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Vol. III. APRIL, 1900. No. 4. 

The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by con- 
tributors to the Quarterly. 

Part III As 
In this part it is the purpose to present: 

First, the facts, as far as ascertained, showing how far south the 
buffalo came down to the Gulf coast as early as 1536, and how the 

people where Galeana is now, those of Tanzocob, and those along 

the lower Bagres might then have had their skins. 

Second, the facts showing that Cabeza de Vaca met the first Chris- 
tians in Jalisco, and that his statement that he went out to Culiacan 
was made under influences after he got to Mexico. 

Third, the facts deemed sufficient to show that the statements 
made by Castaneda and Jaramillo as to Cabeza de Vaca and his 
comrades going through the barranca or ravine are unreasonable 
and not to be credited. 

It being believed that the best guide in searching for the truth of 

‘When this paper was accepted for the QUARTERLY, it was intended that 
the whole of Part III should appear in this number; but since then Judge 
Coopwood has so extended its limits by revision that it has grown too long 
for a single issue-——EpITorR QUARTERLY. 

230 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

a matter resting upon statements made, is that rule requiring a com- 
parison of the facts stated with each other and with natural and 
known historical facts, in order to harmonize the whole as far as may 
be consistent, and to reject the parts contradictory to or in conflict 
with such known natural and historical truths, it was the aim of the 
preceding parts of this paper to follow such rule; and the reason for 
adopting some of the statements made by Cabeza de Vaca and reject- 
ing others will be shown in this part, to enable the reader to pass 
upon the route adopted. And that part of it presented in the first 
part being deemed sufficiently explained therein, nothing further 
than such corroboration as it may naturally receive from what may 
be said here as to the route from Nogales, or the point on the map 
marked G, forward to Rio Verde in Jalisco will be added to it. 

Cabeza de Vaca mentions three places at which he says they gave 
him buffalo robes. These places will mark that part of the route 
along which these skins are claimed to have been possessed by the 
Indians. The first is the village where they ate the pinones, the sec- 
ond that where they called the people “los de las Vacas,” and the 
third along the route they traveled up the fourth large river before 
crossing it; and, as these have been assumed to be the present sites 
of Galeana and Ciudad de Valles, and that part of Rio Bagres below 
the mouth of Rio Verde, the question here is how those skins may 
have been there when Cabeza de Vaca passed through the country 
in 1536. In answering it the most difficult task, perhaps, will be 
to show how far the buffalo then ranged southward along the Gulf 
coast ; and the facts collected by a very limited research must suffice 
for the present purpose, the reader being left to collate such further 
data on the subject as may be convenient to him, and then reason 
to his own conclusion. 

The earliest written statement on this subject is that of Cabeza de 
Vaca, which is not a little obscure as to where he saw the buffalo 
herds the three times he mentions them. This statement comes after 
the account of his meeting with the other two Spaniards and the 
negro, and going with them to where they ate the nuts, and of his 
being given as a slave to the one-eyed Mariame Indian, while Castillo 
remained with the Iguaces.4* He adds it after accounting for Cas- 

taNaufragios, Cap. XVII. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 231 

tillo and Esquivel going to those Iguaces in on the mainland, leaving 
it uncertain whether he actually saw the animals or was relating 
what was told him by his companions as to their seeing them before 
meeting him. In either case, however, he leaves the impression that 
the buffaloes were seen while whoever saw them was with the Iguaces, 
who, according to the position he assigns them,” must have been be- 
tween the Bravo and the Gulf coast further south than where the 
town of Corpus Christi is now situated. He says: “The cows reach 
here, and I have seen them three times and eaten of their meat 
* * * > They come from toward the north forward through the 
country to the coast of Florida, and spread themselves all over the 
land more than four hundred leagues; and on all this road along the 
valleys through which they come, the people dwelling along there 
descend and live upon them; and they take inland many skins.’”* 

While he does not clearly express whether the cows came from some 
place four hundred leagues north of the coast or spread out such dis- 
tance over the land along it, yet as he was treating of the coast, it 
may be presumed he meant the latter, which is borne out by the 
skins being taken inland, or in a direction from the Gulf. 

Of course he meant the coast of Florida as then known, and not 
as shown on modern maps; for there seems to be a want of evidence 
to show that the cows ever came down to the Gulf coast at any 
point east of the mouth of Trinity river.’ This seems to require 
something to show what he meant by the coast of Florida. 

The Florida assigned to Panfilo de Narvaez by Charles V. com- 
prised all the provinces on the main from Rio de las Palmas to the 
cape of Florida.’ Don Luis de Onis says, in the negotiations preced- 
ing the treaty of 1819: “Under the name of Florida was then em- 
braced all the country from the Rio de las Palmas, which is the con- 
fine of Panuco, to the 48th degree, an extension of more than 600 

*Naufragios, Cap. XVIII. 

‘The writer has met with no written acount or tradition of these herds 
going through the pine forests to that part of the Gulf coast. 

*"Naufragios, Cap. I. 

232 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

leagues, crossing the Mississippi.”* The first part of Chapter I. of 
the Naufragios shows Cabeza de Vaca was aware of the Rio de las 
Palmas being the boundary between the province of Panuco and 
Florida; and if he had seen Pineda’s map or chart of the Gulf coast, 
he also knew that it was only one hundred leagues from such bound- 
ary to Espiritu Santo Bay. So it may be presumed he referred to 
that part of the coast from such boundary as far north and east as 
the cows came down to it, applying to it his usual skill in exaggerat- 
ing distance. He had traveled along that coast forty or fifty leagues 
while peddling, and knew the Indians inland, and they may have 
told him how far the cows went south of their territory, possibly 
making it far enough to reach Rio de las Palmas; or he might have 
received such information from the light colored Indians, those at 
the foot of the mountain where he spent two nights, or those of the 
twenty houses he found the day he left the latter place. 

The next written statement in regard to the range of the buffalo 
herds known to the writer is that found in a manuscript, written at 
Saltillo in 1792, by the Bachelor Don Pedro Fuentes, then vicar and 
ecclesiastical judge of that place. In speaking of the Chichimeca 
nations, he says: 

“At a little more than the middle of the sixteenth century of the 
Christian era and thirty years or more after the Mexican conquest, 
the famous General Don Francisco de Urdinola, the elder, began to 
make war upon this Chichimeca nation, and without ever being re- 
pulsed by it, defeated it many times to the north, south, and west, 
founding all the towns in those directions. On being driven to this 
country, it subsisted upon the abundant game of buffalo, deer, tur- 
keys, and other animals found in these lands, and on which many 
of the nations north of here support themselves at the present day, 
though they are very numerous * * *, 

“This nation, what of it had remained after these past battles, 
taking refuge in this district of mountain ranges, deemed itself un- 

*"Memoir of the negotiations between Spain and the United States of 
America leading to the treaty of 1819, published in Madrid in 1820, and 
reprinted in Mexico in 1826. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 233 

conquerable; but the same general attacking it anew, destroyed it 
almost entirely.” 

From this it may be inferred that the buffalo was abundant around 
where Saltillo and Monterey now are in 1556 to 1560, and may have 
gone along the plain north of Monterey, Montemorelos, Linares, 
Burgos, and San Carlos to the Gulf coast near the Soto la Marina 
which is about thirty 


river, formerly called Rio de las Palmas, 
leagues north of the Panuco river® and not fifty leagues from Tanzo- 
cob, now Ciudad de Valles; and the people of the latter and Huala- 
huises and Galeana may have hunted and killed the buffalo along 

Don Diego Gonzales Herrera, who was born at Palafox, and, 
when that place was destroyed by Indians, taken to Laredo and 
reared there and at Estacas, six leagues below there, says: 

“From ten years of age I began to go on the buffalo hunts with the 
men of Laredo to the north and northeast of there as far as the 
Nueces river. The buffalo then came below Palafox, and along in 
front of Laredo, and continued to do so at times till 1840. In my 
youth the old men of Laredo often told of a cold winter in which the 
buffalo came so near Laredo that some of them ran into the town, 
and when they went down southeast of there to the coast. Having 
joined a cavalry company in the Mexican service at Laredo, in 1834, 
I frequently went as far south as Burgos and San Carlos, where the 
old men had a tradition of buffalo herds having gone over the plain 

7See Collection of Notes and Documents for the History of the State of 
Nuevo Leon, by Eleuterio Gonzales, Professor of History in the Civil Col- 
lege of Monterey, Chap. I. 

‘In 1523, the expedition which Garay commanded in person arrived at 
the Barra of Palmas, which was afterward called Santander and is now 
called Soto la Marina. Prieto: Historia, Geografia, y Estadistica del 
Estado de Tamaulipas, p. 14. 

*Francisco Gomara says the river of Palmas is thirty leagues above 
Painuco towards the north. Historia de las Indias, Tit. Rio de Palmas. 
And he says: “From Pescadores, which is 28° 30’ N., it is one hundred 
leagues to Rio de las Palmas, near which the tropie of Cancer passes. 
From the Rio de las Palmas to the river of Panuco it is more than thirty 
leagues.” Ibid. Tit. El] Sitio de las Indias. All well informed Mexicans 
know Rio de Soto la Marina is identical with the Rio de las Palmas of the 
Spaniards, which formed the northern limit of the province of Pfnuco. 

234 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

west of Pamoranes mountain to la Laja, now Mendez, and there 
crossing the Rio Conchas, passing on to the foot of the Sierra de San 
Carlos. I also knew the Lipan Indians at Estacas below Laredo till 
as late as 1840. They killed many buffalo and brought the meat 
and skins to that place and to Laredo to barter to the Mexicans ; and 
I remember seeing a pet buffalo cow their chief, Castro, had trained 
to follow his saddle animal.” He was as clear and bright in mind 
and memory as are ordinary men at fifty years of age when he made 
this statement to the writer in presence of his family and Don Ber- 
nardo Mendiola, in Nuevo Laredo, on the 28th of November, 1899. 

There is a well defined tradition among the Chapa family of Mata- 
moros, that about 1808 the buffalo went down south of that place, 
and one of them came into the lands of the Chapa rancho to near a 
lake about eight leagues southeast of that place and was there found 
by Don Manuel Lopez de Chapa, and killed near that lake, and the 
place is still called El Cibolo on account of the occurrence.’® Mata- 
moros was not then established, the place being called El Refugio. 
It was declared a port of entry on the 28th of January, 1823, under 
the name of Matamoros. 

The avoid confusion, it is proper to bear in mind the Spanish 
names for the buffalo, used by different writers, and the orthogra- 
phy of these names as written may also serve a purpose. 

Cabeza de Vaca called them vacas (cows), without mention of any 
other name; and Francisco Lopez de Gomara, who wrote between 
1540 and 1553, publishing at the latter date, tells of Fray Marcos de 
Niza’s traveling three hundred leagues beyond Culiacan in 1538, and 
returning with his tales of the wonders of seven cities of Sibolo, and 
saying that there was no cape to that land, but that the farther it 
extended to the west the more densely populated and richer in gold, 
turkois, and wool-bearing herds it was ;'? but he does not apply this 
name sibolo to the wooly cows. In fact such name was not applied 
to the wild cows until a much later date; and when it did come into 
use, the writers were not agreed as to its orthography. The first 

*One Chapa, now living in Laredo, but of that same family, and Don Vic- 
toriano Chapa, now living in Live Oak county, at the ripe age of ninety 
years, uncle of the first, and who was captured by the Comanches in 1818 
and kept till 1829, both tell this tradition. 

“Historia de las Indias, Tit. Sfbolo. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 235 

syllable was spelled /z?, zi, si, and ci, but in each instance the name 
was used to designate the buffalo. Solis called the buffalo bull found 
in Moctezuma’s garden, “el Torro Mexicano” (the Mexican bull), 
but describes it so it cannot be mistaken. So this name vacas or 
cibolos always means the same wild cows, when applied to the ani- 
mals, they having been at a place so named, or a tribe so named 
having some connection with them; as when Cabeza de Vaca called 
the people of a town “los de las Vacas,” or when the earliest priests 
called a tribe Zibolos, or when Fray Fuentes called the animals 
cibolos, in speaking of the game eaten by the Chichimecas. 

The name of the tribe Zibolos is so written in Mota Padilla’s His- 
tory, as well as in volume XXXLI., folio 208, of the Archivo General 
de la Nacion at Mexico, and Prieto calls the buffalo skins “ptelas de 
sibolos,” while Tello, in speaking of Fray Niza’s imaginary cities, 
writes it Tzibolo. In 1750 José Vasquez Borrego still called them 
vacas, but cibolo was used by Fray Fuentes in his manuscript of 
1792, and he is followed by most of those writing the name at a later 
date. And in the Diccionario Castellano, cibolo is defined “torro 
de Mejico 6 mejicano,” following Solis. 

Now when either of these names is used by a Spanish writer we 
understand the buffalo is meant, and confusion is avoided. 

It seems the buffalo herds retired northward as the Spanish set- 
tlements encroached upon their range, and finally they have be- 
come almost extinct. Indeed, it is said the only wild herds known 
to exist are about forty head in Sierra del Carmen in the northern 
part of Coahuila and about the same number in Lost Park, Colorado, 
the latter being protected by law from destruction by hunters.’* 

Prieto tells of the Spaniards going on from Nuevo Leon into the 
department of Coahuila to trade with the Indians, exchanging cotton 
and woolen textures for skins of sibolos, deer, and other animals, of 
which they killed a great many ;'* this being before the foundation 
of Monclova and probably before Martin Zavala’s appointment as 
governor in 1625, but over eighty years after Cabeza de Vaca passed 
through the country, José Vasquez Borrego complains of the officers 
in command of places in Coahuila in 1750 arming their soldiers with 

*This information as to the latter herd was given by C. E. Tillotson, of 
Manitou, Col. 

*Historia, etc., p. 81. 

236 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

kettles, loading their pack animals with salt, and going out to kill 
the cows, try out their tallow, dry their meat, and dress their skins, 
and thereby failing to afford proper protection to the new settlers. 
He makes this complaint in an application to Escandon for a grant 
of land on the left margin of the Bravo below where Laredo now 
stands, and dated in 1750, a testimonto of which is found in the ez- 
pediente of the title in the Spanish archives of Laredo, Texas. 
And among the places whose commandants so did is named la 
Punta, now Lampazos, south of the Salado river. 

As late as 1847, buffalo were killed in abundance along the foot of 
Sierra del Carmen and on the plains and in the Sierra del Cibolo 
east of it in Coahuila, and before that as far south as the Llano de 
San José and the Rio Sabinas; and the skulls and other bones of the 
animals were still seen on that plain as late as 1848. Then it was 
commonly understood in Santa Rosa, now Villa de Musquiz, that the 
hunters of that place had often killed buffalo along there in winter 
for many years, and had named for them places where they were 
killed ; as Sierras del Cibolo, Puente del Cibolo, Arroyo del Cibolo, 
ete. These places are mentioned by Velasco in speaking of the moun- 
tains of Coahuila, as “las Sierras del Cibolo, which form irregular 
groups from the Rio, Grande to Puente de Riesgo, north of the 
Sierra del Burro, and in it is the great gap (quiebra) called Puente 
del Cibolo, where the arroyo of the same name passes.”'* And 
among the wild animals of Coahuila he mentions the cibolo.’” 

Don Anastacio Castro, now of Laredo, but who was reared at 
Morelos, near Zaragoza, west of Eagle Pass, says that in 1858 the 
buffalo came so near Zaragoza that a buffalo bull came into the edge 
of the town with the gentle cattle and was there killed; and that he 
was there and saw it. Ten years before that the writer spent some 
time there, and went on scouts and in pursuit of Indians with Cap- 
tain Patina and the men of Morelos and Zaragoza, and it was a 
common thing to hear the older ones tell how they had gone out 
there to kill buffalo in winter. 

Don Manuel Gonxales, grandfather of Hijinio Garcia, of Laredo, 
was born about 1780, and lived in Laredo till he died, about the be- 

*Velasco: Geografia y Estadistica, Coahuila, p. 25. 

*Ibid., p. 36. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 237 

ginning of the Civil War. He often told the incidents of his buffalo 
hunts above Laredo and on the Nueces river as low down as the 
mouth of the Frio river, till as late as 1840. There is a creek west 
of the Frio still called Cibolo creek, as it is said, because the peo- 
ple of the Rio Grande, and the Carrizo Indians formerly camped 
on it when hunting and killing buffalo. 

Captain Refugio Benavides, who recently died at Laredo, where 
he lived during his eventful and useful life, often related to the 
writer the interesting incidents of buffalo hunts he went on in his 
youth along the Nueces river, and he also said he had seen the 
Lipan chief’s pet buffalo cow following his saddle mule, when those 
Indians had their camp at Las Estacas. 

Michael Whelan, who settled at the mission of Refugio in 1832, 
frequently told of his killing buffalo in that section and between 
there and San Patricio, and he said that he had killed them along 
the Nueces river up as far as the mouth of the Frio as late as 1842.7° 

Many years ago the Lipan Indians were accustomed to camp on 
the Nueces river near where San Patricio is now, to hunt and kill 
buffalo in that region during the winter season; and when the Mex- 
ican soldiers under Captain Enrique Villareal made their camp 
there, these Indians congregated round it, and it was finally named 
by Colonel Teran, Lipantitlan,’* meaning Lipan land. 

There is a tradition of the buffalo going to near the mouth of 
the Arroyo Colorado in large herds after the foundation of Reynos, 
which dates from March 14, 1749. 

So for more than two hundred years after Cabeza de Vaca passed 
through the country the buffalo herds continued to pass down to 
the coast country round where Matamoros now is, and for three 
hundred years were still found along the Nueces and as low down 
the Bravo as in front of Laredo; and it was over two hundred years 
after he passed through the country that José Vasquez Borrego 
complained of the officers of Lampazos and other places in middle 
Coahuila for going on the buffalo hunts along there. Then is it not 

“This information was given at Corpus Christi on September 23, 1899, 
by Pat Whelan, a relative of Michael Whelan. 

“These facts were stated by José Maria Villareal, son of the Captain, at 
Matamoros in 1887, he having been at Lipantitlan with his father from 
1828 to 1835. 

238 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

fair to presume that they went as far south as the San Carlos 
mountains, and even to Rio de las Palmas prior to 1536? 

But if the people of Tanzocob and the lower Bagres did not go to 
kill the buffalo, there were abundant opportunities for them to have 
obtained the skins. Their kindred tribes were living, as shown by 
the manuscript of Fray Fuentes, among the buffalo herds in the 
vicinity of the present sites of Monterey and Saltillo twenty years 
after Cabeza de Vaca passed their villages, and must have had 
such skins to barter to their kindred tribes on visiting them. 

Velasco says: “Before the arrival of the Spaniards, and prior 
to Urdinola de Ibarra’s expedition being sent out in 1556, there 
roamed over the territory of Nuevo Leon, which then lacked a 
proper name, nomadic tribes of Indians, some of them having come 
from Tamaulipas; as the Pames, the Janambres, the Positos, etc., 
who inhabited the southern part. The Juquiolanes and the Coapoli- 
quanes lived in the mountains; in the region of Linares, the Huala- 
huises, the Comepescados and the Cadinias; in that of Montemorelos 
and Teran, the Borrados and Rayones; in Monterey and its sur- 
roundings the Guachichiles, the Aguaseros, and the Malinchenos ; in 
Vallecios, the Ayaguas and the Garzas; in Salinas and Marin, the 
Cuanales and the Aiguales: around Lampazos and Agualeguas, the 
tribe de Mal Nombre, the Tobosos from Coahuila and the Alazapas. 
All these Indians, the major part of them being of the Nahoa fam- 
ily, were docile and lively, and the Spaniards were able to conquer 
them with facility.” 

These twenty tribes extended from the Sierra Madre in Nuevo 
Leon to the Rio Salado and the Bravo, a distance of one hundred 
and fifty miles, through a country where, according to Fray 
Fuentes, buffalo abounded as late as 1560. They were of a com- 
mon family, and, in addition to the particular dialect of each tribe, 
they had a common tongue which extended from the Bravo to the 
Bagres and over to the territory of the Tarascos, as will be seen 
farther on; and it is reasonable that they carried the buffalo skins 
as far south as they had communication and mutual intercourse 
with the kindred tribes. 

Of the Pames, Janambres, and Hualahuises, Prieto says they 

“Vol. Nuevo Leon, p. 144. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 239 

lived in the cantons of North Veracruz, Sierra Gorda, South Tamau- 
lipas, and a part of Nuevo Leon in the fifteenth century ;1° and this 
scope of country embraced Tanzocob, the lower Bagres, and even 
Santa Maria del Rio, which is in the Sierra Gorda range, making a 
family connection with a Nahoa tongue from the buffalo range north 
of Galeana to beyond the place where Cabeza de Vaca mentions the 

last skins of buffalo being given to him. And if the buffalo ranged 
round the present sites of Saltillo and Monterey in 1556, it is not 
at all strange that these Indians living there should have killed 
them and carried their skins to Tanzocob and the Bagres river, and 
there bartered them to their kindred tribes, or that the latter should 
have gone up to the region of Linares, Hualahuises, Galeana, and 
Montemorelos and joined those living there in the buffalo hunts. 
If the herds ranged down the plain north of Burgos and San Carlos 
to the coast, it was not over fifty leagues from there to Tanzocob, 
and the people of this place may have gone up to the north side of 
Rio de las Palmas to kill them and carry their meat and skins to 
their villages and homes. 

Again Velasco says: “The region at present occupied by the 
State of Coahuila did not form a part of the ancient Anahuac, 
but was considered by the Aztecs or Mexicans as the Land of the 
Chichimecas, or the zone which they considered as inhabited by the 
barbarous and roving tribes. In fact, there lived in it various 
nations of the Apaches, Comanches, and Lipans on the margins of 
the Bravo. At the arrival of the Spaniards there lived in the 
prairies and on the cordilleras to the west of the Bravo the Toboso 
Indians, to the north of the Iritiles. The Coahuiltecas lived in the 
eastern part of the State, as did the Cuachichiles, tribes which have 
disappeared. As respects the Apaches and Comanches, these have 
gone to Texas and New Mexico (United States), and if they pene- 
trate Coahuila, it is only to steal cattle or to hunt cibolos (buffa- 
loes), the skins of which they highly appreciate.’’*° 

After filling nearly three pages with names of tribes living in 
Coahuila, he further says: “In addition to all these tribes which 
form the Texano-Coahuilteca family, whose tongue is very much like 

*Historia, ete., p. 8. 
*Vol. Coahuila, pp. 9-10. 

240 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

the Mexican, there existed, according to the letter of the viceroy, 
Conde de Revillagigedo, in reference to the suppressed missions, the 
tribes of the Babeles, Queiquisales, Pinanacas, Baguames, Isipopo- 
lames, Pies de Venado, Chacapes, Payaques, Gicocoges, Goricas, 
Bocoras, Escaoas, Cocobiptas, Codames, Tasmamaves, Filifaes, Ju- 
naces, Toamares, Bapancorapinacas, Babosarigames, Paseos, Mes- 
cales, Xarames, Chacaguales, Hijames, Terocodames, and Gavi- 

In the History of Mota Padilla there are cited the names of the 
tribes of the Pacpolos, Coaquites, Zibolos, Canos, Pachochos, Sicxa- 
camas, Siyanguayas, Sandojuanes, Liguaces, Pacuazin, Pajalatames, 
and Carrizos. 

In volume XXXJ, folio 208, of the Archivo General, are cited the 
tribes of the Negritos, Bocales, Xanambres, Borrados, Guanipas, 
Pelones, Guisoles, Hualahutses, Alasapas, Guazamoros, Yurguimes, 
Mazames, Quepanos, Coyotes, Iguanes, Zopilotes, Blancos, Amil- 
aguas, Quimis, Ayas, Comecabras, and Mesquites. 

“Many of these tribes also inhabited the territory of Nuevo 

All these tribes were in or in reach of the buffalo winter range. 
The Zibolos were in the middle part of the State, and must have 
killed buffalo in that region and had their skins, a circumstance from 
which the earliest Spaniards called them by the name given to the 
wild cows. The Liguaces were near the Bravo, and probably of the 
same tribe Cabeza de Vaca called Iguaces, in whose territory they 
saw the cows three times; and, in fact, this tribe may have been dis- 
tributed on both sides of the Bravo, as the women from the west side 
had gone over to those on the east side and there told the Spaniards 
where their houses were, and finally guided them across the river. 
The Carrizos lived on both sides of the Bravo at places from where 
Reynosa is now up to near the Pacuache crossing, and even at the 
place now called Carrizo Springs in Texas. The Borrados and 
Blancos had homes on the Rio San Juan and in Coahuila and went 
with the Carrizos; a number of the Borrados having congregated 
with the Carrizos at Dolores below Laredo in 1750. The Pacuaches 
had their homes along the Bravo, below where the mission and 
presidio of San Juan Bautista was afterward established, at which 

™Velasco: Vol. Coahuila, pp. 15-16. 

eS eve. 


Route of Cabeza de Vaca 241 

they were congregated in 1701. They were buffalo hunters and 
followed the herds to the east of the Rio Grande, killing them as 
far as the Nueces river; and the ford at which they crossed the 
Bravo, twenty-five miles below Eagle Pass, is still known as the 
Pacuache Crossing. Most, if not all, of these tribes, being of the 
Nahoa family, had kindred tribes throughout the country from 
the Bravo to San Carlos mountains and even to the Sierra Gorda 
and the Bagres river. 

The Hualahuises, who had their principal home in the region of 
the present sites of Linares, Hualahuises, Rayones, Galeana, and 
Iturbide, extended to the northern parts of Coahuila, and had 
formerly had their homes in the Sierra Gorda and along the Bagres, 
and were doubtless of the same family tongue of those at Tanzocob. 
So it is to be presumed that they had mutual visits and exchanges 
with those of Tanzocob and the Bagres when Cabeza de Vaca went 
through the country, and may have carried there the very hides 
he speaks of. If Galeana is where he ate the pifiones and got the 
first buffalo robes, he was then in the heart of the Hualahuises coun- 
try, where, according to Fray Fuentes’ manuscript of 1792, the 
buffalo ranged in the years 1556 to 1560. 

When Cortés first went into the City of Mexico, Moctezuma had a 
buffalo in his garden, and Solis describes it, saying: “Among them 
[the animals Moctezuma had] the greatest novelty was a Mexican 
bull, most strangely formed of various animals, wooly, and hump- 
backed like the camel, close small flank, tail long, the neck shaggy 
like the lion, cloven foot, and forehead armed like the bull.”’* 

There being a live buffalo in the City of Mexico at that time, it 
is not at all strange that the people of Tanzocob and the lower 
Bagres should have had the skins of such when Cabeza de Vaca 
passed there in 1536. 

Even if the buffalo herds had never gone as far south as Mon- 
terey, or south of the Bravo, the fact of a common family and 
tongue extending from their range in Coahuila and Texas, where 
they have been killed within the memory of men yet living, makes 
it reasonable to suppose their skins were carried to and exchanged 

*Historia de la Conquista de Mexico, Lib. III, Cap. XIV. 

242 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

in the homes of those belonging to the Nahoa family as far south 
as it extended, and certainly to where it met with the Tarascos. 

Now, about three hundred and sixty-four years after Cabeza de 
Vaca traveled over his route from the Isle of Mal-Hado to the Span- 
ish settlements, this presentation of the buffalo question is made to 
the reader in view of what has been shown in the first and second 
parts of this paper as to the other signs of identity of his route; 
leaving the impartial and intelligent to determine, each for himself, 
whether it is brought within the bounds of reason that the buffalo 
skins may have been received at Galeana and Tanzocob, and along 
the lower Bagres as they were going up it towards the sunset to 
where maize grew all over the land. 

It becomes necessary next to show the manifest exaggerations and 
misrepresentations in Cabeza de Vaca’s statements of time, distance, 

He says they ran off to the Avavares on the thirteenth of Septem- 
ber when the moon was full, and spent the winter with them, which 
is the only winter mentioned after he went to them till he reached 
the Spanish settlements, on the first of April following, making six 
months and twenty days, counting the day he arrived; and whatever 
Jength of time beyond this he claims his journey consumed is at least 

He says he and his companions spent eight months with the 
Avavares, and after leaving them spent in traveling and delays about 
ten days to where they crossed the first great river as wide as that 
at Sevilla. They were three days going thence to where they saw 
the light colored Indians and began to see the first mountain, and 
one more in going to the stream at the foot of it. They remained 
there one day, and the next went over the plain to the twenty houses. 
They went thence in three days to where they got the gourds; and 
from there fifty leagues, say eight days, to where they got the copper 
hawkbell, and the next day to where they ate the piiones. Here 
they remained at least two days, as Cabeza de Vaca says he cut the 
arrow head out of the man’s breast one day and the next he cut the 
two stitches, and he was well; and the wound he made on him did not 
appear to have been more than a mark of the palm of the hand, and 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 243 

he said he did not feel any pain or aching whatever.** They jour- 
neyed thence to the second great river coming from the north, say 
six days, and thence thirty leagues, say five days, and fifty leagues 
through the rough, dry mountains to the third great river, say eight 
days. Then they consumed in traveling and waiting for the return 
of messengers, say eight days, to the village on a stream flowing be- 
tween the mountains, and one day thence to the town, the people of 
which they called los de las Vacas, where they remained two days. 
Thence they went seventeen days up the river to where they crossed 
it, and seventeen more to where they found the gathered maize and 
called the place the town of hearts. Thus he makes the time from 
leaving the Avavares to the arrival at Corazones ninety-four days, 
say three months, which added to the eight months spent with that 
tribe makes eleven months from the day they got with them on run- 
ning off from their former Indian masters on the thirteenth of 
September. This makes it the thirteenth of August they reached 
Corazones, an exaggeration of four months and thirteen days over 
the time he says it took to reach the Spanish settlement. 

The Spaniards remained at Corazones three days, and went thence 
to the place where the high water detained them in one day, and re- 
mained there fifteen days. From there the story of Cabeza de Vaca 
is vague, but leaves the inference that he was at least three days in 
reaching the town on the point of the mountain where he remained 
one day, and was one day in going to where he met his messengers. 
Thence to where he found the camping place of Christians he trav- 
eled two days; and thence to where he met the four horsemen and 
was taken to their captain, two days. There the record was made, 
showing the year, month, and day he had arrived there, and the 
manner in which he came. That place was thirty leagues from the 
town of the Christians, which was called Sant Miguel and was of 
the government of the province called Nueva Galicia.** After five 
days’ delay Dorantes and Castillo arrived with the six hundred In- 
dians who were of those people the Christians had made go up on the 
mountain. They remained here at least one day more, and were 
carried through the woods two days without water, and next day were 

*®Naufragios, Cap. XXIX. 
*Ibid., Cap. XX XIII. 

244 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

taken to Culiazan. This makes thirty-five days more, and in all one 
vear and four days from the time they ran off to the Avavares till 
they reached Culiazan and met Melchor Diaz. So the exaggeration 
of time spent along the different parts of the route is patent, which 
shows that Cabeza de Vaca’s disposition was not altogether unlike 
that he attributes to the Indians, when he says: “And they told 
of us all the others had taught them, and they added much more, be- 
cause all these Indian people are great friends of novelties, and very 
untruthful, especially where they pretend some interest.”?° 

It is apparent that this count places his arrival at Culiazan, as he 
calls it, after the middle of September, though after arriving there 
they went out to bring in Indians and sent off two with one of the 
gourds he carried in his hands. After seven days they returned and 
brought with them three lords of those who were in revolt in the 
mountains, and after a long interview with them let them go with 
the two captives ; and then the Indians of the province, having heard 
of them, came to see them, and they made them bring the children of 
the principal lords and baptized them. After a long story of what 
the captain did, he says they left for Sant Miguel,** without stating 
time or distance in going there; but fifteen days after their arrival, 
Alcaraz arrived also, and they remained there till the fifteenth day of 
May. But allowing them ten days at Culiazan, and fifteen at Sant 
Miguel before Alcaraz arrived would make it the tenth of October. 
So it seems he did not expect his exaggerations of time would be 
believed, for he shows that he went thence one hundred leagues to 
Compostela, where he remained ten days, and thence to Mexico, 
where he says he arrived on Sunday, one day before the eve of St. 
James’ day,** which comes on the twenty-fifth of July. 

It will be observed that in this count no time is included for their 
traveling through the one thousand leagues, or three thousand miles, 
of settled country where the people planted beans and maize three 
times in the year,** or for making any of the other wild flights, which 
will be considered in connection with distances stated in the relation. 

*Naufragios, Cap. XXIX. 
**Ibid., Caps. XXXV, XXXVI. 

*Ibid., Cap. XXXII. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 245 

The first dash at a stretch of distance is the fifty leagues from 
where they got the gourds to where they were given the copper hawk- 
bell. It is an indefinite hundred and fifty miles, without a single 
attempt at description of any place passed while making it, except 
that it was inland along the skirt of the mountain. All along the 
same indefinite exaggeration crops out, until they start up the river 
towards the sunset to go to the land of maize. Then they were neces- 
sarily going in a direction from the Gulf coast, and may have started 
on this stretch at a point forty leagues from it. They made two 
principal marches of seventeen days each on this westward way,° 
and at six leagues per day would have made two hundred and four 
leagues, which added to the forty would put them two hundred and 
forty-four leagues from the Gulf coast at Corazones. But Cabeza 
de Vaca disregards all this and says: “By information which, with 
much diligence we were able to understand, from one coast to the 
other, at the widest, is two hundred leagues ;°° and if both state- 
ments were taken as true, Corazones would have been at least forty- 
four leagues in the Pacific. Yet he says: “And for this we gave 
it the name of Corazones, and by it is the entrance to many provinces 
which are upon the Sea of the South; and if those who may go to 
seek it should not enter by here, they will be lost.’** And immedi- 
ately he says: ‘We believe that near the coast, along the way we 
came by those towns, there are more than a thousand leagues of pop- 
ulated country.”** This, added to the two hundred and forty-four, 
makes twelve hundred and forty-four leagues, or three thousand 
seven hundred and thirty-two miles, a distance sufficient to have car- 
ried them from the coast of the Mexican Gulf to the middle of the 
Pacific Ocean. 

This is deemed sufficient to show that the statements of distances 
made by Cabeza de Vaca are not reliable and should not be taken as 
the basis for conclusions contradicting what is shown by the main 
natural objects he accounts for on his route. 

It remains to be shown that Cabeza de Vaca did not go to Culiacan 

*Naufragios, Cap. XXXI. 
*Thid., Cap. XXXVI. 
*“Tbid., Cap. XXXII. 

246 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

in Sinaloa, and that he made the statement that he went there, sup- 
pressing the real facts as to where he met the first Christians, for a 
purpose, while in fact he met them in Jalisco, This is a task not 
hitherto undertaken it is believed, though doubts on the subject seem 
to have occurred to one modern writer, which were dismissed upon 
the supposition of the credibility of this part of Cabeza de Vaca’s 
statement, notwithstanding the appearance of some historical im- 

It is not the present purpose to affirm the credibility of exagger- 
ated and contradictory statements or those irreconcilable with known 
natural and historical facts, but to sift the statements and arrive at 
a reasonable conclusion as to the route of Cabeza de Vaca from Mal- 
Hado to where he actually met the first Christians. In discarding 
his incredible statements, the real truth contained in his relation is 
the aim, without entertaining any undue disrespect for the main sub- 
ject. While the maxim falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus may suit the 
technical purpose of the barrister seeking to discredit the parts of a 
witness’ testimony injurious to his cause, yet in the examination of 
historical matters that other maxim, falsa demonstratio non nocet, 
should be applied, and the real truth ascertained by excluding exag- 
gerations and misrepresentations alone, for the falsity of their claim 
to have gone to Culiacan does not negative the fact of these survivors 
of the Narvaez expedition having gone to the Spanish settlements 
at some point and thence to the City of Mexico; and the object of 
this investigation is to ascertain as near as may be possible their 
actual footsteps in going over the route. 

In order to do this, enough will be told of the campaigns made by 
Nuno de Guzman and his forces from the time he left the City of 
Mexico in November, 1529, until 1536, to enable the reader to follow 
the thread of affairs in Nueva Galicia, with such citations of authors 
as may be deemed proper to afford the means of verifying the im- 
portant points as they are reached. 

There are, of necessity, some questions about the identity of places 
mentioned, growing out of changes in orthography of the names of 
both places and things, but these may be referred to those about 
which there is no question, and thereby reconciled to the main truth. 

The preparation made by Guzman included the sending of Pedro 
Almendez Chirinos to Zintzontzan and Patzcuaro to bring the Ta- 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 247 

rasco Indians and their king, Don Francisco Catzoltzin. On the 
return of this officer, Guzman raised the standard and appointed 
captains and royal officers and other ministers.** 

Things being ready, he went out from Mexico at the beginning of 
the month of November, 1529, and marched to the province of Jilo- 
tepec, approaching the province of Michoacan and the river which 
goes from Toluca, at which he arrived on the day of Concepcion de 
Nuestra Senora, and discovered a crossing at the town of Conguripo, 
which he named Nuestra Sefora, because of the day when he arrived 
there. From there he sent a messenger to Captain Chirinos, order- 
ing him to hasten his arrival, and bring all the men he could, both 
Tarascos and Spaniards, who desired to go on that campaign, and 
those of Jacona, which belonged to his encomienda; and at the end 
of two davs he arrived, accompanied by the King of Michoacan, Don 
Francisco Catzoltzin, and all his people of war. On the 13th of 
December a church was erected, and on the 14th they sang the mass 
of Concepcion ; and then Guzman reviewed the army, finding it con- 
sisted of two hundred Spanish cavalry and three hundred infantry, 
ten thousand Mexican Indians and ten thousand of the Tarascos and 
other nations. Then he appointed anew captains, royal officers, and 
constables, giving the lead to the principal men, as were Cristdbal 
de Barrios, caballero of the order of Santiago, and twenty-four of 
Sevilla; Pedro Almendez Chirinos, factor of Mexico; José de An- 
gulo, Diego Hernandez Proano, Miguel de Ibarra, Francisco Flores, 
Juan Villalva, CristObal de Tapia, Cristobal de Ofate, and Juan de 
Onate. He appointed Hernan Flores royal ensign, Juan de Onate 
and Juan Ojeda royal officers, Juan Sanchez de Olea major con- 
stable, and José de Angulo and Cristobal de Tapia captains. And 
the army being together, the Captain General, Don Beltran Nuno de 
Guzman, received from the hands of the captain Chirinos the royal 
standard, and waved and raised it, taking possession of his conquest, 
which he called Castilla la Nueva de la gran Espana. (Tlow it was 
afterward called Galicia will appear at the proper time.) ** 

*Tello, Cap. XXVI, and authors there cited. Pedro Almendez Chirinos 
was then in possession of his encomienda of Jacona in Michoacan and had 
authority among and was respected by the Tarascos. 

*Tello, Cap. XXVI. Diego Hernandez Proafio was afterward made 

alealde mayor at Culiacan. See account infra. Tapia was his successor. 

248 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

Here we have the whole expeditionary force, together with a list 
of the principal officers, who subsequently figured in the conquest, 
filling various positions; and reference to these may be had in com- 
paring the statements of Cabeza de Vaca with the known history of 
the times to which they relate. 

Passing over the cruel treatment and brutal murder of the king 
of Michoacan by Guzman, to satisfy a thirst for gold that no king’s 
riches could quench, and the dissatisfaction in Guzman’s camp as to 
the route to be pursued, and the change in favor of going down the 
river toward the territory of Francisco Cortés, as well as the strug- 
gles in crossing the river and in capturing the valley of Cuina, we 
come to that which has relation to the subject of this paper. 

Tello says: “As soon as the captain Nuno de Guzman had con- 
cluded the war with the Indians of the river of Cuitzeo, as already 
said, he sent Captain Pedro Almendez Chirinos toward the North, in 
order that he might see and ascertain whether the route first taken 
when they started from Mexico was correct and true, and whether he 
could find any notice of the Amazons; for which he gave him fifty 
Spanish horsemen and thirty footmen and five hundred Mexican and 
Tlascalan Indians. Chirinos started from Cuitzeo river, and went 
to Tzapotlan del Rio, the valley of Acatic, and Tzapotlan de Juan de 
Saldivar, large capitals, and to Tecpatitlan,*** to the Cerro Gordo, 
where there were many people of the Humares, of the Zacatecan na- 
tion, in ranchos. He went on approaching Camanja and las Chichi- 
mequillas, which is the place now called Los Lagos, where there were 
a great many settlements of people, living in movable ranchos and 
supporting themselves with game, rabbits, hares, and deer, dressed 
in skins, with the bow in hand, and sleeping where night overtook 
them. In the valley of Acatic he was very well received and regaled 
with bread and fowls, as if they were settled people, and he took 
possession. The other Chichimecas gave him only game, and there- 
fore they would make no more records, only taking notes of places 
reached. And it being seen that there was no bread, and that they 
would have to suffer very much, they went to some villages of Zaca- 
tecans, whose cacique and lord was called Jiconaque, and arriving, 

*aThis name is so written by Tello, though it is the same generally called 


Route of Cabeza de Vaca 249 

they were received very well, and given maize, bread, and game to 
eat. And they asked the captain where he was going, and he said 
towards the north to hunt certain people of whom he had heard, and 
Amazons. The cacique said: ‘You should not go further on, be- 
cause you will be lost; for passing beyond the Zacatecans, who are 
of our generation, all further forward are treacherous people, called 
Guachichiles, and there is nothing to eat. Only we, the Tzacateca 
people, plant some maize, and have ranchos; and if you desire to 
know what is passing I will take you to that large town of the Tza- 
catecans, only five days journey, so that you may believe me, and we 
will take something to eat with us.” And so they loaded up with 
about two hundred fanegas of maize.”** 

It will be seen that this march made by Chirinos passed places 
still known, which were then, in 1530-1531, large Indian capitals ; as 
Tzapotlan del Rio, now Zapotlanejo; Tecpatitlan, now Tepatitlan, to 
the northeast of the former; Chichimequillas, now Los Lagos, at the 
north end of the fertile valley called “Valle del Bajio” ; Cerro Gordo, 
where there were many people, which may have been where Santa 
Maria del Rio is now, or between that and Cerro Gigante, situate 
southeasterly from Los Lagos; the valley of Acatic, which was, in 
all probability, in the northern part of “El Bajio,” where they met 
the cacique called Jiconaque and loaded up with the two hundred 
fanegas of maize, and possibly the place from which the maize was 
taken to the point of the mountain where Cabeza de Vaca went up to 
the town and received such a vast quantity. So they crossed and 
went up east of the river now called Rio Verde,** in Jalisco, from 
near where it has its confluence with the Rio Grande de Santiago to 
Los Lagos, on a route almost identical with that assumed for Cabeza 
de Vaca from Cerro Gigante to San Miguel. They may have gone 
through the western part of “El Bajio” after leaving Tepatitlan, as 
Tello mentions the valley of Acatic before he does Los Lagos. 

Passing over Chirinos’ march to Zacatecas, and thence to rejoin the 
main column under Guzman, the onward march up the Pacific coast 
will be taken up. But it will be observed that much is said about 

*Tello, Cap. XXXVI I E 

“This is the river on which San Miguel is marked on the sketch accom- 

panying Part II, but its name was omitted in transferring the sketch. 

250 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

what occurred along the Rio Grande de Santiago before the cam- 
paign to the north was undertaken in earnest. 

In 1531 Guadalajara and San Miguel were founded ; and then the 
troops divided into three columns, under Ojfate, Chirinos, and 
Angulo, respectively. Their destinations were marked out in general 
terms; Chirinos was to go in search of the river Petatitlan®®? and 
province of Sinaloa until he reached all its settlements of which they 
had notice, and Angulo was to go into the mountains of Topia in 
search of the valleys of Panuco until he should come opposite Tam- 
pico, the intention of which was to open a road that way, so that 
these two governments Guzman had under his charge might have 
communication. These two captains started on their routes in No- 
vember, 1531.°7 

Having dispatched the captains Chirinos and Angulo, neglecting 
all precaution and preparation in the town of San Miguel, Guzman 
went out therefrom by the rivers and coasts of the sea, and the towns 
surrendered in peace; but in spite of this, great cruelties were com- 
mitted in them, in making slaves of the people and burning their 
houses. He went to the port of Bato and to the Ostial, and went up 
the river to Culiacan, which had more than five thousand inhabitants, 
and was the best of these provinces. The cacique received him in 
peace, and quartered him in his houses, where Guzman was royally 
treated; and he took possession of this province for the crown of 
Castile, and put the town in his encomiendo. We remained some 
days in this town, where the Indians came to him with quantities of 
maize, beans, pumpkins, and fishes, in which the river of Culiacan 
was most abundant, being only two leagues from the sea. It was 
sufficient to sustain two cities like Lisbon and Sevilla, and the tide 
reached to the town.** 

Then follows a description of the conquest he made. 

Captain Chirinos went by the river Petatitlan in search of the 
seven cities of fine houses, which, as Guzman had notice, were in the 
mountains of the interior, and to find a great river four or five 

leagues wide emptying into the Sea of the South. 

“aThis is the river so called above the Culiacan river. 
*Tello, Cap. XLVIII. 
*Ibid., Cap. LII. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 251 

Passing over that part of Chirinos’ campaign and much foreign to 
the present subject, as well as the story of Chirinos having a battle 
with thirty thousand Indians, conquering them and putting them 
under the Spanish crown, and then passing on to the valley of Peta- 
titlan, the part of the story pertinent here is reached. 

After Chirinos came to the valley of Petatitlan, as Tello says, he 
remained there and sent out Lizaro Cebreros and Diego de Alearaz*®® 
to make discoveries. And after these had determined to return to 
Petatitlan, they received notice of there being further on some white 
men who had a negro with them; and these two captains, with four 
other mounted men, went in search of them, and found they were 
Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo, Maldonado, and Esteban, the 
negro, who had reached the Yaquimi, where they remained fifteen 
days, erving over their long and painful journey.*® An intelligent 
Indian had arrived there and told them to take consolation, because 
not far from there were many men like them; and this brought them 
to their senses, and they went in search of the men of whom they 
were told by the Indian, believing they were near the City of Mex- 
ico; and meeting Cebreros, he took them to where Alcaraz was, and 
they were taken by him to Captain Chirinos, by whom they were 
kindly treated, and who recognized them, because they had been his 
friends before the voyage to Florida.*! 

According to this statement, the meeting at Petatlan was in the 
fall of 1532, nearly four years before the date at which it is claimed 
Cabeza de Vaca arrived at San Miguel, and almost three years before 
he ran off to the Avavares in the prickly pear range not very far 
from the Mexican Gulf coast. So it will be seen that this story 
requires sifting to get out what may be real truth, consistent with 
other known facts. 

1. That “they believed they were near the City of Mexico,” may 
be true, as they knew of the Christians having possession of that 
region, and ha! an idea of its locality. 

2. That they met with Cebreros and Alcaraz is borne out by 
“These two were then under Chirinos, 

“Tello, Cap. LIX. 
"*Tello, Caps. LIX-LNI. 

252 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

Cabeza’s relation, though the manner, time, and circumstances are 
very different. 

3. That they were carried to Captain Chirinos at Petatitlan may 
he true; not, however, in 1532, when he was on his campaign north 
of Culiacan, but in 1536, when he was in his encomienda in the 
northern part of Michoacan, and probably on a visit north of the Rio 
Grande de Santiago, at the ancient Indian capital of Petatlan in the 
territory he conquered on his first campaign in 1530-31, when he 
took that place and others up to Los Lagos, then called Chichime- 

t. Cabeza de Vaca entirely ignores this meeting with Chirinos, 
as well as the fifteen days’ stay on the river Yaquimi, and places the 
fifteen days delay one day from Corazones and before reaching the 
town on the point of the mountain where a large quantity of maize 
was received, and then accounts for every day till they met Cebreros. 

Still striving to harmonize contradictory statements, that is, the 
known facts as to the campaign made by Chirinos in 1532, and what 
was spread broadcast over the City of Mexico, by gossip and the ex- 
cited chroniclers, Tello goes on to say in the same connection of 1532, 
that Captain Chirinos left Petatitlan, with Cabeza de Vaca and his 
companions, and went to Culiazan, where Melchor Diaz, who was 
captain and justicia mayor, received them. In the church there they 
sang Te Deum laudamus, which is sometimes sung on such occasions, 
on account of it being seen that in two years, a little more or less, 
with so few Castilians, Chirinos returned in peace and without loss, 
although many of the friendly Indians were lacking; but in recom- 
pense it was God’s will they should find the four Castilians.*? But 
Cabeza de Vaca, whose zeal for religious matters was unbounded, 
fails to mention any part of all this ceremony, and does not mention 
being in company with Chirinos, or that he ever knew him. Indeed, 
the acknowledgment of such acquaintance would have been damag- 
ing to the plan manifest in the latter part of the Vaufragios. 

Again Tello says: “They rested in the town of Culiacan fifteen 
days, to be able to march seventy leagues, the distance to the City of 
Compostela, in Tepic, where Nuno de Guzman was. * * * Nuno 
de Guzman ordered a visit to Dorantes, Cabeza de Vaca, Castillo, and 

“Tello, Cap. LXIII. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 253 

Maldonado, and that they should be lodged in the quarters of the 
Captain Flores, and Estebanico in the house of Guzman. * * * 
And Captain Chirinos told him what he had discovered, and in what 
state he had left those provinces, and that there was no sign of gold 
or silver.””** 

Here the sifter must be brought in play, to separate the chaff of 
fiction from the real facts. 

1. That Captain Chirinos left Petatitlan in Sonora in 1532, after 
ending his campaign, is historically true, and it is not improbable 
that he returned by way of Culiacan, where Te Deum laudamus may 
have been sung on his safe arrival; but it is impossible that Cabeza 
de Vaca could then have been with him, for he was yet with his In- 
dian masters. 

2. It is historically true that Chirinos did return to Compostela, 
while it was at Tepic and Guzman was there; but it is in contradic- 
tion to all the known facts about the travels of Cabeza de Vaca to say 
he was there with Chirinos in 1532. And the history of that time 
shows that Guzman was there in Compostela on the sixteenth day 
of December, 1532, and then and there made the Auto de Nuiio de 
Guzman Para las Elecctones de Guadalajara, signing it, Fecha ut 
supra. Nuto de Guzman—Attested. Por mandado de 8. 8. An- 
tonto de Teran. 

Now, take another view of these statements, by changing the date 
to April, 1536. 

1. Chirmos made no such campaign in 1536, for in the early part 
of that year he was in Jalisco and went to the celebrated meeting at 
Compostela, called by Guzman to settle the question as to making 
slaves, and from there returned to his encomtenda in Michoacan, 
having retired from Guzman’s service, as will appear further on. 

2. Melchor Diaz could not then have been captain and alcalde 
mayor at Culiacan; for, while he was appointed to such position in 
San Miguel prior to its removal to Culiacan and may have so offici- 
ated there when Chirinos returned, vet on Easter, 1534, Diego Her- 
nandez de Proano was appointed to that place by Guzman, as shown 
by the record.** He held the office until some time in 1536, when, 

“Tello, Cap. LXIIT. 
“Ibid., Cap. LXIX. 

254 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

according to Tello, “it occurred that in the province of Culiacan, 
where Diego Hernandez de Proaho was captain and justicia mayor, 
there was an uprising of the Indians. The cause was Proano’s hav- 
ing exceeded and ill-used the license to make slaves, and being so 
cruel in this, that while the miserable Indians were in their markets 
buying and selling with perfect peace, he turned people and soldiers 
upon them to attack them, and ordered the capture of the youngest 
and best disposed Indians, whom they branded, chained together, 
and sold.”** 

Being informed of these facts, Guzman had Proano arrested and 
brought before him at Compostela, and there tried and convicted 
him, sentencing him to death and confiscation of property, from 
which he was relieved on appeal. Upon the arrest of Proano, Guz- 
man appointed Captain Cristébal de Tapia, a resident of Culiacan, 
to succeed him ;** and the latter was still holding the office of alcalde 
mayor and captain of the province at the end of 1537, leaving no 
room for Melchor Diaz to have held such office there in the year 1536. 

As the making of slaves had been absolutely forbidden by the 
king in 1532, the question naturally arises, what license had Proano 
exceeded and ill-used? As it may not be generally known to the 
English readers what license is here referred to, and it may cast light 
upon the present subject to show, the following quotation is given: 

“Year of 1536. Nuio de Guzman being in the City of Composte- 
la, and it being discussed very much among the captains and other 
Spaniards, whether they would leave t] 
poverty of the realm, and this being understood by Nuno de Guzman, 

ie country on account of the 

who lived in dread from the flight of the fifty Spaniards, and con- 
: sidering that if with force and rigor he should offer to detain those 
who remained, he would expose himself to the manifest danger that 
they might revolt and that it would result in some kind of civil and 
martial war, in which he might be lost, without allowing himself to 
be understood, he endeavored to remove those intentions, by giving 
license to make slaves, although it was against what his majesty had 
ordered in the vear 1532, abolishing absolutely the custom of mak- 
ing slaves, even if they were cannibals: it appearing to Nuno de 
“Tello, Cap. LXXX. 


Route of Cabeza de Vaca 255 

Guzman less inconvenient to fall into the hands of the king’s indig- 
nation, than into those of the conquerors, because, if they left, all 
the country and what was conquered would be lost, and these might 
cause other irreparable injuries, which being remedied by the per- 
mission to make slaves, his majesty, as lord of his realms, might ap- 
pease his indignation on that account. 

“In order to deal with an affair so grave, he called the royal offi- 
cers, alcaldes, magistrates, captains, and nobility, and, all being as- 
sembled, he required them to give their views upon the question 
whether slaves ought to be made, because his opinion was that slaves 
should be made of the rebellious; and all said there was no other 
means to remedy their poverty, a reason of state, which might pre- 
vail in supplicating his royal majesty to supersede his express order, 
until the discovery of some mines of silver and gold, and until cattle, 
sheep and other kinds of stock could be bred, in order to gain a sup- 
port with the slaves in the meantime. But in no manner should 
there be slaves taken to another realm or government, with which the 
licensed use of making them was modified. The Spaniards remitted 
their opinion to that of Cristébal de Onate, who, speaking to the gov- 
ernor, said: ‘Sir Governor, these gentlemen, royal officers, alealdes, 
aldermen, captains, and other noble persons have committed it to 
me to respond and give my opinion’; and, turning his face toward all 
of them, in order that they might say whether they had so deter- 
mined, they responded in a loud voice, yes, that he should speak for 
all of them. Then he said that he conformed to the determination 
of his lordship in the name of those present and absent, on account 
of the great poverty in which they were living, because in that would 
consist their not abandoning the provinces they had pacified, and 
that if they left them it would be in disservice of God our Lord and 
of the majesty of the king of Castile, the natives of them having re- 
ceived the holy faith, and very many of them being baptized; and 
his majesty being fully informed of the most grave necessity which 
obliged them to act, he would hold it well done. Furthermore, the 
service and slavery should be personal and within the ports of the 
realm, for the conservation of which that law which prohibits slavery 
was dispensed with, and when the herds and other things should be 
augmented, the service should cease and those who were slaves 
should be free, carrying into due execution the mercy his lordship, 

256 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

the governor, designed to extend to them in the name of his majesty, 
who would receive it well when better informed. And with the use 
of the law of mild construction, he, in the name of all, gave his faith 
and word that they would not abandon the country, but rather, with 
more perfection, as loyal vassals of his majesty, they would put their 
forces in his royal service. 

“Having heard Cristébal de Ofate, who spoke in the name of all, 
Nuno Guzman pronounced a decree that they could make slaves, 
giving therein the order that had to be obeyed, and saying that there 
should be comprehended in the slavery, the mountaineers as rebels 
and disturbers of the peace, and conspirators against the royal pos- 
session. And having signed the act and license, he called the Captain 
Cristébal de Onate, who was one of the royal officers, and said to 
him: ‘Well do I know, sirs, that if this act and license be exceeded, I 
will have to pay for it, and I recognize the fault which I commit 
against what is ordained by the king our lord; but God knows that I 
attend more to his service and to that of his royal majesty than to 
our interests, and I will be satisfied if for the act they should cut off 
mv head, for with this determination I prevent the gravest injuries, 
which, as they are known to us all, we will express to his majesty.’ 

“Nuno de Guzman delivered the license and act to Cristébal de 
Onate and the other royal officers, and ordered that the branding 
iron be made to mark the slaves, and that the royal fifth should be 
taken out ;*7 and the next day the act was proclaimed with trumpets 
through the accustomed streets, and the Indians of the mountains 

, being in rebellion, it was ordered that they should be given reductive 
notices in order that they might enter into peace, but they would not 
submit themselves. This being seen by Guzman, he ordered that 
some raids should be made upon them, and some captains went with 
broad license, and were excessive in making slaves, because, without 
excusing ages, they branded them, and he who in this displayed him- 
self most cruel was a captain, whose name I do not discover, because 
of his having paid for his ferocity in Peru, remaining blind and beg- 
ging alms. When one said that his brother Cristébal de Ofate and 
other Spaniards let their hands slip in similar cruelties, and particu- 

“The king reserving to his treasury a fifth of all reprisals, as such gains 
were called, it seems that Guzman, as a lawyer, intended to commit him as 

a party interested. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 257 

larly in not branding the children at the breast, he replied: ‘No, 
there is no reason to hold back.’ And there was so much cruelty in 
making these slaves, that the clamor of the innocent reached the 
pious and Christian ears of the king our lord, who provided an effi- 
cient remedy, which will be seen in the residencia of Nuno de Guz- 

“Seeing this the captains Diego Almendez Chirinos and Orozco 
asked leave of Nuiio de Guzman to return to Mexico, for they had 
served more than six years in that journey and conquest, and other 
twenty-five Spaniards also asked leave. And Pedro Almendez Chiri- 
nos, as inspector of the royal fisc, with much courtesy requested that 
Guzman should allow the friendly Mexican Indians and the Tarascos 


whom he had taken in his company to go away;** and Guzman 
granted the leave with disguised sentiment, and ordered them to pre- 
pare as soon as possible for their departure. But they who desired 
it were not at all slow, and within eight days left with twenty-five 
cavalry and eight thousand Mexican and Tarasco Indians that had 
remained. There were many envious of that day, but their nobility 
required them not to leave the realm. 

“The army was diminished, and the captains Chirinos and Orozco 
went to Mexico, leaving the friendly Indians in Michoacan. Chirinos 
remained in Mexico with the Mexicans he took, having left in order 
his encomienda, of Jacona in the province of Michoacan, and Orozco 
went to Guaxaca, where he had his, and the twenty-five Castilians 
went to Peru, where they had better luck.’** 

There being no other license of the kind after the king’s cedula of 
1532 until this was adopted in 1536, it is presumed that Proaiio’s 
abuse of it was after its being issued, and, therefore, his arrest and 
trial for such abuse must have been as late as 1536, and not in 1532, 
as may be inferred from the vague statement of Mr. Bancroft, who 

“This shows that neither of the Captains Chirinos left the service of 
Guzman in 1530, as supposed by some writers, but that they both retired 
in 1536, when the license to make slaves was issued at Compostela. It 
seems that Pedro Almendez Chirinos kept soldiers under his command in 
his encomienda at Jacona till as late as 1551, when, as Velasco says, they 
went to where the city of Leon is now situated, which place they had 
named Valle de Senora. See volume Guanajuato, p. 215. 

“Tello, Cap. XXV. 

258 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

partly relieves his statement from such view by saying: “In a vain 
effort to regain lost favor at court Nuno de Guzman, regardless of his 
own past policy and instructions, caused Captain Proano to be ar- 
rested and brought to Compostela for trial, on charge of making 
slaves in violation of law.’”°? But what past policy and instructions 
did Guzman disregard? Were not they embodied in the decree at 
Compostela mentioned above, which occurred in 1536? Since the 
records show no other after the king’s order of 1532 absolutely abol- 
ishing such custom and since they also show Proano’s appointment 
in April, 1534, is it not plain that it was the notorious policy adopted 
in 1536? In this connection, Mr. Bancroft says: ‘According to 
Beaumont and Ramirez, Cristobal de Tapia was sent as alca/de 
mayor to San Miguel,”*! which shows Tapia avas successor to 
Proano, whose appointment then dated from Easter in 1534. And, 
whether Proaiio was the first alealde of San Miguel and Melchor 
Diaz a little later, as stated by Mr. Bancroft, or Diaz was the first, 
as stated by Tello, and held the office until April, 1534, the fact that 
Proano was arrested, tried, and condemned for the violation and 
misuse of a license issued at Compostela in 1536, and Tapia was 
made his successor, precludes Diaz from being such officer in April, 
1536, when Cabeza de Vaca met Alcaraz. 

Speaking of the appointment of officers by Coronado, Tello says: 
“In Culiacan there was another captain made, who was called 
Melchor Diaz, who was a/calde imayor and lieutenant-governor in 
that province.”*? Whose lieutenant was he? Certainly not Guz- 
man’s who had already been arrested and sent to Spain; and not that 
_of the Licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre, for he was commissioned 
to act as governor and to take the residencia of Guzman and his offi- 
cers, and to take charge of the government of Nueva Galicia; and 
finally, after taking the residencia of Guzman at Mexico, and of his 
officers at Panuco, he reached Guadalajara in 1537, where he died 
in January, 1538, leaving Cristobal de Onate as governor by public 
instrument, and no sign of his removing Tapia has been met so far.** 

50N. Mex. States and Tex., I, 59. 
=Tello, Cap. XCIX. 

wabid., XCI. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 259 

Whether Ofate made any change at Culiacan, or San Miguel, as it 
was then called, is not made to appear, nor does it make any differ- 
ence whether he, or Coronado, after succeeding him, appointed 
Melchor Diaz, as Cabeza de Vaca was then already in Spain. So it 
may be presumed that Coronado made Diaz captain and his lieu- 
tenant-governor at Culiacan in lieu of Tapia, since no earlier record 
of the change appears to have been found, 

Thus it seems that Proano’s offense was an alleged breach of the 
license issued at Compostela in 1536; that he was then acting under 
his appointment of April, 1534; and that his immediate successor 
was Tapia, appointed by Guzman, who continued to be governor of 
Nueva Galicia till late in the fall of 1536, long after Cabeza de Vaca 
had passed through and gone to Mexico, 

Is it rational to suppose that Cabeza de Vaca went to Culiacan in 
April, 1556, and was ignorant of all these facts? If he had gone 
there before the arrest, Proano would have been the alca/de mayor 
and captain of the provilice ; and if he had gone there after the ar- 
rest, then Tapia would have been such officer there. Guzman was 
still governor, as shown by all authorities, and if he did not remove 
Tapia, he or Proato must have been at Culiacan in April, 1536. 
This would contradict the statement that Melchor Diaz then held 
the position, showing it untrue, and assumed without proper knowl- 
edge of collateral facts, or in disregard of them. If Cabeza de Vaca 
left Culiacan and went to San Miguel and there remained until May 
15, 1536, where was that San Miguel? Was not the town of such 
name removed to Culiacan long before that? Whether Guzman re- 
moved it to that place in 1531, as said by Tello, or in 153: 
claimed by Bancroft, it was certainly done before 1536, and the two 
were then one and the same.** 

If, as Cabeza de Vaca says, he went from San Miguel to Com- 
postela in company with six men in charge of five hundred Indian 
slaves, it must have been after the license to make slaves was issued ; 
else they would not have been driving such a herd of them to Guz- 
man’s capital; and this would have required Proano still to be alcalde 
mayor and captain at Culiacan. Do not these facts show that Cabeza 
de Vaca did not go to Culiacan, and that he suppressed real facts 

See Tello, Caps. XLVIII and LILI. 

260 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 
and substituted others with which he was not acquainted, and which 
were not sustained by the history of the times? Let all impossible 
and contradictory parts of the story of his going to Culiacan be 
sifted out and discarded, and then it will be seen what is left. 
Pedro Almendez Chirinos was not at Culiacan with his forces in 
April, 1556, as there is no account of his going there after his return 
to Compostela in the latter part of 1552. He could not then have 
taken with him the survivors of the Narvaez expedition; for at that 
time they had not left the prickly pear region on the Mexican Gulf 
coast, nor had they crossed the great river as wide as that at Sevilla. 
There is not even a pretence in .Vaufragios that they reached the 
first Christians before 1536, and the claim that they met them in 
1532 contradicts a large proportion of the relation in regard to their 
stay with their Indian masters. It is not claimed in the relation 
that they met Chirinos or ever heard of him in New Spain. The 


story of their being in Culiacan in 1532 is totally ignored, and that 
of their being there in 1536 is tainted with statements contradicting 
the records and history of the country at that time; so the claim 
that they were there at all should be discarded. 

ingle river or seeing any 

Cabeza de Vaea fails to tell of crossing a si 
natural object along the pretended march from Culiacan to Com- 
postela, or any persons except the escort a short distance from San 
‘liguel to where he met the six men and five hundred slaves, none 
of whom has he described even by name. So Cabeza de Vaca’s reach- 
ing Culiacan must go with the chaff, and that Captain Chirinos was 
there in 1536 is equally unfounded. That Cabeza de Vaca traveled 
to Compostela with the six nameless men and five hundred Indians 
made slaves contradicts all the other data: and that he spent over a 
month with Melchor Diaz on the way from Culiacan to Compostela, 
aad that Diaz was then the captain and a/ca/de mayor of that district 
is unfounded and violative of the historical record as to others filling 
that place in 1536, All these things may be discarded. But Cabeza 
de Vaca may have met Melchor Diaz on the first of April, 1536, on 
Rio Verde of Jalisco, above the ancient Indian town of Petatitlan ; he 
may have gone with him and Cebreros to Petatitlan and there have 
met Captain Chirinos, as that was in the latter’s first conquest in 
Nueva Galicia, and not far north of his encomienda across the line 
in Michoacan. He may have there embraced his old friend Chirinos 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 261 

at that time and engaged in singing with him 7’e Deum laudamus; 
he may have gone thence with the captain to Compostela and have 
been present at the meeting when the resolution to make slaves was 
adopted ; and he may have protested against the slave business and 
made a note of it. Though he is silent on all this, there is a con- 
nection of facts to bring it to light. 

As above related, the two, Chirinos and Orosco, withdrew from 
the service of Guzman when the slave resolution was adopted at 
Compostela in 1536, and it remains to be shown that the claim that 
Cabeza de Vaca came there from Culiacan in 1532 is a mistake by 
Tello, as he gives a key for its correction. When he comes to treat 
of what took place there between Cabeza de Vaca and Guzman he 

“It is already told how Captain Chirinos, when he returned from 
the river Yaquimi and Petatlan, brought in his company the Castil- 
ians from Florida. These having been in the city of Compostela 
some days, and seeing the disorder there was in making slaves, 
Cabeza de Vaca said to Nuno de Guzman he had let his hand slip in 
it, and that he should remedy it to prevent his receiving injury, it 
being in disservice of God and the king. And having heard them, 
Nuno de Guzman was offended at them, and dispatched them for 
Mexico, because in those times, and even in these, in the West Indies, 
the truth is regulated and tyranny prevails, and their ministers and 
officers take more hand than is given them by the offices, his majesty 
being absent. They took out a testimonio of the mode used in making 
slaves, and left at the beginning of June of the year 1536, and ar- 
rived at the City of Mexico on the 22nd of July. There they were 
well received by the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, who ordered 
them to make a map of their peregrination and the countries they 
had seen, because he proposed to make a new discovery, which 
Cabeza de Vaca and Andrés Dorantes made and delivered.”®* 

The testimonio is a certified copy of the protocol, and, in this in- 
stance, showed that the license to make slaves and the manner of 
doing it constituted a protocol, and the testimonio was plenary proof 
of it, which Cabeza de Vaca, as a lawyer, understood, so this clearly 
corrects the error as to his being there in 1532. 

*Tello, Cap. LXXIV. 

262 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

Of this matter, Cabeza makes no mention in his relation, nor does 
he mention that Chir‘nos was there; but it is evident that if he went 
there at that time, there was some foundation for the statement that 
he accompanied Chirinos and his command, and not the six men 
with five hundred Indians made slaves. He may have taken the idea 
of getting a copy of the license to make slaves from the discontent 
of Chirinos and his asking permission to retire. For some reason 
not given, he omitted the trouble at Compostela, his taking the 
testimonio of the license, and the fact that he warned Guzman of 
the danger he was in on account of the affair. His whole descrip- 
tion of the journey from San Miguel to Compostela is as follows: 

“In the town of Sant Miguel we remained till the 15th day of 
May, and the cause of our remaining there so long was that from 
there to the city of Compostela, where the Governor Nuno Guzman 
resided, there are one hundred leagues, all unsettled and full of 
enemies, and people had to go with us with whom there were going 
twenty cavalrymen, who accompanied us forty leagues; and from 
there forward there came with us six Christians, who were bringing 
five hundred Indians made slaves. On our arriving at Compostela, 
the Governor received us very well, and of all he had he gave us to 
clothe ourselves, which for many days I could not use, nor could we 
sleep except on the ground: and after ten or twelve days we left for 
Mexico. All along the road we were well treated by the Christians, 
and many came along the roads to see us, and they gave thanks to 
God for having delivered us from so many dangers. On Sunday, 
one day before the eve of St. James, we arrived at Mexico, where by 
the Viceroy and the Marqués del Valle we were well treated and 
received with much pleasure, and they gave us clothes, and offered 
all they had, and on St. James’ day there were feasts, firing of 
rockets, and bull fights.’”°* 

This quotation shows all said about the whole journey from San 
Miguel via Compostela to Mexico. It is devoid of the description of 
a single point on the way. It crosses all the rivers within one hun- 
dred leagues of Compostela going along the coast, without the men- 
tion of one, or even of the coast of the great Sea of the South. 
Omitting all the rivers except one, can it be believed he would have 

Naufragios, Cap. XXXVI. 

Route of Cabeza de Vaca 263 

crossed the Rio Grande de Santiago, emptying into the sea not far 
from Tepic, without noticing it? Did not the volcano Cangruco, 
rising more than six thousand feet above the plain of Tepic and 
Compostela, afford him a scene worthy of note? Did he cross the 
rivers Quila, Elote, Piaxtia, Quelite, de! Presidio, Chametla, and the 
Narrows, and even Tequepan Bay, unnoticed? Did he thence pursue 
Guman’s road, crossing Rio Chico, Rio San Pedro, and Rio Grande 
de Santiago to Tepic, without seeing any of these or the Pacific? 
Why was he so averse to naming these rivers and places, if he really 
passed them? But from Compostela to Mexico what does he state 
to show he traveled the road, except that the people came out to see 
him? The road went up the south side of the Rio Grande to Guad- 
alajara, then a considerable place, in fact, the largest in Nueva 
Galicia; but he seems to have overlooked it. Either side of Lake 
Chapala he may have taken would certainly have presented a grand 
and enchanting scene, yet if he passed along there he concealed the 
fact. ina word, if he had passed down from Culiacan, the intended 
rendezvous of the viceroy’s pet expedition, he would have grown 
eloquent in the description of so many rivers carrying much water 
(caudalosos), but he does not even tell whether they were breast 
deep like those crossed on the first part of his route. 

Now, if he met Cebreros on the stream flowing down from Chi- 
chimequillas or Los Lagos to the Verde and then went to San Miguel 
to meet Melchor Diaz, and thence to Tepatitlan and there met Chi- 
rinos, he may have gone with him to the meeting at Compostela, all 
in the spring of 1536, without’ contradicting known history; and 
when Captain Chirinos left Compostela, he may have gone with him 
to Jacona, the head of his encomienda, and rested there, and then 
have gone with the captain to the City of Mexico. But if this route 
had been reported to the king, it would not have favored the expedi- 
tion to hunt the Northern Pass, the Amazons, or the Seven Cities 
of Cibolo. 

That Mendoza had already conceived the idea of making new dis- 
coveries toward the north is generally understood. Tello says Men- 
doza “ordered them to make a map of their peregrinations and the 
countries they had seen, because he proposed to make a new discovery ; 
which Cabeza de Vaca and Andrés Dorantes made and delivered.” 
And this map would have shown many of the natural objects along 

264 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

their route, had it been preserved or exhibited to the king, a conse- 
quence that may have been unfavorable to Mendoza’s design. It was 
eitlier not of sufficient importance to require its preservation, or too 
damaging to the idea of its leading to an expedition to the north in 
search of the Amazons, the Seven Cities, or the Northern Pass to the 
Islands of Spices, to allow its presentation to the king on such sub- 
ject, or its preservation in the Archivo General. At least the writer 
has met with no authentic account of its having been sent to the king 
or placed in the archives at Mexico; nor has he been able to find any 
trace of the record made when Cabeza de Vaca encountered Diego 
Alcaraz, of which Cabeza de Vaca says: “And I asked that there 
should be given to me in testimonio the year and the month and day 
I had arrived there, and the manner in which I came, and so they 
made it.”°7 This document might have shown that Diego Alcaraz 
belonged to Pedro Almendez Chirinos’ command and was in the 
limits of Jalisco. It might have explained that he was one of the 
captains of such command, stationed above San Miguel, or subordi- 
nate to Melchor Diaz at that place; but if it did then its presenta- 
tion to the king would have shown that the route of the survivors of 
the Narvaez expedition was not such as would have afforded any 
reliable information as to the wonders of Sibola, Quivira, or the 
Amazons. And the map taken with this document might have shown 
very much the same route traced on the sketch attached to Part II 
of this paper, which would have been detrimental to the real design 
of Mendoza and those interested in procuring royal permission and 
aid to make the expedition to the north. But the map and docu- 
ment having disappeared, their effect was obviated. 

*"Naufragios, Cap. XXXITI. 

The Old Town of Huntsville 265 


In the history of the development of our institutions, towns have 
always played an important part. The “tunes man,” or townsman, 
of the forests of northern Germany, laid the foundation of that 
capacity for self-government, which is a distinguishing characteristic 
of the Anglo-Saxon race. The towns of Old England have ever been 
centers of English life and moulders of English character. In 


American history, Boston and Philadelphia, Williamsburg 
Charleston, Chicago and New Orleans, represent essential and typi- 
cal features of American life...To the student of the varied and 
romantic history of our own State of Texas, the story of our older 
towns possesses incalculable interest. San Antonio, Nacogdoches, 
San Felipe, Columbia, are names interwoven with the history of our 
people. Though not dating its origin so far into the past as the 
places just mentioned, yet Huntsville is properly classed among the 
old towns of Texas, in whose annals men and events are recorded 
whose influence extended far beyond the limits of the town and 

In the year 1836, soon after the battle of San Jacinto, two 
brothers, Pleasant and Ephraim Gray, came from the State of Ala- 
bama to make their home in the new-born republic of Texas. They 
had previously secured from the Mexican government a head-right 
league of land a few miles southwest of the Trinity river, in what 
was then the municipality of Washington. On this tract they 
pitched their camp, near a bold spring of pure water, a few yards 
distant from the edge of a small prairie that lay like an oasis in 
the vast forest around it. Attracted by the beauty of the spot and 
influenced by the fact that the spring was a favorite rendezvous 
of the peaceful Indians of the neighborhood, the Grays decided to 
establish here a trading post and build their home. Two cabins 

*Read at the Midwinter Meeting of the Association at Huntsville, Jan- 
uary 9, 1900. 

266 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

were soon erected from the logs of the forest, and a thriving trade 
sprang up with the neighboring Bedias and Coshatties and occa- 
sional passing immigrants. As white settlers began to occupy tha 
surrounding country, the trading post developed into a store, the 
commodious log-cabin home into an inn, and when a new-comer, 
Thomas P. Carson by name, had set up a blacksmith shop, the be- 
ginning of the town of Huntsville was made. 

The spring which led to the founding of the town on its present 
site still bubbles near where our electric light and ice factory now 
stands, and until a few years ago supplied with its never-failing 
only public watering trough in town. The little open 

stream the 
The trading post of the 

prairie included the present public square. 
Grays was on the edge of the prairie, near the present site of Mrs. 
Cotton’s drug store. The cabin home of Pleasant Gray occupied 
the spot where the residence of our popular townsman, W. Ii. 
Woodall, now stands—in fact, Mr. Woodall’s residence contains 
some of the timbers of the old house. Ephraim Gray’s home stood 
in what was known as “the cedars’—the corner lot north of th 
present electric light plant. 

The Anglo-Saxon is ever a home-lover. 
from his native land he loves to perpetuate in the geographical terms 
of his new abiding place the names associated with his childhood 
To the settlement which 

Even when banished 

home. It was thus with Pleasant Gray. 
he founded in the Texas forest he gave the name Huntsville, 
honor of his old home in Alabama. Worth noting in this connec- 
tion, is the deep interest frequently evinced by the people of Pleasant 
Gray's Alabama home town in the struggles of the Texas patriots. 
The historian Yoakum mentions Iluntsville, Alabama, as one of 
the towns in the United States that in the autumn of 1835 raised 
troops and funds to aid the Texas revolutionists. In the massacre 
at Goliad, a company known as the “Huntsville Volunteers” sealed 
their devotion to the patriots’ cause with their blood. Among the 
historic relics belonging to the Normal Schoo! is a muster roll of the 
“Huntsville Rovers,” enlisted in the service of the Republic of 
Texas at Galveston, May, 1842. The captain of the company was 
Jeremiah Clemens, who was subsequently a member of Congress 
from Alabama. 

In the vear after Pleasant Gray established his Texas home, the 

The Old Town of Huntsville 267 

first Congress of the Republic replaced the old Mexican “municipal- 
ities” with counties. The county of Montgomery was created from 
that part of the municipality of Washington lying east of the Nava- 
sota river, and embracing Pleasant Gray’s head-right league. Mont- 
gomery county then included the present counties of Montgomery, 
Grimes, Walker, Madison, and part of San Jacinto, and was soon 
the most populous county of the Republic. 

At the time that Huntsville was founded, settlers from ‘the 
States” had already begun to come to this region in considerable 
numbers. On the Trinity river, some twelve miles north of the 
present site of Huntsville (and within the present limits of Walker 
county) a prosperous village had for some years existed with the 
ambitious name of Cincinnati. Situated on the highway, between 
Nacogdoches and Washington, with river boats plying between her 
wharf and Galveston, carrying passengers and freight, Cincinnati 
in that early day was a place of considerable importance. Who 
knows but that when the Federal government shall have improved 
the navigation of the Trinity, Cincinnati—now only a memory— 
may arise from its ruins, eclipse Huntsville, its former competitor, 
and even rival its great namesake on the Ohio? Danville was then 
another flourishing settlement in this region (now in Montgomery 
county). Mr. 8. R. Smith, one of our oldest citizens, passed through 
Cincinnati and Danville in July, 1838, on his way to Houston. He 
found the people of Danville attending a great barbecue, and listen- 
ing to patriotic speeches in celebration of the “glorious Fourth”— 
thus giving evidence of the closeness of the ties that bound them 
to their old homes in the United States—ties that were only 
strengthened by the lapse of time, and that finally wrought their 
inevitable result, a union under one government of those who were 
already one people. 

In the period of the infancy of Huntsville, her citizens displayed 
that concern for the education of their children that made their 
town an educational center. When the place was hardly half a 
dozen years old, a substantial school building of brick, known as t} 
“Brick Academy,” was erected by the voluntary contributions of 
citizens. The land for the site of the academy was donated by 
Pleasant Gray, and is now included within the walls of the peniten- 
tiary, near the north front. The name of the first principal of the 

268 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

Brick Academy, I have been unable to ascertain. He is referred to, 
however, in the town paper of the period, as “a teacher of splendid 
iuements.” dn later vears, when the school became a female 

acqul t 
academy, it was successfully conducted by lady principals, among 
whom may be mentioned Miss Melinda Rankin, afterwards mission- 
ary and authoress, Mrs. M. L. Branch, wife of Dr. John Branch, 
and Miss Rowena Crawford, who afterwards became the wife of 
Judge James A. Baker. 

The era of the Republic had closed before the first church build- 
ing had been erected in Huntsville. The Baptists, however, had a 
church organization, and divine services were held at regular inter- 
va!s in the Brick Academy by Reverends Samuels and Creath of this 
faith, and occasionally by ministers of other denominations. 

To this period belongs the organization of the Masonic Lodge « 
Huntsville. The minutes of the Grand Lodge of the Republic, 
Seventh Session, held at Washington on the Brazos, in 1844, show 
that a petition was presented to open a lodge at Huntsville. On 
January 11, 1844, the charter was granted with the designation, 
“Forest Lodge, No. 19.” A short time later a Masonic hall was 
erected on the north side of the square, on the site the lodge at 
present occupies. 

Towards the close of this period the first town newspaper was 
established. In May, 1845, appeared the first issue of the “Mont- 
gomery Patriot.” Through the courtesy of Judge J. M. Smither, 
to whom I am indebted for many of the facts stated in this paper, 
f date Septem- 

I have been permitted to see a copy of the Patriot « 

ber 27, 1845; also early copies of the Texas Banner and the Hunts- 
ville Item. The “Patriot” was edited by J. M. Wade, whose office 
Was on the east side of the square, “over Smither & Co.’s store.” 
The subscription price was “four dollars at the end of three months 
—at the end of the vear $5,” with the proviso, that “one-fourth of 
the subscription must, in all cases, be paid in advance.” The Patriot 
had little local matter or news of any kind. It contained chiefly 
clippings from magazines and other newspapers. The advertising 

columns of the issue above referred to, contain a proclamation of 
President Anson Jones, ordering an election to decide upon the acdop- 
tion or rejection of the proposed first State Constitution of Texas. 

Editorially, the Patriot favored the adoption of the Constitution, 

The Old Town of Huntsville 269 

although it objected to the large number of legislators provided for 
and the consequent expense to the taxpayers. The rates of postage 
under the Republic are printed, “ten cents for single letters less 
han a hundred miles; over 2 hundred miles 20 cents.” The editor 
rejoices over the establishment of a stage line to Houston—with 
weekly trips “at the low rate for passengers of seven dollars each 

The stores of Ifuntsville in this period of course carried small 
stocks. The goods were brought here, either by wagon from Hous- 
ton, or by boat to Cincinnati, thence by wagon to Huntsville. It 
is related that Ephraim Gray was unwilling to sell more than three 
yards of domest:¢ to any ene customer, lest his stock be too soon 

exhausted. Planters frequently had their season’s supplies hauled 

in wagons from Houston. The teamster did a thriving business and 
was quite independent. It is told of a citizen of this period who had 


employed a teamster to bring a load of hams from Houston, that 
after waiting a reasonable time in vain for the arrival of his sup- 
plies, he wrote his Houston merchant a letter of inquiry. He was 
told in reply that the order had been promptly filled, and the wagon 
had departed some weeks before. The weeks continued to roll by 
until finally the long expected wagon one day rolled up to the gate 
of the now irate citizen. In response to an indignant inquiry as to 
the cause of the long delay, the teamster coolly informed his 
employer, that as the road passed his farm in Montgomery county, 
he had stopped on the way to work out his crop. 

What may be termed the first period of the history of Huntsvill 
closes in 1846, when the new county of Walker was organized and 
Huntsville became a county seat. In the closing vears of this 

period tne town was incorporated by the Congress of the Republic. 

With an intelligent and enterprising population numbering several 
hundred, Huntsville now rivalled in size and importance any town 
in what was then known as “Middle Tenas.” 

The First Legislature of the State of Texas provided ior tne 
formation of a number of new counties. On April 6, 1846, the two 
new counties of Walker and Grimes were created from a part of old 
Montgomery county. On July 18, 1846, Walker county was organ- 
ized. The Democratic party having brought Texas into the Union, 

the people of the new State were naturally warm adherents of that 

270 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 
political faith. The names of President Polk and several of his 
official family are preserved in the appellations of counties created 
during the period in question. Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, 
was Polk's Secretary of the Treasury, and in his honor one of the 

counties created from old Montgomery was named. It is interest- 

ing to note just here, that when, in the period of the war between 
the States, Robert J. Walker became a Union man, the Legislature 
of Texas, by a solemn enactment, repudiated all connection between 
the name of Walker county and that of Robert J. Walker, though 
the name of the county was retained. 

With the organization of Walker county a committee of enter- 
prising citizens of Huntsville, consisting of J. C. Smith, Henderson 
Yoakum, and Robert Smither, secured a handsome subscription 
from the townspeople for the erection of public buildings and with 
a view to securing the county seat. As a result of their efforts 
Huntsville became the capital of Walker county, and soon a brick 
court house took the place of the old market house in the center of 
the square. A number of new stores and residences were erecte«| 
and the town was in the midst of its first “boom.” In 1849, Hunts- 
ville’s population, “by an exact estimate,” was between 500 and 600. 

In January, 1846, the “Texas Banner,” edited by Frank Hatch, 
took the place of the Montgomery Patriot as the town newspaper. 
About this time Huntsville began to boast of a religious periodical in 
addition to her secular paper. “The Texas Presbyterian,” an organ 
of the Cumberland Presbyterian denomination, and perhaps th: 
first religious paper published in Texas, was founded in Houston. 
in 1846, by Rev. A. J. McGowan, a veteran of San Jacinto. Less 
than a vear later the founder of the Presbyterian moved his paper 
to Huntsville, where he continued to edit and publish it for about 
ten years. The minutes of the Grand Chapter of Masons of Texas 
for 1851 were printed in pamphlet form on Rev. Mr. McGowan’s 
press, In 1850, the Texas Banner gave place to the “Huntsville 
Item,” which today enjoys the distinction of being one of the oldest 

papers in the State. The Item was founded by George Robinson, 

the honored father of the present editor. George Robinson was 
forced to suspend his paper during the war on account of the failure 
of paper supply, and he then enlisted in the Confederate army. 
A. C. Gray, in Scarff’s History of Texas, says: “No paper pub- 

The Old Town of Huntsville 271 

lished in Texas during this period is more deserving of notice than 
the Huntsville Item. Without pretension to style, with no display 
of extraordinary energy or enterprise, the Item was yet always a 
favorite visitor to its readers, and exercised more influence within 
its circle than did many a more pretentious sheet.” 

The Republic of Texas had no penitentiary, criminals being taken 
in charge by the various counties. Soon after annexation, however, 
the Legislature provided for the establishment of a penitentiary, 
and enterprising Huntsville secured the prize, the institution bei 
located here in 1847. The original penitentiary contained 240 
cells, and covered a very small part of the space occupied by the 
present buildings. The first convict was incarcerated October 1, 
1849. During the ten vears following only 412 prisoners were 
committed. For a long time the prisoners could be hired under 
guards to perform various kinds of work in town. As a result 
practically all the carpentering, brick-laying, blacksmithing, etc., of 
the place was performed by convicts, to some extent retarding the 
substantial growth of the town by preventing the immigration of 
mechanics and laborers. The citizens fondly hoped, however, that 
the location in their midst of the first State institution was the 
precursor of their securing the capital of the commonwealth. 

The State Constitution of 1845 provided that the capital should 
remain at Austin until 1850, when by vote of the people its location 
for the next twenty years should be decided upon. Ambitious 
Huntsville at once began to aspire to become the seat of government, 
and her aspirations were not without a substantial basis. A letter 
in the Galveston News of September 5, 1849, describes the town of 
Huntsville as “rapidly rising into importance, and already taking 
rank among the most enterprising populations and improving of 
our interior towns, with high hopes of becoming the political metrop- 
olis of the State.” “To perpetuate the prosperity of Huntsville.” 
‘a good wagon road to Hous- 

the writer suggests, among other needs, 
ton, a railroad to the Trinity, and the improvement of the naviga- 
tion of that river.” When the vote for the capital was counted in 
1850, however, it was found that Austin had beaten both her rivals, 
Huntsville and Tehuacana Hills. Old citizens of Huntsville still 
console themselves for that defeat by attributing it to the illegal 
Mexican vote of the Rio Grande country, which, they assert, secured 
Austin’s success. 

272 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

In 1850, the contract for the first church building in the town 
was let by the Cumberland Presbyterians. This first church still 
stands, though at present owned and occupied by the Christian de- 
nomination. The Cumberland Presbyterians, the pioneers and 
former leaders of religious work in this section of Texas, long ago 
disbanded their Huntsville organization. The Baptists erected the 
second church building, the Old School Presbyterians the third (in 
1855). The Methodists had the walls of their building up in 1861, 
when the war put a stop to its construction, and it was not com- 
pleted until after the close of the struggle. The Episcopal church 
was not erected until 1868, work on this building having been de- 
layed by the awful epidemic of °67. The first Sunday school in 
Huntsville was a union school, organized in 1847. About this time 
a flourishing division of the Sons of Temperance existed, number- 
ing 230 members. 

In 1846, or *47, a second school building was erected. This was 
a frame house, situated on a lot west of the cemetery. It was known 
as the “Male Academy,” the old “Brick Academy” being now re- 
stricted to the education of girls. One of its first teachers was 
Rey. Dr. Samuel McKinney, father of our esteemed fellow-citizen, 
Hon. A. T. McKinney. The old doctor was a thorough instructor 
and stern disciplinarian. On one occasion, when conducting his 
school in the Masonic building on Court House Square, he was wor- 
ried by the persistent inattention of his boys to their studies. The 
fact was that a great fox chase had been in progress for several days, 
and runners from the country had reported that the fox was heading 
toward town. Suddenly the unmistakable note of the hounds was 
walted on the breeze through the open windows of the school room. 
In an instant every boy was upon his feet, and there was a general 
movement toward tie doors. The doctor instinctively grasped one 
of his well-seasoned hickories and shouted for order. Then quickly 
reconsidering his evident intention, and remarking that he would 
either have to thrash every boy present or dismiss school, he wisely 
announced a suspension of exercises. Teacher and pupils hurried 
outside in time to see the fox, hard pressed by dogs and hunters, 
dash madly down Main street and through the center of the town. 

In 1849, Brazos Presbytery of the Old School Presbyterian 
church resolved to establish a college within its bounds, and ap- 
pointed Rev. Daniel Baker to invite propositions from various towns 

The Old Town of Huntsville 273 

to secure its location. In the performance of his mission, Dr. 

Baker held a series of meetings in Huntsville, at the close of which 
the liberal subscription of $10,000 was made by the citizens to secure 
the college. The following year the institution was located in 
Huntsville. A two-story brick building was erected, and in 1852 
the college went into operation, with Rev. Daniel Baker, D. D., as 
its first president. At a meeting of the officers of the Huntsville 
Presbyterian church, August 20, 1849, a resolution was passed sug- 

? for the new institution, 

gesting the name “San Jacinto College,’ 
“should it go into operation.” “Austin College,” however, was the 
name selected by its patriotic founders, in honor of Stephen F. 
Austin, the father of Texas. The foundation of a good library, and 
considerable chemical and physical apparatus were secured, and for 
twenty-five years a college of high grade was maintained, with a 
patronage extending to distant portions of the State. In the sev- 
enties, Austin College was moved to Sherman, Texas, where it. is 
today a prosperous institution. The old building still stands at 
Huntsville, perpetuating under a new name the memory of another 
hero and patriot of Texas history. 

Determined that the higher education of their girls should not 
be neglected, the citizens of Huntsville, by another liberal donation, 
secured the location of “Andrew Female College.’ This institu- 
tion, established in 1854, was under the direction of the Texas Con- 
ference of the Methodist church, and was named in honor of Bishop 
Andrew. One of the first presidents of the college was Dr. T. H. 
Ball, father of our distinguished fellow-townsman, Congressman 
T. H. Ball. Andrew College was a frame building, occupying the 
site of the present city public school. After its establishment, the 
Brick Academy fell into disuse, just as the male academy adjoining 
the cemetery was supplanted by the preparatory department of Aus- 
tin College. About the time Austin College was removed, Andrew 
Female College was discontinued by the Methodist church. The 
building was used for a time for a city public school, then it was 
removed to another part of town, where it now serves as a colored 
school building. 

In 1851, the second session of the Grand Chapter of Masons of 
Texas met at Huntsville, and from 1853 to 1860, inclusive, Hunts- 
ville was the meetin place of this important body, whose annual 
sessions brought together many of the distinguished men of Texas. 

Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

It was a custom for the grand officers to be publicly installed in the 
Presbyterian church, and immediately thereafter for a banquet to be 
given to the Grand Chapter at one of the hotels by Forest Lodge. 

Among its citizens, Huntsville has never lacked men of the fore- 
most rank in all the ordinary vocations of life. Some of these 
whose conspicuous services to the public in the early days have made 
their names a part of the history of the State may here be mentioned. 
Henderson Yoakum, the pioneer historian of Texas, whose “History 
of Texas” was for years almost the only authority on the annals of 
our people, and is still a standard work on the period which it covers, 
made Huntsville his home, and found here his last resting place. 
A distinguished lawyer in his native State of Tennessee, Colonel 
Yoakum, in 1845, moved to Texas and settled in Huntsville. He 
served with gallantry in the Mexican war, and afterwards refused 
high official position that he might devote himself to his profession. 
His monumental history was written at his country home, “Shep- 
herd’s Valley,” seven miles from Ifuntsville. 

Dr. C. G. Keenan united eminent ability as a physician with a 
talent for public life. Ife was elected to the Third Legislature of 
Texas, 1849, where his ability and popularity led to his selection as 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. Dr. Keenan was for ten 
e Grand Chapter of Masons of Texas, and at 

years treasurer of th 
one time seryed as government surgeon to the Indians. 

Soon after annexation, Gen. Sam Houston moved with his family 
to this section, first locating upon a plantation called “Raven Hill,” 
some fourteen miles south of town. The following year he moved 
to Huntsville, where he selected for his home a spot near a bold 
spring nestled in a valley south of town. His house, now the resi- 
dence of Mrs. Smedes, still stands, with numerous additions and 
improvements, and is pointed out to strangers as “the old Sam Hous- 
ton place.” The spring, known as the “Sam Houston spring,” is 
within a stone’s throw of the State Normal School, whose name per- 
petuates the old hero’s memory. When he removed to Austin as 
Governor in 1859, Gen. Houston soid his home place. On being 
deposed from the office of Governor, however, he returned to Hunts- 
ville and rented a home in the northeast part of the town. At this 
house his death took place in 1863. The leader of victorious armies, 
Governor of two States, President of the Republic of Texas, Con- 

n ‘7 L rer oF 

The Old Town of Huntsville 275 
gressman from Tennessee, and United States Senator from Texas, 
now lies buried in the Huntsville cemetery, with a plain marble slab 
marking his resting place. 

Gen. Sam Houston’s hevro body servant, Josh Houston, still lives 

in Huntsville, and is one of the town’s most interesting historic 
characters, as well as one of its most intelligent and substantial 
colored! citizens. Josh came into the general's possession in 1840, 

having previously belonged to Mrs. Houston’s father, Col. Lea, of 
Alabame. Te served his new master faithfully from 1810 till the 
old general’s death in 1863, traveling with him over the State, and 
often acting as bearer of important public documents. The old 
man—now over 75 years 01 age—loves to tell of his first impr ssions 
of the stalwart Texas statesman, when he came courting his young 
mistress, Miss Lea, of Alabama, in 1859. There are few distin- 
guished Texans of the period, 1840-60, whom Josh dees not dis- 
tinctly remember. 

Antony M. Branch came from Virginia to Texas soon after an- 
nexation, and located at Huntsville. He at once took rank among 
the prominent lawyers and able men of this section. When the war 
between the States broke out he raised a company of men for the 
Confederate service, and while in the field was elected to the Con- 
federate Congress. 

The culture. refinement, and domestic graces of the women of 
Huntsville have done much to give the place the reputation it has 
always enjoyed. It is not generally known, however, that before 
the town was a dozen years old it numbered an authoress among its 
citizens. Miss Melinda Rankin, previously mentioned as one of the 
teachers of the Brick Academy, was the author of a little volume 
called “Texas in 1850.” The preface is dated Cincinnati, Texas, 
1850. The book was published in Boston, and is long since out of 
print. One does not need to read far in her book to discover that 
Miss Rankin is a native of New England, and possesses the idiosyn- 
crasies and virtues of the New England character. She gives a re- 
markably clear account of the country, indicating that she had 
traveled over a large section of the State. In her sketch of Hunts- 
ville, she says: “There is perhaps no inland town in the State com- 
bining in so great a degree the advantages of good society, health, 
religious and educational advantages, and business facilities as 
Huntsville. A concentration of talent, enterprise, and morality is 

276 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

proven by the history of the town, and gives abundant reason for 
predicting its future course to be brilliant and consequential.” 

In times of our country’s peril, Huntsville’s citizens have ever 
been ready to respond to the call to arms. In the Mexican war, a 
company of mounted riflemen was organized here under Captain 
James Gillaspie, and saw active service in the field. In the Somer- 
ised in old Montgomery 

ville campaign of 1842, a regiment was 
county, in which a number of citizens of Huntsville were enlisted. 
In the war between the States Huntsville and surrounding country 
furnished the Confederate ranks an unusually large quota of sol- 
diers, among them men as gallant as any of those whose deeds of 
valor made the Southern arms immortal. The town was practically 
depleted of its able-bodied men. The celebrated Fourth and Fifth 
Regiments of Hood’s Texas Brigade, who followed our matchless 
Lee over the blood-stained Virginia hills, contained each a company 
raised around Huntsville. Messrs. Hunter, Elmore, Abercrombie, 
Smither, Powell, Rountree, Hightower, Hamilton, Gillaspie, Farris, 
Branch, are some of the officers who commanded troops from this 

In the late Spanish war, the officers and a portion of the men com- 
posing a company volunteered from Huntsville. Their services, 
however, were not required in the field. 

Perhaps the greatest calamity from which Huntsv ille has suffered 
was the vellow fever epidemic of 1867. In a few short weeks more 
than one-tenth of the population perished. Families were broken 
up, business was paralyzed. It took more than ten years for the 
town to recover from the blow. 

In 1871, the Houston and Great Northern Railroad, building 
north from Houston, reached this section, and it was confidently be- 
lieved that the road would pass through Huntsville. The citizens 
failing to offer a sufficiently large bonus, the road was constructed so 
as to pass eight miles east of the town. When the people of Hunts- 
ville realized that the road had actually passed them by, they put 
their hands in their pockets and raised a bonus of $90,000, which, 
with $25,000 contributed by the county, was sufficient to induce the 
railroad magnates to build the Huntsville Tap. The arrival of the 
first train of cars in Huntsville, in March, 1872, was a great day for 
Huntsville. It was celebrated by a grand barbecue and speech- 

making, at which an immense crowd was present. 


The Old Town of Huntsville 277 

In 1879, the Legislature of Texas decided to establish a State 
normal school. A committee of citizens visited Austin, offered the 
old Austin College building to the State, and urged the location of 
the normal school at Huntsville, as a lasting monument to the hero 
whose unmarked grave is here. Their efforts were successful, and 
the first session of the Sam Houston Normal School opened in 
1879, with Bernard Mallon as principal. Additional buildings were 
subsequently erected by legislative appropriations, and the institu- 
tion has continued to grow in popularity and influence, until it is 
now recognized as a factor second to none in the educational de- 
velopment of the State. 

With the year 1880, the historic period of Huntsville may be said 
to have closed. Since that time, modern ways and city airs have 
gradually taken hold of and revolutionized the old town. A new 
graded school building, new churches, a new court house, new stores, 
handsome residences, an ice factory, electric light plant, telephone 
system, and other evidences of twentieth century civilization are 
now found where sixty-four years ago the wind sighed through the 
pine trees that surrounded the trading post of Pleasant Gray. 

Yet with what sadness may we imagine that the water-sprite who 
presides over the ancient and now deserted spring which first at- 
tracted the founder of Huntsville to the site of the future town, 
must contemplate the past history of her beloved fountain. In the 
ages agone, when majestic forest trees shielded its limpid waters 
from the noonday heat, the wild deer loved here to slake his thirst. 
Upon its surface the night fires of the Indian hunter, year after year, 
cast their red and flickering gleam. Then one day the crack of a 
rifle disturbed its peaceful shades, and heralded the coming of the 
white man. Still the Genius of the spring found solace for the loss 
of its sylvan stillness in the thought of its increased importance, as 
tired horses and thirsty oxen thrust their panting jaws into the cool 
depths of the trough into which its crystal water rippled; horny- 
handed and brawny-muscled teamsters here bathed their hot and 
dusty faces; while bare-footed boys and girls carried buckets full of 
the precious liquid to their near-by homes. But there came a day 
when all this was changed. Within a few feet of the spring that 
once had supplied the infant village with water, an artesian well was 
sunk, which became the source of supply of the city waterworks sys- 
tem. The watering trough at the spring was no longer needed and 

278 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

fell into decay. The spring itself was planked over and hidden from 
view. The cold glare of a neighboring street electric light now ever- 
powers the soft rays of the moon, as night after night they lovingly 
search for their friend of by-gone years; and the steady puff of the 
great engines of the waterworks system drowns the song of the 
mocking bird and whippoorwill, whose musical notes once mingled 
in exquisite melody with the ripple of the waters of the fountain. 
Thus is Beauty ever slain by Utility! 

A Conversation With Governor Houston 279 


In the latter part of February, 1861, I left my seat in the Congress 
of the United States, because I felt that I could no longer retain it 
with self-respect. I had up to that time opposed the idea of a disso- 
lution of the Union, but the Republican majority had rejected many 
propositions for a compromise, by which it was hoped the Union 
might be preserved, and received all such suggestions for compro- 
mise with expression of derision, and gave the Southern members 
to understand that they were in the majority and would settle all 
matters in their own way. 

When I reached New Orleans on my way home, I there learned 
that I had been elected a member of the constitutional convention 
of Texas, though I had not been a candidate. Instead of going 
directly to my home in Eastern Texas, I went directly to Austin, 
Texas, where the convention had met, arriving there on the morn- 
ing of the third day of its session. 

At the breakfast table at the hotel, on the morning of my arrival, 
I met quite a number of the delegates to the convention, and in- 
quired of them whether any effort had been made to secure the co- 
operation of the State government with the convention. General 
Houston was then Governor, and was an avowed Union man. The 
delegates to whom I mentioned the matter advised me that no effort 
in that direction had been made; that they feared an offensive re- 
ception if they attempted to approach him on this subject. 

I felt the great importance and necessity of securing the co-oper- 
ation of the State government with the convention, in a matter of 
so great moment to the people of Texas and of the Southern States 
as the consideration of the question of dissolving our relations with 
the Federal government, and determined to see the Governor on this 
subject. Soon after breakfast I went to his office and found him 
there. I stated to him that I had called on him for a conference 
about a matter of great moment. He soon disposed of some routine 
business, and invited me into an adjoining room. I inquired of 

280 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

him if anything had been said to him about the co-operation of the 
State government with the constitutional convention. He answered 
that no one had spoken to him on that subject. I told him that was 
what I had come to talk with him about, to which he said, “You 
know I am opposed to secession.” I answered that I was aware of 
that, and stated that this matter had reached a point which involved 
the future of the States, and had passed beyond the consideration of 
individual interests; that he had long been recognized in Texas and 
in the South as one of the leaders of public opinion; that the people 
recognized his conservatism and the importance of his co-operation 
with them, and I expressed the hope that they might secure it. He 
said he had been born and reared in the South, had received all his 
honors from the South, and that he would not draw his sword against 
his own people. He continued : “Our people are going to war to per- 
petuate slavery, and the first gun fired in the war will be the knell of 
slavery.” I said to him that many people thought that if the 
South should show a united front, and readiness to maintain their 
position, this might induce the manufacturing and commercial 
interests of the North, and of Europe, and especially of Great 
Britain, to interpose their good offices for peace, and so avert an 
armed conflict. He said that this was a great mistake; that Great 
Britain had for forty years pursued a policy favoring the dissolution 
of the American Union; that she had two controlling reasons for 
pursuing this policy: one, her hostility to our free republican 
system of government, and the other to see our cotton industry in- 
terrupted by war until she could build up her cotton interests in 
India and thus be relieved of her dependency on the United States 
for-cotton. He also said that France was still more hostile to our 
system of government than Great Britain, and desired a war here to 
give her time to build up her cotton interests in Algeria; and that 
neither of these governments would do anything to prevent a war 
among us. And he said that when hostilities were commenced that 
the people of the North would subordinate the manufacturing and 
commercial interests to their passion, and would not attempt to pre- 
vent a war. 

On my renewing the question about the co-operation of the State 
government with the convention he said nothing had been done by 
the convention to that end. I then asked him if a committee from 

A Conversation With Governor Houston 281 

the convention should call on him if he would meet it in a friendly 
spirit, to which he answered that he would. 

I went from his office to the hall of the convention and at once 
submitted a motion that a committee be appointed to wait on the 
Governor with a view of securing the joint action of the State gov- 
ernment with the convention, which was adopted, and the president 
of the convention appointed a committee of five for that purpose, 
consisting of myself, Hon. Peter W. Gray, Col. Wm. P. Rogers, 
Colonel Still, and one other whose name I do not recall. 

This committee called on the Governor that day at his office, and 
had a free, friendly conference with him, and were invited by him 
to the Governor’s Mansion that evening and had another conference 
of some duration, but not ending in a formal agreement of co- 

Before leaving him he told us that if the Committee on Public 
Safety would call on him he could give them some information 
which might be serviceable to them. I communicated this informa- 
tion to Judge John C. Robertson, the chairman of that committee, 
and that committee also conferred with the Governor. I was not ad- 
vised as to what occurred in that conference, but immediately after- 
wards the late General Ben McCulloch and others went to San An- 
tonio and demanded and received the surrender of the Federal sol- 
diers there, and took possession of their arms and supplies. 

During the war I had occasion at different times to call the at- 
tention of President Davis and his cabinet to what Governor Hous- 
ton had said about the English and French governments. I did this 
because of the noticeable fact that when the Confederate armies 
obtained a victory the British organs of public opinion encouraged 
the Federals, and when the Federal armies obtained a victory the 
same newspapers encouraged the Confederates. 

I have often regretted that I neglected to write down the sub- 
stance of the conversation between Governor Houston and myself 
when it was fresh in my memory, for it impressed me then, as it has 
ever since, as indicating his prophetic insight as to coming events. 

The foregoing statement, while not as full as it might have been 
made at the time and without pretending to use the language then 
employed, does give an imperfect outline of what occurred. 

282 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 


The Land of Sunshine is printing under the title Pioneers of the 
Far West a series of documents never before published in English 
which are of special value for Southwestern history. The list thus 
far includes the fac-simile and translation of the Reglamento for 
California (1781), in numbers Jan.-May, 1897; translation and 
original of Testimonio on the first Comanche raid (1748), Jan.- 
Feb., 1898; and translations of the Report on California of Viceroy 
Revilla Gigedo, June-Oct., 1899; the Relacion of Zarate-Salmeron, 
Nov., 1899-Feb., 1900; and the letter of Escalante, Mar.-Apr., 1900. 
Such work entitles Mr. Lummis to the hearty gratitude of students 

in this line. 

The publications of the Southern History Association are now is- 
sued bi-monthly. The January number is made up mainly of Re- 
views and Notices and Notes and Queries. It contains a short article 
by Dr. J. L. M. Curry entitled Washington and the Constitution ; 
some letters from Andrew R. Govan, member of Congress from 
South Carolina, 1822-27, contributed, with explanatory remarks, by 
A. 8S. Salley, Jr.; and The Revolutionary War in North Carolina, a 
narrative of the boyhood experience of John Hodges Drake, written 
down in his old age, and contributed, with an explanatory statement, 
by: Mrs. P. H. Mell, of Auburn, Ala. The leading articles of the 
March number are Why the Confederacy had no Supreme Court, by 
Bradley T. Johnson, John V. Wright, J. A. Orr, and L. Q. Wash- 
ington; The Texas Frontier, 1820-25, by Lester G. Bugbee; and 
A Baptist Appeal, a document contributed by Dr. J. L. M. Curry. 

The leading articles of the American Historical Review for Jan- 
uary are Some Curious Colonial Remedies, by Edward Eggleston ; 
Maryland’s Adoption of the Federal Constitution, II, by Bernard C. 
Steiner; Contemporary Opinion of the Virginia and Kentucky Res- 
olutions, II, by Frank M. Anderson; The Rise and Fall of the 
Nominating Caucus, Legislative and Congressional, by M. Ostro- 
gorski. The documents include certain records relative to the serv- 

Notices and Reviews 283 

ice of Cartwright and Melville as teachers at the University of 
Geneva, printed with notes, from the advance sheets of a history of 
that university, by Professor Charles Borgeaud, together with ex- 
planatory additions by the author; and the Journal of Philip 
Fithian, Kept at Nomini Hall, Virginia, 1773-1774, with an intro- 

duction by John Rogers Williams. 

Six Decades in Texas, or Memoirs of Francis Richard Lubbock, 
Governor of Texas in War-Time, 1861-63 ; a Personal Experience 
in Business, War, and Politics. Edited by C. W. Raines. 
Austin: Ben C. Jones & Co. 1900. Pp. xvi+685. 

While attending the District Court of La Salle county, at Cotulla, 
in 1888, I met an old frontiersman, who inquired after Lubbock’s 
health, ete. In speaking of him he said he knew him as comptroller, 
district clerk, lieutenant-governor, governor during the war, colonel 
in the army, staff officer of President Davis, and auctioneer and com- 
mission merchant; and that in every position he was always faithful 
and zealous. He said that he happened to be in Galveston after the 
war, while Governor Lubbock was in the business of auctioneer and 
commission merchant, and having some curiosity to see how he 
played the role of auctioneer he went around to his establishment 
and found him expatiating upon the virtues of a promissory note 
which he was offering for sale to the highest bidder. One of the 
greatest merits the note had in his mind was its signature. Passing 
it around through the crowd, he explained how celebrated forgers 
signed their names; how shrewd fellows who never intended to pay, 
arranged their signatures—calling attention to the fact that nobody 
but an honest horny-handed son of toil could have made such a sig- 
nature—interspersing his remarks with various historical refer- 
ences, until, when the note was finally bid off, it brought nearly par. 
He said he had heard him on the stump in Know-Nothing times— 
had heard him discuss the Kansas-Nebraska Dill, squatter sov- 
ereignty, and most of the leading issues of ante bellum times; but 
never heard him deliver a more entertaining speech than when he 
made this note the subject on that occasion. The same resourceful 
characteristics which made this promissory note a fruitful and in- 
teresting theme, has given us a book on weightier matters, instruc- 

tive and entertaining to the highest degree. 

284 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 

An active career as merchant, comptroller, clerk of the Harris 
county district court, ranchman, farmer, lieutenant-governor, gov- 
ernor in the most trying time of our State’s existence, colonel in the 
army, staff officer of Jefferson Davis, prisoner, auctioneer, com- 
mission merchant, collector of taxes, State treasurer, member of 
Penitentiary Board and later of the Board of Pardons has brought 
him in close contact with almost every phase of life in Texas from 
1836 to 1900. 

The great charm of his conversational powers, his wonderful 
memory, his charity for all and malice toward none have all been 
transferred to the pages of this book and made almost every line of 
it attractive and entertaining, as well as instructive. 

Its value, as a contribution to the history of Texas, consists 
mainly in the elaborate background to the bare historical picture 
furnished by others, yet there is enough new historic material to 
make it exceedingly valuable for that alone. 

It seems to be a complete history of politics, politicians, and 
statesmen in Texas; and, what is surprising in a closely printed 
book of nearly 700 pages by a most pronounced democrat of the 
extreme school, there is no uncharitable insinuation or unkind allu- 
sion towards any foe, or to any tenet opposed to his own. There is 
no deification or disparagement of men, and no dogmatic treatment 
of the measures, which divided the public men of Texas into hostile 
camps from 1836 to 1896. Public policies, political platforms, and 
all issues concurrent with the development of Texas, from an infant 
Republic with a population a little more than 30,000 into an impe- 
rial State with a population of over 3,000,000, are clearly and 
frankly stated. 

It will be a valuable legacy to future generations who will learn 
to love and honor the men who have directed her destinies through 

so many dark and perilous times. 

Z. T. FuLMorE. 

Notes and Fragments 285 

On page 226, of the QUARTERLY, I. J. Cox states: “He is also to 
hasten the erection of the parish church. It is interesting to note 
that the cornerstone of this edifice was not laid until 1744.” 

This writer, like so many others, makes the mistake of confound- 
ing the church of San Antonio (the Alamo) with the parish church 
of San Antonio, San Fernando. 

The cornerstone of San Antonio de Valero was laid on the 8th 
of May, 1744. 

The cornerstone of San Fernando was laid on the 11th of May, 
1738, and the church was blessed on the 6th of November, 1749. 

Both entries are found in the old records. 

EpMonp J. P. ScHMirr. 

Andrew Fackson Berry, 
Born May 16, 1816. 

Died Fuly 31, 1899. 

Roab Smitbwick, 

Born Fanuary 1, 1808. 

Died October 21, 1899. 

882 Texas Historical Association Quarterly 


The reprints of the journal of Moses Austin, which appears in 
the April number of the American Historical Review, have been dis- 
tributed to the members of the Association. There were not quite 
enough of the reprints to supply all members, so a few of those who 
have joined lately have not received them. They were sent, of 
course, to the older members first. 

It becomes necessary to purge the list of members to some extent. 
Those who are far in arrears with their dues, of whom there are for- 
tunately not a great many, need not expect to receive the QUARTERLY 
after this number. The member that does not pay is as expensive 
as one that does; and the Association, for economy’s sake, will be 
forced to exclude those who show a disposition to join permanently 
the class of non-payers. 


The midwinter meeting of the Association was held at Huntsville, 
January 9th and 10th. Visiting members were entertained by the 
citizens of Huntsville, and the guests on that occasion will not soon 
forget the hospitality of their hosts. In spite of the weather, which 
was characterized by a heavy and almost continuous down-pour of 
rain during the forenoon of the first day, the meeting was greatly 
enjoyed by those present. The sessions were held at the Sam 
Houston Normal Institute, and the interest displayed by the faculty 
and students of the Institute entitles them to the hearty gratitude 
of the Association. 

The program included the following papers: 

The Closing Hours of the Confederacy.......... John H. Reagan. 
What the Texas Teacher can do for Texas History.......... 
OEE ee ee ee ee eee Mrs. Percy V. Pennybacker. 
IE 62 4 kb se Wenns ened ows George P. Garrison. 
The Old Town of Huntsville.................. Harry F. Estill. 
The Neglected Graves of our Heroes......... Rufus C. Burleson. 

Affairs of the Association 289 

These papers were all read with the exception of that by Judge 
Reagan, who was unavoidably absent. One of them appeared in the 
January QUARTERLY, and another is printed in this number. 

At the business meeting the following resolution, recommended by 
the Council at the annual meeting in June, 1899, but through an 
oversight not presented for a vote to the Association, was adopted: 

Resolved, That the work of Mrs. Margaret Hadley Foster in the 
Houston Post in rousing an interest in Texas history among the 
children of the State is highly commended by the Association. 

A large number of new names was added to the list of members. 

By vote of the Fellows present, the following were elected to Fel- 
lowship: Mrs. Adéle B. Looscan, Houston; Judge O. W. Williams, 
Fort Stockton; Rudolph Kleberg, Jr., Brownsville. 


JAGCISVETOIN: 26666 waesce 33, 36, 39 
Affairs of the Association. .71-80, 

LOONGN 22ers dees 288-9 
Alamo; the. Name... 2 o3..6.6.000 67-69 
Alcaraz, Diego .178, 202, 203, 

Bae OO sds icon arden es ots 264 
MibrAncer. Oleh sos iscs kes edauee 42 
Allbright, Alexander ............ 154 
RAGS AMOR Soin eh s cied wes ois 111, 115 
Alsbury, Grandison...... 98, 100, 103 
Anderson, Frank M., 219; K. L... 42 
Archer, Branch T............ 173, 174, 175 
PATAMIR GTO, NG. IAs 35.556 nis > ops: atatere 51 
AUGUSIN, TONY ies 5 asin ss . 42 
Austin, Brown, 144, 145; Henri- 

etta, 175; Henry, 175; 

Moses, 105, 141, 142, 224; 

Stephen F., 1, 2, 8, 10, 11, 

12, 13, 14, 23, 32, 82; 96, 97, 

103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 141, 

142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 

148, 151, 12, 172, 173, 174, 

17/5 alec RE ee repeacCnrarer to 176 
UC = i) 210, 212 
EAU cL y alates cic ts iss ise. aucsaia issues eante 273 
Baker, Daniel, 272, 273; James 

A., 268; Moseley, 48, 172.... 173 
Beets, Rs Wii a5 vise 150, 221, 222 
BVA LOPS sASCNV io ars soreaisseisinesseeeyeie dl 
Beard, James....14, 23, 25, 27, 

62, OG; LOB FOG is sack cde aie 142 
Beddinger, ———....14, 23, 27, 

ro WS: ae |S a oe Le 142 
Bell, Peter Hansborough, 49-53; 

genealogy of the Bell fam- 

MEV goes oye iecim eeoteres 49-51 
PSODN AS sisi ai. soos -siole sislsisyeig ate 286 
Book Reviews and Notices... .65, 

149, 150, 219, 223, 282...... 284 
porden, Gall ......... 46, 47, 172, 173 
Branch, Antony M., 275; John, 

COA NR BS ie elisccs we auseieeits 268 

Brown, John Henry.......... 52, 171 
Bryan, Guy M...... ly, 14, 25, Si, 
105, 106, 107, 142, 146, 172, 
175; Moses Austin.......... 151 
ISUCHMOD A ORDO. <2. stays leraiseace cueatens 6, ll 
Bugbee, L. G...... 65, 67, 71, 81, 
[eo L022: aR eRe 282 
BUT ORS Oe yr svors toot tera Aiioe 155 
Butler, ——— 6; 10; TY. 12; 
Ios) 1S, 15; bi, 22; 1a2e 146 
Cabeza de Vaca, Route of. .54-64, 
108-140, 177-208 w+... - 229-264 
Camniieldy Aa OW wx od.sccateaiiiteuves 43 
Cannon, Capt...... 12, 13,. 14; 22, 24 
Cagis, bie Mie és cceae chew ee .66, 70 
Castillo, Alonso de..... 110; 111, 
M4, 11S; PIO. 1205 122. 1272 
128, 130, 132, 133, 189, 230, 
EOS: ONS, ey sgl seiweve Se eceecrs 260 
Chirinos, Pedro Almendez....199, 

200, 201, 203, 204, 246, 247, 

248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 
257, 201, 262, 268....0. iss 2 
TREN AION: © S.cresna.saregebeiancn es 42 
Clemens, Jeremiah .............. 266 
COSTAR Ske En ci kes see oes 151, 152 
Communistie Colony of Bettina, 
5 1 | Rena eae eR RS oy 151 
Constitution, Coahuila and Tex- 
as, 168; English, 169; Unit- 
ed States, 162, 163, 165, 166; 
of 1791, 169; of 1795, 169; of 
1812, 162, 163, 164, 165, 
166, 167, 168, 169; of 1824, 
Spanish Sources of, 161-169, 
170, 171; of 1845, 222, 223, 
271, 288, 290; of 1861, 150, 
222; of 1866, 150, 222; of 
1869, 219, 220, 222, 223; of 
BRR ieee sore aciaie aisrslecs aon 223 
Consaltwtion of 1835s ..<.< ci scee ss 170 



Convention of 1833, 153; of 1836, 
171; constitutional, of 1866, 
149: of 1868, 150; of 1875, 
220; Secession, 149, 279..... 281 

LE Re RS | (an a eee aS 46 

Coopwood, Bethel...67, 108, 1¢i, 229 

Coronado, Praneieoo Vasques de, 
DDR Mca a ies ps a seiatt ew Ta wo 259 
Cortés, Hernando. .118, 1838, 190, 241 
ROR Rt ONS cs wo ert a ee pelea a 51 
Davis, Edmond J., 220; Jetfer- 

son, 281, 283; Samuel...... 42 
US CO 0 Pree ee eee ree 161 
Diary, Moses Austin’s.......... 224 
Diaz, Melchor...... 203, 244, 252, 

253, 254, 258, 259, 260, 263, 264 
Dodson Flag ....... see 170 
Dorantes, Andrés...110, 111, 114 

118, 120, 122, 127, 128, 130, 

133, 179, 198, 243, 251, 252, 

BPM pears is pats ate sats vaveweess eee 263 
LTO NGes |, OS fies DAS a 146, 147 
SORT BANGS TNR sok ae eins 2s o5cks 51 
Edwards, Miss Jane.......... 94, 225 
OLLLTC 1 yt ISR S CAA pa eee eer eae ee 145 
Eseandon.......... 136, 137, 139, 179 
TS ED 0 eae er ar 265 
wane, Ajexander ..........662. 42 
PWUBONCARARD 5666 lss oven sees 51 

* Fisher, Capture and Rescue of 

Mrs. Rebecca J., 209-213; 

OMB eye Bas eh sive ee awe 171 
Fitzgerald, ———....87, 388, 93, 147 
PEN CURPIPNNE RE 5 io a's ers os SYS 42 
OL ae ARS! a 284 
eelve, onde Ge. .2:055.005. 0.00 66, 67 
Galveston, Col. Amasa Turner’s 

Reminiscences of .......... 44-48 
SUNN Gears ia Sia) = Sisk sia ens ms 119, 183 
Garrison, George P., 153, 170; 

Oe a eee 154 

CLEC CEG free JOR tered a Gee aed a a 
Gilleland, J., 210; M. B., 210; 
Lhos,. B.,°213; Wm, O....... 213 
CLS 7 eA [ae © eng a siete OL 
Cairaug, Mugene Ass cck se cass 70 

A. C., 270; Ephraim, 265, 
Peter W., 281; 

266, 269; 

Pleasant, 265, 266, 267...... 27 
Choi Die bi Be’ La cea a aOR ee ere 65 
SOR RPARE CS Note OA Le Ba A ao da, 42 
COOSA 208 Nags, GO en a a 223 
ISTOCRDBCKS Us Wine se%s Ber tise Lee 46 
Guzman, Nuio de, 118, 183, 199, 

201, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 

252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 

DES. (200s oO losin seas seta BOD 
CLV ECU Ore) 1) Sain eee re 270 
PimmmnOy jes los oes eau 51 
LEE CETL LUO: WG | a eon ae 6s Bae 
BURT TAR APA, Aa ee Lomas 225 
Harrison, 14. 26; 23,84, 

85, 88, 93, 98, 104, 142; Ad- 
dison, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103 

Hawkins, Joseph H....10, 11, 13, 

14, 22, 106, 141, 142, 144, 

SUIS, MOEN Soh cohaiaty c cose sangys Gisia tas 148 
Harwood, NTancis <4... 6 6.666.0« 44 
Hays, Jonn C., 52; Jack... 0.03. 51 
nejensgiohaga J. PAncimey.....:...% 42, 43 
SS en 34, 35, 40 
Highsmith, Samuel ............-. 51 
EEGEKIGWZTAREO: Woks 5 coside cis 5 <0 5 48 
Holley, Mary Austin............ 175 

Holston, Stephen...14, 18, 19, 20, 
23, 84, 85, 86, 88, 91, 93, 98, 
Oe ERS: | OS Se eee aa 142 
Horton, Alexander ....66.05 008 42 
Houston, Sam. .43, 44, 45, 49, 51, 
154, 162, 171, 272; Conversa- 
Sign St os aise w see's 279-281 
Huntsville, The Old Town of, 

265-278; Andrew Female 
College, 273; Austin College, 
273, 277; Brick Academy, 
267, 268, 272, 274; “Item,” 



268, 271; Male Academy, 
272; “Montgomery Patriot,” 
268, 270; Rovers, 266; Sam 
Houston State Normal, 274, 
277; “Texas Banner,” 268, 
270; “Texas Presbyterian,” 
270; Vorunteers: .... 0666s 266 
PN rosa wine, Se sige ee oe Were 42 

Indian Raid Near Austin in 1843, 

BGO crc, Bod ataceveaine dion eteeaie a ei 152 
Indian tribes: Avavares...... 108, 
113, 120, 123, 127, 131, 136, 
242; Bedias, 266; Caranca- 
huaces, 110, 146; Chicime- 

cas, 200, 232, 235, 248, 249, 
263; Comanches, 36, 38, 39, 

210, 211, 226, 239; Ig- 
uaces, 122, 124, 128, 230; 
Tarascos, 238, 257; for addi- 
tional names of tribes, see 
Gia bd: SEY 2 Ear 240 
Iturbide, Augustin de........ 107, 161 

Jennings, Capt....14, 15, 23, 96, 

DO NOD os 66k eee 142 
Si OS SG a ea 51 
Johnston, A. Sidney....209, 210, 

oo REA RN eee ete pe ae 213 
ONDE, AMBOU 665660 edad eccen 268 
MEMWITON: TORU oc ossccissccens aces 42 
PORENCY, “GOURD 5065 Seis edad 154 
CLT Uae OS © Sea a 274 
MOINUEO, WIS 6656 oii aaun bad ar 42 
Kleberg, Rudolph, Jr...... 33, 37, 39 
OEE SS. URES | 5 eg 210 
PR GLO oo ssc ks day. BOy OO C6: ST 
te Grand, ©: O..2.5 Aree aracees 42 
Lewis, W. S........1-32, 81-107 

142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 225 
Little, Wm..... S, 18, 15,17, 38; 

23, 25, 82, 84, 87, 92, 96, 97, 

98, 104, 106, 142, 143...... 144 
SMAVOLY 5 is.4:<% lL, &,- 12, 14. 15, 16, 

83, 93, 104, 105, 106; What 

became of the, 81, 141-148; 

Immigrants, Adventures of, 

Pee ONT EOE S26 oc eas hee 225 
Loosean, Adéle B....... 170, 172, 175 
Lovelace, Edward and Jack...13 

14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 

31, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 

91, 92, 93, 96, 98, 104, 105, 

HOO; Bee P40 ewes Seeta vous 145 
PMBOOON, (Fy Ee, 4) s.0k 8 sake ae dees 283 
Lynch; Nicholas: o.).0065.<0.0. an lee 
Manzanet, Damien, 66, 137, 139; 

Be rests a te wire ra ore 70 
Mattigan, ———...... 14, 24, 25, 

26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 84, 85, 

REN isso eh scar ag ewe ons aan a ote 142 
PRCCUHOCh, BOM 5 .cccis voce ce eees 281 
McDonald, Hugh....... 5, 12, 22, 146 
PROCOWOR. AGO he eds tele esas 270 
McKinney, Samuel, 272; A. T... 272 
DOCS BAS 6 56-0) 5:50: aa faceienerere ene 155, 175 
Mendoza, Antonio de....185, 261, 

is dane eaviert ata cdabars ean 264 
Meusebach, Baron von......33, 36, 37 
Monclova, Conde de la.......... 66 
NEOUMON: COMICON 5 5 <n i060 aieelerere 45, 46 
Morton Family....... 81, 92, 94, 

95, 96597, 08; 90; 14ST a. 0 225 
Murphree, David oi%:...:¢05058e 46 
Narvaez, Panfilo de......i 54, 110, 

186, 190, 231, 246, 260...... 264 
Nichols, Peter...... . wells 12, sas 
NEwiis BPA ME RCO 05 5. 5.526 s1nlo0-5'e 197 
Notes and Fragments...... 66-70, 

LOI-EGES SEESe0 coi kn sae 285 
CICS, LORE os os 6 oe wastes 42 

Order Book of the Santa Fe Ex- 

pedition 154-155 
Perier, MAP ok ck ea deco i, 
renee Wri ois si cece eva 46 
Penniger, Robert. .....:05 6560465 . 33 


Phelps, Young 14, 105, 142, 146 

Price, Elijah, 42; Capt......... 209 

Prison Journal of S, F. Austin.. 151 

Proano, Diego Hernandez... 203, 
247, 253, 254, 257, 258 

Questions and Answers...... 

Raines, C. W 
MUP IN on acin ays lip hares fom bie 283 
Rankin, Melinda ............268, 274 
meavan, Jonn i... .0.6. 265% 218, 279 
Reinhart, Louis.......33, 34, 36, 
eG SD 6 os ooo ee ea a ese sto 40 
Rinker, Capt 11, 12, 14, 15, 22 
Roberts, O. M....... 42, 43, 221; 
Jacob , 
Boberteon, John ©. ........6056. 281 
EOSIN. AGPD: . sick. osc awane 270 
BRABOIS NW AN SM 6:0 vistas ss 0.4.65 2 5404%% 281 
Rose, P. 
Ross, S. P 
Rowan, Richard 
Royall, R. 
OS ae ES | 43, 154 

San Augustine 

Sandusky, Harrison 

Santa Anna , 107, 170 
Schleicher, Gustav ............ 33, 34 
Schmitt, Edmond J. P....... 69, 285 
Seurry, Bill, Dick, and Thomas.. 42 
Seigler, Wm 

Sevey, Theodore 

Sexton, F. 

Shands. E. 


Sibley, John f 
Siguenza, Carlos de 66, 6 
OMIA: TEC. 5 sos basse 151, 15% 
Smith, Henry, 48, 170; J. C.,, 
iO; WOR, 2245 8: Bs coe: 26 
<TC ECEL) amc) L) Sapa omer y 
Smithwick, Noah 


Spies, 33, 35, 36 
Steele, Wm 52 

Taylor, Wandering John...... 214-218 

Texas Flag, Another 170-176 
TAH 0ON, WV AEE NES ccs cscie ss siete 154, 155 
Troutman, Miss 175 
Turner, Amasa..... 5, 46, 47, 48 
MWRIUINEON, WA Pes a5 6654 ssa ores 211 

Wade, J. } 
Walker, Robt. J., 270; 
Wallace, B. 
Wells, Lysander 
Wharton, Wm. H 
Wheeler, Otis, 42; R. 
Whelan, Michael, 237; 
Wilbarger’s Indian Depredations 
in Texas 
Williams, O. W., 
93, 94 
Willis, ———— 142 
Wilson, - 93, § 142 
Wolfson, Arthur Mos). 6.55045 219 
WOOG WN s 80 cs. Shae s akan eas 214 

ne 2) 

—— bo 
If kh DS 
ow bw 

— a 

“ats Ot 

Yoakum, Henderson 105, 141, 

102; ASG; LOU; Stn ..c2 se 272