Dupanloup, 
whose Vicar-General and intimate friend he afterwards became. 
The biography is written in a large, dignified and devout style, with 
due attention to contemporary history. Mgr. Bougaud prepared for 
his task with the utmost diligence, and made many discoveries of 
letters and documents which he here prints or uses for the first 
time. There are few inaccuracies, even if we judge the work by 
the light of Canon Mackay’s labours. The translator has done her 
part with good success, and has enriched this edition by a translation 
of Bishop Dupanloup’s admirable Essay on the writing of Saints’ 

La Guerre Sino-Japonaise et ses Conséquences pour 
VEurope. Par F. De Vuittenoisy. Paris: Henri Charles. 
Lavauzelle. 1895.—This pamphlet is full of unmitigated ill-will 
towards our country. When its author says that the late war 
between Japan and China was one of the most important political 
events of modern times, we are much of his mind ; when he goes on 
to foretell all sorts of misfortunes to England as its principal con- 
sequence, we cannot agree with him quite so readily; especially 

[No. 16 of Fourth Series, } 21 



since it has occurred to us that there is such a thing as the wish 
being father to the thought. He desires a triple alliance between 
Japan, France, and Russia; and he tries to make out that in that 
“logic of events,” of which his fellow-countrymen are so fond of 
talking, it is certain to follow. If we are not mistaken, this selfsame 
“logic of events” was to have led the French to Berlin a quarter 
of a century ago; and, without entering into details, we may 
observe that there may be more things in heaven and earth than are 
dreamt of in the author’s diplomacy. 

La Femme Studieuse. Par Monseigneur Dupantovup. Sixth 
Edition. Paris: Pierre Téqui. 1895.—The advantages and neces- 
sity of serious mental occupation for women at the present day is 
the theme of this invaluable little volume, which will well repay the 
study of ladies of all countries. The utility of some form of intel- 
lectual discipline as an antidote to the vacuity which results from a 
life spent in the mere search for amusement, and for the ennui 
which is the fruitful parent of vice, is here urged with an eloquence 
and force which make the argument no less attractive than con- 
vincing. The first conditions insisted on as essential to the success 
of any attempt at self-improvement are regularity of hours and 
perseverance in following out the subjects chosen for study. A 
book, according to the learned author, in order to render it really 
useful as food for thought, should be read with the pen in the hand, 
to write down such ideas as it suggests or to copy out particular 
passages which especially strike the attention. It is interesting to. 
note that he strongly disapproves of the practice of keeping a diary, © 
as tending to destroy simplicity of mind and to foster a habit of 
posing for posterity or the public. All other duties will, he con- 
tends, be better performed by the aid of the habit of mental 
discipline and the influence of the wife and mother over husband 
and children rendered far more potent by the strength of character 
gained by serious application. Indiscriminate reading is, on the other 
hand, strenuously condemned by the learned bishop, and he com- 
ments severely on the laxity of some Catholic ladies in reading such. 
books as those of Renan and others of his school. 

The City of the Crimson Walls. By Srepuen Foreman. 
London: Kegan Paul. 1895. The author’s command of poetic: 
imagery and diction enables him to clothe in fitting language the 
tragical subjects he has chosen. He has, moreover, the gift, rare 
among poets at the present day, of telling a story so as to command’ 
the reader's interest instead of making his verse a mere vehicle for 

a ae 


the expression of his own vague and shifting moods. The first and 
longest poem, which gives its title to the volume, consists of a series 
of lurid pictures unfolding a gruesome drama of crime and retribu- 
tion, with an element of the supernatural to give added effect to its 
weird impressiveness. 

Kerrigan’s Quality. By Jane Bartow. London: Hodder & 
Stoughton. 1894. The fame acquired by Miss Barlow's graphic 
vignettes of Irish life gives a double interest to her first venture in 
fiction on a large scale. But while we have here the same felicitous 
touches of description, the same vivid power of characterisation, 
which marked out “Irish Idyls” and “ Bogland Studies” as the 
work of a consummate literary artist, we do not think that the present 
volume will add to the writer’s reputation. The link uniting the 
two sets of personages is somewhat artificially forged, and the interest 
flags with the appearance on the scene of the genteel characters who 
become known to the villagers as ‘“ Kerrigan’s Quality,” from the 
name of their landlord, the returned colonist. Kerrigan himself is a 
pathetic figure, and the disappointment of his home-coming to an 
altered world is touchingly realized. Among many beautifully 
written passages, that descriptive of life in the Australian bush seems 
to us the most striking from its tragical power of calling up the grim 
horrors of the situation. The volume is adorned with eight charm- 
ing illustrations thoroughly characteristic of Irish scenery and 

A Gentleman of France. By Stantey J. Weyman. London: 
Longmans & Co. 1894.—The astonishing power of vivifying the 
past shown by Mr. Stanley Weyman, Mr. Conan Doyle, Mr. Louis 
Stevenson, and others of their school, has restored the historical novel 
to its place in English literature. The perils and chances through 
which Gaston de Marsac, the hero of the present work, wins his 
way to fortune and the heart of his lady-love, have their framework 
in the wars of the League, and the struggle which ended in the 
triumph of Henri IV. The wild and tumultuous scenes of this 
period of storm and stress seem to pass before us as we read, and 
the pages glow with vivid pictures of the historical events inter- 
twined with the fate of the personages of the tale. Among the most 
forcible of such presentments are the descriptions of the ravages of 
the plague in rural France, of the courts of the two Henrys of 
Valois and Bourbon, and of the assassination of the former and 
accession of his cousin. The latter event forms the closing episode 
of the tale from its decisive effect on the fortuncs of the hero. This 


stirring and spirited romance accordingly ends with the triumph of 
gallantry and honour over all the intrigues of malice and bad faith. 

De Ci, de La. Par General Cosszron DE VILLENOISy. Paris, 
Téqui. 1895.—These graceful little essays are entitled ‘“‘ Causeries 
d’un Pére de Famille,” and were written, as the author says in his 
preface, from notes on miscellaneous subjects originally jotted down 
for the instruction and amusement of his children. In their present 
form they may serve to interest a larger audience, and to convey at 
the same time in an agreeable form much information that may be 
new to general readers. The writer’s charm of style gives novelty 
and freshness to such simple themes as deep-sea fishing, the material 
of clothing, the effect of glass on domestic life, &c., while the know- 
ledge gathered in a very wide and extensive course of reading lends 
value as well as charm to the familiar treatment. The sights and 
objects encountered in an imaginary journey down a river furnish 
two delightful little causeries, in which fish culture, river transport, 
bridge construction, and other kindred topics are touched on with a 
lightness that is anything but superficial. For children learning 
French there could not be a more admirable volume both as to style 
and matter. 

Le Sécret Fatal. Par Lucien Tuomin. Paris, Téqui. 1895.— 
The forests of Annam and the typhoon-swept China Seas furnish 
the scenery for M. Thomin’s stirring narrative of adventure. The 
principal personages escape from a sinking ship on an open raft, only to 
find themselves exposed to still more imminent danger at the hands 
of the emissaries of Tu-Duc, the Annamite ruler, in whose dominions 
they are cast ashore. Here they witness the constancy in torments 
and death of the Christian martyrs, whose fate they are delivered 
from by the opportune arrival of a French ship-of-war at the mouth 
of the river. The hero’s life is overshadowed by the threatened 
vengeance of a sect of conspirators whose secret he has surprised, 
until the death of their agent at the close of the last chapter delivers 
him from this incubus, just as his marriage to a beautiful Spaniard 
renders life doubly dear. 

Hariulf; Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier. Publi¢e 
par F. Lor. Picard et Fils. Paris. 1894. 10 frs.—This is one 
of the texts published under the auspices of the Société Historique. 
It was compiled in the eleventh century by Hariulf, a monk of the 
great Benedictine house in the East of France; and has the same 
value for French historical studies as Matthew Paris and the other 


monastic annalists have for English history. The editorial work has 
evidently been done with much care and completeness; especially 
the tracing out the sources whence Hariulf derived his information. 

Saint Etienne et Son Sanctuaire 4 Jerusalem. Par le P. 
Lacrance. Picard et Fils. Paris. 1894, 5 frs,—This very in- 
teresting volume describes the excavations made in the garden of 
the Dominican house of Biblical Studies. These have laid open the 
remains of the church built by the Empress Eudoxia over the 
sepulchre of St. Stephen. The profits of the sale of the book are to 
go towards defraying the cost of the excavations, and to erecting an 
effective, but simple and pleasing, church on the same site. 

East Syrian Daily Offices. Translated by Dean A. J. 
Maciean. Prepared for the Eastern Church Association. Lon- 
don: Rivington, Percival & Co. 8s. 6d.—This volume is an attempt 
to set before Western readers something of the fixed parts of the 
Daily Office of the Nestorian Christians and of the Uniates who 
have been reconciled to the Church. The order and structure of 
the whole is so different from those of the Western breviary, that it 
will probably be unintelligible to most students, unless they have 
mastered Fr. Zimmermann’s articles on this subject. Many of the 
prayers are very beautiful, especially the antiphons and responses, 
which are more elaborate and longer than ours; they are also of 
great value, as testifying to the belief of the Syrian Church before 
the Council of Ephesus: though the translator is right in urging 
caution in employing this argument, as it is certain that these 
religious bodies borrowed from each other details that were popular 
and interesting. 

La Journée des Malades. Par L’Aspi HENRI PERREYVE. 
Dixiéme édition. Paris: Téqui. 1895.—By reaching a tenth 
edition this little work has conclusively proved its right to put in 
an appearance amongst the innumerable literary productions of our 
day. Both in style and matter “La Journée des Malades” is a 
remarkable book. Its author, an honorary Canon of Orléans and 
a professor at La Sorbonne, writes with grace, heart and experience. 
His subject is evidently one which, for being familiar to him, is not 
the less felt. In visiting the sick-room he brings with him sunshine 
and sympathy—the light of healing faith and the magnetism of 
tactful compassion. There are three divisions in this handy manual. 
In the first, thoughts suitable to the morning are brought before the 
invalid, The entrance of dawn into the sick chamber, the sound of 
church bells summoning the strong to Holy Mass, and other inci- 

i ' 


dents are seized upon in a most easy and natural way, and made to 
convey the most encouraging lessons to the bed-ridden. ‘The same 
process is followed in the other divisions of the book, and the rela- 
tions between the invalid and his medical adviser, as well as those 
between him and his soul’s friend—the priest—are treated with 
conciseness and theological precision. A valuable introduction has 
been prefixed to L’Abbé Perreyve’s book by the eminent oratorian 
Father Pététot. It contains excellent advice to the sick and to their 
friends about the time when the priest should be summoned. To our 
working clergy, to Catholic nurses, religious or lay, and to every 
sick person we can safely recommend “ La Journée des Malades” as 
a publication helpful in the highest degree. G. H. 

Vade Mecum for Colleges, Academies, Sodalities. By a 
FATHER OF THE Society or Jesus. Fifth edition. St. Louis, Mo.: 
Herder. 1894.—The author’s object is to offer boys in schools 
where the Prima Primaria exists a sodality manual and a book of 
private devotions. Even where the Jesuit sodality is not instituted, 
boys will find the “ Vade Mecum” extremely useful in its selection 
of general prayers adapted to their age and environment. Besides 
the Rules of the Sodality, the book contains a hymnal noted and 
the Little Office of the Immaculate Conception in Latin and 

The Beloved Disciple. By the Rev. Farner Rawes, D.D. 
Third edition. London: Burns & Oates.—The publishers have been 
well advised to bring out a new edition of this little book about 
“the Disciple whom Jesus loved.” Wherever the names of our 
Redeemer and His Holy Mother are known, hearts preserve a 
tender affection for St. John the Divine. The passages in the Sacred 
Gospels where his name occurs suggest so many questions to con- 
templative souls, that any writings which comment on those texts 
will be eagerly received and scanned, Nearly twenty years have 
elapsed since Fr. Rawes brought out this volume of his deep and 
poetic works. To many of those who read it on its first appearing, 
“The Beloved Disciple” will come back with a sense of freshness, 
and to those who have never dipped into the book, it comes as a 
new and valuable acquaintance. Sitting at the feet of the author, 
we are made to examine and study the precious stones, or scripture 
texts, which adorn the crown of the Virgin Disciple. Luminous 
expositions of Gospel scenes cause St. John to stand before us and 
his earthly glory to break upon us. Step by step we are taken by 
Father Rawes, from the School of the Precursor, where our Saint was 
prepared for the Apostolic College, through the painful course of 


exercises which formed the heart of the Confessor, on to the training 
of the Doctor of the Church. St. John is presented to us as a 
Virgin, as a Martyr, the Prophet of the new Creation, as the Saint 
of the Precious Blood and the Sacred Heart, and as the Child of 
Mary, who was to fill with regard to that Mother the place of her 
Divine Son. Every chapter in this book contains mines of suggestive 
thought and heart-subduing reflection. The tender sermon preached 
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Manuel de 1l’Archiconfrérie de N. D. des Victoires. Par 
M. Abbé P. Ferranp. Nouvelle édition. Bourges. Tardy- 
Pigelet. 1895.—Here in a volume of convenient size we have the 
life of M. des Genettes and a complete manual of the world-wide 
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Questions Actuelles d’Ecriture Sainte. R. P. Brucker, 8.J. 
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