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0 ΟθΖζι 44:0 IOLI ὃ 







Edited with an Introduction by F. C. CONYBEARE, M.A. 
Crown 8vo, cloth, 25. 6d. 


“To the thinker, of whatever creed or school he may chance to be, 
who is anxious to bring into a more or less homogeneous body of 
belief those religious and scientific truths which in our time are press- 
ing most vehemently for acceptance, I have no hesitation in com- 
mending this work as one of the most suggestive and enlightening 
that our age has been privileged to welcome.”—JoHN OWEN in 

“English students will be thankful to Mr. Conybeare for putting 
into their hands a synopsis of Lotze’s Philosophy of Religion, which 
has no fear of the disadvantages of a translation.” —Guardian. 

““An excellent translation of one of the most important works of a 
prominent philosopher who made an unusually strong impression 
upon the minds of his contemporaries.” —Monist. 







ες (ΟΝ ART jie 

Late Fellow of University. College Oxford 


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͵ΞΞ-- ------ ὀ----- -- --- “5595 


To my Friend, 










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THE object of the following translations is to give 
the reader, in a succession of vivid pictures or 
glimpses, an insight into the prac- 
tical working of Christianity during 
the first three centuries of its his- 
tory. While we freely admire the heroism of the 
martyrs, we must not suppose that the highest 
temper of the new religion was displayed in 
these desperate struggles,’ through which _ its 
champions bore witness to the truth, as they 
deemed it, of their beliefs, and in engaging in 
which they were, on any view, asserting the rights 
of individual conscience and private judgment 
against the overbearing weight of a government 
despotic in its form, and supported in its assaults 
by innumerable popular forces and scruples, social, 
religious, and political.? The best fruits of Christ- 

Aim of these 

* In the following pages we shall not find any martyr who in the 
moment of agony prays, Father, forgive them, they know not what they 
do. The note struck is more frequently one of hatred, defiance, and 

2 Cp. Minucti Felicis Octavius, cap. 37 : quam pulchrum spectaculum 

i B 

2 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

ianity were of course reaped not in these crises, 
not in these supreme moments of storm and stress, 
but in the higher religious conceptions, in the 
wider charity, in the purer social and family life, 
in the elimination of obscene or cruel religious 
rites and amusements, which on the whole went 
with the abandonment of paganism. But these 
blessings could not be secured for the multitude, 
could not be secured at all, unless a stand were 
made against enactments which made the very 
name and profession of Christian an offence 
punishable by any, even the most horrible, forms 
of death. A martyrdom resembled a battle in 
general history; freedom from molestation and 
liberty to enjoy the fruits of peace could not be 
secured in any other way. 
The originals of these translations are to be 
found in a repertory of select martyrdoms, written 
. in the ancient Armenian tongue, 
eee ae and published at the Armenian 
andLatin monastery of San Lazaro, in Venice, 
texts of . a 
Martyrs’ Acts. in the year 1874. These originals 
are in nearly all cases themselves 
versions of still more ancient Greek or Syriac 
texts. In some cases Latin versions also of con- 
siderable antiquity are preserved, and will be 
found in the Axuuxals of Barontus, or in the vast 

deo, cum Christianus cum dolore congreditur, cum aduersum minas et 
supplicia et tormenta componitur, cum strepitum mortis et honorem inri- 
dens carnifici se inculcat, cum libertatem suam aduersus reges et principes 
erigit, cum soli deo cuius est cedit, cum triumphator et victor ipsi qui 
adversum se sententiam dixit insultat. 

General Preface. 3 

collection of the Lives of the Saints of all ages, at 
which the Society of the Jesuits has now been at 
work for over one hundred years, and which is 
known as the Bollandist Acts of the Saints. | 
have not chosen to translate the Armenian form 
of these documents rather than the 
Latin or Greek without reason; and The Armenian 
: : form as a rule 
my reason is this: thatas arule the the oldest. 
ancient Armenian version gives an 
earlier form of the narrative than either the Latin 
or Greek or Syriac manuscripts now yield us. 
For it is one of the first things which the student 
of early Christian literature has to learn, that its 
documents were continually being altered and re- 
cast to suit every fresh development or change 
in the dogmatic beliefs, moral conceptions, and 
discipline of believers, whether — 

: Christian 
orthodox or heretical. What was τα πο 
believed in the first century was eee 
not believed in the same way, and 
was not all that was believed in the second; and 
what was orthodox in the second century was 
in many cases heterodox, and in nearly all cases 
insufficiently explicit in the third .and fourth 
centuries... The value of the Armenian versions 
lies in this, that they often give us access to a 
more primitive form of a Christian writing than 
has survived in Greek or Latin. To take an 


1 Thus the Armenian Acts of Athanagines retain the colophon of one, 
Hilarion, who states that in composing the Acts he ‘‘on paper made 
orthodox all that was said” (by the various actors). Athanagines no 
doubt, like many martyrs of Nicomedia, was an Arian. 

4 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

example: the Armenian text of the Acts of 5. 
Eugenia represents her as choosing for her model 
Thekla, the convert of S. Paul. Now Thekla, 
even as early as the days of Tertullian, became 
suspect, on account of her having arrogated to 
herself the right to baptize. Accordingly we find 
that in the old Latin version, dating probably 
from the fourth century, every mention of her 
is carefully expunged from the Acts in ques- 
tion, and Paul and his epistles replace her and 
her story in such a manner as even to make 
ΠΟ ΠΡΟ O01 the context. So again into the 
Epistle of the Smyrneans, written about a.p. 160, 
and describing the death of Polycarp, there were 
foisted, as early as the time of Rufinus’ Latin 
translation of it, a series of references to the Holy 
Catholic Church. Now the latter phrase did not 
come into vogue until the latter half of the third 
century, and some critics have in consequence 
maintained that the letter of the Smyrneans is a 
forgery of that date. But the difficulty vanishes 
when we turn to the old Armenian version of the 
“Church History” of Eusebius, who quotes the 
letter at length; for there we find, instead of the 
obnoxious phrase, the simple and primitive ex- 
pression which we meet with in the Acts, viz., 
“the Churches” in such and such a region. 

But what the third and fourth century editors 
most delighted to do, was to em- 
bellish an earlier document with 
miracles, if it were free from them ; 
or if it already contained miraculous elements, then 

of miracles. 

General Preface. 5 

to vary and enhance them.  Rationalists have 
impugned the historical character of the New 
Testament, because it has in it such elements : 
and even orthodox critics, among ea 

y docu- 
Protestants at least, have for the ments not to 
same reason condemned in the Sdhahiafeea 
most sweeping manner the so- relate 
called legends of the saints; so oe 
much so that no serious historian has ventured 
to use them. Both sets of critics are equally 
unphilosophical. The real miracle would be, if 
we should find a homely narrative emanating 
from Galilee in the first century to have originally 
contained no such elements; and most of the 
arguments adduced against the value of the 
Gospels as acontemporary narrative, would prove, 
mutatts mutandts, that 5. Bernard’s account of the 
miracles of his friend, 5, Malachi, is spurious. In 
appraising the historical value of an early Christian 
document, we ought to condemn it, not in case 
it contain miraculous elements, but 
in case it be wholly lacking in local The true 
colour, in case the sentiments and ἢ 
teachings put into the mouths of 
the actors and the actions attributed to them be 
foreign to their age and country, so far as of 
these we have any reliable knowledge. Here are 
the true touchstones of truth and genuineness ; 
and we shall be encouraged to apply them, if we 
find that in a narrative that on the whole stands 
well these tests, the miraculous elements vary 
and are different in the different recensions of the 

6 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

text; so that like the plus and minus quantities of 
an algebraical formula, they eliminate one another, 
and in the net result disappear, leaving behind 
them a solid residuum of graphic and _ life-like 
narrative. This is particularly the case with re- 
gard to the Acts of Paul and Thekla, as we shall 
point out in dealing with that history; in the 
Acts of Thalelaus we meet, though in a less 
degree, with the same sort of corroboration of 
their general truth. So is the old adage con- 
firmed : ἔσθλοι μὲν yap ἁπλῶς, παντοδαπῶς δὲ κακοί, 
There are a few characteristics 
fa aerenen of the Acts of Saints of the first 
Acts. three centuries which deserve to be 
noticed in a general preface. 
1. The most historical element in them often 
lies where we should the least expec to lind It, 
namely in the dialogues between 
fee ee te judge and the accused. ΤΠ 
ost often : : 
genuine, will be a surprise to those who are 
familiar with the somewhat different 
method pursued by ancient historians, who put 
into the mouths of the actors not what they 
actually said, even where this was readily acces- 
sible, but what they ought in the judgment of 
the historian to have said. Thus Tacitus, on the 
occasion of the admission of the inhabitants of 
Gallia Comata to the ius honorum, puts into the 
mouth of the Emperor Claudius a speech which 
we know he did not make, because the actual 
words he used are preserved in an inscription found 
at Lyons, the contents of which were taken from 

General Preface. 7 

the Acta Senatus, or journal of the Senate. The 
early Christians must be allowed to have started 
with a higher standard of truth. They considered 
it of the first importance to register the last acts 
and words of a saint, and one of their number 
was frequently deputed to fulfil the task. In 
addition to their own reports they 
could draw upon the official reports Pai antl 
of the law-courts, though these may official records 
not have been always accessible to ° ‘be Boman 
them before the age of Constantine, 
when in the archives of many a court the reports 
of the trials of the third century at least may 
easily have survived. And in this connection we 
must remember that Christianity was such a grave 
offence that the procés-verbal of trials would be 
carefully recorded and preserved by a govern- 
ment so methodical and observant of precedents 
as was the Roman. From the time of Domitian, 
if not at a still earlier date, the very name of 
Christian exposed a person to the penalty of 
death. If information was laid against a man to 
the effect that he was a Christian, he was sum- 
moned before a magistrate and ordered to sacri- 
fice to some god, often to the genius of the 
reigning emperor. The usual answer returned 
was: “I ama Christian, and will not sacrifice 
to idols and to foul evil spirits.” Tortures were 
then used to compel submission, and if these 
failed the culprit was sentenced to death. 

2. Jesus of Nazareth addressed His teachings 
to Jews, who needed no inculcation of the truths 

ὃ Monuments of Early Christianity. 

of monotheism ; and accordingly we find very 
little denunciation in the Gospels 
-Monotheistic Of the folly and sin of idolatry. It 
teachingofthe is far otherwise with the Epistles 
Jews and early ; 
Christians. of Paul, which are addressed to 
converts from polytheism. — His 
polemic, when not directed against those who 
insisted on circumcision and the sabbath, is 
turned against the worship of images and of 
many gods, instead of the One who made the 
heavens and the earth and created man in His 
own image. 

But the protest in Greek literature against idol- 
atry and polytheism did not begin with S. Paul and 
with Christianity. Leaving out of account the lofty 
monotheism, coupled with ridicule of the popu- 
lar religion, which we meet with in the writings of 
a long line of Greek philosophers, beginning with 
Xenophanes in the fifth century B.c.; it is enough 
here to note, that the works of a writer like Philo 
of Alexandria, who died about a.p. 40, at the ad- 
vanced age of seventy, are a sustained polemic 
against the worship of any created being, whether 
sun or moon or stars, whether man or beast or 
the work of men’s hands, In an almost prophetic 
passage this writer makes the proud boast that his 
race were destined to be the teachers of true reli- 
gion to the whole of the civilized world; and there 
is an aspect of the Jewish monotheistic missionary 
effort of the first century, of which we may take 
Paul or Philo as the coryphzi, which is in striking 
contrast with the general teaching of the Christian 

General Preface. 9 

Church in later ages. Neither Paul nor Philo 
believed in the ancient gods, in 

Apollo and Artemis, and in the rest. Gonttactiot 
These gods were to their minds evi anaes 
mere names, figments of the heathen _ Christians. 
imagination, mythoplasms, as Philo 

calls them; powerless for good or for evil, just 
because they were lifeless and spiritless inventions, 
because they were nothing. Philo was inclined to 
regard the gods and goddesses as personifications of 
the elements; so Here or Juno, he tells us, is derived 
from the word air, and Demeter is a name given 
to the earth, because the earth is the mother of all. 
These explanations he borrowed from contempor- 
ary Stoics like Cornutus, who were apologising 
fora worn out mythology. But Philo was not 
apologising, and merely wished to explain and 
account for the heathen beliefs as the outcome 
of an allegorising process akin to poetical meta- 
phor. Between Paul or Philo and the earliest of 
the Christian Apologists there is however a change 
of attitude. The old gods were nothing but so 
much lifeless wood and stone in the estimation of 
Paul, and therefore he had no objection to his 
converts eating meats which had been offered to 
idols. It made no difference in the meats that a 
senseless form of words had been pronounced over 
them, and therefore the Christian might partake of 
them without misgiving. How different is the atti- 
tude of Justin Martyr, and of the entire Church for 
centuries after. We are apt to suppose that con- 
version to the religion of Christ signified and 

10 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

brought with it a disbelief in the gods of pagan- 
ism. Nothing could be further 
Lingering from the truth. The convert con- 
τ eer tinued to believe in the gods as 
Christian —_— firmly as before ; the only difference 
and saints. Was that he now came to regard 
them,.not as benevolent beings, but 
as malevolent ones. They were the fallen angels, 
ministers of Satan lying in wait to destroy men, and 
often for that end taking up their abode in, and 
disguising their natural foulness under the most 
beautiful statues. Such was the nemesis which in 
the decadence of Greek thought overtook the faith 
and art of Phidias and Scopas. It is ever the 
same with a new religion. The gods of one age 
become the devils of the next; and it is to the credit 
of the northern nations of Europe, that they suc- 
ceeded in metamorphosing their old gods into 
elves and fairies, instead of into malevolent demons. 
Intellectually, then, the early Christians were but 
a very short remove from the paganism they de- 
nounced; and very soon after the age of Paul the 
eating of meats offered to idols became the worst 
form of apostasy. It was not the appearance of 
making a concession to heathenism which made 
the act so heinous; rather the consecration to 
idols polluted the food in itself in a mysterious way 
analogous to, but the inverse of, the consecration 
of the elements in the Christian Eucharist. It was 
as it were transubstantiation turned upside down ; 
and undoubtedly the belief in the mystical trans- 
formation of the bread and wine into the body 

General Preface. II 

and blood of Christ grew up, quite naturally, with 
the belief that the evil demons communicated in 
some hidden way their own evil properties to the 
meats offered to them. The two beliefs were 
closely akin, if not both equally remote from the 
monotheistic rationalism of the Jew Paul. “ Evil 
demons,” says Justin Martyr, Apol, 55, ‘in 
the remote past disguised themselves and com- 
mitted adultery with women, and ruined children, 
and wielded terrors over men, so that those who 
did not take right account of such things were 
terrified and were carried away by fear ; and not 
knowing that they were wicked demons, gave 
them the titles of gods, and gave to each of them 
the particular name that each of the demons 
chose to assume.” In the same way Augustine in 
the Ye Crvitate Pez, bk, ch. 31, tells Us τὸ 
the gods of the ancient Romans were Woxiz 
Demones. We are thus prepared to find the 
Christian saints resorting to exorcism against the 
gods of the heathen. The Holy Pancrazio, we 
read, came to Taormena in Sicily, and went into a 
temple, where they worshipped the god Falkon. 
The saint stood facing the image and said: “Ὁ 
Falko, deaf and dumb and blind brute, who art 
thou, and what doest thou here ? How many years 
hath thou lived here, cajoling the creatures of my 
God, and having offerings made to thee, thou foul 
and abominable idol of a devil?” And the devil 
who was dwelling in the idol said ; ‘“‘ Two hundred 
and sixty years have I lived here, and have re- 
ceived sacrifices and offerings from the city of 

15 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

Taormena, each year three unblemished children 
and seventy and three fat and beauteous oxen and 
swine and many lambs.” Then the Holy Pan- 
crazio cried out and said: “1 adjure you, foul devils, 
in the name of our crucified Messiah our God, 
gather ye all hither and lift the deaf and dumb 
idol of Falkon from the temple and cast it into 
the sea, thirty stades distant from the shore, and 
engulf yourselves along with it in the bottom-most 
depths.” So again in Trebizond, at the end of the 
the third century, the evil spirit, which dwelt in 
the idol, cried out at the approach of the Saint 
Fugenius and said: ‘“Eugenius, why dost thou 
persecute us, and drive us away from our home; 
for we are not gods but miserable demons, and we 
beheld the beauty of these images and were filled 
with desire and dwelt inthem. And now we pray 
thee, drive us not out from this place, thou holy one 
of God.” But the saint was without mercy, and 
commanded them to retire into an uninhabited 
mountain in the Caucasus. The demons thus 
ousted from their images were Dia, and Apollo, 
and Artemis.! 

3. This leads us in natural sequence to another 

* Minucius Felix, the first of the Latin Apologists had the same belief 
(ch. 27): Isti igitur impuri spiritus [demones], ut ostensum magis et 
philosophis [et a Platone], sub statuis et imaginibus consecratis delitescunt 
et adflatu suo auctoritatem quasi presentis numinis consequuntur, dum 
inseruntur interim uatibus, cum fanis inmorantur, dum nonnumquam 
extorum fibras animant, auium uolatus gubernant, sortes regunt, oracula 
efficiunt falsis plurimis inuoluentes pauca uera. A more comprehensive 
confession by a Christian of his faith in the heathen gods and goddesses 
cannot be conceived of. 

General Preface. 1 

general characteristic of the early Christians, name- 
ly, their Iconoclasm. The obvious 

way of scotching a foul demon was Destruction 

ἜΣ ; by saints of 
to smash his idols; and we find that re, 

an enormous number of martyrs works of art. 
earned their crown in this manner, 

especially in the third century, when their rapidly 
increasing numbers rendered them bolder and 
more ready to make a display of their intolerance. 
Sometimes the good sense or the worldly prudence 
of the Church intervened to set limits to so favourite 
a way of courting martyrdom ; and at the Synod of 
Elvira, c. A.D. 305, a canon, was passed, declaring 
the practice to be one not met with in the gospel 
nor recorded of any of the apostles, and denying to 
those who in future resorted to it the honours of 
martyrdom. But in spite of this, the most popular 
of the saints were those who had resorted to such 
violence and earned their death by it; and as soon 
as Christianity fairly got the upper hand in the 
fourth century, the wrecking of temples and the 
smashing of the idols of the demons became a most 
popular amusement with which to grace a Christian 
festival. As we turn over the pages of the martyro- 
logies, we wonder that any ancient statues at all 
escaped those senseless outbursts of zealotry. In 
India at the present day we meet with the same 
sort of zeal in the Mahommedan population. The 
Hindoos delight to embellish the walls of their 
temples with scenes drawn from their copious 
mythology; anda Mahommedan, as he passes by at 
dusk, seldom neglects the opportunity of poking 

14 Monuments of Early Chrestranzty. 

out the eye of a favourite divinity with the point 
of his walking-stick. 

4. In very many martyrdoms the saint is made 
to recite his creed ; and we find on the whole that 
nee tle wereeds, iven in. .3.cts: %Ol ἀπὲ 

Creed in second century are simpler than 

eee hose given in third century Acts. 
Thus in the Acts of Apollonius, Christ is merely 
said to have been the Word of God, made man 
in Judea, where He taught all goodness to men, 
and was crucified. No mention is here made of 
His resurrection or of His miraculous birth. As 
Apollonius was familiar with Paul’s epistles, the 
omission of the resurrection from his creed must 
be accidental. But the absence from such profes- 
sions of faith of references to the miraculous birth 
from a virgin is so frequent, that we may infer 
that it was not universally received among Christ- 
ians of the second century ; as, indeed, we know 
from Justin Martyr, that it was not. Sometimes 
we read simply that the Christ was born into the 
world in an ineffable manner; e.g. in the Acts of 
even so late a saint as Demetrius of Thessalonica. 
In the third century the references to the Virgin 
Mary become fairly common, though no early 
martyr ever invoked her aid. Their prayers were 
ever addressed to Jesus the Messiah. Towards 
the end of the third century, and not before, do we 
meet in genuine Acts with the doctrine of the 
Trinity in Unity. Before that epoch the saints 
were content with the simpler formula of God the 
Father, and of His Son Jesus Christ. 

General Preface. 15 

5. It is the fashion in the present day, especi- 
ally with our court divines, to pretend that the 
teaching of hell-fire and of eternal 

: . . All the saints 
torture therein, is no essential or oelievedinthe 
original part of Christianity. EUW Gs err eens 
dip but cursorily into the Acta 
Sanctorum we are forced to come to a very 
different conclusion. Every saint was sure that 
apostasy would cause him to be cast after his 
death into the eternal fires of hell, and it was as a 
means of escape from the terrible destiny which 
threatened all men, that Christian baptism recom- 
mended itself to most converts. For the belief 
was not born with Christianity, nor {πε τς 
was it distinctively Jewish. A few ees ne 
years before the birth of Christ we se 
have the poet Lucretius denouncing 
the popular religion for the reason that it affrighted 
its votaries with such teaching :— 

‘“Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. 

Nunc ratio nulla est restandi, nulla facultas 
“Eternas quoniam poenas in morte timendumst.” 

In Vergil we have the same note :-— 

“Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, 
Atque metus omnes et inexorabile fatum 
Subiecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari. 
The same is the burthen of Plutarch’s tract 
upon superstition. One brief pas- 
: : Plutarch’s 
sage 1s enough—Morala, p. 166, f.: bahay 
—‘ Tear not away the superstitious 
man from his temples; for there is he chastised, 

[6 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

there he meets with his punishment. Why waste 
words. For all men death is the end of life ; but 
of superstition ’tis not the end; for it overleaps 
the limits and transcends our life, and lengthens 
out its terrors beyond this world. It attaches to 
death a dream of immortal evils; and just when 
we are ceasing to toil and sorrow here, it pretends 
that we are beginning with anguish that will 
never cease. Wide open stand the deep gates of 
hell that they fable, and there stretches a vista 
of rivers of fire and stygian cliffs; and all is 
canopied with a darkness {|| of fantasins, OL 
spectres mowing at us with terrible faces, and 
uttering pitiful cries.” The Christians, to their 
eternal shame, availed themselves eagerly of an 
infirmity of the human mind which pagan philoso- 
phers had deplored. And so we find the first of 
the Latin fathers, Minucius Felix, 
contemplating with satisfaction the 
fate in store for the heathen and 
their gods (ch. 35): “εἴ tamen admonentur homines 
doctissimorum libris et carminibus szpius am- 
bientis drderis.. τες et idéo .apud ees etiam 
rex [uppiter per torrentes ripas et atrem uoraginem 
urat religiose; destinatam enim sibi cum suis 
cultoribus pcenam prescius perhorrescit. Nec 
tormentis aut modus ullus aut terminus. _ Illic 
sapiens ignis membra urit et reficit, carpit et 
nutrit. Sicut ignes fulminum corpora tangunt nec 
absumunt, sicut ignes Attnei et Vesuuil et ar- 
dentium ubique terrarum flagrant nec erogantur : 
ita poenale illud incendium non damnis ardentium 


General Preface. 17 

pascitur, sed inexesa corporum laceratione nutritur. 
Eos autem merito torqueri, qui deum nesciunt, ut 
impios, ut iniustos, nisi profanus nemo deliberat, 
cum parentem omnium et omnium dominum non 
minoris sceleris sit ignorare quam lzdere.” 
Here we have the medieval hell. But we make 
a mistake, if we think that this awful shadow was 
not cast across the human mind long before the 
birth of Christianity. On the contrary, it is a 
survival from the most primitive stage of our 
intellectual and moral development. The mys- 
teries of the old Greek and Roman worlds were 
intended as modes of propitiation ee ees 
and atonement, by which to escape  jast of the θεοὶ 
from these all-besetting terrors, and λυτηρίοι of 
. paganism, 
Jesus the Messiah, was the last and 
the best of the λυτήριοι θεοὶ, of the redeeming 
gods. In the dread of death and in the belief in 
the eternal fire of hell, which pervaded men’s 
minds, a few philosophers excepted, ΠΝ, 
Christianity had a potnt αἱ apput, share pei 
without availing itself of which it crum of early 
: Christianity. 
would not have made a single step 
towards the conquest of men’s minds. Its ultimate 
prevalence over other forms of initiation was 
chiefly due to the superior speculative truth of its 
monotheistic conception of the world, inherited 
from the parent Judaism, and rendered intelligible 
to the masses by the outward and parallel spec- 
tacle, which the Roman empire presented to their 
eyes, of the entire world brought under the sway 
of a single will. And in this last connection it 

18 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

may be no mere fancy to say that the Christian 
conception of the relation of the Son to the Father 
was, if not suggested, at any rate brought home 
to the ordinary Christian imagination, by the 
familiar spectacle of the absolute Cesar adopting 
another as his son, to sit at his right hand and be 
co-equal with him in counsel and supreme power. 
6. Another point strikes us in reading the Acts 
of the Saints. It is the extent to which there 
gathered round the personality of a 
Older myths : : Ε 
ἘΣ οὐοὴ favourite martyr the stories which 
round the had been believed of the demigods 
early saints. ᾿ 
and heroes of an earlier age. Thus 
Callistratus is borne to the shore by dolphins, like 
Amphion; and saints innumerable began their 
careers by destroying a dragon, like Perseus, or 
like Hercules, a voracious lion, or like Theseus, a 
destructive bull. And the predicates of one ancient 
god attached themselves to one saint and of 
another to asecond. Thus the mariners of Pontus 
prayed to Phocas as of old time they had prayed 
to Poseidon. ‘‘ Mutato nomine de te fabula nar- 
ratur.” A rich harvest awaits any student of folk- 
lore who approaches the legends of the saints 
from this point of view. 
7. We should err, if we ascribed to the Christ- 
ians of the first three centuries as a regular and 
every-day characteristic, that de- 
How far early ‘ ἢ 
Christians. tachment from the interests of this 
renounced world, that readiness to abandon it, 
the world. ἔ 
which, nevertheless, they so fre- 
quently displayed in seasons of persecution. We 

General Preface. 19 

cannot suppose that in ordinary times the Chris- 
tians of the second and third centuries were more 
ready to cast off the ties of family and forego the 
comforts of life than were the unconverted. And 
probably they interpreted the Gospel precepts, 
“Let the dead bury the dead,” and ‘‘ Who is My 
mother ? and who are my brethren ?” in the same 
sense in which we interpret them, namely, as 
advice not so much to neglect the ties with which 
nature has surrounded us, as to draw closer the 
ties of charity, which should link us with all about 
us. Such precepts of course could not otherwise 
than occur to martyrs, when the ties of blood 
seemed to stand in the way of the heavenly re- 
wards which they believed to await those who, 
rather than recant, suffered tortures and death. 
We shall see, for instance, that Polyeuctes casts 
these precepts in the teeth of his father-in-law in a 
manner which seems almost brutal. So Perpetua, 
the mother of a new-born babe, in the excess of 
her devotion to the cause, is ready to cast to the 
winds the instincts of maternity. Butin many such 
cases we must take into account that the bodily 
feelings of the saint had been racked with tortures 
before they were brought to utter such sentiments. 
None of our documents here translated, with 
the exception perhaps of the Acts,  Π 
of Thekla, go back to the very Jesus ana 
first stage of Christianity. In those arate. 
earliest times the followers of end ofworld 
Jesus the Messiah, as it is now ~~ rece 
commonly admitted by all schools of critics, be- 

20 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

lieved that their Prophet was going to return 
and begin almost at once the millennium or king- 
dom of heaven upon earth. The kingdom was 
at hand, and no man knew when the heavenly 
Bridegroom might appear with His angels... ine 
most pressing necessity was therefore to repent. 
Call there was none to marry and beget children, 
or to take thought for the morrow and lay up the 
riches that spoil. How hardly should they that 
had riches enter into the kingdom of heaven. 
Jesus said, “Verily I say unto you, there is no 
man that hath left house, or brethren, or sisters, 
or children, or lands for My sake, and for the 
gospel’s sake, but he shall receive a hundredfold, 
now in this time, houses and brethren, and sisters 
and mothers, and children and lands, with perse- 
cutions; and in the age to come eternal 116..." 
Nor it would seem were there wanting those who 
already, in the age contemporary with Christ, 
and, indeed, long before, had responded to such 
a summons as this, though from 

The same is . 
also met with the lips of other unknown prophets. 
ay Philo’s Witness the Therapeute, of whom 

erapeute. : τὰ Ὁ 

Philo has left a description at the 
very beginning of the Christian era, attesting 
moreover that they were spread all over the in- 
habited world. These men and women, he says, 
give up their goods, and flee without looking back, 
leaving their brethren, their children, their wives, 
their parents, their throng of relatives and of 

1 See especially Matt. xvi., 27, 28 ; and xix. 27-29. 

General Preface. 21 

faithful friends, their native lands in which they 
were bred and born. And why? In order that 
they might retire into the desert, and there living, 
men and women together, yet in perfect chastity, 
devote themselves to prayer and praise, to watch- 
ing and fasting, and perpetual contemplation of 
God, and of His powersand goodness. In remote 
regions generations passed away before the 
Christians could resign their dream, and give up 
the old hope that the kingdom of 
God upon earth was really at hand. 
As late as the beginning of the 
second century we have such allusions as the 
following (Meu entdeckte vierte Buch des Daniel 
Commentars von F{ippolytus. Dr. Ed. Bratke. 
Bonn, 1891, p. 15, 1. 9) :— 

“For I will narrate what happened not long 
ago in Syria. A certain bishop (προεστώς) of the 
Church, being too little versed in the ree ee 
divine scriptures, and because he in Syria in the 
also neglected to follow the voice of 27% °entUTy, 
the Lord, went astray and led others astray also. 

He persuaded many of the brethren 
with their wives and children to go out into the 
wilderness to meet the Christ; and they went 
wandering in the mountains and wastes, there 
losing their way ; and the end was that all but a 
few were apprehended as robbers, and would have 
been executed by the hegemdn, had it not been 
that his wife was a believer, and that in response 
to her entreaties he put a stop to proceedings, to 
prevent a persecution arising because of them. 

The millen- 
nial belief 

22 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

What folly was it and want of sound instruction 
that induced them to seek the Christ in the wil- 
derness; just as in the time of Elijah the prophet, 
the sons of the prophets looked among the moun- 
tains for Elijah, who had been taken up into 
heaven, for the space of three days! 
“And in the same way there was another in 
Pontus, who was, like the former, president (zpoe- 
στώς) of the Church, a prudent man 
eae and lowly-minded ; yet as he failed 
to read, mark, and understand the 
scriptures in sound manner, he was more given 
to trust to the visions which he himself saw than 
to them. For he fell first into one, and then a 
second, and then a third dream, and at last began 
to proclaim to the brethren that he knew this and 
that as a prophet knows, and that this and that 
was about to come to pass. And they listened to 
his preaching, to the effect that the day of the 
Lord is imminent (2 Thess. ii. 2), and with weep- 
ings and lamentations they prayed to the Lord 
night and day, having before their eyes the ap- 
proaching day of judgment. And he brought the 
brethren to such a pitch of fear and trembling, that 
they abandoned their lands and fields, letting them 
become waste, and sold, the most of them, their 
possessions. But he told them thus: Unless it 
happen as I have told you, then believe ye not any 
more in the scriptures, but let each of you do as he 
pleases. So they went on expecting the coming 
event, and when nothing that he told them came 
about, he was himself put to shame as having 

General Preface. 23 

lied ; but the scriptures turned out to be true after 
41}; while the brethren were found to be cast on 
a rock of offence. So that after that the virgins 
married, and the men went their way to till their 
fields. But those who had recklessly sold their 
properties, were found afterwards asking to have 
them back again. This is what happens to silly 
and light-headed people, who instead of attending 
strictly to the scriptures, prefer to obey the tra- 
ditions of men and their own vagaries and their 
own dreams and mythologies and old wives’ tales.” 
Yet it was certainly the genuine teaching of 
Jesus which misled these poor people. ‘ Ye 
err,’ He had said to those who 
asked Him to which of her seven ἘΠ" 
husbands a woman would in the marriage as 
resurrection belong, ‘‘ because ye serge ae 

with resurrec- 
know not the scriptures nor the  tionand the 

power of God. For in the resurrec- eee ae 
tion they neither marry nor are given 

in marriage, but are as angels of God in heaven.” 
So Matthew xxii. 29; but in Luke the precept 
that none but the unmarried can inherit the 
kingdom of heaven is stated without reserve ; 
for in answer to the same question we read that 
Jesus said: ‘‘ The children of this age marry and 
are given in marriage ; but ¢hey that are deemed 
worthy to attain to that age and to the resurrection 
from the dead neither marry nor are given im 
marriage. For they can no longer die. For 
they are equal to angels, and are sons of God, 
being sons of the resurrection.” That is to say, 

24 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

the question, to which husband the woman would 
belong was quite beside the point, seeing that 
any marriage whatever was an absolute bar to 
entrance into that new age and life, which He 
(Jesus) was about to inaugurate “before ¢hzs 
generation shall pass away.” Similar is the 
teaching ascribed to S. Paul in the Acts of Paul 
and Thekla, especially in chap. xii. In the same 
spirit Jesus refers (Matt. xix. 12) to “the eunuchs 
who had made themselves eunuchs because of 
the kingdom of heaven.” For these men had by 
their self-mutilation raised themselves above all 
Cmptition 10 marry.” © St. Paul 
Thesame was thus true to the teaching of 
spirit obser- 5 
vable in Paul, Jesus when he dissuaded Thekla 
and others from marriage. In the 
kingdom of Christ “there can be no male and 

1 So in Clem. Rom., Ep. ii. 12, we read that the Lord on being asked 
when His kingdom should come, answered, When the two shall be one, 
and that which is without as that which is within, and the male with the 
female neither male nor female. Justin Martyr, the father of Christian 
apologists, quotes the precept given by Jesus in Matthew xix. 12 with 
particular approval in his Apology, I. chap. xv. ; and in chap. xxix. of the 
same treatise he relates how a Christian, libellum obtulit Alexandriz Felici 
preefecto rogans ut medico licentiam daret testes ipsi resecandi. The pre- 
fect refused permission. During the life-time of Jesus we hear of the same 
precept being followed by Alexandrian Jews or proselytes. Thus Philo. 
writes (Quod detur Pot. Insid., i. 224), ἐξευνευχισθῆναί ye μὴν ἄμεινον 
ἢ πρὸς συνουσίας ἐκνόμους λυττᾶν. It is curious that modern commen- 
tators on the N.T. overlook passages so illustrative of Matthew xix. 12. 
To the Aryan races, like the Greeks and Romans, the practice of 
eunuchism was somewhat abhorrent, and so soon as the Christian church 
became in the main a church of the Gentiles, it hastened to discoun- 
tenance a practice, which however its founder seems to have regarded with 
approval, and which may even have constituted one of the Jlagitia alleged 
against the early Christians. (See Origen Comm. on Matt. xix. 12, and 
Clem. Alexand. Ed. Syllb., p. 2298, 468c, 451A.) 

General Preface. 25. 

female” (Gal. iii. 38). Marriage was to his 
mind a second best, just so much distraction from 
the business of the Lord, whether for man or for 
woman (1 Cor. vii. 34). ‘Art thou loosed from 
a wife? then seek not one.’ However it was 
better to marry than to burn, and if a man found 
that he could not restrain himself and live on 
platonic terms with his virgin, then he did best 
to marry her (1 Cor. vii. 36).* 

The precept not to marry, like the companion 
precept to possess no riches, was thus originally 
meant to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven 
which was at hand. But as the years rolled by, 
the expectation of the second coming and of the 
thousand years reign of Christ on earth, grew dim 
and receded into the background of the Christian 
mind. And it is an effort to us, as we read to-day 
the apocalyptic passages of the New Testament, 
to realise that they were written in view of a 
millennium which was to come even during the 
lifetime of the hearers of Jesus. 

But although the old apocalyptic dream thus 
faded away, the belief in virginity as the true 
state of the elect has survived in 
some churches even to the present ere ae 
day. With the early fathers vir- ness of virgins 
ginity was a never-ending, never- S2ryyvec 
failing topic for edificatory hymns 

1 From this passage we incidentally learn that those platonic marriages: 
between Christians were already common in Paul’s day, which Cyprian 
of Carthage was obliged to interdict on pain of excommunication, because 
of the frequent abuses to which they give rise. 

26 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and discourses. It was also a fertile source of 
martyrdoms, and many were the maidens who, 
being betrothed and their nuptials arranged, took 
a sudden resolution to remain virgins; and in 
such cases the outraged, but ungallant, bridegroom 
often consoled himself by accusing his mistress 
of Christianity. In the Acts of S. Peter, which 
are certainly very old, though of course their 
attribution to Linus is false, we read that that 
apostle by his preaching persuaded many women 
old and young, rich and poor, to take vows of 
virginity.’ In the fourth century when the Church 
conquered the world or the world the Church, a 
compromise was effected ; and those who wished 
to practise the tenets of primitive Christian 
poverty and purity took shelter from the now 
all-absorbing world within the walls of nunneries 
and monasteries. | 
A few words are necessary in conclusion as to 
the method I have pursued in editing these trans- 
lations. Where there exist other 
Method pur- ancient texts besides the Armenian 
sued in these : 
franslationa © trausiated.. 1 have added τ 
notes the chief varieties of text 
which they furnish; in order to give the reader 
an idea of the development which a text has at 
various times undergone. In the case of the 

+ Martyrium beati Petri, cap. i. : ‘Unde factum est ut beati Petri ser- 

monibus magnus pudicitize apud multas diversze ztatis ac potestatis seu nobi- 
litatis foeminas amor exarserit, ita ut pleraeque etiam Romanorum matronze 
a commixtione uirilis thori seruare munda corda simul et corpora, quantum 
ex ipsis erat, diligerent.” These Acts are an admirable commentary on the 
story of Paul and Thekla. 

General Preface. 27 

Apology of Apollonius which I have been so 
fortunate as to detect in the Armenian martyro- 
logy, I have added many notes illustrative of the 
text. I have also prefixed to each piece an 
introduction discussing its authenticity and any 
other questions of interest which arise in con- 
nection with it. 

In the martyrology, printed at Venice in 1874, 
there still remains enough of interest to make a 
second volume as large as this. I have chiefly 
translated those pieces which are new and hitherto 
unknown, e.g. the Acts of Apollonius, a.p. 185, 
of Quadratus or Codratius, c. a.p. 250, of Hizti- 
bouzit, a converted magus; or those which in 
the Armenian assume such a shape, that the 
question of their spuriousness needs to be re- 
argued. Of the latter class the Acts of Phocas, of 
Eugenia, and of Thekla are the most important. 
The first of these turns out to be a partly genuine 
monument of the Bithynian persecution, in which 
Pliny was concerned. The second has been 
strangely confirmed by recent discoveries in the 
Roman catacombs. The third adds a new and 
genuine chapter to the history of S. Paul. 

᾿ a = oy 
oe. So 


‘Our first example is drawn from the reign of Commodus. By 
this time, as Eusebius informs us, the new faith had made 
many converts, not only among the poor of eee cr 
Rome, but among the rich and noble. We Eusebius. 
have the statement of Eusebius that Apol- 

lonius was renowned for his culture and philosophy ; it is also 
probable that he was a man of exalted and even senatorial 
rank. This alone would explain the circumstance that Perennis, 
before whom he was brought to trial, asked him to defend 
himself before the Senate. The date of his martyrdom is 
known from the fourth century catalogue of martyrs by Liberius, 
also from the Roman and other calendars, to have been 
185 A.D. 

The tone of the martyr’s defence then delivered, is full of 
solemn force and simplicity, and gives the reader a loftier 
idea of the Christianity of the time than the 
florid special pleading of Tertullian, whose 
Apology for Christianity is later only by a 
few years. If the philosopher on the throne, 
Marcus Aurelius, had been a Christian and had been sum- 
moned to give an account of his religion, he would, we feel, 
have given just such a one as this. 

By way of preface it is best to give a translation of the 21st 
chapter of the fifth book of the history of the Church by 
Eusebius, which has hitherto! contained all that was known of 
this martyr. It is as follows :— 

Tone of this 

1 That is to say by European scholars. It is significant of the general 
and undeserved disregard of Armenian literature, that these Acts although 

20 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

“And about the same period of the reign of Comodus,? 
our affairs took a change in the direction of clemency ; and by 
God’s grace peace came over the Churches 

Text of of the entire world. This was the time when 
Eusebius, . ] Γ 
Hist. Eccl the saving word led the souls of all men, o 

ie: every race, to the reverent worship of the 

God of all things. So that by this time 
numbers of those who in Rome were most distinguished for 
their wealth and family came and received for their own the 
salvation which was prepared for every house and every race. 
Now this was more than the demon who hates what is good 
and is envious by his very nature could endure. So he 
stripped himself again for the contest, and contrived a variety 
of fresh plots against us. And in Rome accordingly he brought 
before the tribunal Apollonius, a man who among the believers. 
of that day was renowned for his culture and philosophy ; and 
to accuse this man he incited one of his own servants who are 
suited thereunto. But the unhappy man went into the suit 
in an ill-starred way, for, according to the regulation of the 
Emperor, it was not permitted that those who informed against 
such as Apollonius should live. And he had his legs broken, 
for the Judge Perennius pronounced such a sentence upon 

printed by the Mechitarists of Venice as long ago as 1874, were neither 
noticed nor translated into any European tongue, until I printed this 
English rendering of them in the Guardian of 18th June, 1893. Yet during 
the last ten years the notice of Apollonius in Eusebius’ history has been 
discussed and rediscussed, and the loss of the Acts themselves lamented 
by Gorres and Neumann in Germany, Aubé in France, and many others. 
Upon my drawing his attention to them, Prof. Harnack of Berlin imme- 
diately contributed a learned monograph upon them to the Royal Prussian 
Academy (Stézung der Phil. Hist. Classe vom 27 Juli, 1893). He writes 
of them thus: ‘* Es ist in der That die vornehmste Apologie des Christen- 
thum, die wir aus dem Alterthum besitzen. Ein edler Sinn, muthig aber 
nicht trotzig, spricht aus ihr. Die Antworten zeichnen sich durch Festig- 
keit und Wiirde, Freimuth und Ruhr aus; sie iiberraschen an einigen 
Stellen durch ihre Schlagfertigkeit.” I take this opportunity of acknow- 
lodging my indebtedness to Prof. Harnack’s prompt monograph, from 
which he has allowed me to borrow in my notes much material. 

1 The name Commodus is spelt in the same way in the Armenian “εἴα. 
Commodus reigned A.D. 180-92. 

The Apology and Acts of the Apollonius. 31 

him. But the martyr so dear to God, after that the judge 
had besought him much and earnestly, and asked him to give 
an account of himself before the Senate, delivered a most rea- 
sonable defence before all of the faith for which he was being 
martyred,! and then was beheaded, and so reached his con- 
summation, in accordance, it seems, with the decree of the 
Senate, for there is an ancient law which prevails among them, 
that those who have once come before the court and will not 
change their resolution, shall not be excused on any ground. 
In the compilation which we have made of old martyrdoms 
you may learn what was said by him before the judge and the 
answers which he gave to the questions of Perennius ; and the 
whole defence which he made to the Senate; this whoever 
wishes may know from beginning to end.” 

Hieronymus does not appear to have had any other know- 
ledge of Apollonius than is given in the passage of Eusebius 
just quoted ; for in his catalogue of Christian 
writers he gives us (c. 42) the following 
notice: “ Apollonius, Romanz urbis senator 
sub Commodo principe a servo proditus quod Christianus 
esset, impetrato ut rationem fidei suze redderet, insigne volu- 
men composuit, quod in senatu legit; et nihilo minus sententia 
senatus pro Christo capite truncatur, veteri apud eos obtinente 
lege, absque negatione non dimitti Christianos, qui semel ad 
eorum iudicium pertracti essent.” In the above the words “‘in- 
signe volumen ” are, as Prof. Harnack points 
out, due to the characteristic exaggeration Inaccuracy 
of Hieronymus, and the words “impetrato and want of 

FEividence of 

ut” to mere inability to construe the Greek of Greek scholar-. 
: : : ΐα ship in 

Eusebius which lay before him. In point of πότοι ἢ 

fact the Apology which the Armenian Church account. 

has preserved to us is very brief, and it was 

Perennis the prefect who begged Apollonius to defend himself. 
before the Senate, not Apollonius who begged to be allowed to 
do so. Another statement in the above extract of Hieronymus 
which goes beyond the account of Eusebius is also merely due 

1 Or “the faith to which he was witnessing.” 

112 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

to hasty and inaccurate translation of the Greek. It is that 
Apollonius was betrayed by one of his own servants. What 
Eusebius said was that one of the devil’s servants who are 
always ready for such jobs, betrayed Apollonius. No fourth- 
form boy could have made more errors in translating these 

twenty lines of Eusebius than does Hieronymus. 
Eusebius makes the remarkable statement that the informer 
was immediately afterwards condemned by Perennis to have 
his legs broken in accordance with an im- 

Addition perial edict. This statement has already 
made to the {τ ᾿ τ 
Acts by moved the suspicion of several writers ; 
Eusebius. nor is it likely that an informer would be 

punished for giving information which led 
‘to condemnation and beheadal of the accused. The Armenian 
Acts give no hint of such a circumstance, though it may have 
been contained in them in their complete form. Harnack 
is of opinion that it was stated in them that the informer 
had his legs broken, and that Eusebius out of his own con- 
jecture ascribed this action to an imaginary edict of Marcus 
Aurelius, which he had just before given in his history (bk. v., 
ch. 5, § 6). This imaginary edict threatened informers against 
Christians with death in consequence of the so-called miracle 
of the Thundering Legion. ‘The entire statement may have 
_arisen out of the fact that in all their histories of martyrdoms 
the early Christians liked to learn that those who had brought 
suffering on the martyrs suffered retribution even in this life. 
This leads up to the question whether 
Heenan these Acts of Apollonius are trustworthy and 
inka authentic. Of this there cannot be any 
doubt, and for these reasons :— 

1. Their tone is thoroughly that of the second century. 
They are simple and forcible, and there are no miraculous 
additions. As Harnack remarks: ‘They bear the stamp of 
life and genuineness.” 

2. Tertullian must have read them, if he really imitates 
them in his Apology which he wrote A.D. 197. Prof. Harnack 

| E.g. C. F. Neumann. 

The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 33 

thinks that Tertullian has so imitated §§ 19, 38, 41 of Apol- 

3. In any case the shorthand notes of Apollonius’ trial were 
accessible to the fellow-religionists of the condemned, and 
these were doubtless used by the writer of these Acts. 

4. Eusebius reckoned these Acts to be genuine, and on that 
account gave them a place in his collection of old martyrdoms, 
a work which is now, sad to say, lost to us. ‘This in itself is 
strong evidence in favour of them. For in other cases where 
Eusebius mentions particular Acta to be genuine, and where 
time has preserved to us the documents so mentioned, we 
never find his judgment astray. 

The close resemblance between § 4 and a passage in the 
Acts of Polycarp, proves at the best that the second century 
redactor of the Acts of Apollonius had seen 
those of Polycarp. But the answer is so Se eae 
often met with in Acta, that we may safely Polycarp. 
infer that it was the stereotyped reply which 
Christians were taught to give to magistrates who pressed them 
to recant. 

The simplicity of the Creed which Apollonius formulates has 
already been dwelt upon in our general preface. It is fresh 
evidence of the early date of these Acts. 
We may almost infer that the martyr had 
not heard of the legend of the birth of Christ 
from a virgin. And if he knew of the resurrection he does 
not think it necessary to allude to it. What attracted him in 
Christianity was clearly its superior morality, its teachings of 
truthfulness, mercy, purity of life, of lofty monotheism far 
removed from the idolatrous cults around him. | 

Taken in conjunction with the passage in the History of 
Eusebius, the procedure which seems to have been followed 
in the case of Apollonius calls for a good 
deal of remark. But on so technical a mat- Procedure fol- 

lowed in trial 
ter 1am content to refer the reader to the ὁ Apollonius. 
monograph of Prof. A. Harnack, to which I 
have already referred; and will proceed at once to give a 
translation of the Armenian Acts themselves. In printing 

Simple Creed 
of Apollonius. 


34 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

them I have observed the division into sections which Har- 
nack has made in his German edition, to which I owe those 
of my footnotes which are subscribed A. H. 


Curist, Who giveth all things, prepareth a 
crown of righteousness for those who are well- 
minded and stand firm by the faith in God; for 
the chosen ones of God are called to this right- 
eousness, in order that, having fought the good 
fight with fortitude, they may attain the promises 
which God, Who lies not, hath promised to those 
who love Him and believe in Him with their 
whole soul. One of these also was the blessed 
martyr and goodly champion? of Christ, Apol- 
lonius. He had lived a good and ascetic life in 
the great Rome,’ and, desirous of the earnest * of 
his heavenly call, he was numbered among the 
holy martyrs of Christ. The blessed one bore 
witness before the Senate and Terentius the Pre- 
fect,” and gave his answers with great boldness, 
whose memorials ὁ are as follows :— 

* The Arm. = ἀψευδής. A. H. notes that this introduction is composed 
of passages from the Pastoral Epistles, see 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8; 1 Tim. vi. Τὴ: 
Tit. i, 2. With ἀψευδής comp. the Acts of Polycarp 14, 2: ὃ ἀψευδὴς καὶ 
ἀληθινὸς θεός. 

5 ἀθλητής probably stood in the Greek original. 

° The expression ‘in the great Rome” shows that this introduction was 
not written in Rome. A. H. 

* The Arm, here = καὶ σπουδάσας ἀῤῥαβῶνα τὴν ἄνω κλῆσιν (ἢ τῆς 
ἄνω κλήσεως). Comp. Eph. i. 14; Phil. iii. 14. 

5 The Arm. literally = χιλιάρχης. The Text of Eusebius has Perennius, 
who was prefect of the Praetorian guard in the reign of Commodus.  Per- 
ennis was the real name. Terentius is an obvious corruption of Perennius, 
either in an early Greek text or in the Armenian itself. 

Ὁ ΟΣ Acts, 


26 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

1. Terentius, the Prefect, commanded that he 
should be brought before the Senate, and said to 
him—‘“O Apollonius, wherefore dost thou resist 
the invincible laws and decree of the Emperors, 
and dost refuse to sacrifice to the gods?” 2. 
Apollonius said—‘‘ Because 1 am a Christian ; 
therefore, I fear God Who made heaven and 
earth, and sacrifice not to empty idols.” 

3. The Prefect said—‘‘ But thou oughtest to 
repent of this mind of thine because of the edicts 
of the Emperors, and take oath by the good for- 

§ 1. The Acts cannot have begun in this way; for not only do we not 
learn how the accusation came to be made, though Eusebius must have 
known in order to write as he does, but the personal details are also lacking. 
—The expression ‘‘ commanded ” agrees with the words of Eusebius trans- 
lated above from the ZH. £Z., v. 21, ὃ 4: πολλὰ λιπαρῶς ἱκετεύσαντος τοῦ 
δικαστοῦ καὶ λόγον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς aityoavros.—Un- 
fortunately no reason is assigned for the accused being brought before the 
senate ; neither is Apollonius called a senator. The hearing of the case 
as here related takes place before the Prefect and the Senate.—There was 
no general edict prior to the reign of Decius compelling every Christian to 
sacrifice. All that is here referred to is the rule allowed by Trajan and 
then repeatedly insisted upon, especially by M. Aurelius, that every Chris- 
tian when accused should sacrifice; see the Acta Carpi et Papyli, 4: 
ἔγνωσται σοι πάντως TA προστάγματα τῶν Αὐγούστων περὶ τοῦ δεῖν ὑμᾶς 
σέβειν τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς τὰ πάντα διοικοῦντας " ὅθεν συμβουλεύω ὑμῖν 
“προσελθεῖν καὶ θῦσαι (cf. Zexte τε. Unters. 4. altchristl. Litt.-Gesch., 111. 5. 
454 f.). Acts οἵ Polyc. 8 : τί γὰρ κακόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν, Κύριος Καῖσαρ, καὶ 
ἐπιθῦσαι, etc. A. Η. 

§ 3. For the name Comodus see Eusebius. For the fact narrated com- 
pare Tertull. Apol. 28 ff. and in particular the Acts of Polycarp, 9: ὃ 
ἀνθύπατος. . . ἔπειθεν dpveto be λέγων’ αἰδέσθητί cov τὴν ἡλικίαν, 
καὶ ἕτερα τούτοις ἀκόλουθα, ὡς ἔθος αὐτοῖς λέγειν' ὄμοσον τὴν καίσαρος 
τυχῆν, μετανόησον; οἷ. ὃ 10. In Acta Scillit. (p. 112 ed. Robinson) the 
proconsul Saturninus says : ‘‘ et nos religiosi sumus, et simplex est religio 
nostra et iuramus per genium domini nostri imperatoris, et pro salute eius 
supplicamus, quod et uos quoque facere debetis.” A. H. Compare also 
Minucii Felicis Octavius, cap. 29: Sic eorum numen inuocant, ad imagines 
supplicant, genium id est demonem rei implorant; et est eis tutius per 
Iovis genium peierare quam regis. 

The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 37 

tune of the autocrat Commodus.” 4. Apollonius 
replied—‘“‘ Hear with understanding this my 
answer. He who repents of just and good works, 
in truth such a man is godless and without hope ; 
but he who repents of lawless deeds and of evil 
thoughts, and returns not again to them, such a 
one is a lover of God, and hath regard to the 
hope. 5. And I now am firmly resolved in this 
iny mind to keep the beautiful and glorious com- 
mand of God, which He taught by my Lord 
Christ, Who knoweth the thoughts of men, and 
beholdeth whatsoever is done in secret or in the 
open. 6. It is best to swear not at all, but in all 

§ 4. Comp. Acts of Polyc. ii. : ἀμετάθετος ἡμῖν ἣ ἀπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων 
ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω μετάνοια" καλὸν δὲ μετατίθεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν χαλεπῶν ἐπὶ τὰ 
δίκαια. Armenian Acts of Eustratius (vol. i. p. 441 of the Venice Martyr- 
ology) : The duke said: ““Ο Eustratius, unless you repent and turn back 
from your superstitious folly, expect not to be saved from my hands by 
reason of the pernicious counsels you have espoused.” The holy Eustratius 
answered : ‘‘O Lysias, they ought to repent who drift from things that are 
good into badness, but not they who spurning evil deeds and designs 
follow after the truth. Even as I from the beginning haye followed after 
the just laws of my true God.” 

§ 5. καλὸν καὶ ἔνδοξον. For use of ἔνδοξον see I. Clem. 9, 19, 23, 34, 
43, 45,58. A. H. 

§ 6. Harnack prefers a rendering which is equally compatible with the 
Armenian : Ich will wahrhaftig schworen bei dem wahren Gott, obschon 
wir auch den Kaiser lieben und fiir seine Majestat Gebete darbringen. He 
remarks thus: We may notice the circumspection of the accused; he 
recognises that the oath is necessary in this bad world; but only the oath 
by God is allowable. He exemplifies the prohibition of swearing from 
Matt. v. 34 ff. ; Jacob v. 12; Justin, Apol. i. 16. περὶ δὲ τοῦ μὴ ὀμνύναι 
ὅλως τἀληθῆ δὲ λέγειν ἀεὶ, οὕτως παρεκελεύσατο κιτιλ. To which I may 
add the following references. Josephus, Wars of the Fews, bk. ii. ch. 8, 
Whiston’s translation : ‘*‘ They (the Essenes) are eminent for fidelity and 
are the ministers of peace. Whatsoever they say also is firmer than an 
oath. But swearing is avoided by them ; and they esteem it worse than 
perjury. For they say, that he who cannot be believed without swearing 
by God, is already condemned.” ὀργῆς ταμίαι δίκαιοι, θυμοῦ καθεκτικοί 

38 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

things to live in peace and truth; for a great oath 
is the truth, and for this reason is it a bad and an 
ill thing to swear by Christ ; but because of false- 
hood is there disbelief, and because of disbelief 
there is swearing. I am willing to swear in truth 
by the true God that we, too, love the Emperor, 
and offer up prayers for his Majesty.” 

7. The Prefect said—‘‘ Come, then, and sacri- 
fice to Apollo, and to the other gods, and to the 
Emperor's image.” 8. Apollonius said—“ As to 

πιστέως προστάται, εἰρήνης ὑπουργοί. Καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπ᾽ 
αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότερον ὅρκου, τὸ δὲ ὀμνύειν περιίστανται χεῖρόν τι τῆς 
ἐπιορκίας ὑπολαμβάνοντες. ἤδη γὰρ κατεγνῶσθαι φασὶ τὸ ἀπιστούμενον 
δίχα θεοῦ. The ordinance not to swear was older than Jesus of Nazareth, 
for in Philo de x oraculis 2, 194, we read: κάλλιστον δὴ kal βιωφελέστα- 
Tov καὶ ἁρμόττον λογικῇ φύσει TO ἀνώμοτον, οὕτως ἀληθεύειν ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου 
δεδιδαγμένῃ, ὡς τοὺς λόγους ὅρκους εἶναι νομίζεσθαι. Δεύτερος δέ φασι 
πλοῦς τὸ εὐορκεῖν᾽ ἤδη γὰρ ὀμνὺς εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑπονοεῖται. This is 
exactly the thought of Apollonius. And the following passage of Philo 
has a superficial resemblance to the very words of the Gospel. ”“Agvov 
ἐπαινεῖν Kal τοὺς, ὁπότε βιασθεῖεν ὀμνύναι, TO μέλλειν Kal βραδύνειν Kal 
ἀποκνεῖν ἐμποιοῦντας δέος οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς προ- 
καλουμένοις εἰς τὸν ὅρκον᾽ εἰώθασι γὰρ ἀναφθεγξάμενοι τοσοῦτον μόνον 
“yh tov” ἢ ““μά Tov,” μηδὲν παραλαβόντες, ἐμφάσει τῆς ἀποκοπῆς, 
τρανοῦν ὅρκον οὐ γενόμενον (de spec. Legibus, 2, 271). 

§ 7. Since Apollo is here the first of the gods to be mentioned and in- 
deed the only one mentioned by name, it is probable that the session of 
the Senate was held in Palatio and actually ἐν τῷ ᾿Απολλωνίῳ, see Momm- 
sen, Kom. Staatsrecht, III. 2 (1888), s. 929, n. 3; Preller-Jordan, Rom. 
Mythologie, 1° 5. 147 ff. 307 ff_—As regards the Emperor’s image see 
Plinii Ep. ad Traianum (96): ** . . . et imagini Tue, quam propter 
hoc iusseram cum simulacris numinum adferri, ture ac uino supplicarent,” 
etc. See also Acta Carpi : θῦσαί σε δεῖ" οὕτως yap ἐκέλευσεν 6 αὐτοκράτωρ. 
A. H. 

§ 8. ‘‘ Bloodless Sacrifice,” see Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. 117, 118, 41, also 
under § 44. A. H. Compare also Minucii Fel. Oct. cap. 32: hostias 
et uictimas deo offeram, quas in usum mihi protulit, ut reiclam ei suum 
munus? ingratum est, cum sit litabilis hostia bonus animus et pura mens 
et sincera conscientia. Igitur qui innocentiam colit, deo supplicat, qui 
iustitiam, deo libat, qui fraudibus abstinet, propitiat deum, qui hominem 
periculo subripit, (deo) opimam uictimam ceedit. 

The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 39 

my change of mind, and as to the oath, I have 
given thee answer ; but as to sacrifices, I and all 
Christians offer a bloodless sacrifice to God, Lord 
of heaven and earth, and of the sea, and of every 
living being, in behalf of the spiritual and rational 
images who have been appointed by the provi- 
dence of God to rule over the earth. 9. Where- 
fore, according to the command of the God-given 
precept, we make our prayers to Him Who dwells 
in Heaven, Who 15 the only God, that they may 
justly rule upon this earth, knowing for certain 
that he (z.e. Commodus) also is established Em- 
peror, through none other, but only through the 
one King, God, Who holds every one in His 
hand.” 10. The Prefect said—‘‘Surely thou wast 
not summoned hither to talk philosophy. I will 
give thee one day’s respite, that thou mayest 
consider thine interest and advise thyself con- 
cerning thy life.” And he ordered him to be 
taken to prison. 

11. And after three days he commanded him 

§ 9. ‘* Divine precept”: Apollonius refers to 1 Tim. ii. 1 f. ; Compare 
the prayer at the close of the 15 Ep. of Clement. A. H.—Perhaps the 
sense of the original was ‘‘ that they (2.6. the spiritual and rational images 
of God) may be justly ruled ” ; for the passive and active forms are com- 
monly confused in Armenian MSS.—‘‘that he also, εἰς." The pronoun 
here refers back to the Emperor mentioned in § 7. 

§ 10. Monotheism was favourably regarded as a philosophy, but when it 
went with refusal to sacrifice it was deemed to be obstinate folly. See 
Harnack’s note on Acta Carpi, 9. In § 23 the Prefect wonders at the 
‘* philosophy ” of Apollonius ; in § 31 he politely rejects his teaching as 

§ 11. The ἐς three days” must be an error; for not only in § Io, but 
also § § 43, 44 but a single day (night) is spoken of. A. H.—I have 
rendered ‘“‘ hast thou formed for thyself,” or ‘‘given to thyself.” The 
literal sense of the Arm. is ‘‘have I given to thee ;” but, if we assume 

40 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

to be brought forward, and said to him—‘ What 
counsel hast thou formed for thyself?” 12. 
Apollonius answered—‘“ To remain firm in my 
religion, as I told thee before.” 13. The Prefect 
said—‘ Because of the decree of the Senate I ad- 
vise thee to repent and to sacrifice to the gods 
to whom all the earth gives homage and sacri- 
fices ; for it is far better for thee to live among us 
than to die amiserable death. Methinks thou art 
not unacquainted with the decree of the Senate.” 
14. Apollonius said—‘“I know the command of the 
Omnipotent God, and I remain firm in my religion; 
and I do no homage to idols made with hands, 
which have been fashioned of gold and silver and 
wood, and which neither see nor hear; because 
they are the work of men’s hands, and they know 
not the true service of God. 15. But I have 
learnt to adore the heavenly God, and to do 
homage to Him alone, Who breathed the breath 
of life into all men and continually dispenses life 

an infinitesimal corruption in the text, the sense becomes that which the 
context demands, and which I accordingly print in the text. 

§ 13. The sententia or resolution of the Senate is twice referred to ; here 
it suddenly takes the place of a reference to the Emperor’s edict. A. H. 

It is a trite fact that Commodus was greatly influenced by his Christian 
mistress to be lenient to Christians. Perhaps on that account he left as 
much as he could of the responsibility of the dealing with them to the 
Senate, who may have been in this matter more conservative and less 
lenient than the Emperor. 

§ 14. See § 19. Ps. cxv. 13§. Habak. ii. 19. Jes. xliv.9 ff. A. H.— 
These words and similar came instinctively to the lips of every early 
martyr.—‘** And they know.” Here ‘‘they” must refer to ‘‘ men” just 
before. I translate the Arm. as it stands. 

§ 15. See Acts xvii. 24: αὐτὸς διδοὺς πᾶσι ζωὴν καὶ πνοὴν Kal τὰ 

Lhe Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 41 

unto all. 16. And I will not again debase my- 
self and cast myself down into the pit. For it is 
a great shame to do homage to vile things, and it 
is a servile action to adore what is vain. And 
men sin in adoring such things. Foolish were 
those who invented them, and yet more senseless 
they that adore them and honour them. 17. The 
Egyptians do homage to an onion in their folly. 
18. The Athenians unto this very day make and 
adore the head of an ox in copper, which they 
call the good fortune of Athens. And this they 
have even set up in a conspicuous place near to 
the statue of Zeus and Heracles, in order that 
they may pray to them. 19. And yet what more 
is this than dried clay or a baked potsherd ? 

§ 16. The worship of idols is self-degradation (see § 20) ; cp. the ques- 
tion in Tatian’s Orat. 19: ob τῶν ζώων Kal φυτῶν ἐλάττων ὑπάρχεις ; 
-- 1 will not again debase,” or ‘‘I will not any more debase.”’ The follow- 
ing upon § 15, “1 have learned,” proves that Apollonius was a convert 
who had been brought up asa Pagan. Philo thus always speaks of the 
Jews as not simply having learned, but as having learned from birth to: 
abhor polytheistic error, ¢.g., D.V.C., vol. 11, 481, οἱ Μωυσέως γνώριμοι 
μεμαθηκότες ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας ἐρᾷν error 

§ 18. Hr. Michaelis of Strassburg, communicates to A. H.a note upon 
the Good Fortune of Athens (lit. of Athenians). ‘‘I know of no direct testi- 
mony to such a brazen ox-head. By the ‘good fortune’ must here be meant 
either a τύχη ᾿Αθηναίων (τύχη τῆς πόλεως, Athen. Mitth. 1883, p. 288, 
set up in the Pirzeus towards the middle of the second century after Chr.), 
or an ἀγαθὴ τύχη or if the gender permits an ἀγαθὸς Δαίμων. On the 
other hand I know of a combined cult of Zeus and Heracles, C/A. Li. 
616, line 21 ff. ἐπαινέσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐπιμελητὰς καὶ τοὺς ἱεροποιοὺς τῷ; 
Σωτῆρι καὶ τῷ Ηρακλεῖ καὶ τοῖς Σωτῆρσιν, etc.” It seems as if Apollo- 
nius had himself witnessed in Athens the cult which he describes. A. H. 
Comp. Minucii Fel. Oct. cap. 28 88 7-9, and especially the words: item 
boum capita et capita ueruecum et immolatis et colitis, de capro etiam et 
homine mixtos deos et leonum et canum multu deos dedicatis. 

§ 19. Comp. Tert. Ap. 14: Socrates in contumeliam deorum quercum 
et hircum et canem deierabat. A. H. 

42 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Eyes have they, and see not; ears have they, and 
hear not: hands they have, but draw not things to 
themselves; feet have they, and walk not; for the 
mere form bestoweth not real substance; and I 
think that Socrates also was making ridicule of the 
Athenians when he swore by the poplar tree, and 
by the dog, and by dry wood. 20. In the first 
place, men sin against themselves by worship- 
ping them. 21. In the second place, they are 
guilty of impiety towards God, because they do 
not know the truth. The Egyptians, again, have 

§ 21. For the cult of the dove cp. Philo, Sermo II. de Provid. Mangey 
ed. 11. 646. Clem. Al. Coh, ad Gentes, p. 25, is the only other passage in 
Christian apologists where I have met any notice of its cult. Perhaps 
Christians were charitable to the cult, because they had themselves inherited 
from the Pagans the belief that this particular bird was in an especial manner 
the messenger and indeed the visual embodiment of the Divine Spirit (see 
Matt. ili. 16, Luke iii. 32). The comparison of the holy Spirit or Reason 
of God to the φιλέρημος τρύγων, ‘‘ the desert-loving pigeon ” is found in 
Philo Judzeus, vol. ii., p. 491, and elsewhere. The Talmudists so compared 
the Spirit of God which moved upon the face of the waters to a dove (Gen. 
i, 2). From Philo the comparison passed to Clement of Rome, the friend 
of St. Paul (see Fragm. 8). Perhaps through Clement or his school it 
made its way into the Gospels and has become in Luke’s Gospel not a 
mere comparison and metaphor, but a material confusion of one thing 
with another. See also Carm. Sibyl., vii. 83, where God sends down upon 
Jesus at the Jordan ὄρνιν ἀπαγγελτῆρα λόγων. The gospel story then 
is compounded out of two pre-existent elements: 1. The comparison of 
the Spirit of God to a τρύγων, which we have in Philo and in the Talmud. 
2. The belief that birds, especially doves, were messengers of the gods, 
which was the basis of ancient augury, and still survives among us, é€ 
in our superstitions as to ravens, magpies, etc. 

§ 21. Forthe Egyptian cult of a mortar cp. Minuc. Fel. Oct., cap. 23: 
et deus aereus uel argenteus de immundo uasculo, ut accepimus factum 
Aegyptio regi, conflatur tunditur malleis et in incudibus figuratur; et 
lapideus deus caeditur, etc. Theophilus of Antioch declaims in the same 
style against the Egyptian superstitions. Philo of Alexandria is the source 
of all the later and Christian rationalistic invective against the Egyptian 
cults ; comp. for example in Mangey’s edition the following passages : 2. 
193, 2. 570, 1. 374, 2. 76, 2. 472. 


The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 43 

given the name of God to the onion, and to a 
wooden mortar, and to the fruits of the field, 
which we feed upon, and which enter the belly, 
and pass out into the sweepings; these things 
have they adored; aye, and they do homage to 
a fish, and to the dove, and to the dog, and to a 
stone, and a wolf; and they worship every one of 
them, the fictions a their own minds. 22. In the 
third place, men sin whenever they pay homage 
to men and to angels and to demons, naming 
them gods.” 

23. The Prefect answered—‘ You have philo- 
sophised enough, and have filled us with admira- 
tion; but dost thou not know this, O Apollonius, 
that it is the decree of the Senate that no one 
shall be named a Christian anywhere at all ?” 
24. Apollonius answered—‘“ Aye, but it is not 
possible for a human decree of the Senate to pre- 
vail over the decree of God. For so far as 
men frivolously hate those who benefit them and 
slay them, just in this wise in many ways men 
stand aloof from God. 25. But know thou this, 
that God has appointed death, and after death 

judgment upon all, over kings and poor men, 

§ 22. This passage is indirectly aimed against the worship of the 

§ 23. There are here two readings in the Arm. MSS. The one = ne 
omnino christianus ubicunque appareat. The other = ne omnino chris- 
tianus ubicunque nominetur. The latter is the true reading, for it was 
penal to call oneself even by the mere zame of Christian. But this rule 
was made by the emperors already in the first century and not by the 
Senate. Cp. Justin. Ap. i. 4. τὸ ὄνομα ὡς ἔλεγχον λαμβάνετε. 

§ 24. Between the first and second propositions of this § it seems as if 
we must assume a lacuna of some length. <A. H. 

44 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

rulers and slaves and freemen, and philosophers 
and ignorant men. 26. But there is a distinction 
of death (from death); for this reason the dis- 
ciples of Christ do daily die, torturing their 
desires, and mortifying them according to the 
Divine Scriptures. For we have no part at all 
in dissolute desires, nor do we allow impure 
sights, nor a lewd glance, nor an ear that listens 
to evil, lest our souls be wounded thereby. 27. 
But since we live such a fair life, and exercise 
such good resolutions, we think it no hardship to 
die for the true God; for whatsoever we are, we 
are because of God, and for Him we endure 
tortures, that we may not die miserably the 
everlasting death. 28. And moreover we do not 
resent having our goods taken from us, because 
we know that, whether we live or whether we 
die, we are the Lord’s. Fever, or jaundice, or 

§ 26. Cp. Minucii Fel. Oct. 30: nobis homicidium nec uidere fas nec 
audire. Idem, cap. 32 : At nos pudorem non facie, sed mente prestamus : 
unius matrimonii uinculo libenter inheremus, cupiditate procreandi aut 
unam scimus aut nullam. Conuiuia non tantum pudica colimus sed et 
sobria . . .  plerique inuiolate corporis uirginitate perpetua fruuntur 
potius quam gloriantur ; tantum denique abest incesti cupido, ut nonnullis 
rubori sit etiam pudica coniunctio. 

§ 26. The Arm. = ἀλλ᾽ ἀφορισμός ἐστιν τοῦ θανάτου. I owe to A. H. 
a perception of the true sense, which is that there is more than one kind of 
death, viz. : spiritual as well as bodily death.—By the Divine Scriptures 
Apollonius here refers to Gal. v. 24 (vi. 14; Rom. vi. 6); the Pauline 
Epistles are therefore to him divine writings, see 88 9, 39. 

§ 28. For loss cf property cp. Heb. x. 34: τὴν apmayhv τῶν 
ὑπαρχόντων ὑμῶν μετὰ χαρᾶς προσεδέξασθε. Perhaps the lost introduc- 
tion to these Acts referred to confiscation of the goods of Apollonius. Cp. 
Athenag., Suppl. 1 and the enactment of Marcus Aurelius in regard to for- 
feiture of goods even after death in case of high treason (majestas); Cod. 
Just. 9, 8, 6. What follows is word for word from Rom. xiv. 8. A. H. 

Lhe Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 45 

any other disease can slay a man. I may expect 
to die from one or the other of these.” 

29. The Prefect said—‘ Art thou bent upon 
death?” 30. Apollonius answered—“ It is my 
desire to live in Christ, but I have no fear of 
death, because of any love of life ; for there is not 
anything that is more estimable than the life 
eternal, which is the source of deathlessness for 
the soul that hath lived here a noble life.” 41. 
The Prefect said—“I do not understand thy 
meaning.” 32. Apollonius said—‘ And what can 
I do for thee ? for the Word of God illumines 
the heart, as the light gives sight to our eyes.” 

33. A certain philosopher who was at hand 
said—‘‘Q Apollonius, thou dost insult thyself, 
for thou art gone exceedingly astray, although 
though dost even think to speak profound truths.” 
34. Apollonius said—‘I have learnt to pray and 
not to insult; but thy dissembling bears witness to 
the blindness of thy heart, for the truth appears 
to be an insult only to the senseless. 35. The 
magistrate said—‘ Tell me plainly what thou didst 
mean.” 36. Apollonius answered—“ The Word 

§ 30 “Source.” The Arm.=mother. Fora similar and almost con- 
temporary use of μητήρ see Galen περὶ ψυχῆς παθῶν, 53: καίτοι τούτων 
ἁπασῶν οὐκ ἂν ὀκνήσαιμι φάναι μητέρα πλεονεξίαν. I have met with — 
the same use in later Acta.—A. H. remarks on the distinction made by 
Apollonius between ζωὴ αἰώνιος and ἀθανασία ; the former is general and 
causative, the entire future world, the latter like ἀφθαρσία is a gift there- 
from to the individual soul. Comp. II. Clem. ad Cor. 20, 5: ἀρχηγὸν 
τῆς ἀφθαρσίας, δι᾿ οὗ καὶ ἐφανέρωσεν ἡμῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ τὴν ἐπουρά- 
γιον ζωήν. 

§ 32. The Arm.=nam uidens cordis est uerbum Dei, sicut perspicax 
oculorum lumen. Might the sense be, that the word reaches the seeing 
heart as light the seeing eye ? 

46 Monuments of Early Οὐγιηρέζαιτέγ. 

of God, the Saviour of souls and of bodies, be- 
came man in Judea and fulfilled all righteousness, 
and was filled gloriously with Divine wisdom, 
and taught a pure religion, such as beseemed the 
sons of men, and to put to silence the beginning 
of sins. 37. For He taught us to pacify anger, 
to moderate desire, to abate and diminish ap- 
petite, to put away sorrow, to take part in pity, 
to increase love, to cast away vain-glory, to ab- 
stain from taking vengeance, not to be vindictive, 
to despise death, not indeed from lawlessness, but 
as bearing with the lawless; to obey the laws of 
God, to reverence rulers, to worship God, to 
intrust the Spirit to immortal God, to look for- 
ward to judgment after death, to expect rewards 
after the resurrection to be given by God to 
those who have lived in piety. 38. Teaching all 
this by word and deed, along with great firmness, 
and glorified by all for the benefits which He con- 
ferred on them, He was slain at last, as were also 
before Him philosophers and just men. For the 
just are seen to be a cause of offence to the un- 
just. 39. As also the Divine Scripture saith: 

§ 37. ‘© To reverence rulers.” See 1 Pet. ii. 17; τὸν θεὸν φοβεῖσθε, 
τὸν βασιλέα τιμᾶτε. A. H.—The sense of the passage which I render: 
τ [Ὁ intrust the spirit, etc.,” is not quite clear. The rendering “ to believe 
[or intrust] the spirit immortal in God ” is rather the sense of the original 
as it stands. A minute rearrangement of the letters in the Armenian 
text would give the sense: ‘‘ To intrust the soul to immortal God.” This 
last is certainly the true sense. Comp. Luke xxiii. 46: ‘‘ Father into Thy 
hands I commit my spirit.” 

§ 38. A. H. Compares Tertul. Apol. 14: ‘‘Propterea damnatus est 
Socrates, quia deos destruebat, plane olim, Ζ.6. semper ueritas odio est.” 
And Acta Pionii, 17. 

The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 47 

We will bind the just man, because he was a 
cause of offence to us; 40. but also one of the 
Greek philosophers said: The just man shall be 
tortured, he shall be spat upon, and last of all he 
shall be crucified. 41. Just as the Athenians. 
passed an unjust sentence of death, and charged 
him falsely, because they yielded to the mob, so 
also our Saviour was at last sentenced to death 
by the lawless: by the lawless who were filled 
with envy and malice against Him, 42. as also 
against the prophets who were before Him, who 
spake beforehand concerning Him thus: He shall 
come and shall do good unto all and shall per- 
suade all men by His goodness even to worship 
God the Father and Maker of all, in Whom 
also we believe, rendering homage, because we 
learned from Him pure commandments, which 
we knew not, and, therefore, we are no longer in 
error, but, having lived a good life, we await the 
hope to come.” 

43. The magistrate said—‘I thought that thou 
wast changed in the night from that mind of thine.” 
44. Apollonius said—‘‘ And I expected that thy 
thoughts would be changed in the night and the 
eyes of thy spirit be opened by my answer: and 

§ 39. The reference is to Isaiah iii. 13. § 40. The reference is to Plato, 
Rep. 11. p. 361 seq. A. H. notes that this passage is not quoted elsewhere 
in the older Christian literature. 

§ 42. A free summary of prophetic teaching. A. H.—‘‘ The hope to 
— come” = τὴν μέλλουσαν ἐλπίδα. 

§ 44. Comp. the passage quoted from Minucius Felix in illustration of 
§ 8, especially the words “ qui hominem periculo subripit, deo opimam 
uictimam ceedit.” 

48 Monuments of Early (ὐγιδέϊωητείγ. 

that thy heart would bear fruit, and that thou 
wouldst worship God, the Creator of all, and unto 
Him continually offer thy prayers by means of 
compassion ; for compassion shown to men by 
men is a bloodless sacrifice and holy unto God.” 

45. The magistrate said—‘‘I would fain let 
fiec oo, but | cannoti-wecause of the decree of 
the Senate; yet with benevolence I pronounce > 
sentence on thee”; and he ordered him to be 
beheaded with a sword. 46. Apollonius said— 
Pl tank my, (oq for thy sentence... 47. And 
the executioners straightway led him away and 
beheaded him, while he continued to glorify the 
Father and Son and Holy Spirit ; to Whom be 
glory for ever, Amen.’ 

§ 45. ‘‘ With benevolence.” The Arm.=qtdAavOpamrws. The magis- 
trate might have sentenced Apollonius to be thrown to the wild beasts, or 
to other equally shocking forms of death. 

ΟΠ Lees bee he 1. 


AMONG the many apocrypha or uncanonical histories which grew 
up during the first three centuries of Christianity about the 
apostles and their immediate followers, there 
is not one that is so full of human natureas Actsof Thekla 
full of human 
the so-called Acts of Paul and Thekla. In te: 
this document we read how Paul came to 
Iconium, and there preached in the house of one Onesimus. 
A rich maiden named Thekla overheard him from a window of 
her house and at once resolved to follow his teaching and 
‘devote herself to a life of perpetual virginity. Her mother, 
who had betrothed her to a rich young man named Thamyris, 
was vexed thereat, and at her instance Paul was by the 
authorities scourged and cast out of the town. Thekla 
follows him to Antioch, and as she enters that city a certain 
Alexander who was giving a show of wild beasts to the in- 
habitants, meets her and tries to kiss her. She resists, tears 
his garments and pulls the sacrificial wreath off his head. 
For this act of sacrilege she is in accordance with Roman 
provincial law condemned to be thrown to the wild beasts. 
At this point she is befriended by a certain Queen Trypheena, 
who eventually adopts her. 

The Acts of Paul and Thekla have not hitherto received 
much credence from serious historians, and Conybeare and 
Howson in their life of S. Paul confine their 
mention of it to a footnote, which begins 
thus: “It would have been a mischievous 
confusion of history and legend to have introduced S. Thekla 
of Iconium into the text. But her story has so prominent a 
place in all Roman Catholic histories, that it cannot be alto- 


49 E 

50 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

gether omitted.” And an outline of the story follows in their 
note.t But recent archeological and geographical researches, 
especially those of Professor W. M. Ramsay, 

Established have gone far to establish the historical 
By ope το: character of the narrative. First came the 
searches of : : : . ; . 
Mommsenang discovery in Asia Minor of coins bearing 
Ramsay. the name of Queen Tryphzna, coins which 
indicate that she would have been a woman 

of about sixty in the year 50 A.D., which was the date of Paul’s. 
first visit to Iconium. Link by link the evidence has been 
added to, till Professor Ramsay is able to give us the following 
account of her: “‘Queen Tryphzena was daughter of Polemon, 
king of part of Lycaonia and Cilicia, and also of Pontus. 
She married Cotys, king of Thrace, and became mother of 
Gites Νιηρο τος In A.D, 50°she was nearly sixty. “This 
suits the Acta perfectly well. . . . Tryphsena was cousin 
once removed of the Emperor Claudius. The apocryph 
refers to this very relationship to the Cesar.” Claudius 
died in A.D. 54, and was succeeded by Nero, who had scant 
respect either for the memory or the relations of his prede- 
cessor. And Professor Ramsay justly observes, that after the 
accession of Nero, no Roman official in a far-off province 
would have paid any attention to Tryphzena’s kinship with the 

* Conybeare and Howson base their rejection of the tale in particular 
on the statement that Onesiphorus went out along the royal road to 
Lystra, to meet Paul coming from Antioch. Their objection was just in the 
then stage of topographical knowledge and with only the Greek text before 
them; but this very statement of the route taken by Onesiphorus, es- 
pecially in the clearer form in which the Armenian and Syriac give it, is, 
now that Professor Ramsay has shown how the roads ran in the year A.D. 
50, a clinching proof of the authenticity of these Acts. The old military 
road of Augustus ran from Antioch of Pisidia to Lystra direct, and threw 
off half-way a footpath to Iconium, which lay off it many miles to the 
east. This wassoin 5. Paul's day. But at a later time a new road was. 
made from Antioch to Lystra passing through Iconium. Thus One- 
siphorus, in order to meet Paul, would follow the footpath to its junction 
with the royal road which led to Lystra. It is remarkable how what was 
in a less perfect stage of knowledge both of text and geography an insur- 
mountable objection to these Acts, has turned out to be a prime proof of 
their genuineness, . 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 51 

deceased Claudius, and that the very memory of that kinship 
would have speedily passed away from men’s minds, even as 
the very name of the queen was lost. ‘‘Our knowledge of the 
dynasty rests almost wholly on the evidence of inscriptions. 
and coins ; in literature there occurs hardly any reference to it. 
It left no mark on the history of the world, and had no place 
in the memory of posterity.” He justly concludes that the 
basis of the apocryph must be a document almost contem- 
porary with Paul, written before the recollection of Tryphzena, 
of her kinship with Claudius, and of the consequent action 
of the local Roman official had had time to die out. 

But this is not the only sign of contemporary origin to be 
found in the story. Professor Ramsay, who has studied the 
ancient roads of this part of Asia Minor not 
in books only, but on the spot, avers that Modern 
the story reflects a condition and direction 8e0graphical 

: : : proof of their 
of the high-roads in the neighbourhood of ect 
Iconium which existed in the year 50 A.D., 
but which ceased to exist before the end of the century. 
“‘Onesiphorus went out from Iconium till he came to the 
point, a few miles south of Misthia, where the path diverged 
from the built Roman road that led from Antioch to Lystra.” 
Here Professor Ramsay with insight gathered on the spot, 
dwells on the divergence of the path to Iconium from the 
royal or built highway which ran to Lystra. 

In the Greek text of the story, which alone Professor 
Ramsay had before him when he wrote the above words, it is 
merely related that Onesiphorus went along the royal road to 
Lystra. But in the more ancient text, of which I shall 
presently give a translation, it is expressly said that he went 
out as far as the junction of the path with the royal road which 
came (or ran) to Lystra. Here is an admirable and unde- 
signed coincidence with Professor Ramsay’s account of the 
movements of Onesiphorus, and also with the lie and 
arrangement of the roads, which from ancient milestones. 
found in the neighbourhood he conjectures to have existed in 
the year 50, before the lines of communication were altered. 

For many other touches of local colour, and of truth to the 

52 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

then condition of Iconium and the surrounding country which 

are exhibited by the tale, we must refer the 
The difficulties reader to the pages of Professor Ramsay’s 
peel a q book on The Christian Church in the 

Latin texts Roman Empire from A.D. 70-170. His 

absentfrom clear and interesting statement of them 
yf dean and need not be repeated here, where it is my 
versions. aim rather to point out how certain ana- 
chronisms on which he lays his finger in 
the story, shrewdly surmising them to be second century 
additions and interpolations, for the most part vanish when 
we turn to a form of the story earlier by far than that which 
the Greek manuscripts give us, to the form, namely, in which 
the tale is told in an ancient Armenian version which has come 
down to us. 

Let us enumerate these anachronisms and points of diffi- 
culty. They are the following :— 

: 1. Iconium was not a Roman colony in 

ar ee the year 50 A.D., nor did it become one till 

a century later. It could therefore not have 

been governed by a pro-consul of the name Castelius or of any 

other name. There would have been at 

oe Iconium in the days of Paul no higher 

eee) official before whom Paul could be brought 

than a local judge or dikast, assisted per- 

haps by a council; and this judge would not have the power 
of inflicting the penalty of death. 

2. The charge of being a Christian could not have been 
brought as early as the year 50 a.D. The charge of being a 
magician, however, and of interfering with 
others, especially with women, is, says 
Professor Ramsay, ‘‘characteristic of that 
early period, and points to an origin not later than A.D. 80.” 
Readers of Philostratus will remember that it was the very 
charge brought a few years later in the same regions against 
Apollonius of Tyana. 

3. In the Greek MSS. we read that Paul with Onesiphorus 
was going from Iconium to Daphne. Now Daphne was the 

The charge of 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 53 

site of a tamous heathen grove and temple close to Antioch 
in Syria. Consequently the writer of these 
words considered that the Antioch of the 
story was the Syrian Antioch, distant at 
least 300 miles from Iconium, and not the Antioch of Pisidia, 
distant only 80. “In the versions preserved to us, Antioch 
of Syria has been substituted for Antioch of Pisidia through 
the misunderstanding on the part of an enlarger and editor, who 
is much older than Basil of Seleucia (sth century).”! This 
Basil wrote a poem in Greek on the martyrdom of Thekla. 

4. Alexander is entitled the Syriarch. This title he can 
only have borne if it was in Antioch of Syria that the events. 
narrated took place. In the other Antioch of 
Pisidia the corresponding title would have 
been Galatarch. 

5. The name Falconilla, says Ramsay, is an anachronism 
in these regions so early as the year 50 A.D. ; 
it did not come into vogue before the year 
1304. 0. 

6. The Queen Tryphezena is made to say: There is no one to 
help me; neither child, for she is dead, nor kinsman, for I am 

Mention of 

And ofa 

The name 

a widow. Says Professor Ramsay: ‘The 

real queen had at this period three sons Soe. 
a : : Trypheena’s 
living as kings, and powerful relatives. In dead: 

the long process of alteration through which 
the work has passed, a little additional colouring was liable to 
be added to the cry of the widow.” 

7. The words of the governor’s act, says Ramsay, setting 
Thekla free, have not been left uninterpolated by later taste ; 
at least the epithet God-fearing, Zyheosebes, is due to a later 
age and to the desire of making the governor bear witness to: 
the truth. 

8. Onesiphorus, we read, went out to meet Paul with his. 
children, with Silas and Zeno and his wife 
Lectra. Ramsay objects especially to the 
name Lectra, as unlikely. 

The name 

1 Ramsay, p. 381. 

54 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

9. Thekla found Paul at Myra; but Myra is a sea-port in 
Lycia, distant from Iconium in a straight line some 200 miles 
over impassable mountains. On the other 
hand the context indicates that the place 
where Paul was found was not far from 
Antioch. Otherwise how could Thekla have heard so soon 
of Paul’s whereabouts, and how could Tryphzena have at once 
sent clothing and gold? Moreover, Paul only touched at 
Myra some years afterwards on his third missionary journey ; 
but the tale indicates that this was Paul’s first visit to Iconium, 
and that he was a stranger there. It follows that the entire 
episode, if it be historical, belongs to Paul’s first journey, 
and not to his third. At the same time Myra is a port to 
which a traveller overland from Antioch of Pisidia might take 
ship ; while it is inconceivable that anyone going from the 
Syrian Antioch should arrive there, except by a long sea- 
voyage. Professor Ramsay concludes that “the Myra episode 
was inserted before the confusion with the Syrian Antioch had 
been caused by one who connected the tale with Paul’s third 
journey.” His reasoning apparently was that the action could 
not be conceived as taking place at Paul’s first visit to 
Iconium, for he disappears from the scene of action so 
quickly ; whereas, according to the Acts of the Apostles 
Paul remained in the country, and soon returned to Iconium 
after his first expulsion or flight from it. 

The above are the chief points in the Greek narrative, which 
are difficult to reconcile with the hypothesis that in these Acts 
of Paul and Thekla we have at bottom a document written well 
before the end of the first century. Professor Ramsay urges that 
hypothesis, and argues that these points of inconsistency with so 
early a date, are due to the hand of an interpolator who lived 

soon after A.D. 130. It will go far to confirm 
Allthe above Professor Ramsay’s hypothesis, besides prov- 

Mention of 

difficulties ing his remarkable sagacity as a critic, if an 
vanish in the : 

Ronenian earlier text of the Acta can be produced from 

version. which all these points of difficulty are absent. 

Now in the ancient Armenian language there 
exists a version of these Acta, which was made from a still 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 55 

earlier Syriac version at the beginning of the fifth century ; 
from this older text we find that, with a single exception, all 
the matters conjectured by Professor Ramsay to be interpola- 
tions of the second century vanish. 

1. Paul is brought at Iconium before a local dikast, and 
mention is made of a council or gerfisia. There is no hint of 
a Roman pro-consul named Castelius. 

2. The second difficulty is not quite removed by the 
Armenian text, yet it is minimised. For in the Greek text 
Demas and Hermogenes are made to say at the banquet: 
“Bring him before the governor Castelios on the charge of 
persuading the multitude to embrace the new teaching of 
the Christians, and he will speedily destroy him.” But the | 
Armenian has: “This man teaches a new and outlandish 
doctrine in the name of Christ, and forthwith when one 
gives ear to it, it destroys him.” I think the original text 
has here, by a very slight change, been made to imply that 
‘Christianity was an offence for which a man might be sen- 
tenced to death by a Roman governor, as was the case ata 
later time. 

3. The Armenian has no mention of Daphne, and so leaves 
it to be inferred that the Antioch mentioned was not the 
Syrian, but the Pisidian Antioch. 

4. In the Armenian Alexander is not called a Syriarch. 

5. The name Falconilla is absent from the Armenian. 

6. Instead of being made to say that she has%no kindred or 
children to help her, Trypheena says that no one of her noble 
family is ready to assist her. These words imply that she had 
at the time highly-placed relatives, and the reference was no 
doubt to her royal sons, as to whom Ramsay suggests, that 
they had quarrelled with their mother for dynastic reasons. 
Thus this point, instead of invalidating the story, turns out to 
be confirmatory of it. 

7. From the Armenian form of the governor’s act releasing 
Thekla the epithet God-fearing is absent. He simply says: 
““ The God has delivered Thekla and given her to you.” There 
15 no reason to suppose that he knew anything of Thekla’s 
religion, or was in these words referring to the God of the 

56 Monuments of Early Christranity. 

Jews. He probably believed that Thekla was, like many other 
young Phrygian girls, vowed to the service of the local deity, 
and thought that that deity had intervened to save her. 
Thekla herself, it will be remembered, had declared herself to 
be a slave or hand-maid of the God (in Greek, θεοδούλος). 
Meaning no doubt that she was the slave of the true God 
about whom Paul had taught her, though Alexander would 
of course have interpreted her words in the conventional sense. 

8. In the Armenian Onesiphorus goes out from Iconium 
with his household and Zeno and his wife. The names Silas 
and Lectra are not mentioned. 

9. For Myra in Lycia the Armenian gives a name Meru or 
Mero, and says nothing about Lycia. The Syriac version also, 
of which the Armenian is a very early translation, has the 
name Merv, and says nothing of the place being in Lycia, nor 
is ‘in Lycia” added in all the Greek MSS. Possibly Myra is. 
here a corruption of Merus, the name of a city some miles 
from Antioch in a north-westerly direction. Perhaps there 
was some place answering to the name Merv still nearer ἴο' 
Antioch ; from which place Thekla sent out to seek for Paul,. 
and whence also the gifts of money and clothes were sent by 
Tryphzna. ‘The agreement between the Armenian and the 
Syriac in spelling the name Merv is notable, because many 
of the other names in the tale are misspelt in the Armenian, a 
fact intelligible enough, if we remember that the vowels were 
not added in Syriac MSS. Thus Thamyris is spelt The- 
meros in the Armenian, and Tryphzna becomes Triphonia, 
and Thekla Thekl. It is only the names like Iconium and 
Alexander, names familiar to the Armenian translator, which 
are rightly spelt. 

There still remain however in the story, even as the 
Armenian form presents it, episodes which must be apocry- 

phal. Such is the story of Thekla’s being 

The burning Sentenced to be burned. It was doubt- 

of Thekla an _ less not less annoying in Iconium, in the 

interpolation, first century than it would be in Oxford in 
but in the : 

the nineteenth, that a street preacher who. 

Armenian and oe ; 
Syriac. came proclaiming the immediate advent 

Acts of Paul and Thektla. ἘΠ 

of the millennium should turn the heads of the rich young 
ladies, for whom their mothers had just arranged good 
matches, and persuade them that the only right thing for 
them was to devote themselves to perpetual virginity. But 
even if by such teaching Paul did something to merit the 
being scourged and expelled from Iconium, yet Thekla cer- 
tainly did not merit to be burned alive, because she was 
deceived by it. Nor is it in keeping with the attitude of her 
mother, and of Thamyris ; for this was one rather of embar- 
rassed affection than of harsh hatred. We know moreover 
that it was not part of the original account, for there exists a 
Greek homily as old as 300 a.p., dealing with the story of 
Thekla, and not only making no mention of this episode, but 
replacing it by a different one. 

We may thus without hesitation cut out this unlikely 
episode, and consider that Thekla’s references thereto in her 
later utterances are also the interpolations of a later reviser of 
the tale. In that case we should not expect these references 
to be added quite uniformly in all the texts; and this is actu- 
ally the case, for we find that in the Greek, Thekla, when 
relating in chap. ΧΙ. to Paul and Onesiphorus all that she 
has undergone, mentions the burning. In the next chapter 
(xliii.), in talking to her mother she says nothing about it; but 
in the Armenian it is in chap. xliii., in talking to her mother 
that she refers to it, whereas in chap. ΧΗ] she does not 
mention it. This is good proof that these references were 
added to the tale at a later time, when the episode of the 
burning was introduced. Were they part of the original text, 
they would come in the same part of it. A similar want of 
uniformity among the texts, some giving and some omitting. 
allusions to the burning, is seen in chaps. xxlii., xxiv., ΧΧΧΙ. 

There is no room within the limits of the present paper to: 
consider the doctrinal value of the Acts of Paul and Thekla. 
It is enough to point out that the claim of 
Thekla, though a woman, to baptise, far from 
being minimised in the older Armenian text, 

Thekla’s claim 
to baptise. 

1 See the note at end of this introduction. 

58 Monuments of Early Chrostiantty. 

is in it presented more strongly and pointedly than in the 
‘Greek. It is the same with regard to the teaching of virginity. 
It is therefore certain that this teaching was 

Sar aera part of the original first century document, 

10n O - . ΤΕ Α 

virginity by instead of being, as Ramsay is inclined to 
the Acts. think, a Montanist addition of the second 

century. ‘The teaching of the Acta with re- 
gard to marriage and virginity is consonant with that which 
Paul addresses to the Corinthians in his first epistle to them, 
chap. vil. 25 foll.: ‘‘ Concerning virgins (¢.e. chaste men) I have 
no command from the Lord, but I give my judgment. ᾿ 
I think then that by reason of the present necessity, that it is 
good fora man sotobe. Art thou bound to a wife? Seek not 
to be loosed. Art thou loosed from a wife? Seek not a wife. 
But this I say, brethren, the time is short, that hence- 
forth they who have wives be as if they had them not; and 
they that weep as though they wept not, and they that rejoice 
as though they rejoiced not, and they that buy as though they 
kept not their property, and they that use the world as if they 
had no use for it. For the outward show of this world is 
passing away. But I would have you free from earthly cares. 
‘The cares of the unmarried man are fixed upon the Lord, and 
he strives to please the Lord. But the cares of the husband are 
fixed upon worldly things, striving to please his wife. The 
wife also has this difference from the virgin; the cares of the 
virgin are fixed upon the Lord, that she may be holy both in 
body and spirit, . . . Thus he who gives his daughter 
in marriage does well, but he who gives her not in marriage 
-does better.” 

Such was of necessity the teaching of one who believed, as 
Paul no doubt believed, that the Messiah would shortly re- 
appear on earth, and then and there begin his thousand years 
reign in Jerusalem, establishing a kingdom in which there was 
to be no marrying or giving in marriage, and in which, if we 
may believe the Gospel of Luke, only the unmarried would be 
deemed worthy to share. 

The Armenian version seems to have kept a touch of local 
colour in its description of Paul’s refuge after the expulsion 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 59 

from Iconium. Paul was fasting, himself and Onesiphorus 
and his wife and sons, in a certain house Whe nention 
of a young man, of which the opened door  o¢ a sepulchre 
looks in the direction of the road of Iconium. as Paul’s place 
This touch is absent even from the Syriac ofrefugenotin 

: the Armenian. 

In the following notes I have only added in full the variants 
of the Syriac text as translated by the late Professor Wright. 
These variants well illustrate the growth of 
the tale. The Greek and Latin texts are The Syriac 
accessible to any one in the editions of 8.88 Armenian 

: ae forms give the 

Grabe, ‘Thilo or Lipsius, and I] have not Jidest text of 
encumbered my notes with all their variants, these Acts. 
but have given only the more important 
‘ones they contain. The Armenian is a literal version of the 
Syriac text, but free from certain interpolations already present 
in Syriac MSS. of the fifth century. The Syriac again is free 
from interpolations present in the old Latin version ; and this 
again is a purer text than the Greek, which more than any 
‘other betrays the accretions and changes of various ages. 
Lipsius is therefore quite wrong in attach- 
: . . . Ἷ Ἷ > 
‘ing so little value to the Syriac texts, which Lipsius’ error 

ἘΝ : " on this point 
as purifie vote pean must hence-  vitiates his 
forth be taken as the basis of the true text. text. 
Except for the interpolation of the burning 
-of Thekla, the Armenian may very nearly represent the original 
form of the text as it stood in the first century. 

The martyrdom of Thekla is frequently referred to in the 
earliest Acts of the Martyrs. Her story it is which inspires 
Eugenia in the reign of Commodus. The 
exordium of the Acts of Polyeuctes refers to , Influence of 
Thekla and Perpetua, and th ee 

*erpetua, an ere were CeI- jater Martyrs. 
tainly many virgin martyrs who drew their 
first inspiration from the same source. The earlier martyr- 
doms contain many indications that the History of Thekla was 
one of the earliest Christian books generally diffused. Thus, 
S. Eugenia calls it “a divine book about God” (Acts, ch. iii.), 
and, “the holy book” (zéédem). S. Eugenius, a martyr of 

60 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Trebizond under Diocletian, couples Thekla in his prayers. 
with David and Daniel. In connection with the Armenian 
version it is interesting to note that in the Armenian convent 
of Edschmiadzin, in the province of Ararat, there is built into. 
the wall of the conventual church an old Greek bas-relief of 
Paul and Thekla which must belong to the fifth century at 

NoTE.—Pseudo-Chrysostomi op. Ed. Migne, vol. 2, p. 746. His τὴν 
ἁγίαν πρωτομαρτύρα καὶ ἀπόστολον Θέκλαν ἐγκώμιον. Parentes multis. 
eam uerbosisque commonitionibus ad coniugium incitabant. . . . 
Uiderat quippe sponsi (z.e. Christi) pulchritudinem, et ab eius contuitu 
non avellebatur: instabat mater, quae ad nuptias impellebat. . . . 
accedebat procus nuptiali eam colloquio titillans . . . confluebant 
adulationibus captantes propinqui . . . supplicabant serui cum lacrymis 

terrebant iudices poenis ; at omnes illa magno animo proculcans 
clamabat, Principes non sunt timori bonis operibus, sed malis (Rom. xiii. 
3). Cum uero statuas uirginitatis etiam in uiis erigi martyri oporteret, 
talis quaedam puellae est exorta tentatio. Liberata iudicio, Pauli praedam. 
sectabatur, et rumorem sequuta ducem, uiis quae ad Paulum ferebant, sese 
est ausa committere. Porro diabolus puellam obseruabat, et cum iter 
agentem obseruasset, hostem immittit in puellam procum, uirginitatis 
tanquam in deserto praedonem. Cumque iam iter perficeret, generosa 
uirgini admissarius a tergo procus et acer indagator captam eam esse iam 
inclamabat; difficiles undique angustiae urgebant; robustus erat, qui 
bellum inferebat ; infirma, cui bellum inferebatur. Ubinam aliquod 1111 
a perfugio illo perfugium. Tum uero in caelum conuersa uirgo ad eum, 
qui omnibus ubique ipsum inuocantibus adest, cum lamentis clamabat, 
Domine Deus meus, in te speravi (Ps. vii. 2). The Latin version here 
quoted is that of Fronto Ducaeus. I have given the title of the fragment 
as it is read in the Greek. In the horologion of the Greeks Thekla is. 
similarly entitled ἰσαπόστολος. 


1. Paul was coming on his way up to the city of 
Iconium after his persecution, and ¢here accom- 
panied him on the road Demas and Hermogenes, 
copper-smiths and brasiers; and these were full 
of a spirit of mutiny, though in their words they 
honoured Paul and addressed him as one whom 
they loved. But Paul was looking unto’ the 
grace of the pity of Christ, and was walking 
with them without any dissembling, and loved 
them alike. And he so loved them that he con- 
tinued to relate to them the teaching of the Lord 
of all, and the explanation and the birth and 
resurrection, as of one he loved, and was refresh- 
ing their souls with the greatness of Christ, and 
was for ever recounting to them how he (or 227) 
was manifested to himself. 2. Now a certain 
blessed man, of the name of Onesiphorus, heard 
that Paul is on his way to the city of Iconium, 
and went out to meet him, taking with him his 
household and Zenonia his wife ;” they went to 
meet Paul and welcome him. For Titus had told 
them and had given them the characteristics of 

1 The Arm. fajzer=was asking, must be a corruption of hajer=was 
2 The Arm. text B has: ‘‘his household, and Zenon and his wife.” 

62 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Paul's appearance ; because he—Onesiphorus— 
did not know Paul in the flesh, but only in the 
spirit. 3. So he went forth and stood at the 
cross-ways of the high-road which ran to the 
city of Lystra,' and there halted and waited for 
him. And he was looking at those who came 
and went, bearing in mind the characteristics. 
which Titus had given him ; when he saw Paul 
coming along, a man of moderate stature, with 
cuny hair,» :. . . “scanty, crooked legs, with 
blue eyes, and large knit brows, long nose, and 
he was full of the grace and pity of the Lord, 
sometimes having the appearance of a man, but 
sometimes looking like an angel.’ 

4. When Paul saw Onesiphorus, he was very 
glad. Quoth unto him Onesiphorus, “ Hail to thee 
Paul, apostle of the blessed one” ; and unto him 
Paul, “ Hail to thee and to all thy house, Onesiph- 
orus.” But Demas and Hermogenes were full of ire 
and bit their lips with resentment and said to Paul, 
“ Were not we also of the blessed one, that thou 

The Syriac has: ‘‘ went out with the sons of Simon and with Zenon and 
with his wife to meet Paul.” Lipsius reads: Ὁ went out with his 
children Simmias and Zenon and with his wife Lectra.” 

1 Syriac : ‘‘Stood where the roads meet, on the highway which goes to 
Lystra.” Greek: ‘‘ he began to walk along the royal road which runs to 

2 Or ‘‘crisp.” 

3 Syriac thus describes Paul: ‘‘ A man of middling size, and his hair 
was scanty, and his legs were a little crooked, and his knees were project- 
ing (ov far apart) ; and he had large eyes, and his eyebrows met, and his 
nose was somewhat long; and he was full of grace and mercy ; at one 
time he seemed like a man and at another he seemed like an angel.” The 
Greek and Latin texts do not vary materially. No text but the Armenian 

adds the trait ‘ blue eyes.” 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 63 

didst never give such greeting to us?” Paul 
made answer and said to them, “ For I see not 
in you the fruit of well-doing.” Quoth unto: 
them Onesiphorus, “Obey me (sz. If thou be 
aught. c. If ye be aught),! come into my house, 
ye also, and rest.” 5. And when Paul had come 
into the house of Onesiphorus and there was 
great rejoicing therein, they fell on their knees 
and then rose up and brake bread. 

Paul came forward and began to preach the 
word of the Lord concerning the truth of souls? 
and the resurrection of the dead, and spake thus : 
‘Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall 
see God. Blessed are they that keep themselves 
chaste, because they shall be called the temple of 
God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies 
and souls, because unto them speaketh God. 
Blessed are they who despise the world, for they 
shall be pleasing to God. Blessing unto them 
who shall have wives, as if they had them ποῖ; 
for they shall inherit the earth. 6. Blessed they 
who shall have the fear of God in their hearts, 
because they shall be called angels. Blessed 
they who tremble at the words of God, which 
they hear, for the Lord shall call them. Blessed 
be they who have received the wisdom of Jesus 
Christ, because they shall be called sons of God. 
Blessed be they who keep the baptism, for they 

’ B and C represent 2nd and 3rd Armenian MSS. of the Acta. The. 
Greek gives the words : ‘‘ For I see not,” etc., to Onesiphorus, and omits. 
the ensuing words : ‘* Quoth unto them Onesiphorus. ” 

2 Syriac: ‘‘ the controuling of the flesh.” 

64 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

shall rest’ in. Pather, Son, and Eloy Spin: 
Blessed they who shall receive the law of Christ, 
because they shall be for a great light. Blessed 
those who for the love of Christ shall leave the 
flesh, for they shall inherit immortal life,’ and 
shall stand eternally on the right hand of the Son 
of God. Blessed are the merciful, for they shall 
find mercy from the Father, and in the day of 
judgment they shall receive the kingdom. _ Bless- 
ing to the souls and bodies of virgins, for they 
shall be pleasing to God, and shall not lose the 
reward of their chastity : for the working of the 
Father's words* shall be found in them, and they 
shall inherit life in the day of the Son of God, 
and rest eternal shall be theirs.” 

7. And while Paul was discoursing all these 
great things of God in the house of Onesiphorus 
in a great assembly, a maiden named Thekla, the 
daughter of Thekla,’ who was betrothed to a man 
whose name was Thamyris,® went and sat at a 

1 Syriac: ‘‘rest in,” which is probably the true sense of the Armenian. 

? All Syriac MSS. omit ‘‘and H. 8S.” So Greek. 

8 The Greek has : ‘‘ because they shall judge the angels.” The Latin 
runs: “‘quoniam angelis equabuntur.”’ The next clause seems to have 
originally run: ‘‘ kal ἐν δεξίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς (or τοῦ θεοῦ) σταθήσονται.᾽ But 
as it was later on recognised to be the privilege of Jesus alone to stand on 
the right hand of God, there were substituted the words καὶ ἐν δ. τοῦ 
Χριστοῦ (or τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ) εὐλογηθήσονται. Lipsius absurdly reads 
τοῦ πατρὸς εὐλογηθήσονται, neither one thing nor the other. 

4 Greek =“ For the word (6 λόγος) of the Father shall be to them a 
work (ἔργον) of salvation unto the day of His Son, and they shall have rest 
for ever and ever.” 

5 Syriac: ‘* Theocleia.” So Greek and Latin texts. 

6 The Armenian spells: Themeros, a mistake natural in a translation 
from unpointed Syriac. 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 65 

window which was close to their roof, and there 
listened to the discourse of Paul which he spake 
concerning chastity. Nor did she leave the 
window ever by day or by night, but listened 
to the prayers of Paul and wondered at his faith ; 
the more so, because she saw many women going 
in unto Paul, to listen to the precepts and com- 
mands of God which he taught. And it was a 
matter of regret and longing to her, that she saw 
not his face, but heard only his bare words. 
8. And she never for a moment departed from the 
window where she sat. Then her mother sent 
for Thamyris to whom she had betrothed her as 
wife. When Thamyris heard that his mother-in- 
law summoned him, he came at once, and he 
thought that she would give him Thekla to take 
her to wife. Thamyris made answer and said, 
“Where is Thekla, my wife (or betrothed), 
that I may see her?” The mother-in-law 
answered Thamyris and said: “1. have some- 
what to tell thee, Thamyris. Thekla who was 
betrothed to thee, lo, for three days and three 
nights she quits not a window, she eats not nor 
drinks nor rises thence; but she strains her 
eyes to gaze upon a strange man, and hearkens to 
his words as if they were pleasing, though they 
are illusive and vain and disgusting. And I am 
surprised that a wise maiden should thus run 
after such wicked and delusive talk. 9. I tell 
thee, Thamyris, that yonder man has undone the 
city of the Iconians, and he deceives Thekla, who 
was betrothed to thee. And many other women 

66 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and young people have gone in unto him, and he 
teaches them to worship one God and to live in 
chastity. And Thekla is bound by him, as a 
spider on a web, and has given herself up to 
longing and to disastrous works of destruction ; 
and she never raises her eyes from the window 
nor forsakes it; nor does she eat or drink, but 
the virgin is quite absorbed. But do thou, 
Thamyris, go in and talk with her, for she is 
betrothed to thee to be thy wife. 

10. And Thamyris went in to her who was 
betrothed to him in marriage, because for one 
thing he loved Thekla, and in the second place 
he was afraid of her solemn longing. He made 
answer and said to her, ‘‘ Art thou not betrothed 
tome? What is this that thou doest, and what is 
this evil destruction that possesses thee? Return 
to me and be ashamed before me.” And _ her 
mother also spoke and said, ‘‘ Why dost thou look 
down and refuse to answer, nay, and art like 
unto one that is mad?” When the household saw 
her, they all began to weep, and Thamyris wept, 
for that his wife held aloof from him; and her 
mother for that her daughter separated herself from 
her; and the handmaids that they were separated 
from their mistress. And there was great sorrow 
and grief in the house. But Thekla cared not for 
all that, but bent down her ear to hear the words 
of Paul. 

11. Then Thamyris was full of wrath and he 
ran out into the street and marked the men who 
came from or went in unto Paul. And suddenly 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 67 

he saw two men who disputed one with the other. 
Then Thamyris came upon them and said to 
them: ‘‘ What are ye, or what is come unto you, 
or what are the words about which ye dispute? 
Who is yonder man who is in there with you, who 
ensnares the souls of young men and maidens, 
and who gives the commandment that there be 
no marriages at all?’ I am willing to give you 
much money, if ye will tell me who and whence 
is the man, because we are leaders of the city.” 
12. But Demas and Hermogenes, when they 
saw him, came to him and said: ‘Yonder man 
of whom thou speakest, we know not who and 
whence he is ; but this we know, that he separates 
the young men from the virgins and the virgins 
from the young men, and declares that you cannot 
rise from the dead? unless you maintain yourself in 
chastity.” 13. Thamyris made answer and said 
to them: “Come, my friends, and rest with me.” 
So they went home with him to supper readily, 
and Thamyris made them a great repast and 
prepared for them many good dishes. For 
Thamyris loved Thekla, and wished to take her 
as his wife on the day appointed by his mother- 
in-law. And Thamyris said to them as they lay 
on the couch: “ Tell me, my dear friends, what is 
the teaching which this man teacheth, that I may 
know it. For there are not a few who condemn 

* The Greek has: ἵνα γάμοι μὴ γίνωνται ἀλλὰ οὕτως pévwow. The 
Syriac and Armenian show no sign of their Greek original having been 
here adapted to the language of Paul’s epistles. 

* Compare on this passage the general preface. 

68 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

the same, and I am very grieved for my wife, 
because she has given herself up to a strange 
man and foreign, and behold, I am separated from 
her.” 14. Demas and Hermogenes answered and 
said to him: “Thou Thamyris, go and inform 
the judge’ about him, and thou shalt say thus: 
This man teaches a new and outlandish doc- 
trine in the name of Christ, and forthwith when 
he hears it, it (ov he) destroys him. But thou 
Ret take ty wile, and owe teach thee the 
resurrection of the dead which he teaches.” 

15. When Thamyris heard this, being filled 
with spite and rancour, he rose early at dawn and 
went to the house of Onesiphorus, himself with 
the senators,’ with many men bearing rods, and 
provided as well with a large armed force. He 
answered and said to Paul, ‘Thou destroyest the 
city of the Iconians, and Thekla who was be- 
trothed to me thou hast ensnared with thy teach- 
ing, so that she will not be mine to wife. Come 
therefore let us go before the judge.”* And all 

1 The Syriac=‘‘ Thamyris, bring him before Castelus the Hegemon, and 
say, ‘This fellow teaches the new doctrine and is a Christian, and lo, 
straightway he will destroy him, and thou shalt take Thekla thy betrothed 
(to wife), and we willteach,’’’ etc. The Greek text has: ‘‘ Bring him before 
the Hegemon, Castelius, and say, he persuades the multitude to accept the 
new teaching of Christians, and so he will destroy him, and thou wilt 
have thy wife Thekla ; and we will teach thee as to the resurrection which 
he declares there to be, that it has already happened in the children whom 
we have [and we arise having recognised the true God]. Some Latin 
MSS. omit the name Castelius here as also below. 

2 The Arm.=peta τῶν γερόντων, which must be right, as Iconium 
would have had a local senate. The Greek has peta ἀρχόντων καὶ 
δημοσίων. The Syriac MSS. differ one from another: one reads, ‘‘ With 
the chief men” ; another : ‘‘ With the priests.” 

8 Syriac: ‘‘ Come to Castelus the Hegemon.” So also the Greek. 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 69 

the city cried: “ Drag out the wizard, for he has 
corrupted and destroyed our women with out- 
landish teaching.” And all the armed men took 
charge of Paul. 16. When Paul was come with 
those who held him and stood before the judge, 
Thamyris lifted up his voice and said to the 
judge : “ This man, we know not who and whence 
he is, but he suffers not virgins to belong to their 
husbands ; let him then say before thee wherefore 
he teaches such teaching.” But Demas and 
Hermogenes, the copper-smiths, who were full of 
malice, came forward to him,! and said: “ Say 
that he is a Christian, and behold forthwith he? 
destroyeth him.” When the judge heard the 
words of Thamyris and of all the men who held 
Paul, he said to him: ‘Tell me, Paul, who and 
whence thou art and what thou teachest ? For 
there are not a few who speak evil of thee and 
accuse thee.” 

17. Then Paul lifted up his voice, and said: ‘I 
will unfold that which I teach; hear, O judge. 
I teach one God, who returneth not evil for the 
evil which men do; God, who desireth not any- 
thing, except that the sons of man should live, 
sent me in order that I might save them from 
destruction and purge them of their uncleanness 
and from all deadly desires, unto the end that they 
sin no more. For this end hath God sent me, that 

‘The Greek and Latin omit the words, ‘‘The copper-smiths . . . 
to him.” 

* The Greek has, ‘‘ Thou destroyest him,” or: ‘‘ Thou shalt destroy 

70 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

in Him of whom 1 preach the good tidings may 
be the hope of all men. Who was greatly desirous 
to save His people from error, that they should 
sin no more and not walk in licentiousness ; but 
that there may be in them awe and fear by 
means of the faith in God, that they may know 
tae love and fear of the truth. . Pherefore: that 
which God revealed unto me, that I teach. What 
do I owe unto these men δ Ὁ 

When the judge heard these words, he com- 
manded that Paul be bound again, and kept in 
prison, until there be a good opportunity to hear 
him. 18. But Thekla on the same night took 
her bracelet and gave it to the door-keeper of his 
house ; and he opened to her the door; and then 
she went on to the gaoler who kept Paul, and 
gave to him a golden mirror, in order that she 
might go in unto Paul. And he took from her 
the mirror and let her in. So she went and sat 
at the feet of Paul and heard the great things of 
God. But Paul was in no wise sad, but was full 
of assurance and openly rejoiced the hearts of all 
who were with him with the commandments of 

1 The Greek has, ‘‘ And Paul lifted up his voice, saying, ‘If I this day 
answer what I teach, hear, O proconsul. God living, God of requitals 
(ἐκδικήσεων), God who is jealous, God wanting in nothing, desiring the 
salvation of men, sent me, to draw them away from destruction and im- 
purity and from all pleasure and death, that they sin no more. Wherefore 
God sent His own Son, whose good tidings I preach, and teach men to 
have their hope in Him, who alone suffered with the erring world, in order 
that men be no longer under judgment, but have faith and fear of God 
and knowledge of holiness and love of truth. If then I teach the things 
revealed to me by God, what wrong do I do, O proconsul ?’” 

The dogmatic teaching of the Greek text seems more developed. 

Acts of Paul and Lhekla. 71 

God. And Thekla with great joy kissed the feet 
and the chains which bound the feet and hands of 
Paul. cee 
19. But when ‘her household sought Thekla 
and found her not, they thought that she had 
perished, and they went and sought her in the 
highways. But there came a comrade of the 
door-keeper’s, who gave information about him 
and said, “I saw Thekla give her bracelet to the 
door-keeper and pass by.” And when they tor- 
tured the door-keeper, he avowed it under com- 
pulsion, and said: ‘Yea, she came and said, ‘I 
am going to the stranger who is bound in the 
prison.’” So they went and found her as the 
door-keeper told them ; they came and found her 
sitting at the feet of Paul, and saw several other 
people as well, who were listening to the great 
things of Christ... And Thamyris went out along 
with several men who were with him, full of anger, 
and they told the judge all that had taken place. 
20. Then the judge bade them bring Paul be- 
fore him, and the young men ran and loosed Paul 
and dragged him forth from the prison, But 
Thekla threw herself on the ground and wept 
bitterly on the spot where Paul had sat in bonds 
and taught her the Commands of God. Then the 
judge again ordered Thekla to be brought before 
him; and Thamyris ran, and many men with 
him, and took Thekla and dragged her in. When 
the judge saw her, he was very grieved about 

1 Syriac, “ΟΥ̓ God,” or: ‘Of the Most High.” 

72 Monuments of Early Christianity. 
her ;* but Thekla right gladly stood up before 

him and was in no ways cast down. Then ona 
sudden all the armed men cried out and said: 
‘Destroy this wizard.” But the judge said no- 
thing to Paul. And then the judge sat down on 
his throne and called Thekla. And the judge 
said to her: ‘ Wherefore art thou not for (or 
to) thy husband according to the laws of the 
Iconians?” But Thekla simply stood there, just 
as she was, and riveted her eyes upon Paul and 
gave no answer whatever to the judge. Her 
mother raised a loud and shrill scream, and said, 
“Destroy the senseless one in the theatre, that 
all women may look at her and forbear to learn 
this evil teaching.” 21. When the judge heard 
this, he was very distressed about her ; but he 
ordered Paul to be scourged and cast out of the 
city. And he gave sentence that they should 
burn Thekla with fire in the middle of the theatre. 
The judge rose up to go to the theatre and all 
the host with him, to see Thekla burned in the 
fire. And, as a sheep wandering among the hills 
in search of the shepherd, even so Thekla sought 
for Paul. And as she looked round on all the 
men there, she saw the Lord Jesus Christ sitting 
full opposite her (Syriac, “ beside her’’) in the 
likeness of Paul. Thekla made answer and 
said: ‘‘Paul came and sat in front of me, as if 
I could not endure,’ in the vision which has ap- 

1 The Greek omits this clause. 
2 This is the literal sense of the Armenian, of which the text here seems 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 73 

peared to me.” And while she kept her eyes 
fixed upon him, the Lord rose up and went into 

22. But the young men and the women brought 
wood and laid it in the theatre to burn Thekla, 
and they brought her naked into the theatre. 
When the judge saw this he began to weep and 
raised a lamentation, and wondered at the power 
which was in her. They piled up the wood and 
undid it, and the youths compelled her to go up 
on to the fire as it blazed up. And Thekla im- 
mediately went up atop of the fire.’ Then the 
flames of the blazing fire rose and gathered round 
her, yet not one tress of her hair caught light, 
because the Spirit of God had pity on her, and 
a roaring sound went forth from heaven, and a 
cloud of wet was over her, and hail and heavy 
rain was poured forth from heaven. And many 
men who listened and saw were destroyed; and 
the fire was quenched and Thekla was saved. 
23. But Paul was fasting, along with Onesi- 
phorus and his wife and sons in a house? of 

faulty. The Syriac=‘‘ As if I were not able to bear whatever may come 
upon me.” For a similar incident, cp. Euseb., YH Z., v. 1, 206, where 
Blandina having been exposed on the cross, διὰ τῆς εὐτόνου προσευχῆς 
πολλὴν προθυμίαν τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις ἐνεποίει, βλεπόντων αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ 
ἀγῶνι καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν ὀφθαλμοῖς διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν 
ἐσταυρωμένον, ἵνα πείσῃ κιτιλ. Οὗ. ‘*Translatio Philippi” in Μ. R. 
James’ Afocr. Anecd., p. 161, 16, ὡς καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν φαίνεσθαι αὐτοῖς 
ἐν σχήματι τοῦ φιλίππου. The parallel in John xx. 15 will occur to 

1 The Syriac adds: ‘‘ She stretched out her hands in the form of a 
cross.” So the Greek and Latin Texts. Just below the Greek runs, that 
God had pity on her, and made a subterranean noise, etc. 

? The Syriac has: ‘‘ In a sepulchre which was open by the roadside of the 

74 Monuments of Early Οὐγιδέϊαρείγ. 

a young man, of which the opened door looks 
in the direction of the road of (or Zo) the city 
of Iconium. When they had been there many 
days a-fasting, the children say to Paul, ‘‘ We are 
hungry.” And they would have had nothing to 
give in payment ; for Onesiphorus had abandoned 
his house and means of living, and had gone forth 
along with his friend Paul. Then Paul took off 
his tunic and gave it to the youth, and said, ‘“‘ Go, 
my child, and buy bread as much as it fetches.” 
The youth went to buy bread and there saw 
Thekla their neighbour. He wondered, and said : 
|| whither soest thour” She says to 
him: “I am going after Paul, because I have 
been saved from the fire.’ And the youth said, 
peome, | will lead you to him ; for he. is dis- 
traught, and sighs and grieves, and it is now six 
days that he fasts and prays of God for thee.” 
24. Thekla went with him to the house of the 
young man,” and came to Paul and found him on 
his knees in prayer, beseeching and saying, ‘‘ Our 
Father which art in heaven,* I pray thee that the 
fire may not touch Thekla, but rather quench it 
from her, for she is Thine.” And Thekla stood 
behind him, and she opened her mouth and said: 
“ Father, which madest heaven and earth, and 

Iconians.” The Greek MSS. have ἐν μνημείῳ ἀνοικτῷ (some ἐν pv. καινῷ 
or κενῷ) ἐν ὁδῷ ἡ ἀπὸ ᾿Ικονίου εἰς Δάφνην πορεύονται. The old Latin 
and Syriac omit the words εἰς Δάφνην. 

1 One Greek MS. (Lipsius’ F) omits the words ἐκ πυρὸς σωθεῖσα. 

2 Syriac: ‘‘ To the sepulchre.’”’ So the Greek and Latin. 

3 The Greek MSS. have Πάτερ Χριστοῦ or similar expressions. 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 75 

Thou art the Father of saints,! I thank Thee that 
Thou hast had pity upon me and hast saved me 
in order that I may behold Paul.” Paul rose up 
and saw her, and answered and said: ‘‘ God, who 
knowest the hearts of all, Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, I thank Thee that Thou hast saved 
her, for whom I supplicated Thee, from the fire,” 
and hast granted to me, and to those with me, to 
behold her ; in Thy hands is it to rescue from all 
afflictions those who glorify Thy name for ever. 
25. And Paul rejoiced exceedingly along with 
those who were with him.* And the lad brought 
five loaves of bread, with vegetables and salt 
besides, and water; and they rejoiced in their 
deeds and were made strong in the grace of the 
pity of Christ. And said Thekla to Paul: “I will 
cut short my hair and will follow after thee, 
whithersoever thou goest.. Said Paul: τ Tis a 
hard struggle, and thou art beautiful; perhaps 
another temptation may beset thee, even a greater 
than the first, and thou wilt not be able to bear it.” 
Said Thekla to Paul: ‘Give me only the seal of 

1 Syriac: ‘‘ Of the Holy (One).” The Greek is yet more developed : 6 
τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ ἀγαπητοῦ cov Incot Χριστοῦ πατήρ. So the Latin. 

2 Here the reference to the fire has not made its way into the Greek and 
old Latin: εὐλογῶ σε ὅτι ὃ ἠρώτησα ἐτάχυνάς μοι καὶ εἰσήκουσάς pov. 
They also omit the words of Paul which ensue in the Armenian and 

3 The Greek = ‘* And there was within in the tomb much love” (ἀγάπη 
πολλή. Latin: gaudium magnum). Just below the Greek and Latin 
texts omit the words: ‘‘and salt besides.” It was a primitive Eucharist 
which they celebrated with bread, water, vegetables and salt. See 
Harnack’s tract on the use of water in the primitive Eucharist, and compare 
Philo, De Vita Contemplativa, ii. 484, where hyssop is the vegetable 
partaken of with leavened bread and salt and water. 

76 Monuments of Early Christranity. 

Christ and temptation cometh not nigh me.” Said 
Paul to Thekla: “ Be patient, and thou shalt re- 
ceive that which thou seekest.”’ 26. And Paul sent 
away Onesiphorus along with his household, and 
they went to their home. But Paul took Thekla 
by the hand and the men who were with her, and 
they went and came to the city of Antioch. And 
as they were entering in, one of the chief men of 
the city of Antioch, Alexander by name,’ who had 
done many deeds in Antioch, as soon as he saw 
Thekla, loved her at sight, and began to flatter 
Paul and cajole him with promises of much silver 
and gold. Said Paul: “I know not the woman 
of whom thou speakest, and she is nothing of 
mine at all.” For Alexander was violent, and 
came and constrained Thekla, and put his arms 
round her in the middle of the market-place. But 
she would not brook his action, but cried out and 
sought for Paul with much lamentation, and said : 
‘Hurt not one who is a stranger, insult not the 
handmaids of God. I am daughter of leading 
citizens of the city of Iconium, and because | 
would not be wife to Thamyris my husband, they 
cast me out of my city. And straightway she 
attacked Alexander and rent his raiment, and tore 
off the golden crown of the figure of Czesar,*® which 
he had on his head, and dashed it to the ground, 

1 Syriac: ‘‘ Receive the waters (of baptism).” So the Greek text of 
Lipsius, though some MSS. have τὴν δωρέαν τοῦ (or Χριστοῦ). The 
Latin has : Signum salutis ov lauacrum regenerationis. 

2 Greek: Συριάρχης (or Σύρος) τις ᾿Αλέξανδρος. 

8 The Greek and Latin texts simply say ‘‘the crown” τὸν στέφανον 
without describing it further. See note at the end of these Acts (p. 88). 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. hel 

and left him naked, destitute and full of shame. 
27. Now Alexander loved her at sight, but 
since she had put him to shame by the way she 
had treated him, he straightway gave information 
to the judge, to the effect that Thekla did thus 
and thus to me, and she denies not that which she 
did ; but do thou judge her and order that she be 
thrown to the wild beasts. And! Alexander himself 
it was, who was giving the show of wild beasts to 
the city. And when all the citizens heard, they 
were astonished and they raised a cry before the 
judgment seat, saying: ‘‘ Unjust is your judgment 
with which you condemn Thekla.”? And Thekla 
came and stood before the judge and adjured him 
and said: ‘‘ This favour grant me, that until they 
cast me to the beasts I may preserve my chastity.” 
And the judge, when he heard these words, said 
to Thekla: ‘Go, preserve it where thou wilt.” 
And there was there a certain lady of a royal? 
house and rich, Tryphena by name, whose 
daughter had died, and she took her to herself to 
her house, and she was consoled at the sight of 
Thekla. | 

28. When the wild beasts had come into the 
theatre, they came to fetch Thekla from the house 
of Tryphzna, and took her to the theatre, and 
stripped her, but put around her a linen loin-cloth, 
and set her there naked. And they let loose 

‘-! The Greek omits these words. The Latin and Syriac retain. 

2 The Greek and Latin have simply: “A certain rich woman, 
Tryphena.” On the faith of the Syriac, Lipsius adds βασίλισσα in his 
Greek text. 

78 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

upon her a lioness; and the lady Tryphzena was 
at the door of the theatre and wept piteously. 
The lioness came and began to lick Thekla; and 
the judge and all his armed men wondered at the 
power which God gave her. They wrote on 
boards and showed to all men who sat there this 
writing : “Read (or ye called), Thekla the sacri- 
legious violator of the gods, who dashed the 
imperial crown from the head of Alexander, who 
wished to treat her impurely.” And all the men 
along with all their children cried out and said: 
“We appeal to God against the iniquity that is 
being committed in the city.” And again they 
sent against her other wild beasts ; and these did 
not touch her. Then the audience rose and left 
the wild beasts; and immediately there came the 
lady Tryphzna and took Thekla, because her 
own daughter,' who was dead came in a dream 
by night and addressed her mother and said: 
‘Mother mine, take this Thekla, persecuted and 
stranger that she is, to thyself in my place, that 
she may pray for me, in order that I may be 
worthy to pass into the place of the holy and just.” 
29. And when Tryphzna had taken Thekla to 
herself, she was full of concern about her ; for one 
thing, because they would take her on the morrow 
and cast her to the wild beasts, and next because 
her daughter’ who was dead had filled her with 
pity for her. And the lady said: “1,0, this second 

1 Lipsius in his text adds the name Falconilla, which however is not in 
all the Greek and Latin MSS. 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 79 

time affliction and sorrow befalleth my house ; but 
do thou supplicate and pray for my daughter that 
she may live; for thus I beheld in my dream.” 
And at the same time Thekla rose suddenly and 
raised her voice clearly and aloud, and said : ‘‘ God 
who art in heaven, Father of the Most High,’ 
grant to the lady Tryphzena according to her 
wishes, that her daughter, may live for ever and 
ever.’ When the lady heard this, she sat down, 
plunged in grief, and wept piteously and said: 
“Alas, that thy fair beauty should again be 
devoured by the wild beasts !” 

30. And at the break of dawn Alexander came 
in haste to carry off Thekla, for it was he who 
was giving the show of wild beasts in the theatre 
ofthe city. He made answer and said: ‘ Behold, 
the judge is seated, and all the armed men hurry ; 
give here at once Thekla that we may destroy 
her by throwing her to the wild beasts.” And 
Tryphzena brake forth into shrill laments; and 
from the voice of her sorrow Alexander fled, and 
said that he was frightened. The lady made 
answer and said: ‘‘We appeal to God. This 
second time doth affliction and sorrow come upon 
my house, and there is not any one to help me, for 
my daughter liveth not, who is dead ; and no mem- 
ber of my noble house cometh to my assistance, 
and 1 am a widow woman.” But do thou, Thekla, 

1 In the Greek Thekla is made to attest the divinity of Christ: 6 θεός 
μου, ὃ vids τοῦ ὑψίστου ὁ ἐν τῷ οὔρανῳ. 

2 The Greek has: καὶ οὐδεὶς ὁ βοηθῶν οὔτε τέκνον, ἀπέθανεν γάρ, οὔτε 
συγγενής, χήρα γάρ εἰμι. So the Latin texts. 

80 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

go; and may thy God render thee assistance.” 
31. Again the judge sent other men to bring 
Thekla, but the lady would not give Thekla into 
their hands, but held her fast by the hand and 
kept her. And she went and led her firmly by 
herself, saying: ‘‘ My darling daughter’ I escorted 
to the tomb; and thee, Thekla, I escort and lead 
to be the ravine of the wild beasts.” And Thekla 
broke into loud and bitter lamentations, and was 
beside herself with grief, and groaned before God 
and said: ‘““O Lord, my God, in whom I trusted, 
and who deliveredst me from the fire,’ give 
recompense to the good Tryphzena, who took pity 
upon me Thy handmaiden, and preserved my 

32. And forthwith there was a violent dissen- 
sion among the multitude, and a breaking forth 
of loud cries, because the beasts were spurred on 
and provoked. And half were for letting the 
wild beasts loose upon her, and many men and 
women raised a clamour and called her a sacri- 
legious violator of the temples, and of the gods. 
But the other half said: ‘‘ Woe to the city for the 
iniquity which ye do; destroy us all, O judge. 
Bitter is the spectacle which we behold, and un- 
just is the judgment with which Thekla is judged.” 
33. And young men came and tore Thekla 
from the hands of the lady Tryphzena, and led 
her into the theatre to throw her to the wild 

1 The Greek and Latin MSS. add the name Falconilla. 
2 One Latin MS. (Lipsius’ 4) omits this reference to the fire. 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 81 

beasts; and they took and stood her in the 
miadie of the “arena. They stripped. ΘΠ her 
garments and put on her a linen _loin-cloth, 
and she stood forth naked as she was, and said: 
© Lord’ Godfather ot our Lord-) esus Christ, 
Thou art the help of the persecuted; Thou art 
the protector of the poor; turn and look upon 
thy handmaiden who standeth naked and covered 
with shame, before all this great host. My Lord 
and my God, remember Thy handmaiden in this 
season.”’ Then they brought and let loose upon 
her a leopard that was very wicked, and after that 
they brought a lioness and loosed it on her. But 
Thekla stood there, and kept her arms stretched 
out in the likeness of one crucified on a tree,? and 
the lioness ran and rushed upon her, but when it 
reached her it came and crouched at her feet. 
Then the leopard came up and wished to leap 
upon her, but the lioness lay before her and forth- 
with tore it asunder. Then they brought a bear 
that was very strong, and it ran to throw itself 
upon Thekla. But the lioness which crouched at 
her feet rose and took the bear and immediately 
rent it. And then they loosed yet another lion 
which was trained to attack men, and which 
belonged to Alexander himself, and this lion too 
they set onto Thekla; but the lioness which sat 
at her feet met the lion and they fought with 
one another, and after a while they killed one 

' The Greek and Latin texts omit this prayer. 
2 Syriac: in the form of a cross. 

$2 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

another. ‘Then all the more did the women, who 
sat there and looked on, lament, saying that the 
lioness which helped Thekla was dead. 34. And 
again they let loose upon her yet other wild 
animals, and when Thekla saw how many were 
the wild beasts, she stretched out her hands and 
stood in prayer. And when she had finished pray- 
ing she turned round and saw behind her a pool 
full of water, and she said: ‘‘ Lo, now is the time 
for baptism.” She lifted up her voice and said, 
In the name of Jesus Christ, behold this day am I 
baptised for (or ov) the last day. When the women 
who sat there beheld this, they broke into laments 
and said: ‘Throw not thyself into yon water, for 
evil are the wild beasts that are therein.” And 
the judge when he beheld her wept at the thought 
that the beasts in the water should devour such 
beauty and grace. But Thekla_ straightway 
plunged into the water and went down; and the 
beasts when they saw her, as it were a flash of 
fire, were destroyed and remained on the top of the 
water ; and there was round about her, and she 
was overshadowed by, a luminous cloud, so that 
it did not plainly appear that Thekla was naked. 
35. When the women who sat in the theatre, 
saw that they were loosing yet other wild beasts 
upon Thekla, that were more evil than the former 
ones, they: began to scream and say: “We 
appeal to God, what do we behold in the city!” 
Then women came and began to throw spices 
over Thekla; some of them threw fruit of nard, 
and some of them marjoram, and others bal- 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 83 

sam‘ and many other fragrant spices they scattered 
in the arena. But they brought and let loose on 
her many other wild beasts ; and the beasts came 
and sat round her, before and behind, and dozed, 
and not one of them did harm to Thekla. Again 
Alexander ran and said to the judge: “I have two 
strong and fierce bulls, let us bring them and bind 
between them her that is thrown to the wild 
beasts; perhaps they will become angry and destroy 
her. And the judge said to Alexander: ‘“‘Go and 
do as seemeth good to thee.” And he sent and had 
the bulls brought. And they led Thekla and put 
her between the brutes and took and threw her 
on her face, and tied her feet tight between the 
two bulls. And they brought spits and heated 
them by placing them in the live fire, and when 
they were kindled they applied them to the sensi- 
tive parts of the bulls, to infuriate them, that in 
their fury they might destroy her ; and the bulls 
were maddened with the pain of the brands. But 
the flame of the fire caught the bonds with which 
the feet of Thekla were bound; and Thekla leapt 
Wp aif tronte of the ilo (Harm liad 
happened to her, and as if she had not been 
bound at all by the feet. 36. And the Lady Try- 
phzena was at the door of the theatre, and gave 
ἃ sudden scream and fell in a swoon; for she 
thought that Thekla was dead. When the slaves 

saw that she screamed and fell in a faint, they 

* This word is not in the lexicons. Another MS has aparusums. 
‘Syriac: tarphuse. I owe the rendering balsam to Prof. Margoliouth. 

84 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

began to cry out and tear their garments and say : 
‘Woe to us, our mistress is dead.” And all the 
city trembled. Then Alexander was overcome 
with fear, he ran and came to the judge and said: 
“Have pity on me and the city, and release her 
that is condemned to the wild beasts ; let her go 
quite free, that the whole city may not be de- 
stroyed.” Peradventure the Caesar may hear of 
this which we do, and will destroy the city, for 
the Lady Tryphzna who tarried at the gate of 
the theatre is the Czsar’s kinswoman, and is 

37. Then the judge said, ‘ Bring hither Thekla” ; 
and the young men ran to fetch Thekla from 
among the wild beasts, and set her before the 
judge. And he said to her: ‘ Who art thou, and 
how is it that the animals attack thee not?” And 
she said: “1 am the handmaiden of God; and He 
who is with me, He is the son of the living God; 
in whom I have hoped, because through Him it 
is that the beasts attack me not. For He is the 
term of salvation, and the protector of all who are 
persecuted, and the hope and life of the hopeless. 
But I say unto thee, O Judge, and to all who are 
before thee, that he who believeth in God, of 
whom ye behold the great things which He has 
wrought unto His handmaiden, he shall live for 
ever, and he who believeth not in Him, shall die 
the death everlasting. 38. When the judge heard 
this from the mouth of Thekla, he bade her bring 
her clothes. Said the judge to her: ‘‘ Take away 
her loin-cloth and put before her her raiment 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 85 

which she gave thee.” Thekla made answer and 
said to the judge: “He that clothed me with 
power in the midst of the beasts, the same 
clotheth thee’ with life in the day of judgment.” 
And Thekla took off the loin-cloth, and took and 
put on her clothes, And the judge read a pro- 
clamation before all the host and said: ‘God 
hath delivered Thekla and given her to you.”? 
And the women who sat there in the theatre 
raised a loud cry, and with loud voices began to 
give glory to God, and said: “Great is the God 
of Thekla,? who hath given her life and saved her 
among the wild beasts.” And at the sound of 
the voices of the women who cried out the whole 
city was shaken. 39. And instantly they ran and 
gave the news to the Lady Tryphzna, and she 
running came and found her and took her in her 
arms and kissed her, and said: “My daughter 
Thekla, now I believe that my darling daughter 
15 alive.t But come to my house, Thekla, and I 
will assign to thee all that is mine.” 

And Thekla went with her and entered into 
her house, and rested there eight days, and taught 
the Lady Tryphena all the commands of God. 
And the Lady Tryphzna believed and many of 
her handmaidens, and there was there great rejoic- 

1 Syriac: ‘Will clothe me.” Where Wright notes: ‘* We should 
naturally expect τοῦ] clothe thee, ἐνδύσει σε. 

? Syriac: ‘‘Thekla, who is God’s, and Thekla who is righteous, I 
have released and given unto you.” 

® Syriac : ‘‘ God is one, and the God of Thekla is one.” 

* In the Greek: νῦν πιστεύω ὅτι νεκροὶ ἐγείρονται: viv πιστεύω ὅτι 
τὸ τέκνον μου ζῇ. But the MSS of Lipsius ABF omit the first clause. 

δ6 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

ing. 4o. But Thekla, for that she loved Paul, sent 
to seek him in all directions; and when they 
found him, they told her and said: ‘ Lo, he 1s in 
the city of Merou.”’ And she rose and left the 
house of the Lady Tryphzena, and she put on 
male attire and took with her many men and 
handmaidens of the lady; and she came and 
entered the city of Merou. And there Thekla 
found Paul, sitting and teaching the commands of 
God. Thekla came and stood before him; and 
when Paul saw her and the men who were with 
her, he wondered, and thought at once that yet 
some other temptation had come upon _ her. 
Thekla made answer and said to him: “1 have 
received baptism, for he who commanded thee to 
preach, the same commanded me also to baptize.” 
41τ. And forthwith Paul arose and took her and 
all the men who were with her and led them to 
the house of Hermes. Paul sat down and Thekla 
and the other men also who were with her ; and 
Thekla related to him all that God had done 
unto her. And Paul wondered exceedingly at 
the power which was given to her. And all who 
were there, and heard what God had done to her, 
were much confirmed in the truth, and they all 
with one accord glorified and blessed God, who 
worketh wonders for all who believe in Him and 
keep His commandments. They prayed and 
besought God for the Lady Tryphzena, who had 
taken pity upon His handmaid and preserved her 

+ Inthe Syriac: ἡ ἡ όχι 

Acts of Paul and Thekla. 87 

in chastity. Said Thekla: “I goto the city of 
Iconium.” And Paul said: ‘‘ Go, teach there the 
commands and words of God.” And when the 
Lady Tryphzena heard that Thekla was on her way 
to the city of Iconium, she took much raiment 
and gold and sent it to Thekla; and she took 
the raiment and some of the gold, and sent it 
to Paul for the service of ministering to widows. 
42. And Thekla went and entered the house 
of Onesiphorus, and fell on her face on the spot 
where Paul sat, and taught the commands of 
God ; and she wept and said: ‘‘Our God, God 
of this house in which there dawned on me light 
from Christ Jesus,‘ who helped me in prison and 
rescued me among the wild beasts before the 
judge,” and gave me baptism for ever and ever, 
that I may come unto the blessedness, which is 
preserved for me and for those who keep the com- 
mandments of Christ.2 For He is one, God on 
high, who sitteth on the throne of the cherubim. 
For unto Him is glory for ever and ever, Amen. 

43. After all these wonders which God wrought 
unto her, she found in the city of Iconium that 
Thamyris her husband (Syr. betrothed) was dead, 
[but her mother Theocleia was alive}* Saith 
Thekla to her: ‘“ Mother mine, if thou canst 

1 The Syriac adds: “ The son of God.” So also some, but not all the 
Greek and Latin MSS. 

2 The Greek has : βοηθὸς ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνων, βοηθὸς ἐν πυρὶ. But two MSS. 
of Lipsius CK omit the last clause. 
8 The Syriac has : ‘‘ Commandments of God.” 

* T have added the words bracketed from the Syriac. They must have 
dropped out of the Armenian. 

88 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

believe, there is one God on high, my Lord, who 
isin heaven. But if thou lovest gold and silver 
and riches which are corruptible, lo, it is given to 
thee henceforth. If thou wilt believe that there is 
one God in heaven, and that beside Him there 
is no other God, thou canst live and keep whatso- 
ever I tell thee; for behold I stand before thee, 
who was rescued from the fire’ and from the evil 
wild beasts and from the presence of the judge. 
For the same my God and Lord hath holpen me, 
who gave me power to endure.” All this testi- 
mony she bore unto her mother and she departed 
from the city of Iconium, and went to Seleucia, 
and there she illuminated many men with the 
word of God, and slept in a quiet place of rest. 
The book of the blessed Thekla is finished. 
Glory to God All-mighty and to His anointed, and 
to the Holy Spirit, who gave power to the trans- 
lator and writer. May the same God fulfil His 
pity in both worlds, for ever and ever. Amen.’ 

1 The Greek and Latin texts omit this clause and the next. 
2 This last paragraph is not in the Greek and Latin texts, and is due to 

the Armenian translator. 

See Note on p. 76.—Mr. G. McN. Rushforth has explained to me the 
nature of the crown which Alexander as Galatarch was wearing. It was a 
gold wreath, bearing in front a medallion of the reigning Augustus. The 
portrait bust in the Vatican Museum, No. 280, miscalled of the aged 
Augustus, carries exactly such a wreath as these Armenian Acts describe, 
and is probably a portrait of some provincial president of the Ceesar- 
worship under the Antonines (see Bernoulli, Rom. Lkonog., ii. 30, and 
Lightfoot, Afost. Fathers, vol. iii. 405 seq.). In tearing such a crown oft 
the head of the Galatarch, Thekla directly assailed the zumen of the reign- 
ing emperor. There could be no graver offence. These provincial 
dignitaries were at a later time known as coronatd simply. These acts are 
the only ancient writing in which a description of the crown is given. 

bleh oes Goes Ol oe οὐ 


‘THE Greek text of the Acts of Phocas is to be found in the 
Acta Sanctorum, in July, vol. iii. p. 642 foll. In my transla- 
tion, however, I have followed the Armenian 
form, which is plainly older than the Greek. The Greek 

: Text of these 
For example, the Greek text omits the dedi- Rota: 
cation of the Acts to the faithful who are 
dwelling in Pontus, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Cappa- 
docia, and Armenia, and it also exaggerates the 500 confessors 
of Pontus and Bithynia into 50,000, and pretends that they 
are all present in the court of law. So in chap. xvi. the one 
lamp of the Armenian becomes ten thousand. 

The Bollandist editor rejected these Acts as spurious, mainly 
because they do not accord with what he knew of the history 
of Trajan’s reign. Africanus, he argues, who 
was Consul in A.D. 112, was not in Pontus These Acts 
during his year of office; nor did Trajan pee ee 

ἘΠῚ ollandists 
die in the year 112, butin 117. The Acts too hastily. 
however do not necessarily imply this. 

Africanus, who was Consul in 112, may have been administer- 
ing Bithynia as legate in 117 ; and though the last section re- 
lating the death of Trajan is clearly added in order to satisfy the 
craving of the Christian reader, who liked to be assured that 
the persecutor suffered for his sins even in this life, yet we do 
not know so much of the life of Trajan as to be able to deny 
point-blank that he was in Asia Minor at the time, and even in 
Pontus. ‘That in the same paragraph in which the Bollandist 
editor condemns these Acts, he also condemns the Acts of 
Thekla as the scum of forgeries, is a warning to us, not to be 
too ready in our denial of the genuineness of the piece. The 
following points in the narrative make, I think, for its genuine- 
89 : 

90 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

ness ; not indeed as it stands, but as it may have stood before 
mythical accretions formed around it in the third and fourth 
1. The fact that the martyrdom is ascribed to the reign of 
Trajan. On this point it is well to quote the late Bishop 
Lightfoot’s remarks, in the second volume of 
his Afostolic Fathers (second edition), p. 18 : 
‘“Amidst many spurious and questionable 
stories of persecutions alleged to have taken place during the 
reign of Trajan, only three are reported on authority which 
can be trusted. Of these three, two are con- 
1. Ascription —_ cerned with the fate of individual Christians 
to reign of ᾿ : 
Trajan. —of Simeon at Jerusalem, and of Ignatius 
at Antioch; the third only, the Bithynian 
persecution, of which I have been speaking—was in any sense 
general. For this last alone, so far as our authentic informa- 
tion goes, Trajan was personally responsible. . . . It was 
as a statesman and a patriot that he conceived himself obliged 
to suppress Christianity.” And just before, p. 17: ‘It is. 
generally supposed that the historian of the early Church, in 
order to arrive at the truth with regard to the extent of the: 
persecutions, has only to make deductions for the exaggerations. 
of Christian writers. In other words it is assumed that the 
Christians forget nothing, but exaggerate everything. This 
assumption however is shown to be altogether false by the 
history of the manner in which the record of this Bithynian 
persecution has been preserved. With the possible exception 
of the Neronian outbreak, it was the most severe of all the 
persecutions, of which we have any knowledge, during the 
first and second centuries ; yet no record of it whatever was 
preserved in any Christian sources. Tertullian derived his 
knowledge of it from the correspondence of Pliny and Trajan ; 
Eusebius from Tertullian ; later Christian writers from Tertul- 
lian and Eusebius, one or both. The correspondence of a 
heathen writer is thus the sole ultimate chronicle of this im- 
portant chapter in the sufferings of the early Church. What 
happened in this case is not unlikely to have happened many 
times. Again and again the Christians may have undergone 

Signs of their 

Lhe Acts of S. Phocas. gt 

cruel persecutions in distant provinces, without preserving any 
special record of what was too common an occurrence with 

But in spite of the facts here emphasised, Trajan was not 
regarded by the Church, in later times, as having been a per- 
SEcuLIng ‘emperor: ΔΘ bighttoct ϑᾶνο 2p. 2.0 "Fo ane 
Fathers who wrote during the latter half of the second century, 
as to Christian writers of subsequent ages generally, Trajan 
appears as anything rather than a relentless persecutor.” And 
in his notes he adds pertinent passages to this effect from the 
writings of Melito, of Tertullian, Lactantius, and Eusebius. 
If then the word was passed round among the Christians, so 
widely as may be inferred from this list, that Trajan was a 
friend of the Church, it is in the last degree unlikely that a 
forger would have sat down in the third century, and have 
penned the Acts of Phocas, in which Trajan is held up to odium 
as a relentless persecutor. In the subsequent course of his 
note, therefore, Lightfoot does not show his 

usual sound judgment, when he writes thus : Error 

᾿ ᾿ of Bishop 
The usual authors who represent Trajan in Lightfoot on 

an unfavourable light are chiefly martyrolo- this point. 

gists and legendmongers, to whom this dark 
shadow was necessary to give effect to the picture.” The truth 
is that no writer would be more careful than a martyrologist 
to adjust his fictions to the current conceptions of the Church ; 
no one less likely than he, to lay the scene of his inventions 
in a reign, which by a general consensus of Christian opinion 
was free from the stain of persecution. Such a consensus 
there was in favour of Trajan, and so strong was it that in 
later centuries Trajan only just escaped canonisation by the 
Pope Gregory the First. It is inconceivable that the death of 
Phocas would be so directly attributed to him as in these Acts 
it is, unless the writer of them had had something to go upon. 
2. If then this martyrdom took place in the province of 
Bithynia-Pontus, under Trajan, are there any points in the 
narrative which are confirmed by the solitary notice of this per- 
secution, which Pliny’s letter has preserved to us? And can 
we, too, be sure that these Acts were penned independently of 

Ὁ2 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

that letter, and by a writer who had no knowledge of it? 
‘These two questions may conveniently be answered together. 
In the exordium of the Acts, chap. 3, we read that: “In the 
times when Trajan was emperor many Christians were snatched 
away from the flock, to sacrifice to vain idols; at which time 
they made search for the blessed saint.” For Phocas, so we 
read in chap. 9, was both learned and famous; so much so 
that the governor, Africanus, was sorry and full of pity for him, 
that he should throw away his life. His fame had already 
reached even the Emperor’s ears (chap. 4). In chap. 3 we 
learn very precisely how many persons in the joint province 
had suffered for the faith: ‘‘Dost thou not know,” says the 
governor to the saint, ‘that here and in the other province 
there are over 500 men whom thou seducest into not sacrificing 
to the gods?” Now, what forger, writing 
either with or without a knowledge of Pliny’s 
number of ᾿ 
Confessorsin etter, would have been content with so 
the Persecu- meagre an estimate of the numbers of the 
tion of Trajan, Christians affected by the Bithynian perse- 
according to Ε : : 
Peet AAT a. cution? Pliny wrote to Trajan thus: ‘‘Ideo 
dilata cognitione ad consulendum te decu- 
curri. Visa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime 
propter periclitantium numerum. Multi enim omnis etatis, 
omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum et 
vocabuntur. Neque civitates tantum sed vicos etiam atque 
agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est; quz videtur 
sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat prope iam desolata 
templa ccepisse celebrari et sacra sollemnia diu intermissa 
repeti pastumque venire victimarum, cuius adhuc rarissimus 
emptor inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari que turba 
hominum emendari possit, si sit poenitentiz locus.” It is 
certain that a mere compiler of spurious martyrdoms, whose 
only aim was to edify the faithful of a later age, and who had 
Pliny’s letter in his hands, would not have been content with 
500 confessors in two provinces. He would have magnified 
the turba hominum into at least 50,000, as some old Greek 
copyist of these Acts has actually done ; for in the Greek text 
we find this passage of the Acts altogether rewritten, thus: 

2. Small 

The ΑἸ Of 5. F L0cas: ὃς 

“οβὲ thou know that more than 50,000 men stand here (ze.. 
in the court), and that thou art stirring up and turning away 
the provinces from sacrificing?” It is true, but irrelevant, to: 
answer that Eusebius declares the persecutions of Trajan’s 
reign to have been partial and local; for he, as Lightfoot 
remarks, is studiously exculpating the memory of Trajan him- 
self; whereas the writer of these Acts is as studiously assailing 
it. Were the latter a forger, he would have had every reason to 
exaggerate the number of the Christians who had refused to 
sacrifice. ‘That he does not do so, but gives a number so 
much smaller than Pliny’s own account would lead us to 
expect, is the strongest possible proof that in these Acts we: 
have a genuine memorial of this little known persecution. 

3. We have also herein a proof that the writer of them 
was ignorant of Pliny’s letter; had he known of them, he 
could not have been content with only 500 confessors. He did 
not, like the writers of the Roman Acts of Ignatius, and of the 
Acts of Sharbil, preserved in Syriac, write with the help of that 
letter. And this very ignorance also argues their antiquity. 
For Pliny’s letter was known, it would appear, to Melito1 as 
early as 170; by the end of the second century Tertullian 
alludes to it; Eusebius about 300 A.pD., and after him Lactan- 
tius and Sulpicius continued to give it vogue. It was so well 
known that the later legendmongers, just referred to, men-. 
tioned it, even though they were inimical to Trajan’s memory.. 
If the knowledge of this letter was so widely 
and so early diffused, both in the East and 8. The writer 
the West, how shall we account for the fact Of these Acts 

: ignorant of 
that the writer of these Acts not only betrays Pliny’s letter: 
no knowledge of it, but could not conceiv- to Trajan. 
ably have written as he does, if he had 
known of it? Would a third or fourth century romancer have 
neglected a source of information open and notorious to every- 
one, and bearing directly on the place and time in which he 
was pitching, so to speak, the scene of his narrative? Would 
he not have seized upon Pliny’s phrases: “Turba hominum 

omnis ztatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam . . . 

1 This is doubtful, but see Lightfoot, 42. Fath., vol. 1., p. 2, note 3. 

94 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

periclitantium numerum . . . prope iam desolata templa,” 
and have made the most of them? ‘There is but one conclv- 
sion possible, namely, that he wrote before Pliny’s letter be- 
came known to Christendom. But in that case he can hardly 
have written later than the middle of the second century. 
4. Pliny writes: ‘Fuerunt alii similis amentize quos, quia 
οἶνος. Romani erant, adnotavi in urbem remittendos.” In the 
same way Phocas is sent on to be tried 
Otherindicia = directly by the Emperor. ‘Tradition relates 
ueritatis in ; 
pricde Acts. the same of Ignatius. We do not however 
know that Phocas was a Roman citizen, and 
Ignatius was sent to Rome in order to supply a spectacle, and 
not to be tried. But the Acts of Phocas anyhow report the 
martyr to have been a famous and a learned man, the fame of 
whom, as a Bishop, had already reached the ears of the 
Emperor. He may very well have been a Roman citizen 
also; for the diffusion of citizenship must have gone with the 
Hellenism which, as Mommsen says (Zhe Roman Provinces, 
vol. ii. p. 331): ‘took a mighty upward impulse in Bithynia, 
under the imperial period, and the tough Thracian stamp of 
the natives gave a good foundation for it.” According to 
Mommsen the same progress occurred in Pontus ; and Sinope, 
of which city Phocas was in life the Bishop, and after death the 
Patron Saint, obtained from the dictator Ceesar the rights of a 
Roman colony, and beyond doubt also Italian settlers. This 
renders it extremely probable that Phocas was a Roman citizen. 
5. Trajan says in his rescript to Pliny, that the accused are 
to be spared if they deny that they are Christians, and prove 
the same “‘supplicando dis nostris.” So the last word of Phocas 
_ is the avowal that he is a Christian and that he will not sacri- 
fice. This was no doubt the stereotyped answer of all con- 
fessors, and as such was introduced into innumerable forged 
Acts of the fourth and succeeding centuries. By itself there- 
fore such an answer would not prove these Acts to be genuine. 
But it should be noted that these Acts of Phocas agree in tone 
with other genuine Acts of the second century. For instance, 
the magistrate says to the Saint, when he is first brought into 
court: “15 this the Phocas who denies the existence of the 


gods, and reckons not the autocrat Trajan to bea god.” So 
when Polycarp was brought before him, “the 

Proconsul enquired whether he were the payers 
man. And on his confessing that he was, Polycarp. 
he tried to persuade him to a denial, saying, 

“Have respect to thine age, and other things in accordance 
therewith,” as it is their wont to say ; “ swear by the genius of 
Ceesar ; repent and say, ‘away with the atheists!’” Again 
Phocas, in the same way as Polycarp, is anxious to instruct the 
magistrate in the truths of his religion. “ Hear thou plainly,” 
says Polycarp, “I ama Christian. But if thou wouldst learn 
the doctrine of Christianity, assign a day and give me a hear- 
ing.” Again Phocas says to Trajan (chap. 11): ‘‘ We ought to 
obey the government, not unto impiety, but unto true religion.” 
So Polycarp says: ‘“‘We have been taught to render, as is 
meet, to princes and authorities appointed by God, such 
honour as does us no harm.” 

6. There is yet another point of resemblance with the Acts 
of Polycarp, which may be noticed. The governor says to 
Phocas : “ How is it that the Christians demean themselves 
towards thee as towards a God?” And Phocas answers, “that 
he the unworthy Bishop is honoured not as God, but only as 
aman of God and as shepherd of the spiritual flock.” Simi- 
larly we learn that Polycarp, when about to ascend the pyre, 
endeavoured to take off his shoes, though not in the habit of 
doing this before ; because all the faithful at all times vied 
eagerly who should soonest touch his flesh. And after his 
death the heathen besought the magistrate, at the instance of 
the Jews, not to give up the body of Polycarp, lest the Christians 
should abandon the Crucified One, and begin to worship this 

7. In the Acts of Polycarp it is only the faithful who see 
the signs and wonders. “When,” we read, (Letter of the 
Smyrneans, chap. 15) “Polycarp had offered up the Amen 
and finished his prayer, the firemen lighted the fire. And, a 
mighty flame flashing forth, we to whom it was given to see, 
saw a marvel, yea, and we were preserved in order that we 
might relate what happened to the rest.” There is a close re- 

96 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

semblance between this passage and chap. το of the Acts of 
Phocas, so close that we can hardly conceive of the two nar- 
ratives having been written independently. In chap. 14 how- 
ever, where the voice from heaven bids Phocas be of good 
cheer, Trajan hears it also and is terrified; and this is in 
strong contrast with chap. 9 of the Letter of the Smyrnzans, 
where a similar voice is only heard by such of the faithful as 
were present. In the Acts of Polycarp, moreover, no such 
miracle as an earthquake with the prostration of the magistrate 
is related. It looks as if this incident had been imported into: 
the Acts of Phocas as a reminiscence of the great earthquake 
at Antioch in A.D. 115, when the Consul Pedo was killed in 
his palace and the Emperor Trajan only escaped by leaping 
through the window. An earthquake, however, was an incident 
which almost every writer of Acts of Martyrdom allowed him- 
self to import into narratives in other respects quite trust- 
worthy. And in this connection we must remember that the 
populations of Asia are more familiar with the terrors of earth- 
quakes than are we who inhabit Western Europe; they pray 
daily in their litanies to be delivered from them, whereas we 
do nothing of the sort. An earthquake therefore was a very 
small tax on the credulity of the readers of ancient martyr- 
doms, and they hardly expected the Almighty to vouchsafe 
any smaller sign of His interest in the cause at stake. 

8. Phocas is baked alive, and when the Emperor enters the 
death-chamber he finds the body of the martyr fragrant as 
nard, or, according to the Armenian, as a rose; like precious 
myrrh, the Greek adds. The same is related of the bodies of | 
Polycarp and of the martyrs of Lyons, in Acts which are above 

g. The exordium of the Acts of Phocas closely resembles. 
that of the Letter of the Smyrnzans. Just as the latter is 
addressed to the brethren dwelling in Philo- 
melium and in Asia, so the Acts of Phocas 
are in the form of a letter addressed to the 
brethren who are dwelling in Pontus and Bithynia, in Paphla- 
gonia and Mysia, in Galatia, Cappadocia and in Armenia. 
The resemblance of this dedication to the dedication of the 

Exordium of 
these Acts. 

The Acts of S. Phocas. 97 

First Epistle of Peter is also very noticeable, and cannot be 
accidental. Yet it is not a case of mere 
imitation, for the Acts of Phocas add Paphla- ters a 
gonia, Mysia and Armenia, to the list of of Peter aa. 
provinces enumerated by Peter, but omit also the Letter 
Asia from it. The intention evidently was to μαι ον νὰ 
notify the facts of the death of Phocas to the 
Churches of all the provinces that lay along the north coast of 
Asia Minor, from the Troad all the way to Trebizond. The 
survival of this dedication in the Armenian form of these Acts 
is very weighty evidence in favour of their 
genuineness ; the more so, because the Greek 138 8 Proof of 
oo genuineness. 

form omits it. A forger of Acts would hardly 
have added such a dedication to his forgery. Nor in the third 
century was it any longer the. fashion to compose Acts in the 
form of a letter to certain specified Christian communities. 
For the Church had by that time reached such a sense of its 
unity all over the Empire, such a degree of self-consciousness, 
that the sufferings and death of a martyr had become a matter 
to be communicated to the entire Christian world, and was no 
longer held to be of interest to a certain region only. The 
omission of these regional limitations from the Greek text is in 
itself emphatic and clear testimony to the way in which at a 
later time and under the influence of a later stage of church 
feeling and custom a martyrologist would write. Nor is it in 
the Acts of Phocas alone that we meet with traces of this more 
developed self-consciousness on the part of the Church. In 
the very Letter of the Smyrnzeans an early hand has inter- 
polated the phrase Catholic Church no less than four times. 
The interpolation was extended to Eusebius’ citations at such 
an early time as to figure in the Latin version of Rufinus, 
made as early as 400 A.D., and also in the earliest MSS. of the 
older Syriac version. The Armenian version alone, made from 
a very early copy of the Syriac, is free from the interpolation. 
So far as I know, the Acts of Phocas and the Acts of Polycarp 
are the only Acts composed in the form of a letter to particu- 
lar Churches. 

If we could fix a precise date at which the divisions of the 


98 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Roman provinces corresponded to the enumeration in the 
dedication, that date would possibly mark 

τις eva the time when these Acts were drawn up. 
It is enough here, without going into so 
technical a discussion, to indicate sources which should be 
consulted by any one desirous of forming a judgment. In 
Prof. W. M. Ramsay’s Aizstorical Geography, pp. 195 and 252 
ff.,1 will be found some pertinent passages, lists of the con- 
stituent regions of the province of Galatia so drawn up as to 
show the official divisions of the Roman province at various 

1 The following are some of the passages from Prof. W. M. Ramsay’s 
Geog. of Asia Minor. 

p- 195. Ptolemy assigns to Galatia the whole coast of Paphlagonia, in- 
cluding Abononteichos and Sinope. Pliny proves, ad Tr. 90-92, that 
Amisos and Sinope were attached to Bithynia-Pontus in A.D. I1I-3. 

In Trajan’s reign Cappadocia, Pontus Galaticus and Cappadocicus were 
separated from Galatia and made a distinct province. C. I. L. iii. Suppl. 
No. 68109. 

Perhaps Galatia was at the same time widened to include the Paphla- 
gonian coast. 

p- 252. In 70 AD. Cappadocia was placed under a consular legatus 
Augusti, and at some time not later than 78 it was united with the pro- 
vince of Galatia. This arrangement lasted until the time of Trajan; but 
in the later years of that emperor the vast province had been divided, 
Galatia was entrusted to a pretorian legatus (as before 78), while Cappa- 
docia was governed by a consular legatus. 

The divisions of the Roman province of Galatia were at different epochs 
as follows :— 

The inscr. of Sospes 63-78 A.D. (C. I. L. iii. Suppl. 6818) enumerates 
Galatia, Pisidia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria, Paphlagonia, Pontus Galati- 
cus, Pontus Polemoniacus. 

In the period 78-100 the combined province in Galatia, Cappadocia, 
Pontus, Pisidia, Paphlagonia, Lycaonia, Armenia Minor. (C. I. L. iii. 
312, 318). 

A.D. 100-140 or 150. An unknown governor of Galatia in second half 
of Trajan enumerates the countries governed by him as Galatia (Phrygia), 
Pisidia, Lycaonia, Paphlagonia. 

A further change is under Antoninus Pius. The C. I. L. Suppl. 6813, 
enumerates only Galatia, Pisidia, Paphlagonia. Phrygia is omitted, be- 
cause so little of it was included. Lycaonia at this date was given to 
Cilicia, which now had three eparchize, Cilicia, Lycaonia and Isauria. 

About end of 3rd cent. Galatia was divided afresh into Paphlagonia, 
Galatia, Pisidia. 

The Acts of S. Phocas. 99 

epochs. The divisions under Trajan seem to me to accord 
sufficiently well with the enumeration in our Acts. There 
is however really no reason why the writers of these Acts 
should have employed the official designations. It is in any 
case difficult to believe that a forger of the end of the third or 
beginning of the fourth century, would have added geographi- 
cal limits to the range of his forgery. 

to. There are other points of contact in these Acts with 
genuine Acts of the second century. ‘ Methinks,” says Afri- 
canus to the saint, ‘thou art more of a philosopher than 
Aristotle.” Phocas answers: “I claim not to philosophise, 
but I wish to be a Christian.” Compare this with the Acts of 
Apollonius, § 33. Perhaps we are to understand from the 
words of Phocas in chap. 9: “I have forfeited all worldly 
wealth and riches and possessions in order to possess the 
single pearl,” that he had been deprived of his property. 
Compare Apollonius, § 28, with Harnack’s note. 

1t. There are very many other points worth noticing about 
these Acts, not all of them however proofs of their antiquity, 
though none of them inconsistent therewith. 

There is the very primitive imagery of the Primitive 
ἜΣ : ἢ ΑἸ ΕΣ character of 
Saints prayer in Chap. 15. 1s meta- prayer of 

phors are those which we meet with in the Phocas, 
earliest catacombs ; e.g. there is the flock and 

the shepherd, the vineyard, the ark and its pilot. Phocas 
held the doctrine of the creative Word, and his creed is of a 
simple and primitive type. ‘Take in thy 
hands,” he says to Africanus, “the divinely 
inspired writings ; and know the Creator of 
thyself and of thy emperor. Then wilt thou know that there 
is God the Father and His Son Jesus Christ, crucified and 
buried, risen and ascended into heaven, and sitting on the 
right hand of God.” Here there is no reason to suppose that 
by the scriptures is meant the written Gospel. For in a parallel 
statement of his creed Paul appeals in the same words to 
the scriptures, 1 Cor. xv. 3: “For I delivered unto you first 
of all that which also I received, how that Christ died for 
our sins, according to the scriptures ; and that He was buried; 

And of his 

100 =©Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and that He hath been raised on the third day according to 
the scriptures.” Here Paul cannot be referring to the New 
Testament, which was not yet written. Phocas was well read in 
the Epistles of Paul, and the author of these 
Phocas a Acts knew the First Epistle of Peter. We 
student of ee iar 
Banta are therefore justified in interpreting the ex- 
Epistles. pression Divine Scriptures used by him to mean 
the Old Testament. It is likely enough that 
there was a written Gospel as early as the year 115 A.D. ; but it 
is impossible that it should be referred to in such a manner at 
so early a date. The Epistles of Paul however may have been 
reckoned as divine scriptures earlier than one supposes in the 
second century.!_ But I cannot myself believe that they were 
so classed as early as the reign of Trajan. It is certain that 
Ignatius, often as he quoted them and great as was his respect 
for Paul, never called them inspired writings. That appella- 
tion he reserves for the Old Testament. Phocas appeals to 
the divine scriptures in attestation of exactly the same tenets 
in behalf of which Paul appeals to them. 
12. There are passages where these Acts recall the Ignatian 
Epistles. I have already referred to the words in which 
Phocas disclaims the imputation made by 
Resemblances Africanus, that the Christians regard him asa 
to the Epistles : 
ofIgnatius. 0d. “Νοίΐ as a god,” he replies, “‘ but as 
aman of God. For I am very inferior to the 
apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ. Wherefore they honour 
me, the unworthy bishop whom thou seest before thee, not as 
a god, but as the shepherd of the spiritual flock. . . . All 
the schoolmen of the whole world would not be found worthy 
to reply to a single one of the disciples of the Lord.” This is 
the language almost of the sub-apostolic age, when the works 
of the apostles was still fresh in men’s minds. In a similar 
way Ignatius refuses to rank himself with the apostles, Rom. 
4: “I do not enjoin you, as Peter and Paul did. They were 
apostles ; I am a convict ; they were free, but I am a slave to 

1 Cp. Acta Mart. Scilit. at καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς βίβλοι kal ai πρὸς ἐπὶ τούτοις 
᾿πιστολαὶ Παύλου τοῦ ὁσίου ἀνδρός. Here Paul’s Epp. are distinguished 
from the sacred writings. 

Lhe Acts 07'S.  οζας,. IOI 

this very hour.” So Trall. 3: “But I did not think myself 
competent for this, that being a convict I should order you as 
though I were an apostle.” So Ephes. 21: “1 who am the 
very last of the faithful,” and Magnes. 14: “the Church which 
is in Syria, whereof I am not worthy to be called a member.” 

13. Perhaps we ought to reckon as a mark of the antiquity 
of these Acts the statement that the converted soldiers, when 
they were baptised, fulfilled all the law, chap. 16. This re- 
minds one of the sayings of Jesus when John hesitated to 
baptise Him: “ Suffer it now ; for thus it becometh us to fulfil 
all righteousness.” 

14. Africanus is the governor before whom Phocas is 
brought. It is not specified in what province the persecution 
was taking place ; but we may infer from the 
first and last chapters of these Acts that the Probable date 
tradition which locates the scene of the ,0f Africanus’ 

tenure of prov. 
martyr’s trial at Sinope is correct. Sinope Pontica. 
was in the province of Pontus, which was 
governed about the years 111-113 by Pliny the younger with 
the official title of Legatus Pro-preetore Consulari Potestate. 
Pliny had been Consul Suffectus in the year 100. In the con- 
sular lists we find that Africanus was Consul Ordinarius in A.D. 
112. It would not be inconsistent with the principles of the 
Roman provincial administration that he should have been the 
Imperial Legatus between the years 112 and 110. In such 
a case he would have succeeded Pliny. It weighs nothing 
against these Acts that there is no other record of Africa- 
nus having governed Bithynia Pontus; for there is not one 
out of a hundred such appointments of which we know the 
details. The reference in chap. 3 of these Acts to Trajan, 
as having conquered in all his wars, points to the end of 
Trajan’s reign as the time of Africanus’ governorship ; for it 
was not till the year 114 that the senate conferred on Trajan 
the title of Optimus on account of his victories, and in the 
following year he took the fresh title of Parthicus. According 
to chap. 19 of the Acts the death of the Emperor followed 
closely on that of the martyr. And this is perhaps the grain 
of truth contained in this part of the narrative. But these 

102 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

many traits of probability must not blind us to the large ad- 
mixture of pure legend which these Acts undoubtedly contain. 
A great part of the interview between Phocas 

Yet these and Trajan has a spurious ring, especially 
Acts contain he Τὴ f the E ἘΠ ἘΠ: 
legendary € alarm or t eee the sound Ὁ 
elements, the heavenly voice. The words moreover 

describing the Emperor’s death are a mere 
tag from the Gospel. I therefore incline to the belief that we 
have in these Acts an early narrative of the saint’s death over- 
laid with the usual mythical accretions. Such accretions are 
palpable in the Greek form, if we compare it 

And have with the Armenian. As we have seen above, 
been inter- the 500 confessors in two provinces are 
polated even : ᾿ 
ΤῊ ἐπ Ae turned into 50,000 all in one place; one 

menian form. lamp lit in the prison, becomes 10,000, all 
lit miraculously ; the dedication is omitted, 
and in chap. 17 a fresh miracle is added, as if the Armenian 
did not contain enough. We cannot suppose that the process 
of accretion which is so palpable in the Greek has not already 
begun in the Armenian. Perhaps a lucky chance may yet re- 
veal in some library an old Latin form of these Acts which 
will aid us still further in clearing away the accretions of 
legend. Meanwhile it is not too much to say that the Ar- 
menian version has in the case of these Acts set us upon the 
track of a genuine monument of a period of persecution of 
which the only other extant notice is the Letter of Pliny. 
There is one last point to which Mr. Hardy draws my atten- 
tion, the statement, namely, in ch. 3 of these Acts, that ‘the 
enemies of God made diligent search” for Phocas. ‘This at 
first sight seems to be inconsistent with Trajan’s words to Pliny 
that the Christians conqguirendi non sunt. If, however, we could 
suppose that Africanus preceded Pliny in Bithynia-Pontus, it 
would be rather a confirmation than not of these Acts ; for 
Trajan’s words imply that until he wrote the Christians were 
being hunted down. Such a consideration makes it doubly 
certain that the story of the Emperor’s death in ch. xix. is a 
later and legendary accretion. 


I. Many a time since the coming of the Saviour 
Jesus Christ, the pitiful and humane, and wise and 
powerful, our Healer, and Shepherd, and Teacher, 
and Lord, and God, Christians have received the 
glorious and ineffable, the holy and spotless mys- 
tery, and have sealed it by sufferings long and 
extreme, by fasting and persecution and flight, by 
banishment and endurance, through degradation 
and glory, through torture and salvation. And 
many a time have the apostles, holy and spotless 
and equal to the angels, been tortured because of 
the name’ and of the glorified mystery, and have 
given us atype of the suffering of Christ, and 
of their own irreproachable and inflexible faith. 
Wherefore, O brethren, who are dwelling in Pontus 
and Bithynia, in Paphlagonia and in Mysia, in 
Galatia and in Cappadocia and in Armenia,’ it has 
seemed necessary also to us that we should, all of us 
and everywhere, signify in this writing unto you, 
the undefiled and beautiful and glorious piety of 
the blessed martyrs and the memorials of the same, 
in order that we may become imitators of their 
good fight, and make ourselves emulous of them. 
II. For we shall remember the sufferings which 

1 The Greek omits “‘ because of the name.” 
2 Greek omits from ‘‘ wherefore” down to ‘* Armenia.” 

104 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

they underwent by fire, and thirst, and cross, and 
wild beasts, and by suffocation in pools of water, 
and by carding, and by all sorts of tortures, and by 
divers torments. For we too are taught to press 
forward to the goal, and it is our hope to be made 
partakers in great good things by our Lord Jesus 
Christ, to whom glory for ever and ever. Amen. 

And above all others was the blessed Phocas, 
conspicuous for bravery and endurance ; for not 
only did he face fire and torture, but while he was 
of this world he ever lived? in the fair and spot- 
less religion, having continually before his eyes 
the Saviour Jesus Christ. For if it were possible 
to compose concerning him in these memorials so 
long a history, it could not fail to strike great dis- 
may into our readers.’ 

Well, then, the devoutness of the holy Phocas 
was such as this. All through his youth among 
us here he was not beguiled by the grievous and 
destructive serpent, but holy and spotless (as) * the 
dove of the Lord, he bore the yoke meekly from 
childhood, and was full of piety, and was conspic- 
uous to all. But of those who lacked the means 
of livelihood he was the help and succour ; to the 
rich he was ready with reproof, and exhorted them 
to what is of good report and for the welfare of 
others ; and in a word he was unto all everything 
that is good and holy. But no one among men 
could relate, as it deserves to be related, his last 

1 Tiv ἀρετὴν ἐπολιτεύσατο. 
2 The Greek omits this sentence. 
8 The Arm. omit the word ‘‘ as.” 

The Acts of S. Phocas. 105 

struggle and triumph. However, unto you that 
are worshippers of the true God, we will report 
the little we can. III. In the times when Trajan 
was Emperor, many of the Christians were 
snatched away from the flock, to sacrifice to vain 
idols ; and then were they seeking for this blessed 
saint as fora gem of much value, which, having 
lost, the possessor calls his friends and his kindred 
together, that they may search and find it. In 
like manner the enemies of God made diligent 
search for the shepherd, for he was a just and holy 
and true shepherd of the spiritual flock of the Lord. 
And having taken the blessed saint, they brought 
him into court. 

Africanus the Eparch said : ‘‘Is this the Phocas 
who denies the existence of the gods, and reckons 
not the autocrat Trajan a god? Come, tell me, 
then, have not all wars been won by the might of 
his hand? Who then but he can be God?” But 
Phocas remained silent. Africanus said: ‘*‘ What 
sayest thou to that? Dost thou give no answer, 
or knowest thou not before whom thou hast 
come?’ Phocas said: “If thou speakest about 
my God who is in heaven, well and good ; but if 
thou sayest of a man that he is God, then expect 
not at all to hear aught from me.” Africanus said : 
“Are then the autocrats not gods?” Phocas 
said: “Is this not enough for Trajan that he is 
called Emperor, but dost thou also give him the in- 
comparable name?” IV. Africanus said : “* How 
is it that the Christians demean themselves towards 
thee as towards a god? Phocas said: ‘‘ God for- 

Ιο6 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

bid that any one should even entertain such a 
thought ; for men that are imbrued in blood and 
assailable by death, and liable to sin, and who 
must give an account of their lives, and of the 
deeds they have done here, and of their reli- 
gion, and who are brought under the judgment of 
the unseen God, how can they be competent to 
bear such an awful name?” Africanus said: 
‘“‘ How is it that the rumour of thee hath reached 
even the Autocrat ?” 

Phocas said: ‘‘ Yea, of me not as a god, but as 
aman of God. For I am very inferior to the 
apostles of the religion of our Lord Jesus Christ.’ 
Wherefore they honour me, the unworthy bishop 
whom thou seest before thee, not as a god, as thou 
thinkest, but as the shepherd of the spiritual flock * 
of the Lord. But dost thou thyself, because thou 
hast been entrusted with authority by the Lord, 
therefore assume the name of god?” Africanus 
said: ‘‘ There should be many schoolmen here, 
that they might be able to argue with thee.’ 
Phocas said: ‘‘ Although thou shouldst assemble 
all the schoolmen of the whole world, they would 
not be found worthy to reply to a single one of the 
disciples of the Lord.” V. Africanus said : ‘‘ Hast 
thou such regard for the teaching of the Crucified 
One?” Phocas said : ‘“‘ Herein behold even more 
His matchless wisdom ; for unless He were above 
and beyond all wisdom, nay, more, unless all wise 
men derived from Him, it would not have been 

1 ὅθεν οὐκ ἀπαυτομολῶ τῆς τῶν ἀποστόλων τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαρεστίας. 
2 ποιμένα λογικῆς ἀγελής. 

ERE ICES 5. Olas. 107 

written, ‘Who giveth wisdom to the wise,’! and 
again, ‘ Who taketh the wise in the depth of their 
wisdom ';* and again, ‘I will destroy the wisdom 
of the wise, and I will make a reproach of the 
skill of the learned.’* Dost thou understand that 
which I speak?” Africanus said: “I was not 
sent to talk with thee concerning laws and _ prob- 
lems, but concerning obedience to the edicts of 
the Emperors.” 

Phocas said :-s' | speak of the one unseen God, 
and persuade thee not. Wilt thou, then, who 
speakest about a man‘ like to myself, who is to- 
day and to-morrow dies, and is blessed if he die 
well and not ill, wilt thou be able to persuade me ?” 
Africanus said: ‘ Cast from thee this intricate and 
decorated discourse, and instruct thyself in the 
lore of thy true life, lest thou compel me to per- 
suade thee with many tortures.” VI. Phocas 
said : ‘‘When invited to so noble a feast, I de- 
cline it not, the more so asthe hour is far ad- 
vanced.” Africanus said: ‘Yea, all the more 
because of thy philosophising, for because of that 
do: I, pity thee Phocas, said: =““If thou hadss 
pity on me, then while I stand before thee, thou 
wouldst at once do whatsoever thou art going to 
do. But that thou mayest know that unless I die, 
I cannot live.”* Africanus said: ‘ Murderers 

1 ὃ διδοὺς σοφίαν τοῖς σοφοῖς. 

* ὁ δρασσόμενος τοὺς σοφοὺς ἐν τῇ πανουργίᾳ αὐτῶν (1 Cor. 3, 19). 

* ἀπολῶ τὴν σοφίαν τῶν σοφών καὶ τὴν σύνεσιν τῶν συνετῶν ἀθετήσω 
(i- Gor, τ τὸ): 

* The Greek adds the words, ‘‘lawless and.” 

ὅ The Greek omits from ‘‘ yea, all the more,” down to “1 cannot live.” 

τοῦ Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and wizards are not worthy to look on the sun, yet 
they supplicate for their lives; but thou, whose 
much wisdom, according to the saying, hath made 
thee mad, art so bold and obstinate that thou 
wishest to die. By the sun, methinks thou art 
more of a philosopher than Aristotle.” 

Phocas said: ‘I deign not to philosophise ; but 
I wish to be a lover of Christ, since I know Him 
to be my God and my King. For Aristotle 
taught a philosophy which is vain and ensnaring ; 
but Christ taught the conversation of God and 
true religion,’ and wisdom, and fortitude, and hath 
bestowed immortality on those who believe in one 
God.” Africanus said : ‘‘ Thou hast demonstrated 
thy emptiness of mind and folly in paying so much 
regard to one crucified.” 

Phocas said: ‘What is it that is a stumbling- 
block to thee? For it is written, ‘A stumbling- 
block to Jews and folly to Gentiles; but to us 
believing, Christ the power of God and wisdom of 
God.’” VII. Africanus said: ‘‘ What, God cruci- 
fied? ”* Phocas said: ‘ But there are gods, male 
and female, and made out of stone, by the work of 
hands. But none that are ungodly and of the 
flesh can discover the path of Christ.” Africanus 
said: ‘‘ Cure thyself of thy madness; awake and 
look on the heavens, the sun, and moon, and 
morning star, and the multitude of the other stars, 
that thou wouldst abandon and die.” Phocas said : 
‘‘Thou beholdest the circle of the earth, and the 

1 θεολογίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ἐνάρετον, in the Greek. 
2 In the Greek, ἐστὶν οὖν θεὸς ἐσταυρωμένος ; 

The Acts of 5. Phocas. 109 

blazing torch of the sun, and the round globe of 
the moon, and the positions of the stars ; but their 
Creator, God, thou beholdest not, neither compre- 
hendest Him. For neither did the sun create the 
moon, nor the moon the stars ; but all this appear- 
ance and show was made by the Word of God.”" 
Africanus said: ‘‘ Then, on the other hand, thou 
declarest the heaven and all that is therein to have 
been made by another, denying that we ought to 
serve them, and compliest not?” 5 

Phocas said : ‘ God forbid that I should call the 
elements God.” Africanus said: ‘“‘ Show to me 
thy God, and I will win over the autocrat.” 

Phocas isaid: “ Did= | not tell, thee be1ore 
concerning the unseen God? For God who sits 
above the heavens, how can he appear unto man ? 
But if thou wouldst know God, yield to me, and I 
will teach thee. Thou beholdest then the heavens, 
the sun and the moon, the stars and welkin. But 
it is not when they will that they shine, but when 
they receive the command so to do, ‘Tis not be- 
cause the clouds are gathered into one throng, when 
and as they will, that they are filled with water ; 
tis when they are mustered by the command of 
the Lord. There comes the summer, not when it 
wills, but when He thinks good. ‘The sea is at 
peace or tempest-troubled, not when it so wills, 
but when it receives the decree from the Lord. 
Man is healed, not when he wills, but when his 
Creator bids it. Thou huntest the wild beasts, 

1 ἐν λόγῳ θεοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ γεγέννηται. 
2 φάσκεις, καὶ μηδὲ αὐτοῖς ὑπήκειν. 

110 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

not when thou wilt, but when they are delivered 
into thy hand. The Emperor is victorious over 
the nations, not when he wills it, but when the 
Lord succours and defends him. The Emperor 
rules, not when he wills, but when the Lord gives 
him power to rule.’ VIII. This God we ought 
to know and glorify ; and worship Him who said, 
‘] slay and I make to live.’””? 

Africanus said: But who is supreme over all 
this, the God crucified of whom thou spakest ?” 

Phocas said : “ον hast thou heard of his suffer- 
ings and yet considerest not the might of His 
resurrection ? How camest thou to acknowledge 
the Crucified One ? for this is much for thee. But 
if thou wouldst know,* then take into thy hands 
the divinely inspired writings* and know thy 
Creator and thy Autocrat.° And then wilt thou 
know that there is God the Father,® and His Son 
Jesus Christ, crucified and buried,’ risen,® and 
ascended into heaven, and sitting on the right 
hand of God.” ® Africanus said: “I have heard 
enough of thy teaching, and methinks Demos- 
thenes might teach as much.” So now obey me 

1 This last speech of Phocas is somewhat shorter in the Greek. 

2 The Greek has “1 will slay and will make to live,” ἐγὼ ἀποκτενώ 
Kal ζῆν ποιήσω. 

3 In Greek: If thou wouldst believe. 4 θεοπνεύστους γραφὰς. 

5" Gk. =the Creator of thyself and of thy autocrat. 

6 Gk. =who is God the Father. 

7 Gk. ἐσταυρωμένος μὲν κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον, ““ crucified as regards His 
humanity,” and omits the words ‘‘ and buried.” 

8 Gk. ἀναστὰς δὲ τῇ τῆς θεότητος αὐτοῦ δυνάμει. 

9. Gk. ἐν ϑεξίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς καθεζόμενος. 

10 ακ. πολλήν σου περίοδον ἀκήκοας λόγων, ὡς τάχα μηδὲ τὸν 

Δημοσθένην τοσαῦτα ἀπηγγελκέναι. 

The Acts of 5. Phocas. III 

and sacrifice, lest thou force me to consume thee 
with torture and fire. For art thou not aware 
that there are more than five hundred! men here 
and in the other province, whom thou inveiglest 
into not sacrificing to the gods.” IX. Phocas 
said: “And how much better will it be, as thou 
hast said, for me to die than for all the world 
to perish because of my impiety. But ’tis with 
joy that I approach the funeral pyre, lest the 
whole flock be direfully wounded and scattered. 
For such are the commandments which I 
have received from the Lord Jesus Christ.” 
Africanus said:* “And I am very sorry for 
thee, and am full of pity for a man so learned and 
so famous ; but thou endeavourest to oppose me 
and raise an angry debate,” Phocas said: “ For 
all thy sorrow thou art about to destroy me. For 
I despise all thy threatened tortures, nay, I even 
spit upon them. Therefore do whatsoever thou 
art minded to do; for my language or my 
thoughts thou shalt not control. For the loving 
care of my Lord is with me, and a confession of 
faith more profound than tens of thousands of thy 
Demosthenes.”* Africanus said : “If thou wast de- 
ranged, I would say that thou wast raving; and 

1 ὅτι πλείω πεντακισμύριοι ἄνδρες ἵστανται ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας 
ἀνατρέπεις μή θύειν. 

* But the Greek continues with: ‘If thou wast advanced in age 
(προβεβηκὼς), I should say that thou twaddlest ; and if thou wast poor, I 
should suspect thee on that point, and so forth.” These words are given 
later on to Africanus in the Armenian, who, for προβεβηκὼς, advanced in 
age, read mapaBeByxads=deranged. The passage which intervenes (2) to [3 
is absent in the Greek. 

112 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

if thou wast poor, I should say that on that ac- 
count thou wast willing to die.” Phocas said: “I 
have forfeited, all worldly wealth and riches and 
possessions, if only to possess a single pearl, 
which neither thou nor the autocrat can ravish 
from me. But if it please thee to torture me 
because I sacrifice not to abominations, lo, here 
I am; torture me as thou must.” Africanus 
said: ‘‘We sacrifice to the holy and spotless 
gods, and thou callest them abominations.” 
Phocas said: ‘‘ Not only abominable, but presump- 
tuous and cheating and adulterous and temple- 
robbing ; yea, and devils and lifeless. And not 
only they, but all who speak of any other god but 
the one God who is over all and almighty. To 
whom as Creator be glory and honour through our 
Lord Jesus Christ, for ever and ever.” 

X. And when the multitude of brethren who 
stood there had said “Amen,” there was suddenly 
a noise like the voice of many waters, and a great 
earthquake, so that Africanus fell down with 
fright, and was laid half dead on the floor, speech- 
less, as well as all the guards who stood around 
him. Among whom we saw, we to whom the 
Lord wished to manifest it... Fora bright light 
shot from heaven ten times brighter than the sun ; 
and two angels appeared on steeds of fire. And 
fear and trembling fell upon us. But they were 
embraced by the blessed Phocas? and then re- 

1 ἐν ots ἴδομεν, οἷς ὃ κύριος ἐβουλήθη δεῖξαι. 
2 αὐτοὶ δὲ προσειπόντες TE μακαριῷ Φωκᾷ, and in the Gk. it is ‘‘ three 
angels of fire on horseback” who appear. 

the Acts of 5. Phocas. 113 

ascended to heaven. And after half an hour, 
Terentina, wife of Africanus, ran up all dishevelled, 
and with her five sons and all her attendants fell 
down before the blessed Phocas, and earnestly 
entreated him to restore to her her husband, 
undertaking that she would believe with all her 
household, which she actually did. Then the 
blessed Phocas called together! all the congrega- 
tion” of the church and offered up prayers for his 
salvation. But he, having escaped in so mar- 
vellous a way, went and told Trajan of the in- 
comparable might of Christ and of the great hope 
of the Christians.? XI. And Trajan called Phocas 
and said ‘to’ him * “ Thou art Phocas, nd fhe 
said: “Iam.” Trajan said: ‘“‘ And thou knowest 
not my absolute power. Why dost thou not obey 
our commands? In whom art thou exalted,* or 
what God dost thou worship? However, me- 
thinks such rhetors* as thyself stand in no want of 
advice. But put thyself into a fitting mood and be 
not recalcitrant. For though thou mayest not be 
in thy right mind ® thou canst know who is Trajan 
and who is he whom thou worshippest.” Phocas 
said: “15. it meet to speak and defend oneself, O 
Emperor, before thee and even so run in the race 

* But the Gk. =which the blessed Phocas actually did, for having called 
together, etc. 

? τὸν KAffpov=the clergy. 

° Gk. =But he thus rescued by a miracle went off to lay before the king 
the wonderful power of the Lord and hope of the Christians. 

4 τίνι πεποιθώς ; 

δ᾽ Gk.=Such age as is thine wants no counsellor, but should give itself 
good counsel and not disobey (παρακούειν). 

© & μὴ γὰρ ἑαυτοῦ γένῃ καὶ τῆς ὑπολήψεώς σου, γνώσῃ; τίς ἐστι. 


114 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

which impends ?” ‘Trajan said: ‘‘ Yea, it is neces- 
sary for thee to speak and in particular to say 
what will help thee.” Phocas said: ‘The power 
ef thy authority, O Trajan, is it given to thee from 
God, if at least thou hast come to know Him that 
bestowed the gift on thee?” Trajan said: “ My 
empire is given me by the many gods,’ to whom 
it is right to sacrifice. [tis right therefore to give 
due honour to our saviours, and on that account 
are we bound to sacrifice because of our salvation.” 
Phocas said : ‘It is just and right, O Emperor, to 
sacrifice to Almighty God and to obey His com- 
mands; but withal we ought to obey the govern- 
ment, not unto impiety, but unto true religion.” 
Trajan said: ‘‘Wast thou summoned hither to 
philosophise, or to sacrifice ?” Phocas said: “ To 
whom hast thou to sacrifice, or to what gods?” 
Dejan said; To. Asklepius,’Phocas . said: 
“Where is this god of thine? Show him to me 
that I may behold him.” XII. And when they had 
come into the temple of the idols, Trajan said: 
“Lo, here are the gods who preserve all.” Phocas 
said: ‘I say unto thee, Ho, thou stock and 
stone, dost thou desire to eat, dost desire drink, 
dost desire to dress, dost desire to smell, hast 
thou need of sacrifices? Behold thy gods are 
vain; they stand erect and sit not down; they 
have open mouths and speak not; we pray and 
they hear not; eyes have they, yet see not; 
hands, yet they take not up the offerings. Wilt 

1 In the Greek ἀπὸ θεῶν simply. 

Te ACs δι. Ζοεας. ΓΕ 

thou that I destroy one of them? yet are they in- 
capable of exacting redress for the deed; they 
grieve not, nor call upon the autocrat to succour 
them. And were he summoned, then the god is 
proved to be powerless. A god who needs man- 
kind to assist him in avenging himself, how can 
he save mankind? Behold, O Emperor, the 
emptiness of thy religion.” 

Trajan said: ‘“ Thou hast astonished us by thy 
words. Wast thou nota sailor, and didst thou not 
worship Poseidon?” Phocas said: ‘I was not 
only a sailor, but a captain of sailors, and in all 
things I am piloted by the Lord and offer up 
such sacrifices as are meet.” XIII. Trajan said : 
‘““We, too, would know to whom thou art will- 
ing to sacrifice.” Phocas said: ‘ Thou canst not 

ΠΟΥ fOr ει 4S,-written:. blow cast. not your 
pearls before swine.” Trajan said: ‘Then we 
are swine as thou sayest.” Phocas said: ‘‘’Twere 

fortunate if ye were dumb beasts, for then ye 
would not fall under judgment as worshipping 
yonder stones, for which the dumb brutes have 
no concern at all. But tell me, which is the better, 
thou that hast all that power of thine, or they 
who give no answer to what ye say?” Trajan 
said : ‘We command that thou be hung from a 
tree, and we will see what thy vain philosophy 
avails thee.” Phocas said: “I, if I be hung from 
a tree, will be above all mountains and winds with 
the Lord; but thou along with thy gods wilt be 

1 The Gk. adds βιωθάνατε, ‘thou wretch.” 

116 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

in hell in outer darkness, and then wilt thou know 
that the God in heaven is mighty.” XIV. So they 
excoriated ' his body all over, yet he did not make 
the denial, nor was any utterance heard from his 
lips, but only his lips moved in prayer. And 
when he had finished his prayer and uttered an 
Amen, there was a noise from heaven, anda voice, 
which said: ‘‘ Be of good cheer, Phocas, for 1 am 
with thee. Behold for thee is prepared a place 
in the garden along with the holy pontiffs and 
with those who deny not Me and My Father. 
But Trajan shall go to the place that thou hast 
portended, there to undergo tortures eternal.” 
Then Trajan was smitten with fear and ordered 
the saint to be taken off the rack, and commanded 
four guards to watch him.” And they took and 
put him in prison and he was fixed very securely 
in the stocks. 

But the saint continued to praise and glorify 
God; but they shut the doors and kept watch 
outside the prison. XV. And about midnight the 
saint fell to praying, thus:* ‘Jesus, Son of God, 
Christ Lord, whose name is holy, Lord of angels 
and of every name that is named; Shepherd of 
spiritual sheep, keep Thy flock firm, drive away 

the many-footed wolf, who seduces and ravishes 

1 σπαθιζόμενου κατὰ πᾶν μέλος. 

2 The Greek adds: ‘‘and one centurion by name Priscus.” 

3 Gk. Kipte’*Inoot Xplore, τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ vid, τὸ ἅγιον kal ἄῤῥητον 
ἐν ἀνθρώποις ὄνομα, TO κυβερνητικὸν ἐν πελάγεσιν ὄνομα, TO ποιμαντικὸν 
ἐν ποίμεσιν ὄνομα, θεὸς ἀγγέλων, θεὸς ἀρχαγγέλων, θεὸς πάντος ὀνόματος 
ὀνομαζομένου, ποιμὴν τῶν λογικῶν σου προβάτων, τήρησόν σου τὸ 
ποίμνιον ἄσυλον. 

Lhe Acts of S. Phocas. ia τῆ 

them. Yield not aught to him in Thy labours.’ 
Let not the wild boar destroy Thy vine planted 
by Christ ; let it not pollute Thy holiness, as did 
Nebuchadnezzar. Let not the many-spotted 
serpent bespot Thy spotless dove. Let not the 
all-spotted contaminate Thy servants with the 
parching blast of the south. But preserve Thy 
vineyard, which Thy all-powerful right hand hath 
planted.’ Suffer not thy cross? to be destroyed, 
which with Thy great and precious blood thou 
didst win. Suffer not Thy ark to be wrecked, 
of which thou alone wast captain and pilot.’ 1 
thank and glorify Thy Father and Thee, that 
Thou wilt make me worthy this day to sup with 
Thee, for I shall come unspotted to Thy couch.* 
Drive me not without on this day in my coming 
to. Thee. Keep<my Father as God) 19 
Lord, as Shepherd, lest there breathe upon’ me 
the dragon, and lest his feet dance upon me. 
For he could not persuade me by gold or silver 
[Ὁ lose) -the precious. pearl, but to. le have 
abandoned all, that I may possess thee alone, 
that art all-precious, thee, Lord, the pitiful, the 
light-giving.© Bring me near to Thy Father. 
Lead me in by the narrow door into the temple 
of the King, and to Thee be glory and to Thy 
Father and to Thy Holy Spirit.’ 

1 εἰς τοὺς σοὺς τόπους. What follows as far as “right hand hath 
planted ” is omitted in the Greek. 

2 ἀγέλην = ‘‘flock,” instead of ‘ cross.” 

* The Gk. omits this clause. 4 παστόν. ὅ συρήσῃ. © ἐπιφανῆ. 

7 ὅτι διά σου ἡ δόξα τῷ μεγάλῳ θεῷ kal πατρὶ σὺν aylw πνεῦματι νῦν 
καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. 

118 Monuments of Early Christianity. 
XVI. And when he had said the Amen, the 

prison was opened and a torch’ was lighted in 
the fortress. When the soldiers saw it, they 
rushed in, and throwing themselves at his feet, 
they sought of him the washing of the font.’ 
And the blessed bishop took the men and went 
as far as the edge of the sea outside the city, 
and gave them the seal in Christ,* to whom also 
the Lord manifested Himself. Having come and 
having fulfilled all the law, we entered again into 
the prison.* And at dawn all the multitude of the 
city mustered in the public place, looking forward 
to the martyr-struggle of the blessed Phocas. 
And Trajan called him into the court and said: 
‘‘ Sacrifice to Poseidon.” 

Phocas said: ‘To demons I sacrifice not.” 
Trajan said: ‘Are the gods demons, and we too ?® 
Tell me then what other god is there left?” 
Phocas said: “ἘΠ that gave thee thy authority. 
For ye are dumb irrational animals, and know 
not the benevolent God.” Trajan said: ‘Then 
sacrifice at least to thy God.” Phocas said : “My 
God needeth naught, except only prayer and 
fasting and holy hearts. For all things that have 
come into existence are His creatures. He giveth 
breath to all things that are and to whatever 
shall hereafter come to be.” XVII. Trajan said: 

1 The Gk. has: ‘‘ more than ten thousand lamps.” 

2 τὸ λοῦτρον. 8 τὴν ἐν Χριστῷ σφραγίδα. 

* πορευθέντες δὲ καὶ ποίησαντες τὰ κατὰ τὸν νόμον εἰσῆλθον πάλιν 
εἰς τὸν "Αγιον. 

5 Gk. = ‘‘ we swine.” 

The Acts of S. Phocas. 119 

“ Now hast thou begun to philosophise. Sacrifice 
to the gods, for crucified god there is none.” 
Phocas said: ‘Thou hast heard the voice of the 
Crucified One, and wast terrified. If He should 
be stirred up against thee, who shall be able to 
withstand Him? For His threatening consumes 
the mountains and His wrath dries up the sea.” 
Trajan said: ‘““Thou knowest not to whom thou 
speakest, or with whom thou hast words.” Phocas 
said: ‘Because I know with whom, on that 
account I sacrifice not. But no word more art 
thou going to hear from me ; do whatsoever thou 
wilt. But this 1. avow to4nce, that π᾿ 
Christian.’ ΚΝ ΗΠ Trajan said =< Phe baths 
are being heated for thee, and lo, the water is hot. 
This three days has no one opened them, and 
into them I bid them throw thee.” And Phocas 
made the Lord’s sign upon himself, and entered 
into the bath, and it was like a brick glowing 
among gleaming fires. And the blessed one 
stood there in the midst, and began to praise 
God and say: “I thank thee, Lord, Lord, that 
Thou hast made me worthy because of Thy name 
to be tormented and imprisoned and bound and 
subjected to many trials. And now, my Lord, 
send Thy angel and save me from the hand of 
Trajan, lest haply the enemy say: ‘Where is 
their God?’” And having finished his prayer, 

1 The Greek adds a miracle here: ‘‘ Trajan said: I bid thee be cast 
into unquenchable fire, and I will see if thy God will take thee out. And 
when he had been cast in and had made three hours in it, they took him 
out, and he was just as if they had freshly cast him in.” 

120. Monuments of Early (Οὐγτεέζαητέγ. 

and said the Amen, he surrendered his spirit at 

Then Trajan bade open the baths, and having 
entered in, he found the remains of the body of 
the holy Phocas like a fragrant rose,’ and like the 
frozen ice and like fragrant and precious oil. 
And the baths were cool, just as if they had not 
been heated at all. XIX. Trajan gazed on the 
body of the blessed Phocas, and fell to meditating 
on so long-suffering a faith, and he cried out and 
said to the soldiers who were with him: ‘“ Truly 
there is no other God, except the one alone 
who is in heaven.” And he became afraid, and 
trembling quitted the baths. But Phocas appeared 
to him on the threshold, and said to the despot 
Trajan: “Go to thy appointed place, unto that 
impossible abyss. For to me is opened the 
garden of delight, but to thee is opened the pit 
of destruction as for thy idols. But there is not 
for thee a time of pardoning,’ but only three days. 
For much righteous blood has been shed in thy 
lifetime.” And Trajan went to his palace in 
terror, and was in great tribulation, suffering from 
a violent fever, and betaking himself in pain to 
his litter, he was devoured of worms and so per- 

XX. Such was the uprightness of life and 
bravery in martyr-struggle which the _ blessed 

1 νάρδον εὔπνουν, ὡς μύρον πολύτιμον Kal ὡς κρύσταλλον πεπηγός. 
Cp. the Apocalypse of Peter, 8 3, in which we read of the Blessed that : 
τὰ γὰρ σώματα αὐτῶν hv λευκότερα πάσης Χιόνος καὶ ἐρυθρότερα παντὸς 
ῥόδου ; and see M. R. James’ Afocrypha Anecdota, p. 150. 

2 ἔνδοσις. 3 σκοληκόβρωτος γενόμενος ἐξέψυξεν. 

The Acts of S. Phocas. 121 

Phocas was the first to display in Pontus,’ and it 
is related unto this day. A captain of sea-farers 
and a shepherd of all good sheep was he, and 
his martyrdom is true, and is glorified and bruited 
abroad in the regions of Armenia and Pontus and 
Paphlagonia. An apostolic man did he show 
himself to us, and as from some squadron of the 
saints? he took the standard of victory and the 
earnest of the life to come as promised by the 
Lord God.* To whom glory and power for ever 
and ever. Amen. 

1 πρῶτος τῶν ἐν Πόντῳ λαλεῖται ἕως τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας γυβερνήτης 
τῶν ναυτιλῶν, λαλητὸς ἐν παντὶ TO κόσμῳ. OD τὸ μαρτύριον τῆς 
ἀθλήσεως λαλεῦται δοξαζόμενον ἐν τοῖς κλίμασι τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας. 

3 εἰς τὸν χόρον τῶν ἁγίων μετατεθείς. 

8 The Gk. has: “ὈγΥ Christ, to whom glory and power and adoration, 
with the Father and the Holy Spirit now and ever, and for all eternity. 

ΝΣ os 


ANG Wein ΕἸΣ ΣΕ Rone: 


THE Greek text of these Acts, of which the Armenian is a 
translation, has been published from Paris MSS. of it in a 
volume called: Polyeucte dans (histoire. Etude, par B. Aube, 
Paris, 1882. I owe the following remarks on these Acts to 
M. Aubé’s introduction. 

There are signs that the text of these Acts, as we have it 
now, can hardly be contemporary. For example, it is alleged 
therein that the martyr suffered under the 
Emperors Decius and Valerian. Now these Date and form 
Emperors were not together. Andthe Acts, of these Acts. 
if they were really contemporary, would 
hardly contain such an error. In the appendix moreover of 
the Greek MS. 513, which is mainly followed by the Armenian 
version, the persecutions of Decius, Valerian and Gallienus 
are all confused together under the one appellation of the 
‘first persecution in the East.” The author of such a con- 
fusion could not be contemporary. The introductory words, 
“ἐᾷ certain Nearchus,” also militate against 
such a view. It must further strike a reader Not contem- 
as somewhat odd that Nearchus survived to eon ne 
tell the tale of his companion’s martyrdom. 

But in spite of all these solecisms, these Acts are certainly 
based on an early account sent round, according to regular 
custom, to the churches, to be read aloud on the feast day of 
the saint. On such feast days a homily commemorative of the 
deceased saint’s virtues was delivered in church, and it is clear 
that the following piece is such a homily, and that it was so 
read as early as A.D. 363; for the exordium suits the years 
A.D. 363-5, when Julian was dead and Christian emblems once 

more figured on the standards of the army. ‘The earliness of 

14 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

the homily is good evidence of the antiquity of the document 
embodied and embedded in it ; as is also the care exercised 
by the old Latin translator of the fifth or sixth century to 
eviscerate the document. The metaphrast had the same text 
as we have in the Greek MSS. collated and published by 
Aubé, but he curtails the homiletic exordium. 

We meet with notices of this martyr in several ancient 
writers. For example, Gregory of Tours (4.F., vil. 6 1” fine, 
De Glor. Martyr., ὃ 103) mentions him; and in the fourth and 
fifth centuries many churches were dedicated to him, one at 
Melitene as early as 377 ; another in Constantinople before the 
end of the fourth century (Gregory of Tours, De Glor. Martyr, 
§ 103); a third in Ravenna according to Tillemont, dZém. 
Lccles., t. iii. ἢ. 426. Sacred lamps have also been dug up 
bearing the inscription τοῦ ἁγίου ILoAvoxros on the site of the 
ancient Coptos in Upper Egypt, which probably belong to 
the fifth or sixth century. The ancient Coptos was also called 
Cana, or Chana. Perhaps Cana neos=New Cana, and was 
the place alluded to in these Acts as the city of the Cananeots. 

The last section of these Acts contains the testimony of 
Nearchus the friend of Polyeuctes, which I believe to be 
genuine, although the paragraph which precedes it, and which 
mentions Philoromus, is clearly an interpolation of the fourth 
century. The homilist in his exordium plainly refers to the 
original document or Acts which he is about to read out to his 
congregation ; some of his sentences even quote the letter of 
the document. This proves that we have here an earlier 
document embedded in the homily. In the same way the 
Acts of Theodore the Soldier, along with the testimony of 
Abgarus his notary, are embedded in a homily, and so pre- 
served to us. 

The Armenian Text agrees very closely with the Greek MS. 
513 of Paris edited by Aubé. In some places the Greek text 

explains obscure passages in the Armenian. 

The Armenian I have translated the latter rather than the 
version. Greek direct, because I think that the ori- 
ginal document which the Armenian used 

frequently gave another text than the Greek MSS. preserve ; 

Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 125 

for I doubt if all the differences of the Armenian are merely 
due to loose translation. 

The story of Polyeuctes is familiar to many, because it has 
been dramatised by Corneille, whose tragedy however hardly 
bears comparison with these Acts in real 
pathos and dramatic representation. Indeed, pe eral 
in his portraiture of the martyr’s wife and of —_ polyeuctes. 
his relations to her, the French dramatist went 
out of his way to be insulse and offensive. 

The doctrinal drift of these Acts, so far as there can be said 
to be any, is of a gently heretical type. For Polyeuctes is 
saved and goes to heaven without having 
received baptism or any other of the sacra- Doctrinal ten- 
ments, and his dialogue with Nearchus tends ee ae 
to make it clear to the reader that none of orthodox. 
these things are really essential. If a man 
only have faith, then he will go to heaven like the thief on the 
cross. Such doctrine was strong meat for a later age, and 
accordingly we find it toned down in the old Lation version 
edited by Aubé. The dialogue between the saints is largely 
recast to make it more orthodox, and instead of the passage 
on page 139, we have the following,— 

Ad fontem autem uitee sic fideliter uenire, salutare probatur, 
ita etiam non accedere procul dubio creditur. Quibus autem 
imminet persecutor, nec suppetit facultas adeundi mysterium, 
sed sub uno et eodem temporis spatio, et conuersionis causa 
ex divina inspiratione agitur et persecutionis discrimen inten- 
datur, his profecto fidei anchora arctissime tenenda est, ut, 
cura defuerit fidei famulatrix aqua, sacramentum baptismatis 
proprii sanguinis aspersione compleatur. 


By now has the bounteous grace of God and 
likewise His might been manifested unto all 
through the holy martyr Polyeuctes. Now are 
the heathen! cast down and full of sorrow, and 
they that put their hope in their soulless idols 
and went astray after their graven images are put 
to shame. In so much as they have been com- 
pelled against their wills by the divine might to 
become imitators of the holy Polyeuctes, in order 
that unto God the Creator and Maker of all, in 
accordance with divine writ, every knee may bend, 
of them that are in heaven and on earth and 
under the earth. For the tidings of the divine 
power have been brought to men, and are in 
recent events ever more and more praised and 
glorified. For lo! the blessed Polyeuctes, who 
was esteemed a heathen in life and religion, even 
he on a sudden set himself to confirm the religion 
of Christ. He that was soldier of an earthly 
king, in the twinkling of an eye flouted his human 
warfare and with all zeal elected in place thereof 
to bear the armour of Christ, and decked his 
brow with the never-fading crown, symbol of his 
struggle bravely borne. 

For the Saviour summoned him to His own 

1 Gk. the Hellenes. 

Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 127 

kingdom by a certain revelation, and bade him 
doff the earthly cloak of war which he wore, and 
array himself instead in the martyr’s. garb of 
mystery and ineffable honour. Yea, He bade him 
put off his sordid earthly cloak. of unbelief, that 
he might don that of the holy martyr, which is 
more honourable and holy and pleasing to God. 
Then with self-born zeal the blessed one hastened 
forth at the summons δὲ the Saviour, and by his 
very readiness forestalled the call, spurning at 
once and unhesitatingly all that is earthly and 
human. Him neither wife nor children, nor store 
of riches nor military discipline, nor honour and 
high command, nor any human glory and great- 
ness could draw away from the true service 
of God. For he esteemed more highly the life 
and citizenship of heaven, and gave up without 
delay of one moment the life of foolishness and 
idolatry for the true and spotless worship of God. 
But what is even more wonderful in the economy 
of hrs salvation is this, that the saint Polyeuctes 
was living with the very daughter of the Perse- 
cutor. And this Persecutor was inducing all others 
by his violence to worship idols, but he could not 
bend the good resolution of the saint. Wherefore 
he then took his daughter and her children, and 
brought them to him; wishing by means of them 
to humble and ensnare him. But he remained 
firm and immovable in the faith of Christ, and 
spurned the ties of his human kinship and _affec- 
tions ; striving only to follow and serve the 
heavenly King, who had chosen him out to be 

128 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

his own soldier. Nor was it without divine pro- 
vidence that he was even in this life pressed into 
the service of the camp, in spite of the many 
hardships which the life entailed. For God wished 
from the first to test the martyr’s resolution and 
prove him, as pure and choice gold is proved in 
the furnace ; and therefore He threw him from the 
first into a life of warfare, such as many deemed 
likely to displease him. But instead he was 
proved by means of this very life on earth to be 
a faithful and firm servant of God. And, lo and 
behold, it was just by reason of his good conduct 
and devotion to arms, that he became a martyr, 
and passed from the humble army of this earth 
to yonder greater one. 

O pious martyr, all holy, witness of God revered 
in all places, of whose memory we all weary not. 
O Godlike martyr and true, who bestowedst so 
much more honour and glory on the human race, 
than thou didst derive therefrom. For thou didst 
trample on the head of the serpent, even as did 
also the holy martyr Thekla, and Perpetua* who 
ascended along that brazen ladder, which led to 
heaven, until she reached her Saviour. Unerring 
are the prophecies in all that they foreshadow. 
For the prophets knew that the trials of this 
earthly life are many and wearisome, and that 
they encompass the race of Christians. And after 
a long and honourable? life on earth a man will 

1 The Armenian omits the reference to Perpetua, but retains that to the 
ladder. There must therefore be a lacuna in the text. 
2 The Arm. =dishonoured. 

Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 129 

yet scarcely be able to reach heavenly honour. 
Well, along this ladder the blessed Polyeuctes 
ascended. He likewise smote the head of that 
same dragon, and spurned _ idols, mounting up- 
wards by the mysterious and ineffable ladder ; 
and thus in miraculous wise he confirmed the 
utterance of the apostle, who says, that by faith 
they shall quench the power of fire and shall 
shut up the mouths of lions. 

OQ armour of the heavenly faith, which the 
sword of Satan could not touch! O pupil of 
Christ, tried by fire, true and genuine soldier ! 
Thus it is that for his virtue and true faith he is 
eternally honoured in deathless memory, as one 
who is still near tous. Wherefore this day will we 
celebrate the true festival of his birth, and so reap 
the fruit of his deeds, in order that he may bestow 
upon each of us his helpful and goodly prayers. 

What gift then shall we offer to the saint com- 
parable to that which he bestowed on us? How 
shall we display our gratitude for the love of 
God manifested unto us, and prove our goodwill ? 
Let us dance our customary dances, if it be our 
pleasure so to do; and let us recall to memory 
the deeds of the saint and all that regards his 
history. Thus we shall fix in our minds the very 
words he spoke and participate in his holiest 
memory agreeably to the document, and shall be 
able to establish our souls in the true faith. 

Now the origin of his martyrdom was as 
follows. A certain Nearchus, for that was his 
name, and Polyeuctes the blessed martyr, were 


1:0 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

called brethren; not as being so by blood rela- 
tionship, but as being so by choice and love of 
each other. And because of their true friendship 
for one another they were called comrades and 
familiar friends, while according to the mysterious 
will of God they were proved to be sharers of 
His mysteries. Now Nearchus was a Christian, 
but the blessed Polyeuctes in matters of religion 
reckoned himself a Greek, though he was such in 
name only, for he was not far from the true faith, 
and was destined to transcend many dubious 
Christians in his fervour in its behalf. How 
wonderful is the divine economy! For before 
the Saviour came to dwell among us, sent down 
by God from heaven to earth for our salvation, 
all men sat in the gloom of idolatry and in the 
depths of impiety. But at the advent of the 
Saviour, all on a sudden rose up as it were out 
of a steep well from their idolatry. My brethren, 
think of that advent! Think of the faith of 
Polyeuctes, of the king coming down from heaven 
to dwell among us, of His soldier who freely ran 
to serve Him. What then was the trial which 
the martyr underwent ? What was the occasion 
of the call which summoned him from Paganism 
to bear witness all on a sudden immediately after 
the advent of the Saviour ? 

Decius' and Valerian were abusing the authority 

1 IT omit here some flowers of rhetoric given in the Armenian and 
absent from the Greek MS. 513. The passage omitted incidentally states 
that Polyeuctes suffered on the fourth day after the Lord’s appearance to 

Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 131 

committed to them by God in an impious manner; 
and with the cruel violence of despots had enacted 
a new law, to the effect that those who consented 
to sacrifice to idols should be advanced in the 
service, while those who should refuse to sacrifice 
were to be put to death by beheading. 

Now on the publishing of this iniquitous edict 
against the Christians, Nearchus the friend of the 
martyr was in confusion and bitter straits; and 
he sighed and wept continually, and shrank from 
his usual converse with Polyeuctes. The latter 
was surprised and was moved to sympathise with 
him ; and several times he went to him and asked 
him the reason of his sorrow. But the other 
found it not easy to answer the questions of the 
holy martyr ; who, after a spell of silence during 
which Nearchus remained plunged in profound 
grief, repeated the question as follows: ‘‘ What is 
this mood of thine, so unlike the warmth of frank 
and open friendship ? Hast thou renounced thy 
old friendship, that thou dost not deign to answer 
me? Have I given thee any cause to sorrow or 
shrink from me in this wise ?” 

It was only then and with difficulty after re- 
peated questionings on the part of the martyr, 
that Nearchus unbent and began to speak and 
say: “‘ Because I foresaw the separation between 
us which this impious and iniquitous edict will at 
once bring about, therefore, O Polyeuctes, I kept 
silent, because henceforth we cannot maintain 
our old friendship for one another.” 

Then the holy Polyeuctes answered him and 

122 Monuments of Early (ὐγτεέτωρείγ. 

said: “Ο Nearchus, thy words to me are contrary 
to all that I hoped or expected. For even though 
we are about to be parted by death, still no one 
can dissolve the bond of friendship and love which 
unites us.” Nearchus said to him: ‘Aye, this is 
just what I was brooding over, that the separation 
I had in mind is something above and beyond 
that entailed by human death.” But when the 
holy Polyeuctes heard this, he fell on the neck of 
Nearchus and prayed and besought him to tell 
him the reason of the impending separation. But 
Nearchus, when he received the supplications of 
the holy martyr, wished to tell him all, but was 
prevented by the difficulty he felt and by his 
tears, and full of confusion, he gazed at Polyeuctes, 
and such was his affliction that he threw himself 
on the ground. And the holy Polyeuctes could 
not bear to see this, yet was at a loss how to 
console him, and he thought that perhaps he 
had taken offence in some way at his friend; and 
accordingly he fell to reflecting thus: “Surely I 
have not incurred reproach in the blameless life of 
Nearchus.” So after reflection, he said: ‘‘ Surely 
no one has traduced Nearchus, and it is not for 
that or because of any calumny or loss of property 
that Nearchus is plunged in dejection and tears. 
I am ready, said the holy martyr, to help him in 
such case, and to bear accusations and death for 
my true love of Nearchus. Nay, had I even a 
child, I would not spare him, if I could indulge 
my love of Nearchus. Faith, I would reckon it 
lower than my love of him, and would sacrifice 

Lhe Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 133 

all to keep my affection for him whole and un- 

And when Nearchus heard such language from 
the holy martyr, he rose up, and with difficulty 
opened his lips, for he was much weighed down 
with care and sorrow. And he began to speak 
thus: “O Polyeuctes, on the morrow are we to 
be parted from one another?” But Polyeuctes 
could not believe the words of his friend, but was 
much perplexed and disturbed at his strange 
agitation and at his shedding so many tears, and 
he besought him to say what had happened to 
him, and what reason he had for speaking in such 
a manner. And after he had besought him many 
times, Nearchus began to tell him with many 
tears about the iniquitous edict against Christians. 
And when the other heard of these iniquitous 
edicts, he rallied his spirit, and resolved to become 
a spectator of God and of heaven. Moreover 
he recalled the revelation which he had received, 
and found that it had been concurrent in time 
with the edict. And forthwith he was filled 
with grace, and began to tell Nearchus about 
it. ‘This day,” he said, “1 beheld, O Nearchus, 
our Lord Jesus Christ, whom thou worshippest 
in holy wise and with fear and trembling. He 
approached me, and stripped off me the filthy 
human cloak which I wore, and clad me with 
one far more precious, and bright as light, and 
flashing with gold; and at the same time that 
He thus arrayed me He bestowed upon me also 
a winged horse.” When Nearchus heard this he 

134 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

rejoiced exceedingly, and said to his friend: al 
trow that thou also hast a knowledge of Christ. 
the God in heaven, who is for ever and ever, 
and is rich with heavenly riches, and who appor- 
tions His grace without stint or grudge to all 
who call upon Him.” And in reply Polyeuctes 
said: “Yet when did I forget my Lord and 
Saviour, Jesus Christ? And whenever thou 
hast told me about Him, did I not listen with 
wonder and admiration? And whenever thou 
hast read to me the Divine Scriptures, have 1 
not on hearing them forthwith shed tears and 
trembled? Although I was not in name called 
a Christian, yet by disposition and in reality | 
was eager to range myself among the servants 
of the Saviour; for everywhere and always was 
I anxious to put to shame the vain folly of idols, 
with their false and crafty deceit.” 

And when Nearchus heard this, his soul was 
filled with rejoicing, and he said to the blessed 
Polyeuctes: “ With regard to the foul and false 
idols, we are compelled now to sacrifice to them 
by the iniquitous emperors ; and for those who 
may refuse to sacrifice, and resolve to serve 
Christ, it is ordained that they should die by 
the sword. What then dost thou now say, O 
Polyeuctes ? Restrain me not from weeping, 
and from lamenting on account of thee, for | 
am in doubt whether I shall not lose thee on 
account of my love. For a presentiment came 
over me that thou wilt submit to the edict of 
the Emperor; for thou art not yet a perfected 

The Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 11 

Christian, and thou wilt be compelled to sacrifice 
to idols.” 

But when the blessed Polyeuctes heard this 
there was kindled in his soul an impulse towards 
God, and with his fleshly eyes he looked to 
Nearchus, as if he were vexed, and he caught 
him by the hand, and said: ‘“‘ These then were 
Thy apprehensions, O Nearchus? Were these 
from the first the opinions Thou entertainedst of 
me? How couldst Thou harbour such a presenti- 
ment about me, Thou who on every occasion 
wast wont to read to me the divine and ineffable 
mystery, and I, when 1 heard it, repudiated the 
foul and abominable images? How then, O my 
comrade Nearchus, have we been content until 
now with the knowledge of that which is fleshly, 
while we have ignored all along the spiritual and 
ineffable through which we converse with God? 
Why then do we not carry out our feelings, O 
Nearchus, or why do we not proclaim publicly 
and before all the world the faith which is in our 
Lord Jesus Christ ?” 

But Nearchus was aroused as it were from 
sleep by the words of the blessed Polyeuctes, 
ancdorallied his soul. ana said. to: the samt... Lo 
me, O Polyeuctes, neither wealth, nor military 
honour, nor the life of this world appears more 
precious than the life of Christ. Nay, I would 
fain give the preference to immortality, and salva- 
tion, and eternity, over life that is human and 
transitory.” But Polyeuctes, on hearing this, 
resolved to test the faith of his friend,. and 

1265 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

explore his resolution. So he said to him: 
“And art thou not sparing, O Nearchus, of this 
honour?”? But the other thinking that he asked 
this question seriously, and not merely to try 
him, replied: “If thou only knewest the honour 
which I have had bestowed on me? by Christ, 
and the progress He has vouchsafed to me!” 
(For He spoke openly and spiritually with him, 
and even in accordance with the divine will 
guided him in his resolutions.*) The holy 
Polyeuctes said to him: ‘‘ Thou imaginest that 
I am ignorant of the progress which thou hast 
made in Christ, and the honour which awaits 
thee from Him. But before thee, O Nearchus, 
have I made progress with the Saviour ; for this 
very day have I received from the Saviour, 
through a revelation, a heavenly and royal cloak. 
But I would fain put to thee one capital question 
of a spiritual kind; for I have a fear and sus- 
picion in my mind, lest if I should come to the 
Saviour unbaptized,* He should not receive me 
with the rest into His spiritual host. Is it then 
possible for those who are not baptized, neither 
have partaken of the holy mystery, to be found 
acceptable to God ?” 

But Nearchus, seeing what was in the mind 
of the blessed Polyeuctes, forasmuch as he was 

1 The Gk, runs, καὶ od φείδῃ σοι, ὦ Néapxe, τῆς τοιαύτης ἀξίας. 

2 The Arm. adds ‘‘ at home.” 

3 The Gk. MS., followed by Aubé, omits the words bracketed. 

4 The Arm.=‘‘ imperfect.” The Greek has ἄνευ τελετῶν καὶ μυστη- 
ρίων, ‘‘ without the rites and mysteries.” 

The Acts of 5. Polyeuctes. £37 

not yet actually a full Christian, and had had no 
experience of the divine mystery, resolved to 
spur him on to yet greater faith, and he reminded 
the saint of the divine writings, and exhorted him 
with still greater urgency to believe. And he 
began to address him thus: ‘“ Spare thyself,” he 
said, ‘‘ Polyeuctes, all apprehension on this point. 
For God is able, as the divine writings say, to 
raise up children to Abraham from these very 
stones ; that is because of a choice and decision, 
which was neither hoped for nor expected, he 
can make the very Gentiles soldiers of Christ. 
For behold, dearest friend, unto all the Gentiles’ 
the doors of heaven are opened, and the ap- 
proaches to deathless salvation are not shut to 
any one. Although a man may have believed 
but for a little time, yet for that little he shall 
receive a great reward, if his faith be genuine. 
This is why the Saviour also in the gospel com- 
mands that the same reward should be given to 
the labourers who had entered the vineyard in the 
first, and ninth, and eleventh hours; signifying 
that even though you come in unto the Lord at 
a late hour you shall receive the same reward as 
the rest.” And when he heard this Polyeuctes 
recollected a passage which accorded with what 
Nearchus had “said, and he said); “olin trorth | 
once heard you read from the Divine Book that 
some of the labourers worked for a single hour 

1 The Gk. has πᾶσιν ἔθνεσιν ἀνέῳκται, and just before τοὺς ἐξ ἐθνῶν 
ἀνθρώπους. In the homiletic exordium the words ᾿Εἰλληνισμός and 
EAAnves were used to denote paganism and pagans. 

138 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

only and that to them the Saviour commanded 
the very same reward to be given as to those 
who had borne the heat and burthen of the day.” 
And Nearchus said to him: “Yes, and thou 
mayest remember yet another history, of a kind 
to stir and urge thee still more strongly to be- 
lieve, and this is from the history of the Lord. 
Bethink thee of the thief? who was crucified on 
the right hand side; what did He say to the 
thief who was crucified on the left, and who 
reviled the Lord? ‘We suffer justly for what 
we have done, but our Saviour was guiltless and 
sinless of the cross,’ and as he said this he 
turned and said, ‘Remember me, Lord, in Thy 

1 The story of the penitent thief is told in Luke’s gospel only, which 
was therefore in the hands of Nearchus. In Luke, however, the term 
κακουργοί is used, not ληστής, whence we may perhaps infer that Nearchus 
had Mark or Matthew as well. John’s gospel simply says ἄλλους δύο. 
Luke does not add that it was the thief ov the right hand of Jesus who 
repented and that it was the one on ¢he left who scoffed. ‘This is either an 
addition of the Acta, or drawn from some form of the gospel which we 
have not got. The Greek text runs, according to MS. 1449: ᾿Ιδοὺ yap 
τῷ ληστῇ, TO ἐκ δεξίων αὐτοῦ προσηλωθέντι Kal λέγοντι’ Ἡμεῖς μεν 
ἀξίως τῶν ἑαυτῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἐκτιννύομεν δίκας, 6 δὲ Σωτὴρ ἡμῶν ἀναίτιος 
ἂν καὶ ἀναμάρτητος, διὰ τί ἐσταυροῦτο; καὶ πρὸς τούτοις εἰπών' 
Μνήσθητί μου, Κύριε, ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ σου, εὐθέως ὁ Σωτὴρ ἀπεκρίνατο 
πρὸς αὐτὸν: Σήμερον μετ᾽ ἐμου ἔσῃ ἐν τῷ παραδείσῳ: MS. 513 has a 
variant ἄξια ὧν ἔπράξαμεν ἀπολαμβάνομεν, ὃ δὲ, so agreeing with the text 
of Luke, and also εἰπόντος for εἰπών, and ὅταν ἔλθῃς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ σου. 
The Armenian text follows MS. 513 in the first of these variants, but for 
the rest follows MS. 1449. Though it is fuller than either text, and 
corresponds to the following Greek : προσεῖπε yap TO ληστῇ τῷ ἐκ δεξίων 
προσηλωθέντι καὶ λέγοντι τῷ ληστῇ τῷ ἐξ ἀριστερῶν προσηλωθέντι καὶ 
βλασφημοῦντι: μεῖς μὲν κιτιλ. Also after καὶ πρὸς τούτοις the 
Armenian adds words similar to those found in the Codex Beze, στραφεὶς 
“πρὸς τὸν Κύριον, The Textus Receptus of the N.T. has ὅταν ἐλθῆς ἐν τῇ 
βασιλείᾳ, but Codex Bezze and other sources omit ὅταν ἐλθῆς. ‘The 
coincidences of the text of the Martyrdom with the Acta Pilati are very 
striking, e.g. the Act. Pil. have ὅταν ἔλθῃς, and have μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐν τ. παρ. ει. 

The Acts of 5. Polyeuctes. 139 

kingdom.’ And then what answer did the Lord 
make unto him? For his simple and unpretend- 
ing faith what great things did He not promise 
him ? for He said, ‘This day art thou with Me 
in Paradise.’ Dost thou see, O Polyeuctes, what 
great good tidings He bestows in return for how 
short a “spell, of” faith * 1. according, 40; tie 
gospel, if a man possess faith, even though it be 
small, he is yet able to move mountains.” ἢ 

And thereat the blessed Polyeuctes cried out, 
and said: “And is it possible, O Nearchus, for 
men to attain unto such things without baptism ?” 
Nearchus replied: ‘‘Everything is holy to the 
holy, as again the Divine Scriptures say.” But 
to those who are defiled in their will nothing is 
holy, because their mind and consciences are 
destroyed. Behold, we see the Lord, when they 
brought to Him the blind that they might be 
healed, had nothing to say to them about the 
holy mystery, nor did He ask them if they had 
been baptized ; but this only, whether they came 
to him with true faith, Wherefore He asked 
them, ‘Do ye believe,’ He said, ‘that I am able 
to do this thing?’ With genuine love of man 
did He manifest His power, and addressing to 
them a single word he commanded their fleshly 
eyes to see, and immediately their eyes were 

‘The Greek has ᾿Ιδοὺ yap πίστις ἀληθινή, κἂν μικρὰ τυγχάνῃ, 
ὁλόκληρα ὄρη, κατὰ τὸ Εἰὐαγγέλιον, μεθίστησιν. This recalls 1 Cor. xiii. 
2, rather than the equivalent passage in the gospel, Matt. xvii. 20. 

“2 1.1. 

140 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Then on hearing these things the blessed 
Polyeuctes rallied and encouraged his soul ; and 
he forgot all earthly concerns, and said, crying 
out on a sudden :! “I have been one with Christ 
from the beginning, and He will care for me 
and guard me. For I have renounced all mortal 
things, and henceforth ’tis meet that I should bear 
witness (z.¢. be martyred) for Christ's sake. But 
the law of the Saviour was made manifest before- 
hand, which taught us, saying, ‘ Whilst thou wast 
still being formed in thy mother’s belly I knew 
thee; and before thou camest forth from the 
womb I loved thee.’ Therefore it is manifest 
that He has called me into heaven. For behold, 
the heathen who hate God? saw the Lord Jesus 
appear and standing near me, saw my face shining 
with the resplendent light of His countenance. 
Now, therefore, it is time for us to depart; go 
and read the unholy edict of the Emperor.” 

And when the blessed Polyeuctes read it, he 
began to make mock of such human legislation 
as that, and seizing the writing he tore off a 
portion’ of it. And after that, looking in another 
direction, he saw the idols, referred to therein, 

1 The Greek has, “‘Let us then agree with Christ to be martyred 
(μαρτυρῆσαι), O Nearchus, by whom indeed we are also foreknown (ᾧ δὴ 
καὶ προεγνώσμεθα). For His code of law teaches, saying, Before I formed 
thee, etc.” πρὸ τοῦ pe πλᾶσαί oe ἐν κοιλίᾳ, ἐπίσταμαί σε, Kal πρὸ τοῦ 
ἐξελθεῖν ἐκ μήτρας, ἡγίακά σε. 

2 The Greek texts are here different and confused, but both MSS. omit 
this reference to the heathen. MS. 513 has τὰ θειότερα φαντάζομενον 
ἑαυτὸν βλέπω κιτ.λ. “41 behold myself having a vision of diviner things, 
and I have a vision of the Lord JeSus Christ standing near me.” 

3 Greek = tore it into bits. 

The Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 141 

being borne on high into the temple, where 
they usually were, and they were decorated with 
boughs and leaves in order that men might be 
deceived by such a show, and come to behold 
the so-called gods. Such were the idols at which 
the holy Polyeuctes looked, and beholding, he 
was filled with divine scorn and began to mock 
at them. And every one voluntarily approached 
the idols; but he seized every one of the figures 
in turn and hurled them to the ground, and in an 
instant crushed and ground them all to powder. 

And when this happened his father-in-law, 
Felix, came up, who had been appointed perse- 
cutor by the iniquitous emperors, and he was 
dumb-foundered at what had been done by the 
holy Polyeuctes, and said to him: “I have lost 
both my children, and now I, Felix, am bereft 
of children. For I who formerly was proud, and 
boasted of my children and son-in-law, am now, 
alas! childless; for no one henceforth will take 
pity on Polyeuctes, not the gods, nor the autocrat 
emperors, seeing what sort of deeds he has dared 
to commit, breaking and destroying all our gods.” 
But Polyeuctes said: ‘“‘ Long ago I have spurned 
them, and now have demonstrated their impo- 
tence by actual deed. But, O Felix, see if you 
have any other gods, and, if so, make haste to 
bring them forth, in order that I, the servant of 
God, may insult and annihilate them.” 

Then Felix turned to the saint, and said to 
him: ‘Concern thyself, O Polyeuctes, to live 
yet a little while, and seclude thyself quietly, in 

[42ὉἩἁ Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

order that thou mayest behold thy wife before 
thou diest.” But the holy Polyeuctes reasoned 
according to the divine wisdom, and replied: 
“What wife or child have I to look upon* save 
only those spiritual and heavenly ones whom 
Christ has made ready for me? But if thy 
daughter would follow me, let her also follow 
me in my resolve, and display a zeal that is 
blessed and glorious. But if she has any other 
intentions, then shall she be overtaken by the 
same fate as thy so-called gods.” But Felix 
wept when he heard these words, and he saw 
that Polyeuctes had cast off all human ties as 
alien. Hesaidtohim: ‘ But thee, O Polyeuctes, 
the trickeries of Christ have deceived.” And the 
holy Polyeuctes said to him: ‘‘I admit that by 
His power, He has drawn after Him my mind 
and will. For Christ has such irresistible might 
that He has brought me under His ineffable sway 
and detached me from the folly of idols, nor has 
He disdained to make me His chosen soldier.” 
And as he spoke these words he was himself 
filled with the divine and heavenly power. 

Then he was given over to the persecutors 
and their servants, who smote him piteously on 
the lips with green switches. But the saint cared 
not at all for this torture, for he beheld Him who 
was crucified for him standing near him. Then 
the saint with deep indignation began to say to 
Felix as follows: “Ὁ thou foul, and unholy, and 

1 ποίαν ἐγὼ γυναῖκα ἢ τέκνα φαντάζομαι. 

The Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 143 

abominable mystery-monger,' who art the minister 
of kings miserable and of brief span, why dost 
thou try to cajole me with thy crafty tears, who 
in thy secret heart art full of guile; because of 
my wife and children dost thou try to drive me 
from the hope of Christ. From this day forth 
weep not for me, Polyeuctes; but if thou be- 
lievest me, ’tis thyself that thou must weep for, 
who art destined by thy foul and disgusting 
services to the children of this world to be con- 
demned to darkness and the eternal fire.” 

And when the blessed Polyeuctes had said this 
much, he dismissed the things of earth and be- 
took himself to the contemplation of heavenly 
things alone. And at that time a certain woman, 
whose name was Paulina, ran up in haste, with 
tears and full of sympathy, and said to the holy 
martyr: “Why art thou mad, O Polyeuctes, 
or who hath befooled thee into such hardihood, 
and into doing such deeds as to destroy the ten 
and two gods?” But the blessed Polyeuctes 
ridiculed the words of his wife, and said to her: 
“ What if I have destroyed your dozen of gods ; 
have you not then met with other gods on the 
face of the earth? However, if thou wilt obey 
me, O Paulina, follow me in my resolution, and 
believe, and have regard for thyself, in order that 
instead of this transitory life thou mayest receive 
the life which is eternal and deathless.” And 
after using these words, as well as many others 

1 μυσταγωγέ. 

144 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

spiritual and full of mystery, he ceased. And 
many unbelievers, when they beheld his un- 
blenched and inflexible faith, were confirmed in 
the faith, And then all the body of the perse- 
cutors met together and decided that the blessed 
saint should be put to death by beheadal. 

The holy martyr knew of this unholy com- 
mand, and contemned the tortures of the human 
body; nay, he welcomed them as the road to 
perfection ;' and he stood full of joy awaiting the 
sentence of death, for he was rejoicing with the 
Saviour in heaven. But because he was full of 
sympathy, as long as he was in the flesh he con- 
tinued to converse with us, and actually addressed 
the brethren who stood by him, as follows: ‘I 
see,” he said, ‘‘a certain youth leading me on, 
and eager to converse with me, and he teaches 
me to forget and pass away from human things.” 
Therefore it is clear that I am about to die in 
the Lord, and it seems to me that by means of 
His precious blood in a mysterious manner the 
seal both of the divine baptism and of Christ is 
herein set upon me.” 

But Nearchus never forgot his friendship and 
love. For they were in their bodies twain one 
spirit and one life. Then the martyr gazed 
on Nearchus, and said: ‘‘ Farewell to thee, and 

1 προκοπάς. 

2 The Greek = ‘‘ The martyr then of Christ, being about to be consum- 
mated and to receive through His holy;blood in mystical and ineffable 
wise the divine baptism and the seal of Christ, did not forget his friend- 
ship for Nearchus.” Note the representation of Jesus as a youth. 

Lhe Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 145 

forget not, my brother, the ineffable joy that is 
mine and thine.”’ And these last words he left 
behind him, as it were a seal set upon Nearchus ; 
and himself was slain with the sword. ‘Then the 
brethren buried his precious and holy body with 
honour in Melitene, a city of the Armenians, and 
bestowed it on them as it were an eternal heritage 
of their own. The saint was buried on the fourth 
day after the Sabbath ; 2 forasmuch as it was also 
meet that he should end his life on such a day. 
For in all respects he showed a faith that was 
four-square in its strength and unshakeableness. 
And thus they laid to rest his holy body; but 
his precious blood Nearchus caught in clean 
napkins, and took it to the city of the Cananeots 
(as some precious heirloom, and they treasured 
it up as a weapon of salvation for all from far 
and near).’ 

All this was wrought, in the days of Decius 
and Valerian, in the East, during the first persecu- 
tion.* And be it known, the first saint who 
suffered was Stephanus, in Jerusalem; and the 
second was the holy Philoromus, in Alexandria ; 
and the third saint was Polyeuctes, in Melitene, 

1 μνημόνευε τῶν ἀπορρήτων ἡμῶν συνθηκῶν. 

? ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τετράδι, ἐννάτῃ τοῦ ᾿Ιανοναρίου μηνός. 

3 Greek omits words bracketed. 

* The MS. 1449 has ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ διωγμῷ τῆς ἀνατολῆς, after which it 
adds, ‘‘in the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom glory and might 
with Father and Holy Spirit now and ever for eternity. Amen.” This 
MS. does not contain the words which follow: ‘* And be it known, etc.” 
These are only found in MS. 513, and in the Armenian. Aubé points out 
that they must be an interpolation of the fourth century, since Philoromus 
suffered 305 A.D. 


146 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

before the fourth of the indiction of the month 
Aratz,! in the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
to whom power and glory for ever and ever. 

2 And after the holy Polyeuctes had suffered, 
I, the humble Nearchus, gave the records of 
the same to Timotheus, the Cananeot, and to 
Saturninus, and adjured them by the judgment 
of Christ and by the triumph in Christ of the 
holy Polyeuctes, that they would year by year 
keep his day, and read the record with care. 
But Timotheus received that record, and de- 
posited it in the church, wherein it is read twice 
a year, on the fourth day before the ides of 
January,® the day on which the holy Polyeuctes 
suffered, and on the eighth day before the calends 
of January,* when his holy blood was deposited 
in the city of the Cananeots. But may the 
beneficent God who presides over the contests 
of His martyrs, establish us also and make us 
the foundation stones of His churches in Christ 
Jesus, imperishable God, with the Holy Spirit, 
to whom glory and power for ever and ever. 

1 The Greek MS. 513 has πρὸ τεσσάρων ᾿Ἴδων ᾿Ιανουαρίων. The 
practice of reckoning dates by Indictions (or terms of fifteen years) only 
came into vogue in the reign of Constantine. To import it into the reign 
of Decius is an anachronism. The Armenian perhaps explains the curious 
expression of MS. 1449: ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τετράδι, evvaty Tod’ Lavovapiov μηνός. 
The word évvary is a corruption of ᾿ΙΓνδικτίωνι. 

2 This paragraph also is only in the Armenian, and in MS. 513; not in 
MS. 1449. In the Armenian, owing toa break in the text, it ends at the 
words ‘fin the Church.” This paragraph probably belongs to the third 
century. 3 j.¢, January Io. 4 4.¢. December 25. 



THE history of Eugenia has never, like that of Saint Polyeuctes, 
been dramatised, though it abounds in characters and positions 
well adapted to a French stage. In trans- 
lating it I have followed the Armenian 
version, which gives a more ancient form of 
the text than either the Greek Acts of the metaphrast or than 
the old Latin version made probably by Rufinus the presbyter 
of Aquileia, about a.p. 400. A comparison of these three 
forms of the text shows that we have in them three distinct 
stages of its development, of which the Armenian is the earliest, 
the old Latin intermediate, the metaphrast’s the latest. In 
my notes I have been content to indicate the divergencies of 
the old Latin version only from the Armenian, for it was not 
worth while to enumerate the many omissions, amplifications, 
substitutions and additions by which the metaphrast, after his 
manner, adapts the older narrative to the taste of his tenth 
century readers. Similar examples of his method are pre- 
sented by the Acts of Theodore, of Callistratus, and Demetrius. 
One palmary proof of the superior antiquity of the Ar- 
menian form of these Acts of Eugenia lies in their frequent 
references to the history of Thekla. Eugenia 
sets herself from the first to copy Thekla, |The Armen- 
whose history, falling by chance into her 72 ae seers 
hands, leads her to break away from the 
polytheism of her parents, to espouse virginity and don male 
attire. She refers to the history of Thekla 
as being an inspired book, and the writer AS proved by 
of these Acts more than once imitates that 74% Teferences 
to Thekla. 
history. In a subsequent age, when the old 
Latin Version was made, Thekla had become a somewhat 

Various Texts 
of these Acts. 

14 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

heretical saint, and accordingly all references to her and to 
her Acts were obliterated, and references to S. Paul and 
his Epistles substituted. The metaphrast’s recension has yet 
more markedly been freed from references to the heretical 

The poems of Venantius Fortunatus, however, a poet of 
the second half of the sixth century, juxtapose the names of 
Eugenia and Thekla in a way that suggests that he had before 
him the Acts in the same early form as the Armenian, 6.9.» 
we read, Carmina, Ed. Frid. Leo, Berol., 1881, MZonum. Ger- 
man. historica, tom. iv., pars prior, p. 192: 

Unde magis, dulcis, hortamur ut ista requiras 
Que dedit Eugenize Christus et Alma Thekl. 

Fifty years earlier, Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, in his poem, 
De laude Castitatis (Migne, Patrol. Lat., vol. lix., col. 378 B), 
gives an outline of the story of Eugenia agreeing in all respects 
with our text. ! 

In regard to a history written with so much evident literary 
art as these Acts, the first question that suggests itself is: Can 
any of it be true? Has it any basis in fact ? 
Is it not a pure and rather skilful romance? 
It must be allowed that there is a basis of 
fact underlying the story; for, (1) of one or another of the 
actors in it, viz: Philip, Eugenia, Protus, Hyacinthus, and 
Basilla, there is to be found mention in the very earliest 
catalogues of saints, e.g. in the old Syriac menologion trans- 

lated by Wright, in the kindred list of 

Credibility of 
these Acts 

Proved by Jerome and in the fourth century Depositio 
pe ereoiee oe 

aiid Cat. (2) The actual tombs of Protus and Hya- 

combs. cinthus were found by Father Marchi, in 1845, 

in the Catacombs of Basilla. It cannot be 
mere chance which unites all three names both in the cemetery 
and in the legend. 

1 IT owe these references to an art. by Dr. Franz Gorres on “ Das 
Christenthum u.der Rom. Staat,” in the Jahrbicher fiir Protest. Theol. 
— Leipzig, 1844. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 149 

How then does the history of Eugenia cohere: 1. with 
itself; 2. with independent records ἢ 

(1) The internal chronology of these Acts 
is clearly impossible. Philip is sent as ee eee me 
Eparch to Egypt in the seventh consulate impossible, 
of Commodus, 2.6. 196 A.D. ; and Eugenia is 
then aged sixteen. After two years and three months Eugenia 
is made superior of the monastery. We may allow two or 
three years to elapse before the charges of Melania bring her 
before Philip. After that Philip is bishop for one year and 
three months. When Philip became bishop, the Christian 
church—there was only one—in Alexandria had been closed 
for eight years. These are all the indications of date given 
by the Armenian up to the end of § 19, when Eugenia, with 
her mother and brothers, returned to Rome after the murder 
of her father Philip. Such as they are, they agree with the old 
Latin version, which says that Philip, at the date of his death, 
had been Eparch between nine and ten years, and that Severus 
and Antoninus Cesar ordered him to be slain ; for in 20s—206 
these were the reigning emperors. Note that the Armenian 
speaks of the emperors in the plural, but without naming 
them. The eight years during which the churches had been 
shut carry us back just to the date of Philip’s mission from 
Rome. ‘The Armenian text explains that he was sent out to 
set affairs to rights according to Roman customs; and this may 
mean that Christianity was to be repressed. The old Latin 
and the metaphrast explicitly say so; but they add that the 
Jews were more rigorously treated by Philip than the Christians, 
an amplification of this part of the text due perhaps to a vague 
recollection of the Edict of Severus, issued a.p. 203, by which 
Jews were forbidden to make proselytes and Christians to 
make converts. 

So far, the narrative, as given either in the Armenian or in 
the old Latin form, is consistent with itself. 
It ceases however to be so when the heroine Faeippend 
arrived in Rome, in ὃ 20, Let us enumerate jag¢ chapters. 
some of the points of difficulty which now 
obscure the narrative. 

150 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

1. Avitus and Sergius, sons of Philip, whom the Emperor 
had just had murdered, are welcomed by the Senate. This 
is unlikely, seeing that their father had just before been 
murdered by order of the Emperor. 

2. One of them is made Consul, or Proconsul, in Carthage, 
the other Vicarius Africzee. Now we first meet with the latter 
title in the Notitia dignitatum, and 409, Codex Theodosii 
7, 15, t. Of course the title may have existed earlier, and 
Mommsen (Das Romische Militarwesen seit Diocletian, 
Hermes, xxlv., p. 200), hints that it was earlier than Dio- 
cletian. It cannot however be as early as 210 A.D. On the 
other hand we actually find in the consular lists that Pompei- 
anus and Avitus were both consuls A.D. 209. If Avitus was 
sent by the Senate to govern the consular province of Africa 
rather later than 209, which is likely enough, we have here a 
confirmation of the Acts. For if Avitus was about the age of 
his sister Eugenia, he may have been of sufficient age in 209. 
The Acts, however, rather hint that he was younger, or anyhow 
not very senior to her. ‘The mention of a Pompeianus, as 
Consul, A.D. 209, also agrees with the Acta, for he may easily 
be the Pompeius to whom Basilla, a kinswoman of the 
Emperor, was betrothed. 

3. The rest of the chronology is less possible. Basilla, 
whom the story requires to be a young virgin, is, according to 
the Armenian, a kinswoman of Gallus, and, at the same time, 
a contemporary of Eugenia. But C. Vibius Trebonianus 
Gallus succeeded Decius towards the end of A.D. 251, when 
Eugenia would have reached the age of seventy-one years. 
Yet the story represents her as martyred in the bloom of 
youth, and her mother survives her, and her brothers are still 
young men! The absurdity is still greater if with the old 
Latin and the metaphrast we read the Emperors’ names under 
whom they all suffered, as Gallienus and Valerian, who reigned 
together 254-260. In A.D. 260 Eugenia would have been 
eighty years old. 4. The Armenian, moreover, hints that one 
Nestor was bishop of Rome at the time of the martyrdom of 
Eugenia, of Basilla, and of the eunuchs, and that this bishop 
hid himself on hearing of the condemnation of Cyprian by 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 151 

the Consul Maximus. Now this condemnation was in 258, 
on Sept. 14. The Latin substitutes for Nestor, Cornelius the 
Pope of Rome, who suffered Sept. 14, A.D. 252. 

According to the old Latin version the eunuchs Protus 
and Hyacinthus are tried before Nicetius, Urbi Preefectus. 
According to the Armenian, Eugenia is brought before Anictus, 
Prefect of the City. There is nothing to prevent there having 
been a Prefect of the City of the name Anicetus or Nicetus, 
though I can find no trace of him. 

There is but one explanation of the chronological discords 
of the latter half of the piece. It is this: The events narrated 
must belong to the first half of the third 
century ; but about A.D. 280, a recension of ae 

: eta of the story 
the document was made in which it was α΄ duetoalate 
tempted to connect the martyrdom narrated recension of it 
eae : about A.D. 
in it with the great persecution of Decius; for 280. 
the latter was then fresh in men’s memories, 
and eclipsed the recollection of earlier persecutions. In the 
same way the memory of the persecution of Decius was, in 
some parts of the Roman empire, eclipsed at a later time by 
the persecutions under Numerian. Thus we find the martyr- 
dom of Babylas which Eusebius puts in the reign of Decius, 
set down in the exordium of the Acts themselves to the time 
of Numerian. And after every fresh outburst of fury against 
the Church there was a tendency at work to connect the 
memory of the older and already popular saints with the most 
recent of the crises through which the Church had passed. 
Such an explanation as the above is favoured by the disagree- 
ment which we find within the interpolated part itself. Thus 
the Armenian names Gallus as the kinsman of Basilla, so 
implying that her death took place in his reign; the old Latin, 
on the other hand, mentions Gallienus and Valerian in the 
most explicit way. Again the Armenian makes Nestor bishop 
of Rome; the Latin has Cornelius, the well-known corre- 
spondent of Cyprian. Of Nestor we have no mention in any 
other source. Perhaps he was an anti-Pope early in the 
second century. 

Returning now to the first part of the narrative, let us see 

152 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

if we can trace any of the persons named therein in inde- 
pendent history. We have no mention by name of a Prefect 
of Egypt appointed at the end of the reign 
Notracein of Commodus and named Philip. From the 
general his- } : - 
tory of Philip, ‘troduction to Part XXIX. (the Inscrip- 
tiones AXgypti) of Boekh’s Corpus (tom. 11]., 
p- 313), we learn that about 184 a.p. M. Aurelius Papirius 
Dionysius became Prefect of Egypt, and was, through the 
enmity of Cleander, the Prefect of the Preetorium, deposed, 
apparently by Commodus. In 194 a.p. M. Ulpius Primianus 
was appointed. He was succeeded A.pD. 202 by Metius Lzetus, 
and he a.p. 204 by Atianus Aquila, he in turn by Flavius 
Tatianus a.p. 215. It has been supposed by Labus that 
Primianus was preceded by an unknown prefect who held his 
office but for a short time. In the above list there is no 
room for Philippus, unless the very name Philippus be a cor- 
ruption of Ulpius. It is possible that Philip was only the 
name adopted by the prefect, whoever he was, when he became 
a Christian ; for it was customary to take a new name on 
being converted, and it is by this new name that a person 
would be handed down in Christian legend. Another way of 
surmounting the difficulty would be to suppose that Philip was 
not prefect of Egypt, but only one of the judges whom the 
emperors sent out to superintend all judicial processes in 
Alexandria. ‘The Armenian, however, styles Philip Eparch, 
and the Latin Prefect. We know from Eusebius, Ast. Eccles., 
Bk. vi., Chap. 1, that there was a persecution of the Christians 
at Alexandria during the reign of Severus, in the first years of 
the third century, in the course of which Leonides, the father 
of Origen, perished, along with many others. The focus of 
this persecution was Alexandria, though it extended to the 
Thebaid. This may have been the persecution in consequence 
of which the church in Alexandria had been shut up for eight 
years ; but no prefect of that date held office for ten years. 

We read that Eugenia was betrothed to Aquilius, son of the 
Consul Aquilius. This agrees fairly well with the consular 
lists in which we find an Aquilius to have been Consul in 
A.D. 168. His son might have been betrothed to Eugenia 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 153 

in the year 195. Of the Bishop Helenus, called in the Latin 
form, Bishop of Heliopolis, we know nothing. But our know- 
ledge of the bishops even of the great sees, 
like Rome, and Alexandria, and Ephesus is But some of 
. the other 
very fragmentary and incomplete for the acorns admit 
first three centuries. This fact would also οὗ being iden- 
explain the absence of Philip from the list of tified in his- 
the bishops of Alexandria. There seems to os 
have been a question whether he was a pro- 
per bishop, to judge from the somewhat apologetic language in 
which the Latin version mentions his appointment. Perhaps 
the assurance from heaven given in a dream to his wife Clodia, 
that God had given her husband a place among the sacred 
pontiffs in heaven, points in the same direction. We probably — 
should read between the lines of such an assurance. It may 
have been a reason for dropping him out of the list of 
bishops or overseers of the church of Alexandria, that his wife 
and family were so prominent in the legend; whereas the 
usage of the Church at a very early time required that the 
Patriarch of Alexandria should be celibate. It has been 
objected to the entire story of Eugenia, that there were no 
monasteries in the neighbourhood of Alexandria as early as the 
end of the second century. Here again the paucity of our 
records is such, that we must not pronounce dogmatically 
against the possibility of there having existed in Egypt some 
such establishments. Philo of Alexandria describes such a 
colony of pious men and women, living to- 
gether as monks and nuns, over the Lake Early Mon- 
Marea near Alexandria, as early as the first soetcpaibaeamrvle ata 
half of the first century; and these settlers ΕΣ ΡΤ ΑΙ δ ΩΣ 
so closely resembled the Christians that probable. 
Eusebius imagined they were converts of St. 
Mark. ‘There is no mistake so great as those commit who 
imagine that they have an exhaustive knowledge of all the 
religious movements that went on in Alexandria in the first 
century, and who therefore pretend that Philo’s description is 
a forgery of the third century and really meant as an apology 
for the Christian monastic institutions of the late third century. 

154 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

There is nothing to be said in favour of such a view, and it 
rests on nothing except the assumption, that we know every 
detail of the religious life of Egypt in that age so thoroughly 
as to be able to impugn the genuineness of any one of Philo’s 
most characteristic writings, which may chance to tell us some- 
thing which we have not learned from other sources. We may 
with great plausibility suppose that the community which Philo 
describes had lasted on and become Christianised, for the 
transition from the one to the other was easy. ‘To some 
extent therefore the legend of Eugenia and the description 
left by Philo confirm one another. There can be no doubt 
that the growth of such monastic communities was natural in 
the climate of Egypt, and we know of the existence of similar 
institutions among the Egyptians as early as 
Signs ofanti- the third century before Christ. 

quity in these : : 
ae There are some other points in the Ar- 
menian narrative which smack more of the 
second century than of the third or fourth. There is first the 
position accorded to the Acts of Thekla, which 
eg. Position are actually called a sacred book. Now the 
pare to Church was beginning to suspect these Acts 
Thekla, as early as the time of Tertullian. Secondly, 
there is the extreme simplicity of the dogmatic 
teaching, and the stress laid on the moral teaching of Christ. 

nad Eugenia does not instruct her monks to be- 
Absence of __ lieve in the birth of Christ from the Virgin 
dogmatic Mary, or in the Trinity. Humility and ab- 

stention from use of oaths are the staple of 
her teaching. Rufinus, or whoever was the author of the old 
Latin version, omits the precept against oaths, and evidently felt 
so much the absence of orthodox dogmatic teaching in the 
narrative, that he undertakes to supply it; and in my note 
on ch. 27 I give a specimen of the way in which at the end 
of the fourth century older documents were brought up to 
date. Thirdly we have in the Armenian text a quotation from 
the Gospel, where Eugenia opened it at ran- 
dom and read it aloud, so remarkable in its 
form as to deserve a passing notice. I 
print it as it must have stood in the original Greek. 

Early form of 
N. T. citation. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 155 

Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν τοῖς μαθηταῖς, οἴδατε ὅτι οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν ἐθνῶν 
κατακυρίουσιν, καὶ οἱ μεγάλοι κατεξουσιάζουσιν αὐτῶν. οὐχ οὕτως δὲ 
ἔσται καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν. ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἐὰν ἐν ὑμῖν θέλῃ πρῶτος γενέσθαι, ἔστω 
ἔσχατος ὑμῶν καὶ διάκονος πάντων. 

This agrees in part with Mark x. 42-44. But notice 
how vv. 43 and 44 are fused together and juxtaposed with 
Mark x. 31, where alone we find the saying, that the first shall 
be last. In Matthew we in the same way find scattered and 
apart these texts which Eugenia in her gospel found set to- 
gether in one whole. It looks as if we had here the remini- 
scence of some older gospel, for the context forbids us to 
believe that it is merely a bit of inaccurate citation. The old 
Latin version and the metaphrast conform the citations to the 
canonical texts. 

In the Phzlosophumena of Hippolytus, ix. 12, we read of an 
eunuch priest of the name of Hyacinthus, who was a trusted 
agent of Marcia, Christian concubine of the 

Emperor Claudius. By her he wassent to _Fossible testi- 
ἜΣ io : : mony of Hip- 
Sardinia to release the Christian convicts in polytus. 

the mines of that island. 

In the Depositio Martyrum of the 4th century we have the 
entry: x. Kal. Oct. Basillze Salaria Vetera Diocletiano ix. et 
Maximiano viii. Coss. P. Allard (Za Persécu- 
tion de Diocletian) says that this date marks Pe eae 
the burial and probably the martyrdom of Martyrum. 
Basilla. This is inconsistent with the legend, 
which expressly represents the eunuch to have taught the 
faith to Basilla. Probably the date in the Depositio Martyrum 
is not that of the martyrdom of Basilla, but of the transference 
of her remains to the same cemetery in which Protus and 
Hyacinthus were interred. In ch. xix. of these Acts the name 
Perennis is givenas that of the prefect who succeeded Philip and 
contrived his assassination. Perennis was ; 
Prefect of the Pretorium under Commodus, ., Pape oe 

in the Acts of 
and was together with his son assassinated Perennis. 
in Rome long before Commodus ever 
entered on the sixth consulate, during which he sent out 
Philip to Egypt. The difficulty is not removed even if we 

156 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

follow with Baronius the reading of the metaphrast, and sup- 
pose that Philip’s mission was in the sixth year of the reign of 
Commodus. The simplest way of explaining this anachronism 
is to suppose that Perennis was introduced into the narrative 
at the time of its recension, about A.D. 280, by one who was 
familiar with the name of Perennis as that of the prefect 
under Commodus who sentenced to death the martyr 

It will be seen from the notes to what an extent the Latin 
version supplies details not in the Armenian. It adds not only 
names like those of the emperors in chs. 17 
and 18, or of Helenus the uncle of Basilla, 
in ch. 25, but it supplies topographical 
details in ch. 29 as regards the cemetery 
of Eugenia. It exaggerates, as when in ch. 4 the multitude 
escorting Helenus is stated to be over 10,000. It also, like 
the metaphrast, introduces many citations from the canonical 
scriptures which are not in the Armenian form. If a conjecture 
may be allowed, I would suppose the Latin form to be a 
version made at Rome about A.D. 4oo. The text from which 
it was made was in substance identical with that which the 
metaphrast used, and already substituted the Epistles of Paul 
for the Acts of Thekla. The Armenian form is earlier than 

the text used by the Latin translator and the 

The Armenian : : 
πΠΠΠέπὶ 1 metapnrast, butts. not. thevearliest, text, ,1 
text we have, should conjecture also that the earliest text 
ae Cane te went only so far as ch. 1g inclusive, for so 
‘far only is the narrative fresh and lifelike, 
and free from chronological inconsistencies. This earliest 
narrative may have been composed in Alexandria early in the 
third century. The nucleus of chs. 20-30 may have been also 
written about A.D. 225, but about fifty years later a recension 
was made of the last part of the tale, fitting it in awkwardly 
with the great persecution of Decius. The Armenian is a 
first draft of this recension of about A.D. 275 or 280, the Latin 
form and the metaphrast represent a second draft of the same. 

istics of ol: 
Latin version. 


THE martyrdom of the virgin Eugenia, and of 
her father Philip, and of her mother, and of the 
brothers whom she had. 

I. In the course of his reign over the great city 
of Rome, the Autocrat Commodus, in his seventh 
consulate, despatched the influential and famous 
Philip to the city of Alexandria to bring back to 
obedience and submission to government the land 
of Egypt, in order that all might bow to the power 
of his edicts, and his alone. This Philip, along 
with his wife Clodia, and their two sons Avitos 
and Sergius, and Eugenia their daughter, came 
from Rome to Alexandria, and he forthwith set 
in order the province of Egypt in accordance 
with Roman customs.’ II. Now his daughter, 
Eugenia, was sixteen” years of age, and shone so 
much on account of her singular intelligence, 
being instructed in both Greek and Roman letters, 
that she excited the wonder of philosophers. 

1 The Latin adds that Philip: ‘‘ Cunctis quidem magicam curiositatem 
sectantibus finem imposuit, ludzeos uero nec nuncupationem nominis habere 
permisit, Christianos autem procul ab Alexandria tantum debere esse 
constituit. Ipse uero plus licet philosophorum amicus quam fautor idolorum, 
Romanis tamen superstitionibus, ac si religiosus cultor, instabat, non 
rationi, sed traditioni concordans.” The phrase, ‘‘ over the great city of 
Rome,” used above, shows that these Acts, at least in their earliest form, 
were not composed in Rome. The Arm. spells Avitus AZz/os. 

2 The Greek and Latin Acts say fifteen years. 


158 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Now one day her father asked: her if she would 
marry Aquilinus,’ a consul. Eugenia answered 
and said to her father : ‘“‘ The honour of chastity 
is more choiceworthy than wedlock.”* But they 
strove to beguile her holy soul by all sorts of 
promises and tricks. 

Now it chanced that there fell into her hands the 
history of the holy Apostle Paul and of the blessed 
Virgin Thekla,* and as she read it in secret, day 
after day, she wept, the more because she was 
subject to heathen parents. But when she went 
on reading day by day the history of the holy 
Thekla, it occurred to her to imitate her conduct ; 
and having made her choice in the depths of her 
soul, she set herself to study the teaching of the 
Christians. III. And she besought her parents 
to allow her as a favour to leave the city and 
visit a certain country place ;* and it chanced that 
as she was on the way in her litter, revolving in 
her innermost mind the life of the blessed Thekla,? 

1 The Latin has Aquilius, son of the Consul Aquilius. 

2 Eugenia’s answer in the Arm. is obscure. I have given what I be- 
lieve to be the sense. The Latin gives it thus: Maritus moribus, non 
natalibus eligendus est. A husband is to be selected for his character and 
not on account of his birth and family. 

3 The Latin and Greek Acts ignore Thekla. The former runs: per- 
venit ad manus eius beatissimi Pauli Apostoli doctrina. 

4 The Latin has: Et quoniam iussi fuerant Christiani ab Alexandria 
urbe discedere, rogat parentes ut spectandi gratia permitteretur preedia sua 
in suburbano Alexandriz posita circuire. 

The Arm. says nothing of this prohibition to Christians to live in 

5 The Greek and Latin again omit this reference to Thekla, and instead 
of it introduce the incident narrated in the next §, as if that suggested 
Eugenia’s address to her eunuchs. The Latin and Greek thus transpose 

ὃ § 3 and 4. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 159 

she said to her eunuchs, Protus and Hyacinthus : 
‘You must surely know all that the poets invent 
about the so-called false gods,! and all that the 
philosophers say about the true God? Do we 
find even in these such truth as is set forth in 
this divine book about God? “’Tis a very gro- 
velling and counterfeiting mind which believes in 
carved stones or seeks aid from wooden ‘images 
made with hands.”* But whilst they were in this 
mind, they began to reflect and speculate about 
the true God and about divers religions, and 
they decided in their souls that there is nothing 
preferable to this power. 

And as they were engaged in such arguments 
and reflections as these, they heard some Christ- 
ians who were worshipping say, “ All the gods 
of the heathen are devils, but the Lord made the 
heavens.” And when she heard these words, 
Eugenia bade them halt her litter, and for a long 
while her mind was full of awe, and she said: 
“How apt is this testimony to the holy book,? 

1 Literally ‘‘ no-gods.” 

ἡ This speech of Eugenia’s is very different in the Greek and Latin 
texts: Scio vos mecum litteris eruditos et digna simul et indigna hominum 
legimus gesta, philosophorum quoque syllogismos vano labore constructos 
studio scrupulosissimo transegimus: Aristotelica argumenta et Platonis 
ideas, et Epicuri sectas, et Socratis monita et Stoicorum, and so forth. 

The Armenian text has much more the tone of a third century document 
than this. 

° Note how for asecond time the Acts of Thekla are here referred to as 
a “‘holy book.” The Latin makes one speech out of this and the pre- 
ceding speech ; and instead of this reference to the Acts of Thekla, has 
as follows: Igitur iubet conferre sermonem: et apostolus legitur, et 
propheta laudatur ; fit concordia fidei, et qua arte ad penetralia sapientize 
divinze absque sui separatione perveniant, consilio ardenti definitur. 

160 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

which we have met with in pursuing our road, and 
have learned of the vain perniciousness of the 
harmful and misleading cults. But come, let us 
Gatty Out what has-occurred fo. ane, let us cee 
if we cannot in this way compass so lofty a 
design. Or how long are we to wander round in 
the cycle of unsubstantial words, arguing vainly 
about the true God and about unanimity of faith. 
Here is a plan by which we will be able to achieve 
the blessed flight we look for, and repel the 
savagery of the devil, and embrace the faith of 

Then Eugenia said to her eunuchs Protus 
and Hyacinthus as follows: ‘The honour which 
springs from man made me your mistress, but 
wisdom hath made me your sister. Now, there- 
fore my brethren, with one soul and with all 
unanimity let us cast away the empty glory of 

Dominam me, inquit, vobis usurpata potestas attribuit, sed sororem sapi- 
entia fecit. Simus ergo fratres, sicut divina sapientia ordinavit, non sicut 
se iactat humana temeritas. Pergamus pariter ad Christianos, et sicut 
ordinavero properemus. Helenum audio dici episcopum, cuius est habitatio 
illa in qua die noctuque audiuntur Deo suo cantare, quos etiam nos, quoties 
transimus, psallentes audimus. Sed hic episcopus variis dicitur ecclesiz 
suze occupationibus detineri. His autem qui in divinis laudibus vacant, 
Theodorum quemdam presbyterum constituit, cuius tanta miracula nar- 
rantur, ut etiam czecos suis orationibus illuminet, et dzemones effuget, et 
infirmantibus afferat sanitatem : sane ad diversorium huius congregationis, 
in quo Deus canitur, nullam patitur venire feminarum. Hoc ergo consi- 
terans, tondere me arbitror, etc. This narrative presupposes an intimate 
knowledge of the Christians on the part of Eugenia. The Arm. does 
not ; nor does it mention Theodorus. It moreover represents as her motive 
for cutting her hair and dressing as a man, the desire to emulate Thekla. 
The Latin and Greek texts, since they eschew mention of Thekla, have to 
invent another motive. They accordingly introduce the touch ‘‘nullam 
patitur venire feminarum. 

The Acts of S. Eugenta. 161 

human honour, and hasten to the service of the 
true God, that we may not be undone by the 
opposition of the adversary. But do you divest 
me of the tresses of my hair and make your- 
selves ready at dawn. Perhaps this very night 
will be our departure, in order that our journey 
to the men of God may prosper. And you must 
walk, the one to the right and the other to the 
left ; and so put me down from the litter unper- 
ceived, and then let the litter go empty. But we 
three will then hasten to the men of God.” And 
they approved of the plan, and at dawn every- 
thing was done according to the plan. 

IV. Now Christ gave His grace to reward their 
faith. For it chanced just as she descended from 
her litter, the holy bishop Helenus' was making a 
progress along the road, along with a multitude 
that were singing a psalm and saying altogether 
with one voice: ‘The paths of the just are straight, 
the paths of the holy are made ready.” Then 
Eugenia said to Protus and  Hyacinthus, 
“Behold ye the might of the psalmists? Con- 

1 The Latin has: Et quia mos est apud Egyptum, quando circumeunt 
monasteria Episcopi, psallentium eos sequatur exercitus ; supervenit idem 
Helenus Heliopolis episcopus, et cum eo amplius quam decem millia 
virorum. Contrast this with the Armenian, in which the narrator him- 
self simply says ‘fa multitude,” and puts the natural exaggeration, 
‘“‘thousands,” into the mouth of Eugenia. In the Latin it is the narrator 
who is quite definite, ‘‘amplius quam decem millia.” Gorres, accepting 
the Latin as the original form of text, finds in this statement an argu- 
ment against the antiquity of these acts: ‘‘ Widersinnig ist ferner die 
Mittheilung, damals waren die Bischofe bei ihren Besuchen in den Klostern 
von tausenden von Christen ,begleitet gewesen.” This argument is 
abolished by the Armenian text. 

a sas οἰ ΟΠ τσὶ 

162 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

sider if that which ye heard from the Christians, 
who were singing a psalm to their God, be not 
intended as a sign unto us; for just as we were 
pondering over the true God in our minds, we 
heard from the men of God, as they worshipped, 
the words: ‘All the gods of the heathen are 
devils, but the Lord made the heavens. And 
lo! at the very moment when we separate our- 
selves from the worship of idols, thousands have 
met us saying with one accord, ‘Straight is the 
path of the just, and ready is the path of the holy 
ones.’ Come then and let us mingle with the mul- 
titude of them that give praise, and we shall be 
reckoned to belong to their ranks, and we will 
enter as participators with them into their truth, 
though it be late evening.” 

V. And so they united with the worshippers 
and began to ask, who was the aged man who 
alone in the midst of the multitude sat under an 
umbrella! Then they heard from one of them 
that he is Helenus, the bishop, who in his child- 
hood frequented the monastery of the Christians, 
and who destroyed the wild beasts of the neigh- 
bourhood.? ‘“ But,” he continued, ‘“‘why do I 

3 The Latin has: qui solus vehiculo aselli uteretur in medio populi 
sequentis et precedentis. 

2 The Latin has: Helenus episcopus, ab infantia Christianus : qui dum 
infantulus in monasterio cresceret, tantze sanctitatis virtutibus augebatur, 
ut si quando missus fuisset ignem e vicino petere, ardentes prunas vesti- 
mento deferret illaso. The very same story is told by Rufinus in the very 
same words of the monk Helenus in the second book of the Lives of the 
Saints. This fact only proves (as Rosweyd notes) that Rufinus was the 
author of the Latin text of the Acts of Eugenia, and does not warrant the 
argument based on it by Gorres and Baronius against their antiquity. That 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 163 

speak of or relate his virtues of long ago, when 
only a little time back a certain wizard called Iras! 
came and tried to turn away the people from the 
holy books, and ventured to oppose with counter- 
feit arguments the holy bishop Helenus. And the 
holy bishop discerned his deficiency of under- 
standing, but being unable to undo him in argu- 
ment, said before all the multitude : ‘Of what use 
is it for us to wrestle in argument with this son of 
perdition and unbeliever ?? He who believes not 
in that which is set before us in the midst, not 
only does not raise the fallen,? but by his vain 
teaching he ruins and does violence to those who 
have been so raised. But I will first try to save 
him (and shew him) that there is a God who 
governs all things rightly and who by the hand of 
me, His humble servant, reveals the unspeakable 
message of His might.’ And he said : ‘ Therefore 
let there be kindled in the middle of the city‘ a 
flaming fire, and before your eyes let us both enter 
it without shrinking, and let him who is not con- 
sumed be believed to be His true worshipper.’ 

the Armenian omits the miraculous incident and gives a different one 
empties such an argument of all weight. 

1 The Latin and Greek call the wizard by the name Zareas, and add that 
he tried to pass himself off as a bishop sent by Christ to teach ; statements 
barely consistent with the fact which they also relate, that he de Scripturis 
divinis populum seducebat. 

* Instead of what follows the Latin has: Et ait ad populum: Pauli 
apostoli in hac parte monita omnino tenenda sunt ; dicit enim Timotheo 
discipulo suo, and then cites 2 Tim. ii. Noli verbis contendere ; δα nihil 
enim utile est, nisi ad subversionem audientium. 

§ Eccl. iv. 10. 

* The Latin has: in media Heliopolis civitate. 

164 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

And the entire people approved of this resolution, 
for a large part of them believed in the magician 
and took his side. Now immediately the fire was 
lit and flamed up, the holy bishop Helenus bade 
that both enter it without fear. But Iras the im- 
postor said: ‘Not so, but let us each go into the 
midst of it separately ; and do you go first and 
foremost, for it is you that proposed it.’ Forthwith 
the holy Helenus raised his hands to heaven, and 
weeping, 5816 : ‘Thou knowest, Ὁ Lord Jesus 
Christ, Son of the living God, who didst appear 
fourth in the furnace to the three children, that I 
was not covetous of human glory, but only of the 
salvation of Thy people, unto whom Thou hast 
made me worthy of praise, and whom the betrayer 
seeks by means of his minister to lead astray from 
the just path over a precipice. For the sake of 
their salvation I willingly enter this fire, trusting 
firmly that I shall find Thee there shedding Thy 
dew upon me, so that the fire may not touch me 
who remember Thee.’ And when he had said this 
he crossed himself, and went into the fire, and 
stood in the midst of the flame a long while, and 
was in no wise hurt by the fire. When the multi- 
tude beheld the superb miracle, they took Iras, 
and although he resisted, they threw him into the 
fire, and he began to burn. And the blessed 
Helenus, although his tortures were well deserved, 
none the less made haste and rescued him still 
alive ; and he was insulted by all and left on the 

1 The Latin omits the prayer which ensues. 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 165 

spot. And he whom ye see yonder continually 
glorifies God.” 

VI. Then Eugenia, with her eunuchs Protus 
and Hyacinthus, fell on her knees, beseeching the 
holy Helenus* to confirm them also in the faith ; 
and they besought him that through him they 
might become acquainted with the Lord. But he 
said to them: ‘‘ Devote yourselves of a habit to 
praising Him at dawn, in order that there be 
granted a joyous vision to thee by His grace.” 
But Eugenia besought him to pray for them. 
“Vor said she, “we -three sare, Romano), 
birth, and have abandoned the worship of idols, 
and in pursuit of thee have come hither. ΤΥ 
And while they were relating their story the old 
man was silent, because he had seen in a dream 
all that they were about to tell him. But while 
he was meditating, they came to the spot and 

1 According to the Latin, Eugenia fell on her knees at the feet not of 
Helenus, but of him that had related to her the story of Helenus. She prays 
him to bring her before Helenus. He answers that he will do so after the 
bishop has entered the monastery and rested awhile. Eugenia with her 
eunuchs then enters the monastery with the rest of the throng. It con- 
tinues thus, cap. VII.: Perfectis igitur matutinis laudibus, paullulum re- 
quievit episcopus, et iussit sibi ad sextam preeparari, ut divina mysteria 
celebraret, ut dum sextam ccepisset, nona ad refectionem ieiunantium 
opportune perveniret. Requiescens autem episcopus, somnium vidit, in 
quo ad simulacrum feminze ducebatur, ut illi sacrificaret. Tune dixi, 
inquit, in somnio his qui me tenebant. Permittite me ut loquar cum dea 
vestra. Et cum me permisissent loqui, dixi ei: Cognosce te creaturam 
Dei esse, et descende, et noli te permittere adorari. At illa his auditis, 
descendit, et secuta est me, dicens: non te deseram, quousque me creatori 
meo restituas et conditori. The narrative continues that Eutropius, with 
whom Eugenia had already spoken, now approached Helenus and told 
him of the tres pueri fratres who had left their idols and come thither. 
“* Christo servientium numero in isto monasterio se sociari desiderantes.’ 
The Latin then continues in fair accord with the Armenian. 

166 Monuments of Early Christianity: 

found a reverent man, who had been with him, 
whose name was Eutropius. He said to him: 
“There are come and stand in our presence three 
youthful brethren who have denied the worship of 
idols. They desire to serve Christ the Saviour 
and pray to be enrolled in the congregation of 
believers; who are fain to be made worthy by 
means of thy holiness of repenting and of being 
made participators in the pure faith.” 

Then the holy Helenus said: ‘“‘ We thank Thee, 
Lord Jesus Christ, for having made me worthy to 
attain unto this and to witness this which Thou 
lately revealedst to me through grace and by Thy 
holy will.” But they came in to him and offered 
prayers ; and he, when he had finished his prayer, 
took Eugenia by the hand along with the others, 
and said: ‘On what pretence chiefly did ye wish 
to visit the humble servants of God? However, 
inform me of why ye are come on a visit to me, 
for I would fain hear, that I may reap the fruit of 
your proposal.” The wise Eugenia made him 
answer, and said: ‘“‘ We were convinced that the 
nature of God cannot dwell in wood and stones, 
and we were discussing among ourselves apart, 
which is the true religion, in which the worshipful 
and heavenly God acquiesces, when we heard a 
sound at this spot; for you were with one accord 
singing a hymn and saying: ‘ All the false gods 
of the heathen are devils, but the Lord made the 
heavens.’ Invited by these wise words we aban- 
doned the service of idols, and came in haste 
hither along with a multitude. We follow your 

The Acts of S. Eugenta. 167 

reverence, believing in God and desiring to be 
associated with them in your pious faith and 
true counsels. But there is one brotherhood 
between the three of us, and one of us is named 
Protus and another Hyacinthus, but I am called 
Eugenius.” Said the blessed Helenus: ‘ Well 
wast thou called Eugenia, for ’tis a noble act of 
thine to pass through combats achieved to the 
Lord. But know thou this, that God has already 
revealed to me concerning thee, Eugenia, whence 
thou art and whose daughter thou art and who 
are come with thee ;? all this the Lord showed to 
me, and how these men were encouraged by thee 
to come to God.” And the holy Helenus bade 
them spend three? months in the church and in 
the convent, and then he made them because of 
their true faith worthy of holy baptism. And 
after that he sent them to the convent and con- 
fided them to the principal thereof, but he told no 
one the real facts. 

VIII. But now let us return to the time when 
Protus and Hyacinthus took Eugenia and sent 
back the litter home empty to her mother. Well, 
her household thought that Eugenia was come, 
and they all rushed out full of joy to meet her. 
But when they did not find her in the litter they 

1 According to the Latin Helenus turned to the eunuchs and said: In 
corpore servitutis positi, ingenuam dignitatem animi tenuistis fortiter et 
tenetis. Unde vobis, me tacente, Christus dominus loquitur, dicens : 
Amen, amen, dico vobis, iam non dicam vos servos, sed amicos (Joan 
xv.). It is noticeable that this quotation from the canonical N.T. is 
absent in the Armenian. 

2 The Latin does not specify the time which elapsed before baptism. 

168 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

with one accord began to weep and lament. And 
there was a tumult and disturbance all over the 
city, and there was huge lamentation and violent 
sorrow, and everyone was plunged in profound 
grief. The parent mourned for a daughter, and 
the brothers for a sister, the slaves for a mistress,} 
and everyone of the citizens mourned because of 
the parents’ bereavement and of the affliction 
which had befallen the family. Never before 
had such a catastrophe befallen them, and they 
sent about to every government looking for 
Eugenia, and they questioned the seers, and 
sought out the ventriloquists and offered victims 
to the idols, and they all began to declare that 
Eugenia had been translated by the immortal 
gods. And the father credited this,2 and ceased 
to mourn, opining that she was now really num- 
bered among the gods, and he set up a statue to 
her of pure gold. But her mother Clodia and 
her brothers Avitos and Sergius could not cease 
at all from their grief, but continued to mourn 
most bitterly. 

IX. But Eugenia disguised as a man remained 
in the aforesaid monastery, locked in spiritual 
union with Protus and Hyacinthus. And they 
progressed so much in the divine love in Christ, 

that in two years’ time they took into their 
minds the whole book.? X. But in the third 

1 This is imitated from the Acts of Paul and Thekla, ch. ro. 

? This isthe germ of the Bishop Helenus’ dream as given in the Latin 

ἢ Latin: omnes Scripturas dominicas memoria retineret. The Latin 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 169 

year while they were still pursuing such a life, 
the elder’ of the monastery died and passed 
from this world to his Lord. And after his 
death it seemed good to all the brethren to ap- 
point the blessed Eugenia to the principalship. 
But Eugenia declined, for she was restrained by 
scruples of conscience and felt that a woman 
ought not to be head of a congregation of 
men of God. And yet she feared to become a 
source of aversion and strife and turpitude to 
those who invited her to take the post.” Then 
they all with one will and accord assailed her, 
and she returned them the following answer again 
and again: “In the congregations of Christians 
ye said that Christ will of His own accord define 
that which is to be according to His pleasure. 
Wherefore, if ye so command, let the gospel be 
brought forward, and let us open and read it, and 
whatsoever command first meets the eye, let us 
give ear thereunto.” So they brought the holy 
gospel, and the blessed Eugenia took it and 
adored, and they all held their peace and prayed. 
Then she opened and read the place in which it 
is written: “ Jesus said to His disciples, Ye know 
that the rulers of the heathen are lords, and the 
great ones oppress them. But let it not be so in 
your midst also; but he that shall among you 

continues with a long and stilted eulogy of Eugenia, not given in the 

1 Latin : abbas qui preeerat fratibus in monasterio. 

* The Latin simply has: timens ne omnes unanimiter deprecantes 

170 Monuments of Early (ὐγιρίταητείγ. 

desire to become first, let him be least of you and 
servant of all.”! But after she had read this, 
Eugenia said: ‘Make up your minds upon this 
model that I shall be so.”?” 

And all the brethren sharing her persuasion, 
she assumes the title of principal in order not to 
grieve them. For they all besought her to remove 
the anxiety of the convent and she acquiesced. 

But she made herself a pattern of humility ; and 
herself discharged in excess all the services which 
the juniors were required to perform for her, such 
as bringing water from the well, cutting wood, 
keeping the floor clean and ministering to all the 
wants of the brethren. But she also made her- 
self a little room at the door of the monastery, 
that she might not appear to be better off in any 
way than the other associates. And when they 
came to evening service® they would find her 
already come, and there was not one of all the 
brethren who was found to transcend her in 
humility. At all seasons she devoted herself, and 
was accessible to the brethren, and would exhort 

1 Latin : Et revolvens codicem venit ad locum, et coepit legere, dicens : 
Dixit Iesus discipulis suis: Scitis quia principes gentium maiores sunt his 
quibus dominantur, et principatum eorum gerunt (Matth. xx. 25) Apud 
vos autem non est sic, sed si quis in vobis vult primus esse, sit vester 
ultimus: et si quis inter vos voluerit esse dominus, sit vester servus (Lucze 

2 Ecce inquit et vestris iussis obtemperans, decrevi primatum suscipere, 
et Domini iussionibus obedire, ultimum me vestre charitati constituo. 

3 The Latin translator here sees his chance: et tertiz, sexte, none, 
vespertinis vel nocturnis atque matutinis horis tam cautissime insistebat, 
ut videretur iam perisse Deo, si horarum vel quidpiam spatii absque 
divinis laudibus aliqua preeteriisset. On the other hand the Latin omits 
what follows about Eugenia’s teaching the brethren not to use oaths. 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 11 

and advise them continually not to say anything 
to anyone under oath, but to use sober speech ; 
and she would say to them: ‘Let us learn from 
His commands how much reverence we the ser- 
vants of God ought to shew. Let us therefore 
be careful to have in our hearts all due zeal and 
enthusiasm, for in no wise ought God to be neg- 
lected by us; for it is in this wise that a man 
denies his Lord, who teaches others to do what 
He has forbidden.” So when they learned from 
her all this, they were confirmed in the faith, and 
from morning to night they remitted not the study 
of the divine writings. But she was so precious 
to God that she could cast out devils, and to 
the sick healing was through her vouchsafed by 

XI. There was a certain wife of one of the 
senators whose name was Melani,’ that had 
suffered a long time from a quartan ague. She 
came to Eugenia, who made the sign of the Christ 
on her breast? and dispelled all the languor of her 
sickness and raised her up whole. And _ after 
that the blessed Eugenia hastened to the convent. 
XII. Melani returned and continually called 
Eugenia, and she in a spirit of pity would go to 
her. And Melani, not knowing that she was a 
woman, longed to behold Eugenia from a corrupt 

1 Melanthia in the Greek and Latin. ‘‘Matrona quedam Alexandrina, 
czeteris matronis preestantior, nomine Melanthia. 
2 Lat. ‘* quam cum beata Eugenia oleo perunxisset.” In the sequel the 

Latin represents Melanthia as sending silver cups full of money to Eugenia, 
which she returns. 

172 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

motive ; and not because she had been healed by 
her intercession, but because she believed her to 
be a man, she would send to her such unholy 
messages as this: ‘‘ Why dost thou smite and waste 
thyself with vain labour, destroying all the bloom 
of thy youth? Surely God does not love melan- 
choly. Does He really bid all men to pass all 
the time of their life without joy or relaxation ? 
Not so; but do thou come and let us enjoy the 
gifts of God, lest as those who have turned un- 
grateful, we account ourselves unworthy of the 
gifts of God. Wherefore for thy own benefit 
comply with my demands, so that thou mayest be 
with me and put an end to all this thy hard toil, 
and that we may enjoy a brilliant and fair time. 
And thou shalt be lord of all my possessions, yea, 
and shalt be lord also of my person. For I am 
of high and splendid rank and of distinguished 
family, and my wealth is enormous ;' and I do 
not think that I shall offend before God, if thou 
wilt become my husband, and casting away melan- 
choly enjoy a good time.” 

This and the like was the pleading of Melani, 
but the holy Eugenia arose to avoid such deadly 
and destructive words, wishing to save the other’s 
soul from the suffocation of death, and signifying 
to her how vile a thing is worldly desire. For 

1 The Lat. adds: dignitas generositatis est mihi: hoc anno absque 
filiis viduata sum, succede pro eis in facultatibus meis, et non solum rerum 
mearum, sed meus esto iam dominus. The Arm. does not represent 
Melanthia as a widow, but in this detail the Latin may be more correct, 
for it would not have lost the opportunity of adding adultery to her 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 173 

while a person thinks to gain something by means 
of temporal desire, he robs his soul of perpetual 
love and of the delights which pass not away. 
And it is in no wise right to embrace fleshly de- 
sires, for by means thereof the traducer flatters us 
in order to shatter and destroy the spirit of man. 
But to these words addressed to her by the blessed 
Eugenia, Melani turned a deaf ear and would not 
listen to them, for she was possessed by a spirit 
of bitter shamelessness, as it is written: “Into 
the malicious soul wisdom entereth not.” 

But Eugenia endeavoured in every way to save 
her from death and destruction, and shunned her 
company. But Melani pretended that she was 
sick in body, and besought the blessed Eugenia 
to visit her as one sick. And then when the 
saint had come in and sat down in her chamber 
with her, Melani ventured to approach her with 
secret embraces of a shameless kind and began 
to allure her to impiety with unholy words. Then 
the blessed Eugenia understood the deceitfulness 
of the evil demon and the wickedness of the tra- 
ducer that was in her, and stretching out her right 
hand she made the sign of the cross on her fore- 
head, and with a loud cry and violent tears and 
groaning she began to say : “ Right fitly wast thou 
named Melani, for the blackness of sweaty vice and 
the filth of wickedness exudes and drips from thee ; 
for thou art a daughter of darkling sins and a 
leader of destruction and a darling of Satan, a 
flame of lust and a sister of unrighteousness, 
doomed to unending death, a daughter of eternal 

174 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Gehenna, a fountain darkened and clouded with 
shameless desire, an enemy of God, a welcomer 
of the devil. Away with thy madness from the 
servants of Christ.” * 

XIII. But when Melani heard this she flamed 
up with wrath and she could not contain her 
shame, and she was afraid lest the rumour thereof 
should reach many ears and she herself become 
an object of scorn in the eyes of the multitude. 
So she went to Alexandria, and in the public 
court laid her complaint before the Eparch? Philip 
to this effect: ‘I fell in with a certain unbeliev- 
ing youth, who called himself a Christian. Him 
I summoned for my health, for it was rumoured 
that he can assist the sick. But when he was bid 
come near me, he began to use obscene and 
shameless language to me and tried to seduce 
and outrage me. But why should I use many 
words? For he was the aggressor and dared to lay 
hands on me as if I were a slave, so that if there 
had not happened to be in my chamber a certain 
One of my slaves, who saved me from being over- 
mastered by his violence, he would probably have 
carried out his vile desire on my person.” 

But when the Eparch heard this he was very 
angry and sent a large force of soldiers, and 
ordered that Eugenia and all who were with her 
should be bound in iron fetters,? and after a few 

1 The above narrative is much abbreviated in the Latin. 

2 In the Lat., preefectus. 

3 The Latin exaggerates here as usually: Deponuntur itaque omnes in 
vinculis : et quia unius carceris eos non ferebat locus, per diversas custo- 
dias dividuntur. 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 175 

days, the number of which he fixed, be brought 
into court before the people in the theatre, so 
that he might hear what they had to say, and 
then order them to be thrown as food to the wild 
beasts. So when the time came, the blessed 
Eugenia and all her associates were brought in 
iron fetters into the court in the presence of all. 
And the multitude, not knowing the righteousness 
of their cause, cried out against them, especially 
those who were on the side of Melani. For the 
multitude had various minds, and some cried out 
to burn them with fire, and some to throw them 
to the wild beasts, and others cried out for them 
to be subjected to all kinds of tortures. 

XIV. Then the Eparch silenced the crowd, and 
had Eugenia set before all and interrogated her 
thus : ‘What temerity led thee to act so insolently ? 
Thou wast visiting from afar Melani that hath 
the rank of our national senators and was nigh 
unto death, and thou didst enter in unto her in 
the guise of a Christian, as being skilled in the art 
of healing, and then didst thou invite this free- 
born woman to acts of wanton iniquity. Surely 
your Christ does not enjoin on you any such 
deeds? or is this the service of your confession, 
to work the works of perdition ?”? 

Then Eugenia made answer to the Eparch, and 
said: “1 have prayed earnestly for this false in- 

+ The Latin does not give these words from ‘‘ Surely your Christ,” to 

‘*perdition.” In the rest of ch. XIV. the Latin differs a good deal from 
the Armenian and is more diffuse, but there are no differences of con- 

176 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

dictment which has befallen us. I was resolved 
to overcome my scruples, and reserve for the 
future Judge this infamous fiction ; for true holi- 
ness need not fear aught that malice can bring 
against it; nor again can chastity conjoined with 
holiness lie hid, for it will reap not only the 
praise of men because of its light and splendour, 
but also the honour of reward from its God. For 
the chastity of the wise is kept safe and in inno- 
cence, by those who have made it theirs by strenu- 
ous effort, and it nobly guides the soul of the 
Christian as it were to the love of God. XV. 
For I will reveal before all that which I have 
concealed in my bosom. For I am a woman by 
sex, and because I could not attain my desire and 
serve God as I deemed necessary and in fair 
security on account of being a woman, therefore 
I disguised myself as a man, and in a just and 
fitting way concealed my charms; in emulation 
and after the example of my teacher Thekla,’ 
fleeing from what is destructible and fleeting I was 
resolved to attain to the good things of heaven. 
It was to win such glory and to satisfy my crav- 
ing after the Divine virtues that I disguised the 
frailty of my sex under male attire. For this 
cause and because I was pricked with a longing 

1 «© As before so here the Latin eliminates Thekla: ‘‘ Tanta enim est 
virtus nominis Christi, ut etiam feminze in timore eius positee virilem obti- 
neant dignitatem ; et neque ei sexus diversitas fide potest inveniri superior, 
cum beatus Paulus apostolus, magister omnium Christianorum, dicat quod 
apud Dominum non sit discretio masculi et feminze, omnes enim in Christo 
unum sumus (Galat. iii.). Huius ergo normam animo fervente suscepi, et 
ex confidentia quam in Christo habui nolui esse femina. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenta. ee 

after Divine worship I took the form of a man, 
in order that in masculine wise I might bravely 
keep my virginity intact.” 

When she had said this she rent the garment 
with which she had attired herself from her head 
downwards, and exposed her hidden countenance! 
and her beautiful virginal breasts. But for one 
moment only, and then she hastily veiled them 
again with her rent garment. And, continuing, 
she addressed the Eparch and said: “ Thou art 
my father after the flesh, and Avitos and Sergius 
are my two brothers. But I am thy daughter 
Eugenia, who for the love of Christ spurned the 
things of earth along with my two servants, who, 
behold, are here, Protus and Hyacinthus, my 
eunuchs, who along with me have joined the 
ranks of Christ’s army. And I pray that Christ 
may draw thee to Himself with such power, that 
under my teaching thou mayest before all men 
become in Christ a conqueror of all desires ; even 
as I myself trust to be kept safe and scatheless 
even to the end.” 

XVI. And thereupon the father recognised his 
daughter, and the brothers their sister; and they 
ran before all and embraced her, and with tears 
they clasped each other in their arms. And forth- 
with one ran and told her mother Clodia; and 
she on hearing it rushed pell-mell in her hurry 
and came post-haste into the theatre, and quick as 
lightning they snatched up a gold-embroidered 

1 The Arm. is here obscure, and literally =et incognitos uultus faciei, 
manifestabant pulchra pectora uirginis, 


178 Monuments of Early Chrestrantty. 

shawl and attired Eugenia in it against her will, 
just to shew to all who she was. And then 
they raised her aloft and carried her away, and all 
the multitude shouted out, saying: ‘‘ There is one 
Christ, one Lord, one true God of the Christians.” 
But the bishops and elders along with a great 
congregation of Christians were standing by the 
theatre and kept a fast until such time as they 
should be slain, when they hoped to gather up 
the relics of the saints, that they might wrap them 
up and bury them. But even they came into 
the theatre glorifying God, and with one voice 
cried aloud, saying: ‘Thy right hand, O Lord, 
is glorified in its might ; Thy right hand, O Lord, 
hath scattered’ Thine enemies.” But they lifted 
her up on high for all to see, that none might 
ignore her wondrous purity. And while all gazed 
a sudden fire came down from heaven and con- 
sumed Melani and all her household. And when 
they furthermore saw this, great joy mingled 
with fear filled the multitude, and they opened the 
church which had been closed for eight years, and 
the Christians won the confidence of all. More- 
over Philip the Eparch was baptized, as well as 
his sons Avitos and Sergius. Her mother also, 
Clodia, was baptized along with her handmaids, 
and an innumerable number of heathen turned 
Christian.?, And all Alexandria was like a single 

1 Lit. pulverised. 
2 The Latin adds that Philip restored their privileges to the Christians, 
et mittit relationem ad Severum imperatorem de Christianis, et memorat 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 179 

XVII. Now at that time all the elders were lead- 
ing and governing the church, because he that was 
previously chief guardian of the divine laws had 
departed to the Lord. So they made him (ze. 
Philip) bishop and he greatly honoured the 
church, even as it had become worthy of honour. 
But he also continued to administer the govern- 
ment; for he had the power and authority of 
Eparch, and his successor was not yet arrived. 
But at once the Egyptians took the cue from 
him and forsook the folly of idols and turned to 
Christ, and in all the cities churches were opened 
and day by day Christianity flourished and 

XVIII. But when all this took place under the 
guidance of the grace of God, the devil, who is 
jealous of the good and is teacher of evil and 
co-worker therein, inspired certain of the heathen 
who were chief men in the city, and caused them 
to go and prostrate themselves before the em- 
perors* who were then ruling, and to pour out 
before them a tale of envy and hatred against the 
holy church and the god-fearing bishop Philip. 

XIX To supersede Philip was sent an Eparch, 
whose name was Perinos, who had orders from 
the emperors, in case things were as reported, to 

satis reipublicze Christianos predesse, ideo debere eos absque persecutione 
aliqua in urbibus habitare. Consentit relationibus Imperator. Of all this 
the Armenian knows nothing. 

1 The Latin gives their names: Severo et Antonino Augustis. The 
Alexandrians complain that Philip has restored their privileges to the 
Christians, and that cum nono anno in fascibus irreprehensibiliter admini- 
straverit, nunc decimo anno perdidit omnia. 

180 Monuments of Early Οὐγτηεέταητέγ. 

slay Philip. Now Perinos came, but was not 
able to effect this, because Philip was beloved by 
all the multitude of citizens. So he sent certain 
men to him disguised as Christians, who entered 
the church, and, finding Philip therein engaged 
in the service of God, they went up to him as if 
to receive his blessing, and slew him just as 
Zacharias was slain between the altar and the 
shrine. But he filled the office of bishop one 
year and three months, and as a martyr and con- 
fessor passed away to the Lord.* 

But Eugenia took the body of her martyred 
father and laid it in the hospice, which had been 
built by her mother Clodia, near to a certain spot 
called Tiranas, ὃ which was a house of prayer of 
her brothers for the glorification of the Lord 
Christ, and they had built it in regal style on the 
aforesaid spot. And when this had been done, 
all who were near to the blessed Eugenia as well 
as her mother and brothers with one accord joined 
together and loosed unto Rome, led by the grace 
of God. 

XX. Wherefore Avitos and Sergius were wel- 
comed with joy by the senators, so much so that 

1 The Latin omits the reference to Zacharias, and relates that Philip 
lived three days after being stabbed. The metaphrast gives the name of 
his successor and assassin as Terentius, probably a false spelling of the 
name Perennius. We have the same false spelling of the name in the 
Armenian Acts of Apollonius. 

2 The Latin also relates that Eugenia established on the spot a monas- 
tery for Christ’s virgins. 

8 The Latin does not mention the place Tiranas, nor the shrine erected 
by the brothers. 

The Acts of S. Eugenia. 181 

the one of them became Consul in Carthage, and 
the other was appointed Vicarius' of Africa. But 
Clodia and Eugenia went on living according to 
divine counsels, and day by day they would ex- 
hort others to the life of virtue, and brought 
many persons to God, and they were marvelled 
at by senators and virgins and were foremost in 
zeal for Christianity. And one Basilia, a virgin, 
who was ἃ kinswoman of the Emperor Gallus, ἢ of 
great intelligence and famous for her wisdom, 
came privily to Eugenia, and, having heard from 
her the word of truth, believed so firmly that no 
one could detach her from the faith. But because 
she could not continually see the blessed Eugenia, 
she took and accepted as if it were a free gift 
from Eugenia her two eunuchs Protus and 
Hyacinthus; and in their company early and 
late she studied the divine hymns and questions 
and prayers and passed her days therein. Then 
a certain bishop,’ a man fully perfected in holy 
and divine precepts, came to Basilia and illumined 
her with holy baptism as well as all who were 
with her ; and unintermittingly he instructed her 
in the divine writings, confirming her in the 
faith of Christ. XXI. And thus it was that all 

1 The Latin and Greek have Vicarius Africee; also Proconsul, not 
Consul. The metaphrast makes Avitus Proconsul of Carthage and Sergius 
to be Vicarius Africee. The Arm. has the spelling Bitaritos. 

2 The Latin simply says: quedam ex regis genere virgo, Basilla no- 
mine, and does not mention Gallus. 

3 The Latin names him, ‘‘Cornelius cum esset in urbe Roma sacrz 
legis antistes,” and just below ‘‘Cornelius papa urbis Rome.” 

182 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

unanimously made such progress in the life of 
virtue, that all were ready for martyrdom.’ 

XXII. But so long as the bishop sat at the 
head of the church and led it, the Christians were 
at peace, and there was no hostile agitation against 
them. But Cyprian? when bishop suffered many 
afflictions for the faith, and one Maximus by 
name, a Consul, received an imperial command 
by letter and slew him. But when the bishop 
Nestor heard of the same he kept in hiding and 
apart, for he was aware of many highly placed 
Romans who were Christians in secret. 

But one day Basilia came to Eugenia and she 
welcomed her with much joy and said to her: 
“This day hath the Lord revealed to me, that 
blood will flow over the rose-coloured image of 
thy youth,’ which means that thou wilt suffer for 
the confession of Christ and receive the crown 
and symbol of victory.” And the blessed Basilia 
on hearing this raised her hands to heaven and 
rejoiced in God with exceeding joy. And when 
they had prayed and ended the Amen and were 
sat down, Basilia said to Eugenia: <oreachot 
us, aS we see, our Saviour has revealed the crown 
of glory, for as to thee concerning myself, so also 

1 The Latin here inserts many lines of commonplace eulogy of Eugenia, 
Clodia and the eunuchs, 

* The Latin has: Valeriano itaque et Gallieno imperantibus orta seditio 
de Christianis est, eo quod Cyprianus Carthaginem everteret, et Cornelius 
Romam. Data est ergo auctoritas ad Paternum proconsulem, ut Cyprianum 
occideret. Cornelius autem quia a multis Romanis etiam illustribus fove- 
batur erat in abditis. 

8. The Latin omits this sentence. 

The Acts of 5. Eugenta. 183 

concerning thy departure from earth hath Christ 
revealed to me. For I beheld that thou didst 
receive a twofold symbol of victory from heaven ; 
partly because of the struggle for virginity that 
thou didst win in Alexandria, and partly because of 
the shedding of blood which shall overtake thee.” 
XXIII. Now the blessed Eugenia was delighted 
to hear thereof and called to her all the virgins, 
who through her had in holy wise espoused the 
life of spotless chastity, and invited them to share 
her victory. And after finishing her prayer, she 
lifted up her voice and spoke to them as follows : 
‘Behold the time of vintage, when the ripe fruit 
is gathered in,’ for ye are my bowels? of pity and 
grape-clusters sprung from me. Convoy me first 
away and then make yourselves ready with watch- 
ing. For this is the chief proof of virginity, to 
liken yourselves to the angels and to draw nigh 
unto God. 1 or this-excellence-is love of the ic 
to be, and mother of modesty, teacher of holiness, 
mistress of repose from care and guide to joy; 
the goal of virtue and crown of faith, succour of 
hope and guardian of honour, glory of the soul 
and rest eternal, inviting us to the goods and 
leading us on to the kingdom of heaven. There 
is not therefore any difference in the labour which 
it will be for us to abide in our virginity and _holli- 

1 In Latin: Ecce vindemiz tempus est, quo succiduntur botri, et 
pedibus conculcantur, sed post hec regalibus conviviis apponuntur. 

2 The Latin has: Et vos palmites mei, et meorum viscerum botri, estote 
parati in Domino. 

184 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

ness.’ For these are the seductions of the world 
and fleeting joys. By reason of which those here 
below are encompassed with woes and tears. For 
they rejoice a man’s heart to begin with, but at 
the last they overtake and thrust him into torture. 
In the present they lull him into repose, that they 
may doom him to eternal torments. Wherefore 
my honourable virgins, who have so bravely run 
with me in the race of virginity, remain ye firm 
in the love of God in which ye now stand and 
enhance it yet more. For that was a time of 
lamentation, when ye were caught in folly. But 
ye have been filled with the unfading joy by 
Almighty God.? But I will commit you to the 
ee ote biol opirit, and I trust that “in Elis 
kingdom He will prove you perfect and spotless. 
But keep me ever as a pattern before your eyes, 
having in mind the teaching of me that am lowly 
and following the same all your days. 

Such was the tenour of the exhortations which 
she addressed to them ; and after kissing them all 
with tears she further said: ‘‘ Farewell, my sis- 
ters, for Basilia and Eugenia depart from you in 
the flesh.” XXIV. And at the same time one of 
the maids of Basilia came to Pompeius, to whom 
she was betrothed, and said to him: ‘ Dost thou 
know, that my mistress Basilia, who was engaged 

? In Latin: Nihil ita nobis laborandum, nihil ita est enitendum, nisi 
cum virginitate vivamus, aut quod est gloriosius, pro virginitate etiam 

* Tempus flendi temporaliter, sine fastidio et horrore sufferte, ut tempora 

gaudii eterni cum omni possitis dilectione suscipere. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 185 

to thee, has been cajoled by Eugenia, and has 
utterly refused to wed thee?”! XXV. When 
Pompeius heard that, he was inflamed with wrath, 
and he came and wished to enter the chamber in 
which was Basilia with Protus and Hyacinthus 
engaged in prayer and praise. XXVI. Then they 
took Protus and Hyacinthus, and put pressure 
on them to sacrifice, threatening, if they refused, 
to give them to the sword. But they sturdily 
refused to comply, so they inflicted all sorts of tor- 
tures upon them. And after enduring many tor- 
ments they suffered the death-penalty by the sword. 
And so they died in the holiness of martyrdom.’ 

1 The Latin has: Quia te dominam nostram Basillam novimus ab im- 
peratore meruisse, sextus et eo amplius est annus quam tu in tenero etatis 
anno ut postea acciperet distulisti; sed patruelem eius Helenum scias esse 
Christianum, et hanc ita factam Christianam, ut tibi omnino non nubat. 
It goes on to relate that Basilla was wont to kiss the feet of the eunuchs, 
and that Pompeius on learning of all this statim concurrit ad Helenum 
patruelem eius, quia et nutritor eius erat et tutor. Helenus replies that 
Basilla is grown up and must decide herself. After learning of her refusal, 
Pompeius omni pene senatorum favore usus presents himself before the 
Emperor and urges that Eugenia has brought novos deos from Egypt, and 
that the Christians iura ipsius nature pervertunt, separant coniugium, gra- 
tiam sponsarum sibi associant ; et dicunt iniquum esse, si sponsum suum 
sponsa accipiat (a common and well-founded form of complaint against 
Christian teachers of that time). 

In ch, XXVI. the Latin goes on to relate that decrevit Gallienus 
Augustus ut aut sponsum suum Basilla acciperet, aut gladio interiret. She 
replies that her bride is Christ, and is at once put to the sword. Of 
Basilla’s death the Arm. says nothing, though in the Latin it occurs before 
that of the eunuchs. It should be noticed that the metaphrast has Protas 
instead of Protus as the eunuch’s name, while the Armenian has Proteus. 
I have adhered, however, to the Latin spelling Protus. 

2 The Latin has iubet eos decollari Nicetius urbis prefectus, but they 
were first brought to sacrifice to a statue of Jove, which immediately fell 
down and was broken. This miracle is not in the Armenian. The meta- 
phrast also gives the Eparch’s name as Nicetius. 

186 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

XXVII. Next they seized Eugenia as well,* and 
tortured her before Aniktus, prefect (Eparch) of 
the city. XXVIII. And he commanded her to 
come and sacrifice to Artemis. But the blessed 
one came to the spot and entered into the temple, 
and having come opposite the image and having 
spread out her hands to heaven, she remained in 
prayer a long while. And when she had finished 
her prayers, forthwith the image of Artemis fell 
down and was broken into such fine fragments 
that even the dust thereof was not apparent.’ 
But they did not comprehend the power of God, 
but thought that such things took place through 
the arts of wizards, so they commanded that a 
big stone be hung round her neck and that then 
she should be thrown into the Tiber. But the 
moment they threw her in, the bonds were 
broken and the stone fell from her and sank. 
And the holy Eugenia remained on the surface of 
the water. And all the Christians when they 
saw the miracle were filled with great joy, and 

1 In this ch. the Latin puts a long defence of herself into Eugenia’s 
mouth : Polliceor tibi quod ars nostra vehementior magis est : nam magis- 
er noster habet Patrem sine ulla matre, et matrem absque patre. Denique 
sic eum genuit Pater, ut omnino feminam nunquam sciret ; sic eum genuit 
mater, ut masculum omnino non nosset : hic ipse uxorem habet virginem, 
queze illi quotidie filios creat . . . quotidie suam carnem eius carnibus 
coniungit. Oscula eius circa eam sine intermissione sociantur et cet. We 
then read that: ‘‘ Audiens heec Nicetius, obstupuit”—not unnaturally ! 
The metaphrast concocts a different speech about demons and magic, and 
attributes it to Eugenia. 

2 The Latin is not content with so everyday a miracle, but relates that 
there was an earthquake and that the temple, foundations, idol and all, 
sank and vanished, only the altar being left, which was at the door, and 
before which Eugenia stood. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenia. 187 

uttered hymns of praise, saying: ‘“ This is God 
who is with Eugenia and saves her from destruc- 
tion ; the same God who was with Peter in the 
sea and saved him from being engulphed.” But 
the water bore Eugenia up, and she reached the 
bank, and she came out and stood on the dry land. 
WoO. Phen, they seized her a -cecond, time 
and put her in prison and ordered the royal 
baths to be warmed, which were called Tiberian 
(or “whose name was Tiberianus”)* And they 
heated them so that they glowed like hot iron ; 
and then they ordered her to be thrown in and 
consumed by the flame. But the moment she 
entered, the fire went out, so that they were not 
able after that to heat the royal baths by com- 
mand because of the icicles which formed in 
them. And when the grace of God triumphed 
over these means and wrought so mightily in 
behalf of Eugenia, they ordered her once more 
to be imprisoned. So they threw her into a dark 
house without bread or water, and all the house 
was illumined. And the blessed one was in the 
prison twenty days, and a light shone there every 
day. Then an angel of God appeared to her 
and strengthened her, and said: ‘Be of good 
cheer, Eugenia, servant of Christ; for the Lord 
Jesus Christ, whom thou servedst with all thy 
heart, has sent me to thee, saying: ‘ Be of good 
cheer and be strong, for on this day I receive 

1 The Latin has: in thermarum Severianarum fornacibus. The meta- 
phrast does not give this piece of information. 

188 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

thee into heaven, when thou hast fulfilled the 
course of victory.”' And on the very day of 
the birth of Christ, they sent an executioner, who 
came and slew her in prison. And when the 
Christians heard thereof, they gathered together 
and took the body of Eugenia, and wrapping it 
up carefully laid it in a special place, not far from 
the city opposite the road which was called 
Latina.” XXX. But her mother Clodia went and 
sat over the tomb and wept; but the blessed 
Eugenia appeared to her’ and said: ‘“ Rejoice 
and be glad, mother mine, for the Lord Jesus has 
led me into joy and into the resting-place of His 
saints. And He has set my father in the ranks 
of His holy pontiffs; but thyself He will wel- 
come in peace on the forthcoming Lord's day. 
And do thou instruct thy sons, my brothers, to 
keep safe the seal of Christ, whereby they may 
be worthy to receive the heritage of His saints.” 
And it came to pass when Clodia had returned to 
her house, she taught her sons all the commands 

1 The Latin makes Christ Himself appear, bringing for her in His hand 
panem nivei candoris et immensz suavitatis et gratize. 

2 The Latin has: non longe ab urbe via Latina in predio eius proprio, 
ubi multorum sanctorum ipsa sepelierat membra. The metaphrast simply 
has: In a place not far from Rome, and the road is called the Roman road. 
In Kraus’ Roma Sotteranea, p. 547, we read that the Cemetery of Eugenia, 
called also of Apronianus, is situated on the Via Latina. No trace remains 
of the church which contained her relics, until Stephen VI. (V.) transferred 
them to the Church of the Apostles inside the city. Boldetti thought that 
he had found the entrance to her catacomb a quarter of a mile outside the 
Porta Latina, where the road bifurcates, and where on the right hand 
under the Casa and Vigna Moiraga there was to be seen an old but ruined 

3 The Latin adds, of course: cum multo populo virginum. 

Lhe Acts of S. Eugenta. 189 

which the blessed Eugenia had given. And on 
the Lord’s day at the hour of the completion of 
the sacrament, while she was in church and was 
offering prayer, she gave up her spirit into the 
Hands of Christ, the Word ofall spirits. And 
when she had thus died, her sons Avitos and 
Sergius took her and laid her beside their sister. 
But they themselves progressed in zeal for the 
Lord with all virtue, so as to detach many of the 
heathen from their unholy sacrifices and turn them 
to the faith of Christ ; and hallowing them with 
holy baptism, they were themselves made worthy 
to imitate the lives of their parents and blessed 
sister, and mingled in the ranks of the saints. 
And may we also become worthy to enjoy the 
kingdom of heaven and praise God, Father of 
our Lord Jesus Christ. For to Him must all life 
give glory, and every knee bend of those in 
heaven and on earth and under the earth, that 
every tongue may confess Him who is above all, 
and to Him belongeth glory for ever and ever. 

1 The Latin does not relate the death of the mother Clodia, nee it 
gives the daughter’s prediction that it will be Die dominico. 

πα τευ. 


THE Saint Codratius, according to the Menologium of Basil 
Porphyrogenitus, suffered in Nicomedia under Decius and 
Valerian. His festival is celebrated on the 
ninth day of May, under which in the Bollan- The Armenian 
dist Collection (May 2, p. 362) is to be found spain μὰ ταν 
? new matter. 
all that is known of him apart from the Ar- 
menian Acts, which I now translate for the first time. A 
Greek Synaxarium, translated by the Bollandist editor, gives 
a meagre outline of what the Armenian contains. The Bol- 
landist editor remarks as follows: Heec autem elogiorum 
diversitas reperta in Synaxariis, mutuos defectus quadam 
tenus supplentibus, omnino persuadet exstitisse olim, quae 
forte etiam nunc alicubi lateant, prolixiora martyri1 Acta, unde 
Singuli Auctores Synaxariorum diversa illa Elogio decerpserint. 
In the Armenian we have probably preserved to us the mis- 
sing document here referred to. The Latin notices name the 
Saint Codratus or Quadratus. 

The miraculous element in these Acts is very small and may 
easily be referred to the subjectivity of the Christians who wit- 
nessed the martyr’s trial and recorded its 
details. On the whole the narrative seems 
very genuine, and Prof. W. M. Ramsay, in 
his Historical Geography of Asia Minor (p. 180), refers to the 
meagre Latin form of the Acts, as given in the Bollandist Col- 
lection, in support of his contention that the port of Prousa 
was called Ceesareia. 

These Acts contain little that is of doctrinal interest, except 
the single statement of the martyr that after ten days he will 
be in Paradise. Icannot find in any other source indications 


They are en- 
tirely credible. 

192 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

of this belief, that the journey occupied exactly ten days ; 
though it was a common belief that a certain period must 
elapse. Codratius, like 5. Phocas and in similar words, 15. in- 
vited to sacrifice to Poseidon. 

The name of the Consul in these Acts before whom Codra- 
tius is tried is named in the Armenian, Prineos. In the Latin 
forms the name is spelt Perinius, which must be the same as 
Perennis, for the Greek spelling was Ilepevvios. ‘This is sus- 
picious, seeing that Perennis was Prefect of the Praetorium 
under Commodus, and was murdered a.p. 185. However it 
may have been a fairly common name. O. Hirschfeld (2om- 
ischen Verwaltungs-geschichte, l., p. 228) notes that the name 
of a son of Perennis, Legate of Pannonia, has been erased in 
an inscription of the year 185, but he had perhaps other de- 
scendants. The Acts of Eugenia, probably by an anachron- 
ism, refer to a Perennius as having been Prefect of Egypt early 
in the third century. The Acts of Codratius also mention a 
judge Maximus, whose position in the proconsular court must 
have been that of adsessor. A Questor is also named; but it is 
impossible to identify any of these personages, so scanty is our 
knowledge of the Fasti of the Roman provinces. The date 
prefixed to the Acts, “under Decius and Valerian,” must refer to 
the whole period of persecution which continued from Decius 
to Valerian. ‘The same heading attaches to the Acts of Poly- 
euctes of Melitene. 


In the time of Decius the Emperor, and of Vale- 
rian, the Christians were carried off from many 
cities and taken to Nicomedia, the metropolis of 
Bithynia, and were cast into prison. And there 
they were kept under custody and were dragged 
before the court. If they consented to eat of the 
unclean meats offered to idols, they were then re- 
leased without torture and sent to their respective 
homes. In consequence whereof great terror fell 
upon the Christians of the above-mentioned city, 
and some hid themselves in the mountains and 
some in the fields. But there were goodly cham- 
pions and worthy servants of God, who, with good 
courage, walked about the city with great joy, 
saying, “O that we may be worthy to glorify 
God by an avowal of His love for man!” 

And there was one of them whose name was 
Codratius, who was of goodly stature and fair 
to see, and eloquent, and was held in great dis- 
tinction by all men, and was the leader of all in 
his reverence to God, and was ardent in his faith. 
He approached the turnkey and the soldiers, and 
gave them much money, that they would allow 
him to minister to the prisoners, his brethren who 
were in prison, and to dispense to each of them 
his due of care. So he went boldly and ceased not 

103 oO 

194 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

from going in unto them; and thus he encouraged 
those who were of good heart and willing, to suffer 
martyrdom for their Lord. And he besought 
them to remember him without fail; but the 
weak in heart, and them that were cast down, 
he encouraged, and comforted, that they might 
not have fear, but rather rejoice the more. And 
he told them that most men do not leave this life 
at their own good pleasure, but with great trouble 
and in pain, and yet here in this transitory life 
they have not met with rest, and they have not 
forestalled nor made themselves worthy of the life 
to come. But he who mortifies himself for the 
sake of God, wins many and great goods both in 
the temporal life and in the life to come. All this 
he did as champion of the faith. 

Now the Consul of that province came forward 
and sat down in public on his throne of judgment, 
and ordered the servants of God to be brought 
before him. And when they came and stood be- 
fore him, the Consul said to them: ‘‘ Let each of 
you tell his name and his race, his rank and his | 
country.” But the blessed Codratius could not 
restrain his enthusiasm and his religious fervour ; 
but on a sudden, at that very moment, came for- 
ward to hasten to the Lord. And pushing himself 
forward in front of all the brethren, because he 
was last of all, and without anyone constraining 
him so to do, he leaped forward, fearing lest some 
one of those who had already engaged in the 
struggle should faint in heart before the torture, 
and deny his faith, For he saw some of the 

cls OF 3S. Conraius. 195 

brethren pale and stupefied by the diverse tortures 
they had undergone, and he feared that they might 
yield in their resolution. So he came forward to 
assist them, like a noble champion and knight of 
Christ that he was. And before they could any 
of them make answer, he said: ‘ We are called 
Christians, this is our name; but there is one 
honour for all of us and one freedom ; we are 
servants of Jesus Christ, our heavenly King, 
and of the unseen God; and our city is the 
heavenly Jerusalem, in which Christ giveth man- 
sions to His true soldiers. Behold, thou hast 
heard everything.” But the Consul wondered at 
the man’s boldness, and said to the turnkey : 
‘Bring forward this presumptuous man, let us see 
what his impudent arrogance will benefit him.” 
But he of his own freewill pushed the brethren 
this side and that, and boldly stepped forward, 
and crossed himself, and said to the Consul: “Οὗ 
my own free will I stand before thee, O Consul, 
having made myself the antagonist of thy father, 
Satan. I am ready to meet all means to which 
thou mayest resort against me. Therefore do 
what thou wilt, for thou shalt learn from the very 
trial of them that the soldiers of Christ are invin- 
cible ; for we have taken upon us His seal, and 
are willing and ready to combat thy machina- 

But the Consul said : ‘‘ Tell me, thou miscreant, 
first thy name and thy rank and fortune.” 
Codratius answered, ‘‘ Hear first that we are 
Christians ; but fortune we know not, for we are 

196 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

servants of our Lord Jesus Christ.” The Consul 
said: ‘It is not meet that thou shouldst call thy- 
self a Christian, because, if so, the edict of the 
Emperor slays thee. But since 1 behold that 
thou art a clever man, and of fair seeming, where- 
fore I think that thou must be of great family. 
Therefore obey me, and I will write about thee to 
the Emperor, and will win for thee a judicial post, 
if only thou wilt sacrifice to the gods.” But Cod- 
ratius answered : “ Hold thy barbarous tongue, O 
Consul ; there are not many gods, but one God 
our Father, from whom are all things, and one Lord 
Jesus Christ, through whom is all, and we through 
Mim. ~The Consul said: “Nay, but there are 
many gods, and there are twelve chief gods, in 
whom thou must trust, and to them do homage.” 
But the Holy Codratius made answer by citing the 
words of Homer (ZZ, ii. 204): “’Tis not a good 
thing, a many of rulers, let there be one ruler.” 
And the Consul said: “ἄγε, but there is another 
passage which thou hast not seen, so turn thy 
regard to this further verse.” Codratius said : 
‘What verses?” The Consul replied, “Those 
which Homer utters about Poseidon, how that he 
mustered the clouds, and stirred up the sea with 
all the winds and canopied it with mists; and the 
Father of gods on high thundered frightfully, and 
Poseidon came and shook the earth and the city 
of the Trojans and the ships of the Achzeans. 
Much also did he say concerniug Zeus, what deeds 
of valour he wrought. Dost thou behold his 
greatness?” Codratius replied: ‘Is it all true or 

Acts of S. Codratzus. 197 

false, that which Homer said about them?” The 
Consul replied, ‘It is true.” Codratius answered: 
“And all that he said concerning their foul de 

sires and adultery, and their filthy and lewd de- 
baucheries ? Must we believe that all this was said 
truly, when it is conduct which becomes not the 
gods, but only becomes madmen and disgusting 
beings? And I blush for thee, that thou permit- 
test thyself to worship the semblance of foul 
devils, abandoning God. And if thou wilt, I will 
convince thee from the lips of thy own poet, that 
they are filthy demons.” The Consul answered: 
‘Thou hast begun to scold and abuse, and [| fear 
lest the king may be angry with me, because I 
have permitted thee in my forbearance thus to 
speak. But however I will at once make away 
with this presumptuousness of thine.” Codratius 
said: ‘‘ What thou callest my presumptuousness, 
neither thou nor thy king nor anyone else shall 
be able to take from me.” 

Then the Consul bade them strip him and 
pinion him upon a board, and beat him with blud- 
geons, and ask him saying: ‘“ Tell us thy name.” 
But he gave them no answer. And the Consul 
said to the turnkey : ‘‘ What is he called?” But 
they say : ‘‘ Codratius is his name, and moreover 
hevissol a @reat. fanuly. + [he..Conusul said: 
‘Spare him then, and raise him up from the 
block.” And he said to him: “Ὁ good fellow, 
what is this that thou hast done, allowing thy 
rank to be insulted?”” And he called him near 
unto himself, and said to him: ‘Consent to obey 

198 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

us, and do not abase thy rank and family by the 
superstition of the Christians, by which thou art 
ensnared.” Codratius answered: “1 have chosen 
to be an outcast from the house of God rather 
than dwell in the tents of the sinful,’ Then said 
the Consul: ‘Obey me, and sacrifice to the gods, 
since thou art equal in rank to the great Senate 
of the Romans, that thou mayest not die like one 
of the evil doers. Thou knowest the edict of the 
emperors, and of the great Senate, how many 
thousands they are of good men, that have re- 
solved that not a single one of the Christians 
shall live.” Codratius replied: ‘ Blessed is the 
man who hath not walked in the councils of the 
impious and in the paths of the sinners; that 
hath not stood, nor sat, in the seats of the wanton.” 
The Consul said: ‘‘ Do not deceive thyself with 
metaphors, O Codratius, for this edict touches all 
Christians alike, whether a man be poor or rich, 
whether humble or of high rank; the tribunal 
spares no one.” And Codratius replied: ‘It is 
as thou sayest, for the book that is given by God 
also says : ‘neither bondsman nor free, neither rich 
nor poor, neither Barbarian nor Syrian, neither 
Greek nor Jew, for we are all one in the Lord.’ 
But I pray thee to carry out upon me the edict of 
thy emperors and of the Senate; for I am a 
Christian, and my family and my rank depends 
upon my Lord, who keepeth whole my bright 
renown, and not upon them who are to-day, but 
to-morrow are not.” The Consul said: ‘‘ Obey 
me, and sacrifice, and rejoice in the good things 

Acts of S. Codratrus. 199 

of life, and in the brightness of this daylight.” 
And having thus spoken, the Consul wept, and 
drew deep sighs, and wiped his face with a nap- 
kin. But the brave Codratius said: ‘Shed not 
thy tears, for they are the odious malice of the 
serpent and of Beliar who slayeth men. O thou 
ravening wolf, thou canst not devour the ser- 
vants of God.” Maximus the judge said: “ Out 
on thee, wicked man; my august master pities 
thee, and thou revilest him.”  ‘ Codratius an- 
swered: “Let him weep for himself and for the 
day of his birth, for I am no fitting object for his 
tears; but who art thou that speakest in his 
presence? The Consul is enough for us; but if 
thou wishest to judge me, the Lord will prevent 
thee.” Asterius, the Questor, said: “I swear by 
thy good Fortune, my lord Consul, if thou thus 
permittest him, he has no reverence for the Auto- 
crat and Emperor, but will revile him and insult 
the gods, and bring upon us great peril.” Codra- 
tius answered: ‘“ Well saith the scripture that is 
sprung from God: ‘ wherefore were the heathens 
puffed up and the peoples filled with vain thoughts? 
The kings of the earth were arrayed against me, 
and its rulers were gathered against the Lord and 
His anointed. For behold even now Christ is 
judged by impious and vain rulers.” The Con- 
sul said: ‘Strip yonder boaster and again smite 
him, that he may obey our lords the emperors.” 
But the blessed one in his torment thanked the 
Lord, and said: ‘Glory to Thee, my Lord God 
Jesus Christ, that Thou hast made me worthy, 

200 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

who am unworthy and sinful, to bear these tor- 
tures for Thy holy name, in order that I too 
may become a partner with Thy servants. | 
thank Thee, Lord, and falling before Thee | 
pray Thee, my God, fulfil my career in Thy holy 
name, and set upon my confession the seal of the 
grace of Thy Holy Spirit. Bestow upon me an 
understanding mind, and unswerving faith ; make 
me wise with Thy immeasurable wisdom; watch 
me with Thine eyes, Thou that art on high. 
Now is the time of my deliverance and of my 
being holpen ; now is the time of Thy promises. 
Receive my prayers, that I also may be 
glorified by Thy holy name. Fulfil my calling, 
guide aright my desires, bring me near unto Thy 
father; avow me as Thine before Him, O my 
Lord Jesus Christ.” 

But the torturers helped one another to scourge 
him, and five times they took one another's 
places, till the flesh of the back of the holy 
martyr was raised up a palm’s breadth, and the 
blood flowed down like a river with shreds of His 
flesh. The Consul said to him: “ Dost thou yet 
believe then in the gods?” But the blessed 
Codratius answered: ‘The idols of the heathen 
are gold and silver, the works of men’s hands ; 
mouths have they and speak not, ears have they, 
and may not hear; nostrils have they, but shall 
not smell; hands have they, and may not feel ; 
feet have they, yet walk not; and their throats 
shall utter no speech. Like unto them shall be 
they who make them and all who put their trust 

Acts of 5. Codratius. 201 

in; them. 2.04 men Erenios, the Consuk said: 
“ Methinks thou wouldest deceive us, since thou 
utterest such dark words; but obey me, and 
sacrifice to the gods.” The holy Codratius 
said: ‘Since thy light appeareth to be darkness, 
and thy truth to be folly, hear a bright and clear 
saying ; be it known unto thee, that I reverence 
not thy gods, and do not obey the edict of Czesar 
and of the Senate. Do then quickly whatsoever 
thou wilt do, and send me on my way direct to 
the heavenly Kine,’ Ehe Consul said: thy 
horoscope hath dealt out unto thee a great share 
of shamelessness. I swear by the gods 1 will not 
spare thee; but with new-fangled tortures and 
with a cruel death I will destroy thee.” 

And then he waited for a day and bade all the 
Christian prisoners to be cast into prison. And 
they brought with them the blessed Codratius, 
and they took potsherds ground small, and 
sprinkled them on the ground, and stretched out 
the saint, and placed a single great stone upon his 
loins, and made fast his feet and hands in the 
four holes of the stocks, and fastened chains to 
his neck. And he lay there many days. But 
the blessed Codratius, like the noble martyr that 
he was, endured these bitter and pitiless tortures 
with piety and fortitude, and swerved not from 
the faith of Christ. And the Consul set out on a 
journey to the city of the Niceans, and ordered 
that the holy martyr be brought in his train. 
And as he entered the city, he had the saint led 
in frontof him. But the saints walked in great 

202 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

joy, among whom was also the blessed Codratius, 
like a goodly warrior boasting in his strength. 
So he entered the battle array in the sheen of his 
armour, and looked sternly on the hideous fray ; 
and by the mere look of his terrible countenance 
struck panic into the phalanx of his enemies. 
Thus also Codratius bore his manacles as if they 
were a fair badge of honour, and he made merry 
and was of good cheer and to the fore. So that 
the Greek philosophers wondered at the fortitude 
of the Christians and at their endurance, and 
said: ‘‘ Truly this faith of the Christians and this 
ever-present hope of theirs, is a great thing; on 
account of which they thus endure torture and 
pain.” And many of them believed in the Lord. 

And when they had set the saints before the 
magistrate, he ordered them to bring forward the 
holy Codratius ; and when he was set before his 
tribunal, the Consul said to him: “ Sacrifice to the 
gods, O Codratius.” But the holy Codratius 
said: “1 am a servant of Christ, who declares by 
the prophets that the gods who made not heaven 
and earth, shall be destroyed.” The Consul said : 
‘It is incumbent upon thee to obey the edicts of 
the emperors, and not of Christ whom thou callest 
God.” Codratius answered: “I believe in my 
Emperor Christ, and not in men, who know not 
God ; it is written that we should pray for them, 
but in no wise at all sacrifice to them. For what 
good do ye do to the Cesar, if ye sacrifice to foul 
idols ; nay, rather ye even do much harm, especi- 
ally to yourselves.” The Consul said: “If thou 

ὙΠ ΣΟ ΟΥ̓. 203 

prayest for the Emperor, it is right that thou 
shouldest also listen to his commands and be 
obedient to them, for it is written for thee, to 
give unto Cesar the things that are Czesar’s, and 
unto God the things that are God’s.” Codratius 
answered: ‘All fitting debts upon earth, and what- 
soever is right, that will I fulfil unto the Cesar ; 
but unto my God I strive to fulfil every service 
of reverence which is dueto Him. The Emperor 
has commanded us Christians either to sacrifice 
or to die; and we are ready for the sake of the 
confession which is in Christ to die, not once 
only, but a thousand times.” Then the Consul 
said: “Dost thou see how many multitudes of 
Christians have sacrificed to the gods?” Cod- 
ratius answered: ‘“ Yea, more than all of them 
am I good and wise, if I sacrifice not. But, how- 
ever, where are they who have sacrificed, for I 
would fain behold them.” Then the Consul 
ordered that they should be led before him ; and 
when they were come, those who had denied 
their faith, the blessed Codratius fixed upon them 
a glance full of passion and indignation, and said 
to them: ‘Ye miserable wretches, wherefore 
have ye thus fallen suddenly into trangression, 
and given yourselves over to Satan, abandoning 
your rank and station, and denying the Lord 
Jesus Christ, who for our salvation became our 
ransom and bought us with His blood? Have 
ye not learned the resurrection of the dead, and 
how that Christ cometh a second time with glory 
and with hosts of angels, to judge the just and 

204 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

the sinners ; and to lead the just into life eternal, 
but to cast the transgressors into fire everlasting 
and into outer darkness, where the worm endeth 
not, and where there is weeping and gnashing of 
teeth? What answer will ye give in the peril of 
that day, when the hosts of the angels will stand 
before Him in fear and trembling, and will quail 
at the sight of us and of the dread tribunal ? 
Open the eyes of your heart and know from what 
ye have fallen. Ye have abandoned the Eternal 
Kking, and have sold yourselves to be worthless 
slaves, who, finding your Lord without, smite and 
slay his fellow servant; whom the Lord when He 
cometh shall cut asunder and give their portion 
to the infidels. Learn ye, what ye have done 
from fear of temporal tortures, how that ye have 
given yourselves over to everlasting tortures. 
Look ye to yourselves for that which shall hap- 
pen to you at the hands of the just Judge. 
Have ye not heard the voice which said: ‘ Fear 
not them who slay the body, but cannot slay the 
soul; fear rather Him who is able to destroy 
soul and body in Gehenna’” ? 

When the blessed Codratius said this, they all 
with one accord began to cry out with loud voice 
with tears and to say: ‘‘ We were afraid, master, 
of torture, and we were ensnared like the sense- 
less animals, and like sheep that are hemmed 
in among wolves. Our sins have found us out 
and surrounded us; we wished to live the 
temporal life, and we have died to the eternal 
life. But what we shall do now in our wretched- 

Acts of S. Codratwus. 205 

ness, this we know not.” But the blessed Cod- 
ratius was filled with great joy over their return, 
and seeing their tears said to them: ‘ Be of 
good cheer, brethren, for our Lord Jesus Christ 
is full of noble pity and is compassionate; He 15 
free from vindictiveness and merciful. With 
many tears, cast yourselves before Him; and 
stand up even now firm in the confession of 
Christ, and by His blood shall each of you be 
saved from his sins. Even though once ye re- 
jected Him with the flesh, yet now be valiant in 
spirit and conquer.” 

But they raised a great lament and bewailed 
themselves for a long time, and cast themselves 
on their faces on the ground, and poured dust 
over their heads, and beat their breasts with 
stones; and so terrible was the spectacle, that 
not the Christians only joined in their lamenta- 
tions, but the very heathens and the pitiless 
soldiers; so that one would have thought that 
the very stones cried out and sorrowed with 
them. For the whole city was aghast at their 
lamentations, and there was gathered together to 
the place a multitude of men and women and 
of children, of Jews and of heathens, and of 
Christians, who were in hiding, so that the streets 
and the alleys and the roofs were filled with the 
multitude of them. But the Consul was wroth 
thereat, and ordered that the blessed Codratius 
be hung up and flayed, and the torches be applied 
to his side. But the brave Codratius recked 
nothing of the torture, but with great boldness 

206 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

exhorted them to be brave, and said: “ Thus ts it 
right, brethren ; pray unto the Lord without ceas- 
ing, for He is merciful and hears you.” But they 
said: ‘We are not worthy to name the holy 
name of Christ, because we have offended Him.” 
But he strengthened them, he the holy martyr, 
and kept saying: ‘Cry aloud, brethren, cry 
aloud ; our Lord and God is kind; He draws 
nigh to those who cry out unto Him for help. 
Despair not, brethren, but come near unto me, 
and ye shall be emboldened and trust in the Lord.” 
And they ran and fell down before him in violent 
trouble, and the whole multitude of those who 
were come to see wept. 

But the holy Codratius lifted his eyes to heaven 
and cried aloud with tears and said: ‘‘O Lord, 
thou God, who art great and terrible, kind and 
full of noble pity, who didst send forth Thy only 
born Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, to shine upon 
us as the Sun of Righteousness, and didst illumin- 
ate us who were before in darkness, and didst 
through Him reconcile us unto Thee, and didst 
call us who were before in darkness to a holy 
calling; O merciful One, and compassionate, 
long-suffering and full of pity, and true, who 
passest over our sins and wipest out our proud 
iniquities ; for Thy exceeding love of man, O 
Lord, cast out him that is first in evil and slayeth 
man, that hateth the good and is full of envy, Satan, 
the father of idols, and prince of darkness ; and 
receive Thy soldiers back, who for a little were 
seduced by the snares of Satan, but have now 

Acts of S. Codratius. 207 

taken refuge in Thy all-powerful goodness. Be 
not wroth with them, as with rebels. Albeit 
they were wilful, they stand now unchanged. 
And if Thou receivest them in Thy loving kind- 
ness, receive me also as an offering for the sinful, 
and make them worthy to mingle with Thy 
heavenly and true host, and shew to them a sign 
in Thy goodness, that Thou hast not abhorred, 
but hast pitied and received the repentant. O 
Lord Jesus Christ, hear me. Thy servant, and 
instead of them take my soul, that Thy holy 
name may be glorified for ever.” And all the 
brethren with one voice cried out aloud a great 
Amen. And on a sudden the brands were ex- 
tinguished, and the hands of the torturers flagged, 
and a cloud of light appeared over the heads of 
the saints, along with great darkness and grievous 
smoke which spread itself over the heads of the 
Consul and of the heathen; so that the Consul 
on his seat of justice, and all who were with him, 
were aghast with fear, because they thought that 
the city was going to be destroyed. And after a 
long silence, a voice of angels was heard, who 
praised and glorified God, so that all the Chris- 
ians believed that there was great rejoicing in 
heaven over those who had returned to repent- 
ance. And after two hours had passed, little by 
little the darkness cleared away, and the heathen 
began to see the light which was around the 
saints. But those who were in iniquity began 
with loud voice and lamentation to cry out to 

God and say: “We have sinned, O Lord, ex- 

208 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

piate our sins; we have transgressed, be propi- 
tious unto us.’ And the Consul came to his 
senses, and ordered them all to be cast into prison, 
and to be carefully guarded. But he ordered the 
blessed Codratius to be taken down from the tree 
and confined along with them ; for all this time 
the goodly champion was hanging there. And 
he commanded him to be watched carefully as 
before. But the crowd of citizens followed after 
the saint. 

But on the next day the Consul took his seat 
in the tribunal, and ordered that they should be 
brought before him; and he questioned them, 
and examined them straitly, and having found out 
their obstinacy and their immutable resolution, 
he commanded that they should all be bound and 
taken to their several villages and burnt alive. 
And the saints went on their way with great joy, 
glorifying God and thanking Him for their un- 
looked-for deliverance. But the blessed Codratius, 
along with certain of his companions, he bade 
them take in front of him to the Hellespont. But 
the multitude of the saints, according to the 
command of the ruler, went to their respective 
villages and died in Christ. 

But the Consul came to the city of Apamea, 
and, as he sacrificed to the foul idols, he ordered 
the holy martyr to be brought before him. And 
they brought first of all and before all the rest, 
the blessed Codratius. Then said the Consul to 
him : ‘Sacrifice therefore now to the gods, and 
thou art delivered from the tortures, that await 

πο Στ ΟΣ μον Ὁ ΔΖ 0: 209 

thee if thou remain obstinate. Codratius 
answered: 01 am a Christian and I sacrifice 
not to devils.” And when the Consul saw all his 
flesh lacerated, he wondered and said: “But 
what more shall I bestow upon this  self-mur- 
derer?” But the soldiers hesitated to answer, for 
they saw that tortures had no longer any power 
to influence his body. Then he ordered that 
haircloth should be brought and that Codratius 
should be wrapped in it, and that a hole should 
be made, and that he should be cast into it, and 
there scourged with cords. And after one hour 
he ordered him to be brought out of the cloth, 
for he thought that he was dead. But he rose up 
and stood before him; and the Consul said to 
him: ‘Do you no longer feel the tortures?” 
But the holy champion thanked God and said: 
“Glory to Thee, O Lord Jesus Christ, for the 
arrows of children but wound themselves, and 
their power is weakened in them. It is Thou that 
hast given me strength, my God, unto the glory 
of Thy power.” And the Consul was wroth and 
said to him: “1 will tear all thy limbs asunder 
piece-meal, thou wretch, if thou still trustest in thy 
wizardry.” Codratius answered: “ Blessed is the 
Lord my God.” The Consul ordered that he 
should be again brought before him to Czesareia 
on the Hellespont. 

And when he came thither he sacrificed there 
also to the foul devils as he had done at Apamea. 
He commanded also that the blessed Codratius 
should be brought before him, and began to 


210 Monuments of Early Chrestianity. 

question him what he would have ; but finding 
that the holy martyr was firm, he said: ‘ Thou 
hast had enough now of the tortures which thou 
hast suffered, so come and sacrifice to the gods.” 
But the blessed Codratius said: ‘‘ Inasmuch as 
thou didst mock me with these tortures, dost 
thou really suppose that I shall obey thee ?” 
Then the Consul ordered that he should be 
stretched upon stones, and that they should put 
upon his hands and feet enormous stones, and 
beat him for a long time with cudgels. But the 
blessed one in his torment sang psalms and said : 
“Many atime they fought with me in my child- 
hood, but mastered me not. On my back the 
sinful smote me.” And when he had finished the 

eam, the Conus said: “* Let him be beaten 
longer, since he has not felt anything.” Cod- 
ratius replied: ‘Smite, smite my flesh, which 

thou thinkest to torture; for thou makest glad 
my spirit in a way thou knowest not.” Then the 
Consul said: ‘‘ Thou hast mastered, O wretched 
one, an evil demon.” Codratius replied : “1 swear 
by my Saviour Christ, that Jesus Christ my Lord 
hath mastery over one still worse, and not over 
ene only, but overall iis host. 10. Mim. pe 
glory everlasting.’ And the multitude of the 
brethren sent forth the Amen. 

The Consul was very wroth and leaving alone 
the blessed Codratius, he ordered a certain two 
of them to be taken and hung up and flayed, 
namely, Saturninus and Rufinus, and he com- 
manded that they be hung from one tree. 

Acts of S. Οὐ ΑΝ. ΣΕῚ 

Then they tore them with nails, until the inner 
parts of them began to pour out. But they in 
their torments uttered no word, but only besought 
the holy Codratius and all the brethren who 
stood near to pray for them. And last of all, the 
blessed ones themselves fell to praying and said : 
‘Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God on high, send 
unto us also help from Thyself and protect us 
Thy lowly servants, our God, and give us endur- 
ance and victory unto the end.” And after a long 
time when they gave no answer, for from the 
stress of torture they were not even able to 
speak, then at last the Consul ordered that they 
be taken to the high road which leads to the 
Hellespont, and there slain with the sword. And 
thus did the blessed ones end their life. And 
God-loving men met together and gave gold to 
the executioners, and took their relics and bore 
them to their respective cities, and with great 
honour placed them in caskets. But the blessed 
Codratius he ordered to come after him, along 
with others also, to a temple of Apollo ; and when 
he had come into the shrine of Apollo he began 
to constrain the saints to sacrifice to the foul 
idols. And he said to the blessed Codratius : 
‘‘ Now therefore obey me, fellow, and forsake this 
madness of thine. Wherefore dost thou insult 
thy rank and family; recognise the gods and 
live, and I will bid the physicians take care of 
thee. Offer sacrifice to Asclepius, and he will 
heal thee ; fear the great Apollo, and the god 
Hercules, and the king of all, Zeus, and the 

212 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

ineffable Ares, and the ruler of the sea, Poseidon. 
Didst thou never embark in a ship and know 
the fear of him?! Do homage to the sun ; 
surely he is not dead according to thy blasphemy, 
even though he be not in the heavens.” The 
blessed Codratius answered: “1 do homage to 
the true and unseen God, and to His only born 
Son, Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour. And 
I dread His menaces, and I quail before His 
all-powerful Godhead, and I will not deny the 
name of His ineffable power. In dead idols I 
believe not, and of devils I have no fear. | 
despise the works of men’s hands, and thee also, 
who hast but a temporal power. For I, after ten 
days, go to my Father, but thou wilt end thy life 
in the bitterness of evil. For thou hast not 
known the true God, thou son of Satan and 
brother of Beliar, who sharest with foul devils, 
more senseless than a hog, mad hound, blood- 
drinking dragon, fiercer than the wild beasts that 
devour men. Art thou not ashamed before such 
a multitude as this, who taste not of anything? 
The cooks are to be more respected than thy- 
self, who, in name, are the servants of men; for 
they place the flesh of the slain animal in decent 
manner drest for the benefit of men, and not of 
devils. You sacrifice to stones, and you tear and 
bite yourselves. But let one of them come for- 
ward and take your offering, let him appear and 
seek it of himself, and let him take and eat it. 

1 Compare the address of Trajan to Phocas, p. 115. 

Acts of S. Codratzus. 5.15 

Let your gods that are made of stone say what 
he wishes that anyone should sacrifice to him, 
whether a goat, or a bull, or a fowl. Blush, ye 
sons of shame, for ye are mad and think that we 
are mad.” 

And when he had said this, the Consul ordered 
the executioners to sprinkle vinegar and salt 
water upon his wounds, and to rub him with a 
rough cloth, and to bring red-hot irons and 
plunge them into his sides. But the blessed 
Codratius bore the pain bravely and fell to pray- 
ing gently, and his lips alone moved; and no 
sound whatever was heard to issue from him. 
But when the torturers were weary, he ordered 
them to unfasten him. And on the morrow he 
first of all bade them carry him to the Helles- 
pont in a vessel (ov basket). And after that the 
Consul made a journey, and came to the river 
RKhyndacus, where there met him a governor with 
a crowd of common people, ostensibly to praise 
him, but really for the sake of the servant of 
God; for he longed to see the blessed hero, the 
fame of whose martyrdom had reached Asia and 
all the land. And the Consul ordered them to 
carry him to the village close at hand, which was 
called the village of the Temple. And there he 
dressed, and at daybreak he took his seat on 
the tribunal, and ordered them to bring before 
him the holy Codratius ; and all the crowd was 

’ Or translate thus: ‘‘he commanded a vessel to be brought to the 

214 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

gathered round and looked upon the heroic con- 
test of the holy martyr. But the blessed one 
shewed to the multitude a face full of joy, though 
running with blood, according to that which is 
written. ‘The countenance of him that rejoices 
in heart is joyful.” Again he was carried by the 
torturers ; for from the excess of the tortures 
which he had suffered, he could no longer walk ; 
but they bore him along the road ina cart. And 
when the saint was brought before him, the 
Consul said: ‘“‘Hast thou gained wisdom, Ὁ 
Codratius, or art thou not yet healed of this 
madness of thine?” But the blessed one with a 
loud voice replied: ‘From my childhood am | 
sane, and from my mother’s womb am I the 
servant of Christ.” 

Then the Consul made them bring an iron 
brazier and set it upon the fire till it was like 
fire, and commanded them to set the saint upon 
it. But the blessed Codratius said: ‘‘ Away from 
me, ye ministers of Satan; of my own accord | 
go. And making upon himself the sign of 
Christ, he rose up. But they sprinkled in the 
brazier pitch and oil. But the holy Codratius 
began to sing a psalm, and said: “Ὁ God, look 
upon me to help me, and O Lord, hasten to 
assist me; let them be ashamed and confounded 
who sought my life: let them be turned back and 
ashamed who will to do me evil.” And having 
finished his psalm, he said to the Consul : ‘‘ This 
fire of thine is more liquid, and the iron of this 
brazier is softer than thy heart.” And when long 

Acts of S. Codratius. 215 

time had passed by, and the fire came not nigh at 
all unto the holy one of God, the Consul ordered 
them to take him off the brazier and to bear him 
a little way outside the village to a certain rising 
ground, and there to behead him. And as they 
carried the blessed Codratius, he continued to 
sing psalms and to say: ‘“ Blessed is the Lord, 
who hath not given us to be the prey of their 
teeth.” And the brethren who stood by sang 
psalms and went with him as far as the place 
where he was to die. And having come thither, 
and having thanked God, and having prayed for 
a long time, then he finished his blessed course 
in Christ. But the brethren took his holy body 
and laid it carefully in a fitting place. 

Let us continually glorify the Father and the 
Son and the Holy Spirit, now and always, and 
for ever and ever, Amen. 

ἜΤ ΣΝ : : ᾿ 
οἰ : | a 







In the Bollandist Acta SS, the pieces relative to the martyr- 
dom of S. Theodore are to be found under February 7th (Feb- 
ruary, vol. 2, p. 23 seq. and p. 8go seq.), where the Bollandist 
editor calculates the true date of the saint’s death to have been 
A.D. 319, in which year the 7th of February was a Saturday. 
But we must not try to be too precise in fixing the date, for 
the earlier Armenian form of the Acts give the 27th of August, 
and the old Latin form assigns November 4th. 

In the Acta SS. two forms of the narrative are given ; first, a 
Latin translation of the metaphrast’s recension of the Acts, and 
then in the appendix of the volume an older Latin version 
taken from the Codex 79, “ Serenissime reginze Suecize,” which 
the editor without very good reason considered to be earlier 
and more trustworthy than the metaphrast’s form. 

Both of these forms however agree together in three points. 
(1) The first six sections, as far as ὃ 7 of the Armenian give 
particulars of the persecution of Licinius. There were slain, 
we read, in that time four hundred martyrs and seventy 
centurions and three hundred in Macedonia. (2) They also 
relate at great length how Theodore in his youth slew a 
dragon, which was the terror of his native town Eukhaita. 
(3) In § 17 the saint is represented as delivering a long 
sermon to Abgar and the rest of the brethren, in the course 
of which he gave the instruction that his body be taken to 
Eukhaita. In the Armenian text, points (1) and (2) are entirely 
omitted and their place supplied by particulars of the saint’s 
training and promotion in the Roman service, and as to (3) 
it is simply related that they took the saint’s remains to 
Eukhaita in accordance with instructions long before given by 
the saint to Abgar. 


218 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

In the Armenian form we have probably a fourth century 
homily delivered on some feast day set apart to the commem- 
oration of the saint. We gather from the exordium (§ 2) that 
the church is still in danger of persecution ; so that this homily 
was probably composed prior to A.D. 363, when all fears of 
persecution ceased. The first six §§ of the Armenian contain 
nothing about the dragon, and are altogether more sober than 
are the corresponding §§ of the later forms of the narrative. 
In general outline the last part of the narrative (δ ὃ 7-18 inclu- 
sive) is the same in all three forms. A comparison of these 
- §§ in all the three forms shows that the Armenian must be 
nearest to the original form, from which are derived the meta- 
phrast’s and the early Latin form. 

I think that the last part of these sections found in all three 
forms, from ὃ 13 as far as the words “with a sword” in ὃ 17, 
may be reckoned an interpolation inserted at an early time by 
a hagiologist, who after the manner of his class was eager to 
assure his readers that the persecutors after the saint’s death 
paid the penalty of their cruelty. According to the original 
narrative the saint died on the cross. The words given to the 
angel in ὃ 13: “ Why then didst thou say that thou wast aban- 
doned by me?” resemble a later hagiologist’s corrective to 
δ᾽ 12, which has a very genuine ring about it. 

The original Acts, no doubt composed by Abgar, the saint’s 
notary, must have begun about where § 5 of the following 
begins, and have ended soon after the beginning of § 18, 
omitting however the interpolation which I detect in ὃ § 13-17. 
The document, however, which the metaphrast, the old Latin 
translator, and the Armenian translator alike had in their 
hands, already included this interpolation. 

Prof. W. M. Ramsay has identified Eukhaita with the 
modern Tchorum on the old road from Amasia to Nicomedeia 
and in easy communication with Gangra and east of the Halys. 
The Abbé Duchesne has cited the Latin form of these Acts, 
in proof of his contention that Eukhaita was west of the Halys. 
Prof. Ramsay (Geography of Asia Minor, p. 318) answers that 
“the Acta Theodori contain little or no local colour. His 
history is divided between Eukhaita, Nikomedeia and Hera- 

Acts of Theodore. 219 

kleia (Pontica), which is said to be a city near the others.” And 
again (p. 321) the Acta Theodori “is really one of the most 
contemptible documents in the entire Acta SS. It is quite 
clear that nothing whatsoever was known about Theodore 
except his name and a tale that he had slain a dragon.” To 
this criticism it is sufficient answer that the Armenian Acta, (1) 
mention no dragon, but give instead thereof very probable and 
sober details of the saint’s life ; (2) say nothing of the proximity 
of the three cities to one another, but on the contrary imply 
that Herakleia was a very long way from Nicomedeia. The 
saint could not spare the time from the affairs of his province 
in order to visit his Emperor at Nicomedeia. Nor would the 
latter have made the conduct of the war a pretext for visiting 
the saint in Herakleia unless it had been a long distance. 
Lastly, the Armenian proves Herakleia in Cappadocia to be 
the city in question. 

Thus the Armenian text rather supports Prof. Ramsay’s 
geographical views than not, and constitutes one more proof of 
the danger of condemning a document until you have got back 
to something like its original form. 

I have supposed that the Armenian text is a fourth-century 
homily in which are embodied the original Acts, just as the 
Acts of Polyeuctes are embodied in a similar homily. Now in 
the last ὃ 19 the words: ‘“ Writing down the history of his 
martyrdom and handing it on to future generations,” seem 
to imply that the Acts were being then for the first time 
written down when the homily was composed. However these 
words do not really preclude the view that the homilist made 
use of an already existing record of the saint. He is simply 
insisting on the general necessity of keeping alive the memory 
of the martyrs by copying and distributing the records of them. 
This last § 19 is absent from the metaphrast’s recension and 
from the earlier Latin form. It is anyhow inconceivable that 
§ 12 should be anything but what it pretends to be, namely 
the personal narrative of the slave and notary Abgar. Itisa 
passage instinct with genuine feeling, such as no hagiologist 
ever composed in cold blood long after the events narrated. 


1, UNSEARCHABLE and wonderful are the heavenly 
gifts which the Creator has freely bestowed in 
miraculous wise on the ranks of His holy martyrs. 
Unspeakable is the patience with which they en- 
tered and won the struggle, and too varied are 
their virtues for it to be possible to relate them, 
even for those who loved them and fought beside 
them. Nor is it easy to tell even in metaphor of 
the fair seeming and brightness of the richly bur- 
geoning wreaths and of the unfading and varied 
chaplets which they wove. It is hard to relate 
how, by their strength in martyrdom, they 
locked together and surrounded themselves with 
the shields of the Spirit, and were tried like gold 
which is tried in the fire. Thus they crossed over 
the dark sea and turbulent of this wicked life, 
and displayed their victory over the antagonism 
of the devil. None of those who are in the 
flesh can worthily commemorate their excellence ; 
for the Divine Spirit alone is able to describe it. 
2. Yet although it is beyond the compass of man 
to relate it, we must not be altogether silent. 
Nay, let it be told as according to the apportioning 
of the divine grace of the Spirit one has ability to 
publish it to pious souls. In order that by means 


Acts of Theodore. 221 

of the recollection of the valiant and _ spiritual 
soldiers of Christ, the children of the church may 
be awakened, and may aspire to enter into the 
pavilion of rest to which they are called, armed 
with the armour of God; in order that in the 
time of persecution, and when trials arise, they 
may be able to participate with those who were 
found to share the cross of Christ. 3. Let us 
then begin the commemoration of this noble mar- 
tyr of Christ, the holy Theodorus, albeit we are 
not able to do full justice to his bravery and excel-: 
lence. Yet we may tell a little out of much. We 
can say who he was, whence he came, and how 
his martyrdom began and ended, and we will re- 
late the story of the time of his persecution. For 
he was not the Theodorus the Tiro,! whose com- 
memoration is held on the first sabbath of the 
forty days’ fast; but our saint was his nephew, 
and was held in high honour by the emperors 
from whom he received a command in the army. 
For he (z.e. the Tiro) was martyred under the 
King Maximianus, in the city of Amasia in 
Cappadocia; so that they were not far from one 
another, either in point of time or of family. 

4. But in the times of the lawless and impious 
Emperor Licinius, a blazing storm of cruel perse- 
cution swept over the church of God, and every- 
where the altars all over the Roman empire were 
heaped up with the molten images of devils, and 

1 The Armenian spells Tyrion, Theodore the Tiro, or recruit, was a 
saint much celebrated in Cappadocia. His Acts are not, so far as I know, 
preserved in Armenian. 

222 Monuments of Early Οὐ ΕΑ ΜΉΤ. 

in all places the edict of apostasy was circulated, 
and commands of the following kind posted up in 
every village and city with all sternness, to the 
effect that they should do homage to stones, and 
to trees fashioned by the hands of men, and that 
they should offer up holocausts and sacrifices to 
the so-called gods, and should content themselves 
with foul food. And those who obeyed this edict 
received honour and promotion from the Em- 
peror, but those who refused to do so were com- 
pelled, and were subject to stripes and to torture, 
and punishment by sword and fire. For an inex- 
tricable mist of darkness and disturbance encom- 
passed us all, for they took many of those who 
believed and gave them over to the judges, that 
they might confine them in dark places, and sub- 
ject them to cruel and pitiless tortures, and after 
long tribulation die by the sword. 

fat. that tune there blazed forth a’ star’ of 
dazzling brilliancy, a lamp that scattered its radi- 
ance far and wide, and illuminated the mist and 
darkness of idolatry, appearing victorious over all, 
I mean the brave champion and soldier of the 
King Christ, the holy Theodorus. For when this 
edict of the impious and lawless Emperor Licinius 
went forth, that all who believed in Christ should 
be taken and thrown into prison, and bound and 
subjected to intolerable privations and tortures ; 
then the blessed and famous witness of Christ, 
Theodorus, had been born of Christian and re- 
ligious parents, in the village of Eukhaita. He 
was brought up and trained in all good discipline 

Acts of Theodore. 223 

in Christ, and grew in stature and wisdom, and was 
schooled in the teachings of religion. While he 
was still in the flower of youth and prime of life, fair 
to look upon and filled with all wisdom, he became 
on that account the friend and intimate of the 
kings and princes of that day. For in the wars of 
the barbarians, the saint was ever victorious and 
won all praise; for which reason he received the 
very highest honour in the army, and was pro- 
moted to the very highest grade of command. 
6. Now some malignant satellites of the devil 
obtained the ear of the Emperor, and laid inform- 
ation that the saint was a Christian, and not only 
he, but his whole country and city ; “for under his 
influence,” they said, ‘they have been perverted 
by him along with your army, and have turned 
away from the worship of idols, and have dis- 
obeyed your commands ; they no longer keep the 
mysterious festivals of the gods, nor do they taste 
of their holy sacrifices.” 7. When the Emperor 
heard this, he was dumbfoundered ; and, though he 
was full of wrath, he wavered in his counsels, and 
did not know how he would be able to take in his 
deadly net so conspicuous a man. He did not 
think it suitable to write and summon him to come 
before him, for he feared that he would see through 
his crafty designs, and be afraid, and disregard his 
commands. So he formed this plan, that he would 
make the conduct of the war a pretext for his com- 
ing to those regions, and so take him in the city 
itself. And having formed this design, the lawless 
prince determined to send some of his nobles to- 

224 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

gether with a force to Heraclea, a city of Cappa- 
docia, where the saint dwelt. And he wrote to 
him a letter in complimentary terms as follows: 
“Tf it should be pleasing and acceptable to you, 
come and see us, and do homage to our gods in 
the city of Nicomedia, and come with a great 
suite and with much pomp. But if there is any 
reason to prevent you, it is meet that we should 
come and see your district, and the city in which 
you dwell, for we are very desirous to see you and 
enjoy your good will.” And when the captains 
came to him, and brought the letter of command, 
Theodorus took and read it, and was delighted 
and thanked God; for he had thought already in 
his heart of declaring himself for the true religion, 
and of becoming a witness of Christ; and now 
on a sudden the good will and pleasure of God 
was about to be really accomplished. So on that 
occasion he received the king’s men with great 
honour, and made them presents ; but he excused 
himself from going to meet the king on the score 
of the requirements of the province, and begged 
them, and promised them riches, if they would go 
and persuade the Emperor to come to the city of 
Heraclea, bringing with him the full number of 
his gods.‘ You will behold,” he wrote, “all the 
population of the town and country, and they will 
be glad and rejoice, and will hold a great festival 
with sacrifice and adoration.” So the men went 
back to the Emperor, and gave him the answer 
which had been despatched to him. And this the 

ruler took and read, and was deceived and taken 

Acts of Theodore. 225 

in by it, like an unreflecting child; for he deter- 
mined to set out for those regions, thinking in 
his wickedness that all his designs were already 
accomplished. So forthwith he took a number of 
cavalry, and arrived at the city of Heraclea. And 
when the holy Theodore heard of the arrival of 
the Emperor, he went out to meet him with great 
pomp and rich suite. 8. But on that night, as 
he slept in his house, the saint beheld in a vision 
that the ceiling of his house was lifted up, and a 
shower of corruscating sparks of fire descended 
upon him ; and a voice was heard saying to him: 
‘ Be strong, and of good cheer, Theodorus, for I am 
with thee.” And when the saint woke up, he told 
his dream to those who were nearest to him, and 
said : ‘God is pleased that in this place my blood 
should be shed for the name of Christ.” And 
then he arose and knelt down, and prayed ; and 
when he had finished his prayer and wept, he 
thanked the Lord. 

9. And then he arose, and washed the fair glory 
of his countenance, and put on precious raiment of 
byssus, and he ordered them to equip his horses in 
gold trappings. And then he rode out with his 
horses and met the Emperor. And when he be- 
held his ruler, he did homage to him, and after the 
manner of kings, he wished him well, saying, “ Hail 
to thee, most powerful and autocratic Emperor, sent 
by God.” But the Emperor, when he heard this, 
and saw the magnanimity of the saint, instantly 
embraced him with much tenderness, and wel- 
comed him fondly, and kissed him, and said: 


226 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

“ Hail to thee, O prince, fair as the sun to look 
upon, for it is meet that thou also shouldst reign 
along with me.” And they entered together into 
the city along with the multitude of their men, 
who had gone out to meet the king ; and he pre- 
pared a resting-house in the royal quarters, deco- 
rated after the manner of the palace, with canopies 
and imperial throne. And when the Emperor 
saw this he was overjoyed, and praised the city 
and the citizens, and he bade Theodorus sit down, 
and said to him : “‘ Behold, according to the prayer 
that thou hast written to me, O Theodorus, I have 
come as the guest and recipient of thy hospitality 
to visit thee and thy city ; and I have brought with 
me the most precious and the most illustrious of 
our gods, in order that thou mayest worship them, 
and offer sacrificeto them.” The holy Theodorus 
made answer, and said: “Ὁ victorious and great 
Emperor, thou hast done well in fulfilling the re- 
quest of thy servant, by making us glad with thine 
advent ; and yet more hast thou honoured us by 
bringing with thee thy gods, in order that all may 
behold them, and may be confirmed in the ordi- 
nances of religion. But I pray thy highness to 
rest a little from the labour of the journey, and to 
give me thy most illustrious gods, all of them, in 
order that I may take them to my house, and 
anoint them with fragrant oil, and offer frankin- 
cense to them, and cense them, and in order that 
I may prostrate myself and offer sacrifice in my 
own private house, and then after that may bring 
them out into public before all, and sacrifice ; in 

Acts of Theodore. B27 

order that all men, marking and beholding this, 
may be encouraged to emulate me in my piety.” 
And when the Emperor heard this, he was very 
satisfied and pleased with the words of the saint, 
and believed that which he had said. And he 
ordered them to bring and give to him all his idols 
fashioned of gold and silver. And the saint took 
them, and carried them to his palace to put them 
to rest. But he arose that night, and he broke 
and ground to powder all those gods, and then he 
took the bits and distributed them to the poor and 
needy. | 
10. But after three days had passed, the prince 
commanded that they should summon before him 
the great Theodorus, and he said to him: “O 
most honourable and illustrious of the princes who 
were before myself, and thou who hast been still 
more promoted and honoured by my own majesty, 
now therefore give proof of thy enthusiasm 
and love which thou hast towards my gods and 
towards us. Bring a sacrifice and offer it to them 
before the whole people, in order that they may 
all behold thee, and may fulfil our edict with all 
readiness.” But whilst the saint was on the point 
of making answer to the Emperor, a certain man 
stood forward who was a person of authority, 
and whose name was Maxentenes,! and said: “Ὁ 
noble prince, thou hast not known and understood 
the treason of this impious general, nor how he 
hath falsely deceived thy majesty in respect of 

1 Maxentius in the Latin form. 

228 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

thy all-victorious gods ; for yesterday night, going 
forth from my quarters, I beheld a certain poor 
man, who was going along full of joy, holding in 
his hand the golden head of our great queen 

When the Emperor heard this, he was much 
enraged, and stood agape and could not believe 
what he heard ; but he said to the saint: ‘‘Is this 
that they said true?” The saint made answer 
Soi Π ως it ic true and just, | deny τὲ not ; 
for I have done justly what I have done. For 
surely if thy gods have not been able to help 
themselves, how will they be able to help thee ῥ᾽" 
Then the countenance of the Emperor changed 
colour with rage, and filled with wrath he said: 
“Woe to me, for 1 have been deceived like a 
little child, and have been turned to ridicule before 
the eyes of all. And now I know not what I 
shall do or how I shall act ; for 1 who am emperor 
and ruler of all these forces and of the world, have 
come along with all my forces to be deceived at 
the feet of this miscreant; I have become the 
shame of the province and of the city, losing all 
my victorious gods.” And when the holy Theo- 
dorus saw the Emperor filled with such folly, he 
laughed in his soul, and said: “Ὁ thou senseless 
demon, filled full with all lawlessness, didst thou 
not take note beforehand, that I was a Christian 
and a servant of Christ ; how could I be deceived 
by thy deceitful and pernicious edicts? But in 
order that thou mayest know that thou art truly 
tricked like a simple child, therefore have I shown 

Acts of Theodore. 229 

unto thee the weakness of thy gods, in order to 
put to shame thy impiety. Thou art puffed up 
with thy empty and transitory greatness, and thou 
hast not any hope or expectation of the greatness 
which passes not and of the light which is eternal, 
and thou knowest not Him who gave thee thy 
temporary greatness; but thou art infatuated by 
the crafty illusion of the devil, and darkened so 
that thou mayest not see the light of the glory 
of the only-born Son of God, and in the pre- 
sumption with which the evil one inspires thee, 
thou dost not know what thou sayest. But I 
hold vain all this glory of created things, which 
estrange a man from God, in order that I may 
inherit immortal life, which eye hath not seen, nor 
ear heard, and which God has prepared for those 
who love Him. But for thee and for thy material 
gods is reserved the fire eternal, which is made 
ready and kept for Satan and his hosts.” 

The Emperor said: ‘‘O insolent miscreant, 
Theodorus, I could tolerate thy insults to me, 
for as regards obedience to myself, thou shalt be 
reformed ; but why hast thou insulted the gods ?” 
The saint made answer and said: “‘ Herein is the 
very demonstration of thy want of wit, for thou 
beholdest the nothingness of thy molten images 
of demons, and yet after this thou hast the rash- 
ness to give them the name of gods, who are like 
horses and mules, for there is no understanding 
in them, hewn out by the hands of mechanics.” 
11. And the Emperor was filled with wrath, and 
said : ‘‘ Henceforth I will not tolerate thee, but I 

230 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

give thee over to miserable torture.” And he 
ordered the executioners to strip the saint, and to 
stretch out his hands on fourfold pinions, and to 
scourge him with green switches, without spare, 
upon shoulders and chest and stomach; and 
they scourged the blessed one, so that the god- 
less torturers were wearied and faint. And they 
carded the flesh of the saint with their cruel 
blows, and the blood poured forth from him. 
And then the Emperor ordered him to be smitten 
without spare on the neck with leaden hammers. 
And as they smote him, he ordered that all that 
was remaining of the body of the holy martyr 
should be scraped with iron needles, and then 
that fire should be brought and that they should 
burn all the wounds in his body. So they burned 
and roasted his whole body according to the 
command of the Emperor. But the holy martyr 
shewed yet more patience than before amid the 
throes of his cruel anguish, and thanked God that 
his desires were fulfilled ; and as if he reckoned 
for nothing all this intolerable torture, he said 
to the Emperor: ‘‘O thou minister and servant 
of Satan, and enemy of all righteousness, dost 
thou not see that thy torturers flag, and that thy 
foolhardy pride is humbled, and thy violence 
overcome, and thy father the devil Satan is put 
to shame; and however much my outer man is 
destroyed by thy torture, so much the more is my 
inner man renewed unto eternal life ?” 

But the Emperor was very wroth, and ordered 
his soldiers to take the saint to prison, in order 

Acts of Theodore. 221 

that he might deliberate about him, by what death 
he should slay him. And when they had cast 
him into prison, after a few days he ordered him 
to be brought before him; and he tempted him 
with many words and questioned him, but yet 
could not persuade the blessed one. So then he 
ordered them to crucify him, and he made the 
entire number of his army shoot at him with 
arrows. But the martyr of Christ with great 
gladness went after the soldiers, and when he 
came to the cross they bound his hands and feet, 
and took and fastened him upon the tree. And 
a number of soldiers shot at him with arrows, 
and hit the face and eyes of the saint. But the 
champion of Christ endured it patiently, and gave 
thanks to God, and reckoned for nothing all the 
anguish and pain. And after that they came 
and mutilated his manhood, and all the multitude 
that stood round wept, all of them. 12. And | 
Abgar, the slave and secretary of the saint, who 
had received his command to write down all, 
point by point, when I beheld such cruelty, | 
threw away my paper from my hands, and I went 
and fell at his feet, weeping bitterly ; and the 
saint, when he saw my tears, said to me in a 
gentle but weak voice: “Ὁ Abgar, grieve not, 
nor be remiss in thy task, but accomplish that 
which thou hast begun, and obey me yet a little 
longer that thou mayest see the end of my con- 
summation, and write it down.” And when he 
had said this, he raised his eyes to heaven, and 
said: ‘‘ Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, my God, 

232 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

who in Thy unspeakable goodness dost control 
and arrange all things; who also by the hand of 
Thy only-born Son, and true and Holy Spirit, hast 
bestowed upon me strength to bear; for Thou, 
Lord, didst erewhile make promise to me, saying: 
“1 have not abandoned thee, but for all time 1 
will be with thee, and will save thee; and now, 
O my God, wherefore hast Thou forsaken me, 
and hast withdrawn from me Thy pity? For the 
wild animals have torn my flesh because I loved 
Thy name; the pupils of mine eyes have been 
put out, and my flesh has been consumed with 
fire, and my fingers have been crushed, and my 
face has been altered so that it is no longer like 
that of a human being, and my soul reels and 
trembles with the fear of the tortures of the cross. 
And now, O my Lord and my God, for Thee have 
I borne all this, being given up to fire and sword, 
and to all anguish. Wherefore I beseech Thee re- 
ceive my spirit forthwith, and refresh me according 
to Thy good pleasure, for Thou art all powerful.” 
And when he had said this he was silent, for 
all the members of the flesh of the martyr were 
weak, and the hollow of his stomach was lacerated 
and crushed because of the harrowing and of the 
tortures inflicted. But the lawless and impious 
Licinius, thinking that the saint was dead, ordered 
his guards to remain there, in order that for a 
whole day and a night his body might be exposed 
upon the cross. 13. But in the first watch of the 
night, an angel was sent from God, and took 
him down from the cross and made whole all his 

Acts of Theodore. 213 

body, and said: ‘‘ Rejoice and be strong, for the 
Lord was with thee and is with thee, and shall 
be for ever. Why therefore didst thou say that 
thou wast abandoned by Me? Forasmuch as the 
course of thy martyrdom is accomplished, and 
thou comest to the Saviour Jesus, and shalt receive 
the indestructible crown in the kingdom of the 
1051. And when he had said this, the angel rose 
up to heaven; but the holy Theodorus, beholding 
his body entirely healed of its wounds, lifted his 
hands to heaven, and magnified the Lord and 
said: “1 magnify Thee, my God and my King, 
and I bless Thy name for ever and ever.” And 
after praying for a long while, he uttered the Amen. 

14. And at dawn early the Emperor called a 
certain twain of his nobles, and said: “ἃ ye 
along with a force of men, and take down from 
the cross the wretched body of yonder ill-starred 
impostor, and drag it before me, in order that I 
may command it to be placed in a coffin of lead 
and cast into the depths of the sea, lest the 
Christians should snatch it away, and take it and 
honour it according to their custom.” And when 
the captains had gone, and while they were yet 
afar off, they beheld the cross empty and void 
of the body of the holy martyr, and they began 
to gape with astonishment. Antiochus said to 
Patricius : ‘Verily it is true, that which the Christ- 
lans say, that Christ after three days arose from 
the dead, for now we behold this word of theirs 
literally fulfilled.” But Patricius ran to the cross 
and beheld the holy martyr Theodorus sitting 

234 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

near to the cross with his body entirely healed, 
and he began to tell the multitude of the great 
miracles of God which had happened unto him, 
so that both cried out with a loud voice, and said: 
‘Great is the God of the Christians, and there is 
none other God but He.” And they came and 
threw themselves at the feet of the saint along 
with the soldiers who were with them, in number 
eighty and two, and they said: ‘We too are 
Christians, and servants of Christ; we beseech 
thee, receive us who have gone astray through 
ignorance from the path of truth, and pray in our 
behalf to God the Creator, in order that He may 
make us too worthy of the compassion of His 
grace. 15. When the Emperor heard this, he 
was exceeding wroth, and ordered the Consul ! 
whose name was Cestus, to take three hundred 
of his soldiery, and to go and behead them. But 
when they had gone, they too, by the favour of 
God, beheld the miracle of God, and_ believed 
like the others in Christ. And there was there 
a crowd and great multitude who all cried with 
loud voice and said: “Great is the God of the 
Christians ; He that hath done such wonders, He 
alone is God. Come then, let us stone the lawless 
Licinius ; for God is our Emperor, the God whom 
Theodorus preached.” And when this disturbance 
arose, they began to raise a tumult one with 
another, and there was much shedding of blood 
in the conflict of the rabble. But a certain evil- 

1 The old Latin has Anthypatos, Pro-consul. I find no Consul of the 
name in Clinton’s lists. 

Acts of Theodore. 235 

doer whose name was Leander drew his sword 
and rushed upon the holy Theodorus; but the 
Consul saw this and drew back his hand, and 
delivered the saint from him, and slew the lawless 
Leander. But another, whose name was Merpas, 
came forward amidst the crowd, and threw himself 
upon the Consul, and drawing his sword slew 
him. 16. But the blessed saint, when he saw the 
disturbance and riot of the crowd, went into the 
midst of them, and by his entreaties he appeased 
the crowd; and the multitude took the saint with 
them and returned to the city with great joy. 
And as they passed and came near to the doors 
of the prison, in which were confined all who were 
in bonds, these all cried out from prison and said : 
Pity us, servant of (God on high But the 
crowd, when they heard it, said: ‘‘Command us 
that we at once pull down the doors of the prison, 
and set free them that are confined therein.” But 
the saint restrained them from carrying out their 
counsel ; and he himself approached the door and 
prayed to God, and made upon it the sign of the 
cross. And of its own accord it opened wide, and 
their bonds were loosened, and those who were 
confined came forth and threw themselves at his 
feet, and gave thanks to God and to His saint. 
But he said to them: ‘‘Go ye in peace each to 
his own place”; and many other miracles did God 
accomplish by means of him, for the sick and the 
suffering and they who were possessed by devils 
were healed by his prayers. 

17. And when the impious Licinius saw that 

222. Monuments of Early Christianity. 

all the people of the Greeks repudiated and cast 
from themselves the worship of the gods, and 
believed in Christ, he was very wroth, and sent a 
force of soldiers, that they might go without the 
knowledge of the multitude and cut off the head 
of the saint; and they went and at once executed 
his command, cutting off the head of the blessed 
one with a sword. And thus ended the victorious 
and mighty champion of Christ, the holy Theo- 
dorus, in the month of August, on the twenty- 
seventh day thereof, to the glory of God. 

But after the martyrdom of the saint, Abgar, 
his slave, according to his command as he had 
been aforetime commanded to do, took the body 
of the saint and wrapped it in clean linen with 
fragrant spices, and they laid it in a coffin and 
took it and laid it to rest in his paternal inherit- 
ance in the village of Eukhaita. 18. And the 
multitude of the people of Heraclea followed the 
relics of the saint with lighted tapers and fragrant 
incense and spiritual songs, according to the 
custom of the Christians, and laid it in its resting- 
place. And many miracles were accomplished 
by God by means of the tomb in which reposes 
until to-day the relics of the saint, for those who 
approach it with faith. For on the day of the 
commemoration of the martyr, there comes a 
multitude of people of all races, who keep his 
memory with great honour and with offerings, for 
God glorifies those who glorify Him. 19. For 
this saint outshone the sun in splendour and with 
inextinguishable brilliancy lit up a life of virtue 

Acts of Theodore. 237 

by his unblemished and correct faith, and repulsed 
the lawless ruler with all his servants. He kept 
his confession unshaken in the sure hope, and 
in his own life glorified the living God. He as 
martyr shared in the cross and in the death of 
our Lord, who of his own free will submitted to 
torture and death, and, following Him, offered up 
his life as a fragrant offering and pleasing to Him. 
For his true death was an expiation for angels 
and: men, a lifting of the curse and an act o1 
reconciliation to God. By the shedding of his 
blood he extinguished the folly of the idolaters 
and became a pillar of the faith, a seal of the 
Church, a door to those who would enter into 
heaven. He it is whom we honour by bearing 
him in memory and by conducting his festival 
with splendour ; writing down the history of his 
martyrdom and handing it on to the generations 
to come, that we may be ourselves witnesses to 
him who bore witness, until we all come to Christ 
who appoints the lists of martyrdom (ἀγωνοθέτης). 
He in our behalf for ever intercedes with the 
merciful God, that unto us also may be opened 
the door of pity, so that we may enjoy with him 
the goods which have no end. Those then who 
in faith and fear and with all goodwill keep the 
commemoration of the martyr of Christ, what- 
soever they ask of the Lord, it shall be unto 
them ; and they shall be partakers of the reward 
of their works along with all the saints in Christ 
Jesus our Lord, to whom be glory and power, 
for ever and ever. Amen. 

ACIS Obs, i Ade "119: 


THE Acts of Thaleleus are given in vol. 5 of the month of 
May, in the Bollandist collection, p. 178; where there will be 
found printed a shorter and a longer Greek 

form of these Acts. The longer form is These Acts 
quite worthless; but the shorter form, which Higapeyeel sect: 
is printed from a MS. at Florence (Cod. 

xiv., Pl. ix. of the Laurentian Library), agrees closely so far as 
it goes with the Armenian ; and the Bollandist editor rightly 
concludes, in view of the simplicity of the Greek and general 
brevity which characterises it, that this form of the Acts was 
composed with the help of the Proconsular Acts themselves. 
The subscription of Tanebus given in the Armenian is not 
contained in the Greek. 

The Bollandist editor supposes the martyrdom to have 
taken place during the reign of Carinus and Numerianus, be- 
tween November 283 and March, 285; but we shall see that 
there is good reason to set the date as early as the reign of 

In view of the graphic character of the exordium of these 
Acts, as well as of the attestation at the end of the Armenian 
form of them, of the slave Tanebos, it seems 
hasty to deny to them any historical value. They belong to 
The first question, which follows on the oe Sarita 
on : : : rian, notof 
admission of an actual historical basis for ¢ymerianus. 
them, is whether the martyrdom took place 
under Hadrian or under Numerianus, more than a century 
later. The Greek Acts begin thus: “In the consulate of 
Numerianus the king.” On the other hand, in the body of the 
piece the martyr is invited to acknowledge the Emperor 
Hadrian ; it isin the temple of Hadrian that the magistrate 


240 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

holds his court, and it is hard by the temple of the same 
emperor that Tanebos buries the remains of the saints. It 
is therefore certain that the events related took place under 
Hadrian, if at all; and that some editor at the end of the 
third century or early in the fourth prefixed the mention of 
Numerianus. In the same way we have the date of the 
martyr Babylas, who suffered under Decius, shifted in the 
exordium of his Acts to the reign of Numerianus. Sucha 
falsification is most likely to have taken place at the end of the 
third century, before the persecution of Diocletian had effaced 
in Antioch the memory of Numerianus. I have before noticed! 
the tendency there was to defer the death of a popular saint, 
so that he might appear to have suffered in the persecution of 
which the recollection was uppermost in men’s minds. Not 
only is the later date incompatible with the mention of Hadrian 
in the Acts, but the detailed account which Thalelzus gives 
of himself agrees best with the earlier date. A%gee or Aigai 
was a seaport and arsenal of the Romans in the second cen- 
tury. It lay opposite the modern port of Iskanderun, and 
is to-day called Ayash (see Prof. Ramsay’s Hist. Geog. of 
Asia Minor, p. 385, who notes that there was there a temple 
of Asklepius, which was destroyed by Constantine). In the 
reign of Hadrian there would of course have been in so im- 
portant a station of the Roman fleet a temple of the reigning 
emperor, in which the governor would naturally hear a case of 
majestas. But it is the hint which the piece gives of the re- 
lations between Edessa and Aigai, which is decisive against 
the reign of Numerian as the date of these Acts. The city of 
Edessa was brought under the sway of the Romans in the 
year 115 by Trajan, who struck commemorative medals with 
the words on them: “ Armenia et Mesopotamia in Potestatem 
P. R. Redactz.” Hadrian, we read in Spartianus: ‘‘ Toparchas 
et reges ad amicitiam invitavit, . . . a Mesopotamia non 
exegit tributum quod Trajanus imposuit ” (Spart., Adrian, 13, 
ΤΠ} 91}. 

Older numismatists believed that Hadrian actually struck 

‘1 See page 151. 

Acts of S. Thaleleus. 241 

money in Edessa. But although M. Ernest Babelon has 
shewn that this was not so, yet there is no doubt that during 
his reign the Roman influence was paramount in Edessa, and 
that a Roman resident of some sort was kept there. The 
native prince Manou was the faithful friend and ally of the 
Romans. These native princes were not called by the Romans 
kings, but dynasts, phylarchs, or toparchs. 
(Suidas, s. voce Phylarch.; Procop., Bell. Under 
fersic. 2, 12.) It is more than probable Numerianus 
that in the reign of Hadrian a common Lege ΒΡ πὸ 

: Roman autho- 
policy was pursued in regard to the Christ- rity in Edessa. 
ians all over the empire, in the dependent 
client states as well as in the regularly organized provinces. 
It is thus quite conceivable that a fugitive from justice at 
Edessa might be arrested at Anazarb and brought before the 
Roman magistrate at Aigai. Whether the judge Tiberius or 
Tiberianus of Edessa was a Roman officer or a servant of the 
client prince of Edessa we do not know. Edessa is little over 
fifty German miles due east of Aigai, and there was a high- 
road thence to Aigai by way of Zeugma, Castabala, and 
Anazarb, which lay a little north of Aigai, among the moun- 
tains of Cilicia. The concerted action hinted at between 
the authorities of Edessa and Aigai was possible under 
Hadrian, but under Numerian it was impossible; for Edessa 
had finally passed under the sway of the Parthians more 
than thirty years before, when at the end of 259 Valerian was 
taken prisoner on his way to relieve it. Such close administra- 
tive connexion between Edessa and Aigai as these Acts re- 
veal would be still more intelligible at the beginning of the 
second century, after the year 216, when Caracalla turned 
Edessa into a Romancolony. But this date would not suit 
these Acts for a different reason: Abgar the Eighth who ruled 
thirty-five years, from A.D. 179 to 214, was no doubt a firm 
ally of the Romans, but inasmuch as he was a Christian the 
apprehension and torture of Thalelzus can hardly have fallen 
in his period. 

The Greek Acts published in the Acta Sanctorum are briefer 
than the Armenian form, and give quite a different set of 


242 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

miracles. The story of the magistrate’s throne sticking to his 
hinder parts is peculiarly grotesque, and is absent from the 
Armenian. The incident of the executioner hanging up a bare 
tree occurs in both forms, and is very curious and wears a 
Docetic air. The introduction of wizards to contend against 
the martyr in magic is a not unusual motive in ancient Acts. 
Anazarbos or Anazarba is called the metropolis in these 
Acts. According to Smith’s Dict. of Geography, it acquired 
this title from the time of Caracalla on, and was the chief town 
of Cilicia Secunda. W.M. Ramsay gives some clues about 
the place, Geog. Asia Minor, p. 387. Lightfoot has a note on 
it in his Apost. Fathers, 111. p. 138. From Α.Ὁ. 117-138 Cilicia, 
including Tracheia, was an imperial province under a Preetorian 
Legatus Augusti (W. M. Ramsay, Geog. Asia Minor, p. 376). 
Under the reign of Hadrian Aigai took the title of Hadriana 
in honour of a visit which that emperor paid it. 
There are two Armenian MSS. of these Acts in Venice, 
which supplement one another, the one containing the first 
half, the other the last half of the text. They 
Armenian overlap for about two pages in the middle 
ΠΝ ὙΠῸ πγ6.  shomtly diferent texts... he 
latter part of the Acts, including the list of 
the names of the fellow-martyrs of Thalelzeus and the sub- 
scription of Tanebus his slave is wanting in the Greek. If the 
notice of Tanebus be part of the original Acts, then the 
final words beginning, ‘‘ Who truly,” etc., must be a later in- 
terpolation added probably by the same editor of the late 
third century who, at the beginning of these Acts, introduced 
the name of Numerian, This editor must have made his 
recension before the year 310, otherwise on the same principle 
on which he ascribes the martyrdom to Numerian, he would 
have ascribed it to Diocletian. 


In the reign of Numerius,t and when Theodorus 
was judge, in the city of Φέρε, nine days before 
the kalends, in the month Hori, which was the 
twenty-third day of the month, the judge’ took 
his seat in the Temple of Hadrian in the city of 
Afge, and said: “ Summon hither the violator of 
religion.” The guards say: ‘ Behold, here he 
stands, we pray thee.” Theodorus the judge 
said to them: ‘‘ Where did ye take him, for I see 
that his beard just begins to shoot, and that he is 
resplendent with the bloom of youth ?” Denesius,’ 
the chief executioner, said: ‘‘As we were coming 
to the metropolis Anazarb,* and were still distant 
by fifty’? stades, we saw him running in an easterly 
direction ;* and when he saw us, he hid himself 
in the middle of a grove of trees. But we knew 
he was a Christian, so we invoked the gods and 
halted in the grove for forty days and forty 


1 ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τοῦ Νουμεριανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡγεμονεύοντος Θεοδώρου τῶν 
Αἰγαίων πόλεως, τῇ πρὸ ἐννέα καλανδῶν Σεπτεμβρίου, μηνὸς ὑπερβερεταίον 
εἰκάδι τρίτῃ. But the month Hyperberetzeus began Aug. 24 in each year. 

2 The text here has Thallos. 

Judge: ἡγεμών may=Consul. The Greek adds that this officer had 
apprehended many because of Christ, whom he had scourged, drowned, 
sawn asunder, beheaded or otherwise slain. 

8 The Gk. omits Denesius and simply has ἡ τάξις. 

4 Ἔν τῇ ᾿Αναζάρβῳ πόλει. Arm. may mean “ /vom the city of A.” 

5 Φ' =500. 6 ἀπὸ ἀνατολῶν. 


244 Monuments of Early Christranity. 

nights,’ till we found him hidden in an olive-tree ; 
and when we took him in order to bind him he 
began to fight with us, but we beat him with 
bludgeons and broke his bones, and then we put 
manacles on his hands and feet,” and have brought 
him to thee.” 

Theodorus the judge said to him: ‘‘ Of what 
religion art thou, or of what rank, or of what city, 
and what is thy name?” Thalelzus said: “If 
thou wilt learn of what religion I am, I am named 
a Christian; but if thou wilt learn how men name 
me,®? I am called Thalelzeus, and I am from Leb- 
anon,* and I have believed in the Galilean, and I 
am a friend of those of Jerusalem. My mother 
is Romaniana, and my father Becosianus ; and I 
am by profession a physician, and have become a 
deacon of John the Bishop. And when there 
were persecutions of the Christians, they all fled,° 
and they took me alone and brought me before 
Tiberianus ° the judge of Edessa. And he sub- 
jected me to cruel tortures,’ and three times he 
had me scourged publicly and without mercy, 
thinking that he would turn my mind and make 
me deny God ;’ but I called upon the Father, and 

1 The Gk. om. words ‘‘we knew” down to “gods,” and for ‘forty 
days and forty nights” have merely ἡμέρας ἱκανὰς. 

2 The Gk. omits these details. 3 τὸ κοινὸν ὄνομα. 

4 The Gk. runs: I am from the Lebanon, and as to my parents, my 
father was called Berekkokius and my mother Rombyliana, and my 
brother John. But he is also an underdeacon (ὑποδιάκονος), and I 
learned the physician’s art, having been handed over to Macarius the 

5 Gk. omits ‘‘ they all fled.” ὁ Tiberius in Gk. 

7 Gk. omits from ‘‘ three times” to “ἡ God.” 

Acts of S. Thaleleus. 245 

the Son, and the Holy Spirit,’ and He saved me 
from his lawless hands; and now I have come 
and am brought before thy court, by which it is 
allotted to me to die for the name of my God. 
Do with me what thou wilt, for Christ is near 
who helps me.’” 

The judge said: ‘Out upon thee, thou runa- 
way; think not that thou art able to escape from 
my hands.” Thalelzus said: ‘1 believe in God, 
that is Ruler of all, that He putteth not to shame 
those who trust in Him in Christ, and those who 
for His name, come to bear this testimony.” 
The judge said: With an awl do ye bore® 
through his ancles and pass cords through them, 
and drag him over the city ; since he is a runa- 
way, and lest he escape from the emperors.” 

And they began to do so, but they wearied 
and were not able to. Then came the chief 
Lictor and said: ‘‘ We pray thee, O Lord, from 
dawn until now* have we laboured, but have been 
able to do nothing.” The judge said: ‘‘Begin to 
work afresh, to see if ye can bore them through.” 
And Asterius the carpenter came, and said: ‘ As 
thou didst command, we have bored through his 
ancles, and have fastened them with thongs.” 
Theodorus the judge said: “Bring hither the 
runaway.’ And they brought himin. Then said 

1 Gk. adds ‘‘ the true God, the unerring, the creative, the good.” 

? Gk.=“ For ’tis right to die for Christ, whom I have to help me, the 
heavenly God.” 

3 πρῆσον ἐν τρυπάνῃ. 

4 Gk.=from the third hour to the sixth. 

> The Greek omits from ‘ Bring hither ” as far as ‘‘my God.” 

246 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

he to him: ‘Come and sacrifice to the gods 
according to the command of the emperors, that 
thou mayest be saved from the tortures that await 
thee.” Thalelzeus said: “I ama Christian, and 
I do not worship idols, lest I should lose the 
rewards promised me by God.” The judge 
said: ‘‘Come, hang him head downwards, like one 
of the mad knaves.” But the servants of Satan 
hung up the mere tree; and the disciple of 
Thalelzus, Timotheus,! said : “ See what the min- 
isters @f Satan-do..— Vhalelzus said: ‘‘ Hush, 
brother, for it is Christ who helpeth us, and maketh 
their labour in vain.” The judge said : “Ὁ wretch, 
what is it? did I not command you to hang 
yonder man, and you have hung up and tortured 
a mere tree,? and turned to ridicule the royal 
commands.” Asterius the carpenter said: ‘‘ He 
liveth, the Lord God of yonder believing man. 1 
do not transgress nor turn to ridicule your com- 
mands ; but I too acknowledge Christ as king of 
heaven and earth, in whom he also has his hope 
and belief.” 

But Alexander the chief Lictor said: “ Truly 
we have seen a great glory by reason of this 
blessed man, and we are not able to lay hands 
upon him, because we too have believed in 
Christ and are Christians, by whom receiving 
the knowledge of the truth, we will become fellow- 
sufferers of the holy Thalelzus.” But when the 
judge saw this he was very wroth with them, and 

1 Gk. has Theotimus. 2 ξύλον ἐκρεμάσατε simply. 

Acts of 5. Thaleleus. 247 

he roared like a lion and gnashed his teeth upon 
them. But Asterius and Alexander fell to pray- 
ing, and said: ‘Lord God of the Christians, suffer 
not that Satan should take captive and snatch 
away the souls of Thy servants, who make their 
confession to Thee.” And when they had said 
this, they fled from the presence of the judge. 
But a certain Midos, from the court, came upon 
them and slew them; and then he came and 
told the judge, saying: “O Lord Judge, I came 
upon them in the mountains, and took and slew 
them with the sword, and cast forth their bodies 
on the mountain, and the multitude saw all.” Ὁ 
The judge said: ‘“‘ Which dost thou prefer, Ὁ 
Thalelzus, to sacrifice to the gods and be saved, 
or to die a miserable death?” Thalelzus said: 
‘Thou canst not persuade the servants of God to 
sacrifice to vain demons and to their images ; 
and I have no fear of thy tortures, for Christ 1s 
near to me, who is my hope, and He will snatch 
me from thy tortures.”? Then the judge was 
wroth, and rose of himself to torture the blessed 
one; but his hands were withered. Then the 
ruler prayed and said: “I beseech thee, servant 

1 This episode is much shorter in the Gk., which has Medius. It 
however adds that the mountain where Asterius and Alexander were 
captured was fifty stades from the city and was the same on which Thale- 
leeus had been taken. Asterius and Alexander are called speculatores. 

? Here the Gk. adds a miracle and relates that the judge rose up to bore 
through the saints’ ankles (as if that had not already been done), but his 
throne stuck to his hinder parts and only fell off because of the saint’s inter- 
cession. Undeterred, the judge again rose up in wrath to bore through 
the saints’ ankles, and then his hands ᾿εξηράνθησαν. 

248 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

of the true God, pray for me that my hands may 
be healed.’ And when Thalelzus prayed, his 
hands were healed; and all wondered and began 
to say: ‘‘Great is the God of the Christians.” 
The judge said: ‘‘ Let a ship-captain be called.” 
And when he came, he said: ‘‘ Cast yonder man 
into the ship and carry him to the city of Siprus,’ 
and there let him die, but let him net die by my 
hands.” Thalelzus said: ‘Thou didst make a 
beginning, and from thee I receive my consumma- 
tion” ; but they took him and threw him into the 
ship. And as they were going on their way and 
rowing, Thalelzeus said: “Christ is able to turn 
back the ship to the place where Theodorus 
smote me.’ And as they went on their course, 
there was a violent wind against them in the middle 
of the sea ; and it turned back all the ships along 
with that one in which was the holy Thalelzeus. 
And when they came near to where there was 
the tribunal, Thaleleeus cried out to the judge 
and said: ‘“‘Where then are thy gods, or where 
is thy boasting? Behold, Christ hath turned 
against thee and conquered thee, and hath 
blunted the sting of Satan thy father.” ° 

The judge said: ‘ Behold, how that he hath 
bewitched us and caused the ships to flee.” ? And 

1 The Gk. does not name any city. According to it the judge simply 
orders the saint to be taken out to sea and thrown in, ‘‘that he may not 
die by my hands ” (εἰς τὰς χειράς pov). 

2 Acc. to the Gk. the δήμιοι, or executioners, took Thalelzeus out to sea 
as far as the judge ordered and then threw him in and returned. But the 
saint shortly after presented himself before the judge, clad in a white robe. 

3 τὰ πελάγη ἐμάγευσεν Kal ἡμᾶς λοιδορεῖ. 

Acts of S. Thaleleus. 249 

he ordered wizards! to be brought before him ; 
and when they were brought in, Theodorus the 
judge said: ‘‘ What are we to do with him, for he 
hath vanquished us with his wizardry ἡ Urbicus, 
the wizard, answered: “This race of Christians 
is full of sedition, and worthy of an evil death. 
But do thou do that which I tell thee, and 
quickly wilt thou destroy him. Make boards and 
set sharp nails around as with a compass, and 
nail the boards against the hair of his head; and 
then let him be dragged through the midst of the 
city into the arena, and in that way the force of 
his wizardry is broken. And thereafter let them 
throw him to the wild beasts, that they may tear 
his flesh.” And _ then the judge in haste ordered 
them to make a machine of nails and boards; 
and when they had made it they brought in the 
holy Thalelzus.2 And having spread out his 
hands, he stood in prayer, and said: ‘‘O Lord 
God, draw nigh to Thy servant, and vanquish the 
evil designs of Satan, that Thy name may be 
glorified in me, and that they may know the 
impiety of their wickedness, and that it is no 
wizardry, but the ineffable might of Thy God- 
head.” And when he had said this, they threw 
him upon the tables and nailed them, and having 
bound him, they dragged him through the middle 
of the city to the arena. And the judge took his 

1 Μάγους. 
2 The Gk. omits all mention of the machine of torture. Urbicus 
merely advises that Thalelzeus be thrown to the wild beasts. 

250 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

seat in the Arena,’ and said: ‘‘ Let it be pro- 
claimed, that this is he who hath joined the evil 
cult of the Christians.” The guards say: ‘“ But 
we think that he is dead.” The judge said: 
‘“Warm a brand and make it like fire, and pierce 
his side, for fear that he trick us.” But the blessed 
Thalelatus made upon himself the sign of the holy 
cross of Christ, and moved himself and leaped up, . 
and broke all the bonds with which he was 
fastened to the nails; and he stood up amidst 
them, and spoke to the tyrant and said: ‘“‘ Blessed 
is God, who has raised me from the dead and 
hath put to shame the worshippers of the idols.” 
Then the judge commanded that they let loose 
upon him wild beasts ; and a lioness came, but did 
him no harm. And next he let loose upon him 
a leopard, but the wild beasts came and lay at his 
feet and fawned upon him.’ And the holy Thale- 
lus with a loud voice said: ‘“‘ Blessed are they 
who believe in Christ ; blessed are they who with- 
out looking back shall offer themselves to make 
confession of Him. Blessed are they who shall 

1 The Gk. uses the Latin word Arena. It says nothing about Thaleleus 
arriving at the arena dead. On the contrary, the moment he arrives there 
he is brought before the judge, who says : ‘‘ Wilt thou now sacrifice, or shall 
I give thy flesh to the wild beasts?”’ The saint in reply quotes the psalms 
of David. 

2 At this point, according to the Gk., the judge rises and declares that 
Thalelzeus has bewitched the wild beasts, but the audience rise and cry: 
‘* Great is the God of the Christians,” and demand that Urbicus be thrown 
to the wild beasts, which is promptly done. Then the saint goes to εἰς 
τόπον ἐπίσημον ὀνόματι “HSeroay ris ἐστι τῶν Aiyalwy πόλεως ; on 
arriving there, he falls to praying, an earthquake supervenes, the multitude 
rush to be baptized, and the saint dies. Of what follows in the Arm. 
‘text the shorter Greek Acts contain nothing. 

Acts of S. Thaleleus. 251 

give themselves to the torture for Christ's sake, 
because they vanquish Satan.” And when the 
judge heard this, he said: ‘“ How hath he be- 
witched the wild beasts, by calling upon the name 
of Christ.” And he ordered them to bear him to 
the wall of the arena, that all the population of the 
town should stone him. 

When ~Uhaleleeus eried: out and. said) 5} 
mighty Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, turn 
away from me the threats of men, that they may 
know that Thou alone art God, and that, besides 
Thee, there is no other, and that I am Thy ser- 
vant.” And when he had said this and prayed, 
the stones were turned back, and wounded many 
of the impious; but the saint was not wounded, 
for he was overshadowed by the grace of Christ. 
And the judge ordered him to be taken down, and 
said to him: ‘‘ Offer now sacrifice to the gods, for 
by them art thou helped ; wherefore I also have 
been patient with thee: but if thou wilt not, then 
I swear by Asclepius,’ I will order thee to be put 
to still more bitter torments.” Thalelzeus said: 
‘‘I am a Christian, and to demons I cannot sacri- 
fice ; do as thou wilt, I have no fear of thy tor- 
ments, since it is Christ who helpeth me.” 

Then the judge said: ‘‘ Mix bitumen and rosin 
and sulphur, and put it into an iron caldron, 
and when it is boiling hot, then pour it over his 
head.” Thalelzus said: “I believe in my Lord 
Jesus, who has helped me and will help me; and 

1 Note that there was a temple of Asclepius in Aigai. 

252 Monuments of Larly Christianity. 

He it is who vanquishes thee through me; but 
thou art lawless, and blinded by impiety, so that 
thou dost not see the help which Christ renders 
me.” Then they brought the caldron while it 
was still boiling, and poured it over his head ; but 
it was like cold water, and did not subdue him. 
The judge said: ‘“ By thy exceeding wizardry thou 
dost conquer all men, and I have fears lest thou 
shouldst bewitch us also, or persuade us.” And he 
bade them call Urbicus the wizard, and through 
him he contended against the saint with all manner 
of charms. But when Urbicus was vanquished in 
all, the judge said: ‘“‘ Summon hither the enchan- 
ters,! Ilithopus and Karticur.” And when they 
-were come before him, the judge said, ‘‘ What 
shall we do with this Christian, for he will boast 
that he has conquered us? ‘Throw him therefore 
among the wild beasts.” But they said: ‘‘ Whole 
days the wild beasts are here and have not tasted 
him.” Then said the judge: ‘Spare him not, but 
cast him to the wild beasts that they may destroy 
him.” When they had cast him into the pit, the 
wild beasts ran and fell at his feet, and licked his 
feet and did him no harm. And there were in the 
pit vipers and basilisks and horned snakes. And 
the saint remained in the pit for three days and 
for three nights and was ever glorifying God. 
Then after three days the judge called the en- 
chanters and asked them if the wild beasts had 

1 Another MS. has Lydus. At this point a second MS. used for the 
last half of the Armenian printed text begins. It varies a little in its text 
from the MS. from which the first part of the Acts is printed. 

Acts of S. Thateleus. 253 

destroyed that wizard. But the enchanters said : 
“We pray thee, according to thy command, we 
cast him into the pit, and he has lain among the 
wild beasts for three days and three nights, but 
they have not touched him. And meanwhile he, 
without ceasing, day and night, continued to praise 
the name of the Lord his God.” 

Then the judge wondered, and ordered him to 
be brought in; and when he came in before him, 
the judge began to try to catch him by words, and 
said: ‘Come hither, good man, sacrifice to the 
gods, acknowledge Hadrian, the autocrat, and | 
dismiss thee.” Thalelzus said: ‘Even before | 
told thee, and now I tell thee again, I am a 
Christian, and I deny not my God, and I sacrifice 
not to stone idols that are senseless and to foul 
demons. And as to Hadrian, an impious man, 
why dost thou constrain me; because I acknow- 
him not, but that I say which I know, that he is a 
lawless, and impious, and unholy and crafty 
man.” Theodorus the judge said: ‘ Thou 
dost not escape from my hands, till I have exacted 
from thee vengeance for the gods whom thou hast 
blasphemed and insulted, contemning our judg- 
ments.” Then he ordered a furnace to be heated, 
and they heated it to excess. And there came one 
Claudianus' from the court and said to the judge : 
“The oven hath been heated until it glows with 
the white radiance of fire.’ Then the judge 
ordered them to cast Thalelzus into the furnace 

1 The other MS. here omits the name Claudianus. 

254 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

together with his seven companions who bore the 
name of Christians, and whose names are the fol- 
lowing : Narcissus,’ Thetius, Acastasia, Philadus, 
Macarias, Theodula, and Anastasia. And the exe- 
cutioners took Thalelzeus and his companions who 
had suffered many tortures for the name of the 
Lord, and threw them into the furnace; but they 
continued to praise and glorify God, who made 
them worthy thus to die and attain to the heavenly 
crown. And they embraced one another, man 
with man, and woman with woman, and they cried 
out ana said: “© Thou who wast the Protector 
of the three children in the furnace, preserve us 
that we remain scatheless in this fire, and receive 
our spirits, O Thou that art holy and true; and 
set us in the ranks of Thy saints in the tents of 
light, in order that we may without ceasing glorify 
Father and Son and Thy Holy Spirit, now and 
for ever, Amen.” And having said all this, they 
gave up their souls into the hand of the Lord. 
And ona sudden there was a sound of thunder 
and lightnings and heavy rains, and the fire was ex- 
tinguished. But the judge fainted from fear, and 
called out, saying : “ Woe to me, a sinner, because 
I have offended God, and done ill to His saints.” 
And ina few days He was removed from life ; and 
many believed on the Lord. 

I, Tanebus, the slave of the Holy Thalelzus, 
took the bodies of the saints, and 1 laid them in a 

1 The other MS. gives Macarius, Thestus, Asténus, Philidus, Macaria, 
Theodula, and Acastis. The MS. ends here from which the first part of 
these Acts is printed. 

Acts of 5. Thaleleus. 255 

_ tomb at the head of the circus, near to the Temple 
of Hadrian. Whereby God is continually glorified 
in the sufferings of His holy martyrs, and bestows 
healing upon spirit and flesh, to them that build 
up the memorials of the saints, who truly glorify 
the Lordship of the Three Persons and the single 
Godhead, now and for ever and ever. Amen. 

ἀν ΞΕ ΓΖ. ΒΟΤΙΖ1} 


THE following piece is in the main historical and preserves an 
interesting picture of the condition of the province of Ararat 
during the last years of Chosrow. The 

: : : Date of 
martyrdom of the saint fell in the forty-third Sage Ἀπ 
year of Chosrow, son of Kavat, or Kobad, as 
Gibbon spells the name. This king reigned a.p. 531-579, 50 
the saint’s death fell in the last part of the reign, about a.p. 

The opening statement, that during this reign the confession 
of Christ was more than ever persecuted, is not altogether borne 
out by the subsequent course of the narrative. 

The two fellow-prisoners of the martyr answer | Condition of 

the judge that they were Christians by birth Christians 

and upbringing, as if that were a sufficient row the First. 
defence. We do not hear of their death, so 

we may almost conclude that ‘they were liberated after a further 
short term of incarceration. The two men crucified with the 
saint are declared to have been malefactors, and therefore did 
not suffer as Christians. Indeed one is a Jew, whose offer, 
when about to be crucified, to embrace Magism, is no indica- 
tion that the Persian authorities were putting him to death 
because he refused to become a fire-worshipper. If the touch 
be anything more than a bit of spite against the Jews on the 
part of the Christian narrator, it simply proves this, that con- 
version to Magism earned for a Jew, condemned for some other 
offence, a title to clemency. It is not clear from the narrative 
why the executioners did not understand him. Probably it 
was because he did not speak their tongue. The whole inci- 
dent is likely enough, for the Persian realm was full of Jews. 

257 S 

258 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

It is clear that the triple crucifixion of the three condemned 
men on a hill, with their faces to the sun, was by way of a 
sacrifice to the god of light and warmth. 
Significance  =There was, it is true, a tendency on the part 
of the triple ; 
Seen of old writers of martyrdoms to make a 
saint’s death resemble as much as possible 
the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth. This tendency has been 
noticed by Lightfoot in his book on the Afostolical Fathers as 
at work in the narrative of Polycarp’s death. In the story of 
the death of S. Theodore the Soldier the same tendency has 
clearly led to the addition of some fabulous details. But we 
need not therefore reckon as fabulous the triple crucifixion of 
these Acts, for it was quite in accordance with the old Persian 
custom of human sacrifice. ‘Thus in Ctesias (frag. 36) we read 
that the Egyptian usurper Inarus was crucified by Artaxerxes 
the First between two thieves. Similarly Masabates (Plutarch, 
Artaxerxes) the Eunuch, who cut off the head and right hand 
of the usurper Cyrus, was by order of the latter’s mother 
crucified on three crosses. The number three was specially 
efficacious in human sacrifices. Thus the Athenians before 
the battle of Salamis sacrificed to Dionysus three Persian 
prisoners of royal blood.!_ And in the legend of S. Pancrazio 
of Taormina, the demon Falco whom the saint expels, has 
had offered up to him by the city three spotless children every 
year for 260 years. The Acts before us prove that such triple 
human sacrifices were in vogue among the Persian fire-wor- 
shippers as late as the end of Khosrow’s reign. In stating 
therefore that the martyr was offered up as a sacrifice the 
narrative probably states no more than the truth. It is even 
possible that this martyrdom was a survival of the festival of 
Sakeea, of which we read in Arrian and Dio Chrysostom and 

1 I owe these parallels to my friend Mr. W. R. Paton who has suggested 
with much probability that the crucifixion of Jesus was intended by the 
Syrian soldiers, who performed it, as an expiatory sacrifice to a triple god. 
His arrayal in a royal robe and diadem makes this almost certain, for such 
was the regular ritual of oriental human sacrifice then and earlier, as we 
know from Strabo, Arrian and Dio Chrysostom. 

Acts of S. Hiztibouzit. 259 

Strabo, at which it was usual to select some prisoner who had 
been condemned to death, to surround him 
for a short time with the insignia of royalty, 
setting a crown on his head and arraying 
him in purple. When the hour of death 
came he was deprived of his royal vesture, was scourged and 
buffeted and crucified. It was very natural to select as a 
piacular offering to the god a priest of the fire-worship who 
had apostatised to Christianity. Perhaps even the vision of 
the saint in prison, wherein some smote the saint on the head 
with a rod till the blood flowed down over his eyes, while 
others, three in number and radiant with light, set a crown of 
jewels on his head, is a reminiscence of some similar ritual 
procedure having been followed in regard to this saint. Per- 
haps however this is to force a narrative which has the air of 
being faithful and trustworthy in all respects. The city of 
Twin or Dwin lay in the basin of the Araxes, not far from the 
present monastery of Edschmiadzin. In the sixth century it 
was the chief religious centre of the Armenians, and the seat 
of their Patriarchate. We gather from this narrative that they 
there enjoyed complete freedom of worship. It was however 
an arch offence for a priest of the sacred fire to become a 

The details of the fire-ritual are very correctly given in these 
Acts, as will be seen by a comparison of it with the following 
description which I quote freely from the 
work of Madame Zenaide A. Ragozin on paar oe 
Media : “The athravan or fire-priest stood on κε: ra 
in flowing white robes, the lower part of his 
face veiled with the paitidana or penom, to keep his breath 
from polluting the sacred fire. He stood before the dtesh-gah 
or fire-altar, which was a metal vessel placed on a low stone 
platform and filled with ashes, on the top of which burned the 
fire of dry and fragrant wood-chips. . . . In one hand he 
carried the khrafstraghna, an instrument of unknown form for 
killing snakes, frogs, and ants; in the other the baresma, a 
bundle of twigs, uneven in number—five, seven, or nine—prob- 
ably divining rods, without which the priest never appeared 

Ritual of 
human sacri- 
fice in Persia. 

260 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

in public.” These rods were originally from the tamarind or 
pomegranate tree ; and the modern Parsee priest has prosaic 
ally substituted for them a bundle of rods of brass wire. The 
offering made to the fire was a little wine, along with a few bits 
of meat, and at the present day a little milk is offered in a cup 
with cakes and fruit. The offering which the priests were 
making in these Acts must have consisted of butter, probably 
of ghee or clarified butter ;+ otherwise the flames could hardly 
have leapt up to the roof of the room in which they were cele- 
brating their ritual. The picture of the fire-worship preserved 
in these Acts is all the more interesting on account of the 
scarcity of contemporary Persian records of the cult. The 
name which the Parsee assumes upon conversion is Persian, 
and Hizti the first syllable is the same as the familiar Yezid, 
the Persian for God. 

1 T owe this suggestion to the Rev. Dr. Mills, of Oxford. 


Durine the reign of Khosrow, son of Kavat, the 
King of Persia, the confession of Christ was more 
than ever persecuted ; and nota few were martyred 
in Persia and at the royal court. At that time 
there was a certain man Makhosh, a Magus of 
that same land, from the region which is called 
Bershapouh, from a village of the name of Koun- 
arastan, whose parents were ministers of the fire- 
worship, and who was himself from childhood 
trainedin Magism. And he was strong in counsel 
and learned in all the lore and wisdom of the 
fire-worshippers. He bya certain chance came 
to the camp of the king, and witnessed the suffer- 
ings of a certain holy martyr, whose name was 
Gregorius ; and he marvelled at the boldness of 
the champion of faith, and was emulous thereof, 
and said, in his heart : ‘‘O Lord God of the Chris- 
tians, look upon me and shew me a path on 
which to set my feet, and open to me the door of 
pity along with Thy champion ; in order that | 
may become worthy of Thy kingdom, who art 
Lord of heaven and earth.” But on the same 
night a wondrous vision appeared to him; for he 
was as it were in a holy church, and a certain 
man robed in white appeared to him and said: 
‘‘ Blessed art thou, that thou hast become worthy 


262 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

of the light-giving church ; for thou shalt believe, 
henceforth in God the Creator of heaven and 
earth, and in His Son of like power with Him, 
and in the Spirit who shares His works, and thou 
shalt learn thereof from the tradition of the holy 
gospel.” And he marvelled and understood the 
dream, and believed with whole heart and said: 
“The God of the Christians is a true God”; and 
thenceforth he repented of his magism. 

He went thence into the land of Siuni, devoting 
himself to the hearing of the holy scriptures ; 
and after being there a few months he came to 
Armenia ; and having come into the region of 
Ararat, he dwelt in the chief town of the Ar- 
menians in Dvin, accompanying a certain Ar- 
menian who believed with! the Magi and whose 
name was Khosrow Peroz. But he (the saint) 
treated his Magism with contempt and neglected 
it. And it was in the winter time, in Mehekan,’ 
at the beginning of the Persian month, and ac- 
cording to their custom, they were offering fatty 
sacrifices to the fire in the palace of their co- 
religionist. And the blessed Makhosh was stand 
ing with them at the spectacle, with his mouth 
closed with a mask. But the flame leaped up 
from the fat and reached the roof of the house 
and blazed up. Then the Magi gathered up the 

1 | have so rendered the word ‘‘hamakar.” But I am not sure that I 
have given the true sense of this sentence. Khosrow Peroz may have 
been a convert to Magism from Christianity. His wife was anyhow a 

2 Mehekan was the seventh month in the Armenian calendar. 

Acts of S. Hiztibouztt. 263 

sacrifice, and tried to extinguish the fire, but could 
not; and then they ran out and told what had 
happened. But he that was governor of the Ar- 
menians, when he heard the sound of the tumult, 
came in haste to the door of the church, and 
began to urge the officiating priests to take the 
Holy Cross and bear it to the palace, if, per- 
adventure, the fire might be driven back; for he 
in his straits believed against his will. Then the 
ministrants took the symbols of the holy cross 
and came quickly to the spot ; and when the cross 
was come opposite the palace, the flame had 
spread and was dying out everywhere. ‘This 
great sign was wrought by the precious holy 
cross in the land of Armenia, to the joy of the 
true worshippers and confusion of idolatry. Now 
the wife of the co-religionist, when she beheld, 
sent a great thankoffering to the attendants of 
the wonder-working holy cross. But the blessed 
Makhosh took to heart such wonders and broke 
the rod! wherewith he divined and cast it away, 
likewise, also, the mask for his mouth; and he 
took and placed his censer in the hands of the 
deacon and scattered incense before the holy 
cross, so making manifest the faith which he had 
in Christ. And he followed the attendants of the 
cross and said: ‘ Pray to God for me, because | 
too am a Christian.” But when the Magi saw 
this, they said to him, ‘“‘ Why hast thou dared to 
do this?” The blessed one said: ‘“ For a long 

1 The Armenian signifies a bough or bundle o ftwigs. 

264 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

time I have confessed to the Christians, and was, 
with reluctance, a Magus ; but now I openly preach 
the faith which is in Christ; and I will not any 
longer minister to fire, now that I have seen all 
those wonders.” 

The next day at dawn the Magi came before 
the governor of the Armenians, who was called 
Nikhorakan, and accused the saint. And when 
he was brought before him, the judge said: *‘ Woe 
to thee, wretch, why dost thou forsake the Magism 
of thy forefathers to become a madman and a 
breaker of vows?” The blessed one made answer 
and said: “1 tell thee truly, O judge, concerning 
myself, that during twenty-five years 1 have pro- 
fessed a vain heresy ; but now I have come to 
learn of the true God, and have put away the 
polytheism of my forefathers. Wherefore, hence- 
forth, the deceits of life shall not part me from 
this faith, for I am ready to bear the appointed’ 
tortures.” Then the governor was angry and 
ordered the blessed saint to be scourged twelve 
times over; and he shaved off his beard and hair 
and wrote out his sentence,’ and, binding him 
hands and feet, he cast him into prison. But in 
the prison the saint found a sharer of his plight 
in one whose name was Nerses, who had been 
bound for a long time in the prison because of 
God. And from him the blessed one learned the 
holy faith and twenty psalms; and thus he wor- 
shipped without ceasing and prayed to God. 

1 Apostasy from the fire-cult was therefore a recognised offence. 
2 The Arm.=‘‘ question,” but I have given what must be the sense. 

Acts of S. 2725 1 0 51}. 265 

After a little time one named Nakhapet? suc- 
ceeded to Nikhorakan ; and when he had taken his 
seat in the court of judgment, they brought Mak- 
hosh before him. Said the Nakhapet: ‘ How 
hast thou dared to abandon the god of thy fathers 
and to put thy faith in the unknown Christ?” The 
blessed one replied: ‘‘ There is one Creator of all, 
who hath regard to all doers of good works ; 
Who saw that my soul was weary of the cere- 
monies of polytheism, and guided me to a know- 
ledge of the true God.” Then the Nakhapet was 
wroth and ordered him to be violently scourged, 
and they bound him with iron fetters and cast him 
into prison. And he remained in prison for an- 
other three years, and he besought the priest that 
he might receive of him the seal of the Lord (ze. 
baptism), and that he might be named Hiztibouzit, 
which is, when translated, Given by God: that 
is to say, saved by God, which name the Holy 
Spirit pictured to them. By the which Spirit also 
he was strengthened in prison, and he took and 
gave his garments to the poor, and himself wore 
goatskin and coarse sandals. And thus he con- 
tinued to watch with prayer and fasting, singing 
without ceasing the psalms of his fair religion. 
But after the lapse of another three years, the 
Nakhapet was succeeded by one whom they called 
Knaric. A certain scribe of his came to the 
prison and tried to ensnare the blessed one, and 
said to him: “For thee alone the land of the 

1 Nakhapet is old Armenian for ‘‘prince.” It is here less a proper 
name perhaps than an official designation. 

266 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Arians was not sufficient, that thou hast gone. 
astray from Magism, driving thyself a captive 
from the whole land, and straying from thy re- 
ligion.”’ The saint gave answer and said: “All 
who lack knowledge by nature wait upon the 
craftsmen who have it, and the animals are the 
slaves of their owners. Even so men ought to 
serve God alone, their Maker. Wherefore I, 
also, in my negligence have been the servant of 
vanity ; but when God took pity on me, He took 
my thoughts and enchained them with the love 
of His commandments, and bathed them in the 
hope of His grace, which the temptations of life 
will not avail to change.” But when the scribe of 
the court heard this, he leapt to his feet with rage, 
and began to beat him mercilessly with a club. 
And he inflicted many other tortures of various 
kinds upon the saint, that he might persuade him 
to keep his Magism. 

At that time the king heard of the much violence 
and sufferings which his officers inflicted upon the 
land of the Armenians, and he sent three rulers, 
trusty men, to inspect the country; the name of 
one was Nati, which is called Drowandacan, and 
of the second Peroz, who was chief Magus of the 
district Réi, and of the third Choyap, who was a 
royal minister ; and these came into Armenia and 
worked many reforms. But on a certain day 
they held a public assembly, and were sitting in 
the court of justice about the edict of the king. 
At that same time some impious men gave in- 
formation to the rulers, saying: ‘‘ There are three 

Acts of S. Hyrztibouzit. 267 

men in prison who have abandoned our religion 
and have embraced Christianity ; one Nerses, a 
Rajik, and one Sahak, from Atropatacan, and Hiz- 
tibouzit, a Persian.” And they commanded that 
they bring them before them. The chief Magus 
said to Nerses: ‘‘ Why hast thou become a Chris- 
tian?” The saint answered : ‘My mother was a 
Christian, and from my childhood I was brought 
up in the Christian faith ; I know not your religion 
at 411. Then they put the question to Sahak, and 
he said: “From my childhood I had become a 
Christian.” But the blessed Hiztibouzit stood be- 
hind, and in a weak voice he was singing the 
sixth Psalm : ‘““O Lord rebuke me not in Thyanger, 
neither chasten me in Thy hot displeasure.” And 
the judge separated them, and said to Hiztibouzit : 
‘Woe to thee, wretch, why hast thou abandoned 
the religion of light and believed in the dark and 
obscure faith of Christianity, and that after thou 
hadst zealously sacrificed to fire?” The saint re- 
plied : “ Aye, after sacrificing, and I know Magism 
better than thyself; and if thou command me to 
speak and make it clear, thou shalt learn how 
much better is Christianity than all the ceremonies 
which I have explored and clearly comprehended. 
Christianity alone has the power to save from the 
terrible death.” And when the chief Magus heard 
this, he ordered his servants to rend the saint’s 
tunic and to tear off his cowl ; and they beat the 
head of the blessed one and tore out his beard 
by the roots. And once more they ordered that 
the three blessed ones be kept safe for three days ; 

268 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and after that they brought them up, but could 
not persuade them. Then they confined them in 
a single house without food; and the chief Magus 
gave orders to send up smoke all the night." The 
saints, in their torment, cried out and said: “Ὁ 
God, look upon us to help us, and, O Lord, hasten 
to assist us.” And thus they continued to sing 
hymns until the dawn. And they remained in 
the prison ten days ; but on a certain night, on 
the Lord’s day, on the which Hiztibouzit was to 
suffer martyrdom, a vision appeared to him. A 
δ πη ian had in his hand a rod, and touched 
him on the head therewith; and the blood flowed 
down between hiseyes. And then there appeared 
three radiant men, who drove away the man who 
struck him, and bringing a crown of choice pearls 
set it on his head. But he was overjoyed and 
told his companions ; and they knew that his hour 
was come. And at early morn there came trusty 
men to take the saints to the prison, and the 
chief executioner came to the prison to lead him 
away, and he bade farewell to his brethren and de- 
parted. But as he went he continued to sing the 
fourth Psalm, beginning it as he left the prison, 
and going on till he came to the place where was 
the court: ‘‘When I cried out Thou didst hear 
me according to Thy righteousness, from my tri- 
bulation didst Thou give me peace.” And having 
finished the psalm he came to the place of the 

1 Whether by way of torturing the confined saints or simply as a 
religious function is not clear, nor is it clear who sent up the smoke. 
Presumably the Magi with their censers. 

Acts of 5. Hrztiboustt. 269 

court. And when the Christians heard, they all 
ran together to behold the combat and victory of 
the saint. But the holy Hiztibouzit stood up 
before the four judges. And they prepared three 
crosses for those condemned to death. And when 
these were brought forward, the chief Magus said 
to the saint: ‘‘ Dost thou behold yon trees, upon 
which thou art about to die? Have pity on thy- 
self, neither persist in thy obstinacy.” The saint 
made answer : “‘ Nay, all the more am I set firm in 
Christ, who is my hope; but do thou fulfil that 
which is commanded thee concerning me.” And 
he ordered him to be crucified; and the saint 
with ready heart and joyful mind went to the 
cross, and they took from him and deprived him 
of what poor raiments he had. The blessed one 
said : Ὁ This is as it should be, for my Lord’s Son, 
the only-born Saviour, when by His own will He 
was crucified, was nailed naked upon the Cross, 
in order that He might put on the nakedness of 
our first father, who will give me also strength to 
overcome in my body the deceits of Satan.” And 
having stretched himself out upon the tree he be- 
gan to say the forty-third Psalm: ‘ Arise, O Lord, 
and help us and save us because of Thy name; we 
were numbered as sheep for slaughter.” But when 
the cross was set up the chief of the Magi sent 
to him, in the hope that he might be converted. 
But the saint spurned his message and gave no 
answer ; and remained tied to the cross in the 
crowded court, and they pierced his side with 
arrows (or javelins). 

2700 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

It chanced upon the same day that they crucified 
two men condemned to death, and these they 
crucified along with him. One of them was of 
the tribe of Khoujik ; and he when he was brought 
to the cross kissed the feet of the holy martyr, 
and taking up the clay mixed with the blood 
which trickled from the martyr, he plunged it in 
his bosom. But the chief executioner struck him 
on the head with his fist, and they crucified him 
on the right hand of the martyr, and into him 
they drove the javelin’ and so he yielded up his 
spirit. But the other one was a Jew, who when 
they brought him to the cross, cried out to the 
judges: “Destroy me not, I embrace Magism.” 
But the judges did not understand him, and they 
hune him-on the tree to the left of the’ saint. 
And the blessed one was thus offered up as a 
sacrifice between two malefactors on a hill top, 
opposite the sun and before all the multitude. 

And therein lay a wonderful mystery ; for there 
was remembered unto him the word of the Lord, 
according to the true promise which says that : 
‘‘ He who believeth in Me, the work which I do, 
he also shall do, and still greater things than that.” 
And the apostle says: ‘‘ Whom Thou foreknewest, 
Thou didst predestine to be sharers of the likeness 
of the image of Thine own Son.” And thus the 
holy Hiztibouzit bravely suffered martyrdom in 
the forty-third year of King Khosrow, on the 
second day of the month Kalotz, on the Lord's 

1 Cp. Jno. Ev., 19, 34, and the Introduction, p. 258. 

Acts of S. Hiztibouztt. 271 

day, at the third hour. And it was ordered that 
they should keep the body of the blessed one 
upon the tree. But the faithful, by the help of 
God, took the body of the saint and wrapped it 
in precious raiment and deposited it in a resting- 
place with brilliant honours, celebrating as a 
festival with great joy the day on which the light 
thus shone and rejoiced the souls of orthodox 
believers ; inasmuch as it is meet to render 
to the Saviour of all, Jesus Christ our Lord, 
together with the one Almighty Father and Holy 
Spirit, glory and honour now and for ever. 



THE following martyrdom has hitherto been known through 
the text of the metaphrast alone; of which the Latin form 
published in the Acta Sanctorum under 
Sept. 26th (Sept. vii. 190) is no more than These Acts 

: . much cur- 
a translation. From a comparison of the tailed by the 
Armenian text with that of the metaphrast metaphrast. 
we are able to learn how much of its local 
colour and freshness, as well as of the actual history and doc- 
trine which it contained, might disappear from an earlier docu- 
ment, when it was revised and cut down by the tenth-century 
editor. The metaphrast’s recension moreover seems to have 
effectually supplanted all earlier texts; for an early eleventh 
century codex in the Bodleian library (Cod. Gr. Baroc. 230) 
merely gives the metaphrast’s form just as it is printed in the 
Migne’s Patrologia Greca. Nor is there any trace of an early 
Latin form, though the Armenian text states that it was 
originally written in that language. 

There is a homily of Basil the Great (Migne, Patrol. Gr. 
XXXL, Pp. 149) entitled: εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους τεσσαράκοντα μαρτύρας, 
which some have referred to Callistratus and 
his companions. But Callistratus and his Not known to 
fellow-martyrs were fifty and not forty in ns an: 


number, nor is there a single feature in 

common between the very vague and rhetorical account of 
Basil and these Acts. Basil does not mention a single name, 
and all that we can gather from his homily is that forty soldiers 
were, under some emperor who is not named and in some city 
which is not specified, marched out naked on a cold winter’s 
night across a frozen lake, were exposed to the tortures of cold 

273 7 

274 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

and then marched back and burned alive; the mother of one 
of them urging her son, who shrank back, to share the fate of 
his comrades. It is clear that Basil’s forty martyrs were not 

those to whom our Acts refer. 
There are many points of interest in this piece to which we 
will now briefly allude. There is first the curious story of the 
martyr’s ancestor, Neocoros as the Greek 

Allusion to calls him, or Ocorus according to the Ar- 
picts Ἂν menian, who had been at Jerusalem an eye- 
books. witness of the death and resurrection of 

Jesus, and then returning to his city had 
bequeathed his testimony and teaching to his descendants. 
Though we may rightly put aside as fable such a story, yet it 
seems to indicate that in many regions, down to even late in 
the third century, the Christian tenets were passed on from 
father to son not through books, but by oral tradition.* Had 
this not been the case, such a story as the above could not 
have found its way into our narrative; for the idea of private 
oral tradition as opposed to the written gospel must have been 
familiar to the minds of the readers to whom these Acts were 
addressed. Nor are there wanting signs of 
the late promulgation in some parts of the 
ancient world of our present gospels. In 

Evidence of 
early Acts 
proves the 

general dif- Africa, for example, we have the admission of 
‘fusion of Cyprian that the apostolical teaching of the 

Gosneies use of wine by Jesus in the last Supper was 
Havobeenlate. not known in the diocese of Carthage until 
his own generation. This implies that the 

synoptic gospels were not known in Africa before the third 
century. Callistratus refers to the Gospel of John, but not to 
the synoptics. In the Acts of Indus and Domna we hear that 
the Acts of the Apostles and of the fourteen Epistles of Paul 
were in the hands of the martyrs in question, but not it seems 

1 Clem. Alex., S¢vom., lib. i. p. 275, ed. Paris. ᾿Αλλ’ ot μὲν τὴν ἀληθῆ 
τῆς μακαρίας σὐϊούτις Sisco lity παράδοσιν, εὐθὺς ἀπὸ Πέτρου τε καὶ 
᾿Ιακώβονυ, ᾿Ιωάννου τε καὶ Παύλου, τῶν ἁγίων ἀποστόλων, παῖς παρὰ 
πατρὸς ἐκδεχόμενος (ὁλίγοι δὲ οἱ πατράσιν ὅμοιοι), ἧκον δὴ σὺν θεῷ καὶ 
εἰς ἡμᾶς τὰ προγονικὰ ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀποστολικὰ καταθησόμενοι σπέρματα. 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 275 

any written gospel. And it may be remarked that these two 
saints celebrated their Eucharist with water, as did the Cartha- 
ginian churches, until Cyprian promulgated among them the 
‘‘apostolical” teaching as to the use of bread and wine. The 
hero of the Acts before us, Callistratus, seems in the same way 
to have used water in his Eucharist ; so we may infer from the 
passage on p. 292. All the passages relating to the diffusion 
of the N. T. Scriptures which are contained in trustworthy 
martyrdoms need to be carefully collected and the results 
tabulated ; so as to gain an idea of what writings were diffused 
and where. It would seem as if the martyrs often had the 
apocryphal gospels. For example, Callistratus certainly had 
the Descent into Hell and the Gospel of the Infancy, preserved 
to us in Arabic and Armenian. S. Polyeuctes of Melitene 
similarly must have had the Acts of Pilate or some such Scrip- 
ture, which he called ‘‘the history of Christ.” 5. Eugenia at 
Alexandria about 200 a.p. had a gospel, but her citation does 
not agree with our existing gospels. And to speak generally, 
it must strike every reader of the older martyrdoms that the 
writings best known to the saints were not the canonical 
gospels, but the Epistles of Paul and the Psalms. Of the 
canonical gospels, that of John seems to have been diffused 
before the others. 

The statement met within chap. III. (p. 293) of these Acts as 
to the language in which they were first written presents diffi- 
culty. The Latin words in which the cap- 
tain addresses Callistratus are transliterated Were these 
in the Armenian, and the fellow-soldiers of Acts origin- 

Ἷ ὶ ally written 
Callistratus answer the question of the officer eee eae 
as to who is the delinquent also in Latin: 

“bonus miles.” Then the narrative continues: ‘which is 
translated Callistratus. And the captain commanded him to 
be brought before him, and said to him in the Roman tongue, 
for the captain could not understand Greek, because the 
Romans cannot at once speak Greek on account of the rich- 
ness of the tongue. And he said to him: Quid dicunt socii 
propter te, celerius dic. Which is translated: What do thy 
companions say about thee, quickly say. This history,” the 

“276 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Acts proceed, ‘‘ was written in the Roman tongue, et cet.” 
From the whole passage we learn— 

1. That the captain only spoke Latin and did not under- 
stand Greek. 

2. The rank and file could answer the captain in Latin. 

3. These Acts were originally written in Latin. 

But we are left in doubt as regards the following points :— 

1. Did the rank and file talk Greek among themselves, only 
answering their officer in Latin? 

2. Was the language into which the Acts were “ learnedly ” 
translated Greek ? 

3. Who are the “we” for whom the Acts were translated 
and who, on receiving them, disseminated them, retaining how- 
ever the Latin words which still appear even in the Armenian ? 

Question (2) must certainly receive an affirmative answer. 
Question (1) is not so easy of answer. The use of the singular 
verb: “for the captain did not understand Greek,” perhaps 
implies that the common soldiers did understand Greek and 
were Greeks. Their names given in chap. VIII. are for the 
most part Greek names. It is supposed by the Bollandist 
editor that they came from the Greek city Chalcedon, oppo- 
site Constantinople, and that the city of Rome where the 
martyrdom took place is Constantinople. The Arm. reads 

On the other hand, if so, why were the original Acts written 
in Latin? The statement that they were so, points rather to 

Carthage as the region whence these recruits 

baal ras had been levied against their will, and to 

Carthaginian? ome in Italy as the scene of the martyr- 
dom. ‘The metaphrast reads Καρχήδων. 

Nor are we helped to a decision by the notice near the end 
of the Acts to the effect that ‘‘a scribe of the court listened 
to the words of Callistratus during the night, and wrote them 
down on paper in shorthand and gave them to ws and we 
arranged truly the history of the meditation (? = ἐπιτηδεύ- 
patos).” Is this ‘‘ we” the same as the former ‘‘ we”? Pro- 
bably not. Rather it must be the author of the Latin Acts 
who ‘‘arranged the history”; and the former “we” must refer 

Acts of S. Callestratus. 277 

to the persons who got these translated into Greek and dis- 
seminated them among the faithful. 

I am inclined on the whole to think that the Carchedon of 
these Acts was Carthage in Africa, and that the martyrdom 
was in Rome. If the original Acts were in Latin, then 
Callistratus must have spoken in Latin, and the shorthand 
writer who took him down must have taken him down in 
Latin. But this is unlikely to have been 
the case in Constantinople. It is true that The Scene of 
Callistratus in chap. v. is cast into the sea, Enelobpcare 
and that this could have occurred at Con- stantinople ? 
stantinople, but not in Rome. But firstly, 
this entire incident is so mixed up with fable, that we are 
probably entitled to regard it as an interpolation absent from 
the original Latin text; and, secondly, the forty-nine fellow- 
sufferers of the saint are thrown into a lake, columbethra or 
piece of artificial water, which was called Oceanus. ‘There is 
nothing to prevent there having been sucha columbethra in 
Rome, though I can find no trace of it in the works of 
archeologists. Could one identify this detail either in Rome 
or Constantinople the whole question would be settled. 

There is one statement which favours the view that 
Constantinople was the scene of the martyrdom, namely that 
“we built in Rome in the name of the Holy Callistratus a 
place of expiation for sinners and a meeting-house of union 
forangels and men.” For we hear of no Church of Callistratus 
in Rome, but we do hear of one in Constantinople. 

The above discussion has a bearing on the date at which 
these Acts had assumed the form in which the Armenian 
presents them. If Constantinople was the 
scene of martyrdom, then as Constantine Date of these 
did not invent the title of New Rome till Ae 4:D- 

A.D. 325, these Acts must be subsequent to 
that date. On the other hand if the old Rome was the scene, 
then they may have been composed a little earlier. The 
extreme importance attached to a right understanding of the 
dogma of the Trinity indicates that they were composed 
between A.D. 300 and 350. But one does not know whether 

278 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

or not to attribute the whole of these lengthy dogmatic 
disquisitions to the martyr about to die. They impress me 
personally as the genuine discourse delivered by him, merely 
arranged and touched up by a second hand. 

However this may be, these Acts still retain their value as a 
picture of the mind and character of an early fourth-century 
saint. Of peculiar interest is the admixture in his creed of 
elements drawn from apocryphal gospels with those taken from 

the canonical gospels, especially that of S. 
Early doctrine John’s, Of still higher interest is the early 
of Purgatory : 
ἴῃ these Acts. epresentation we here get of a purgatory 

of souls. The Mechitarist editor prefixes 
thereto a note to the effect that it is not orthodox, and that he 
only adds it because it is part of his old literature. It seems 
indeed to be akin to Origen’s beliefs, and it makes room for 
the conversion after death of infidels by the grace of God 
acting in response to the tears and prayers of their Christian 
kinsfolk. I do not know of any other similar sketch of the 
same age of the condition of the souls of the departed. Even 
if it was not actually delivered by Callistratus, it yet has a 
lasting value for the history of Christian opinion. We may 
indeed say of these Acts as a whole what a great teacher, who 
has lately passed from our midst, says of the Pheedo of Plato: 
“How far the words attributed to Socrates were actually 
uttered by him we forbear to ask; for no answer can be 
given to this question. And it is better to resign ourselves 
to the feeling of a great work, than to linger among critical 

For these Acts are, like the Phedo, “ἃ great work,” and 
express for us the genius of fourth-century faith as the Pheedo 

expresses the genius of Athenian speculation 

Theirresem- jin an age earlier by seven centuries. In 
blances to : : : ee : 
Plato’sPhedo. Spite of the wide difference in time there is 
much in common between the two works. 

The scene is laid in both within the walls of a prison, and 

1 See Dialogues of Plato, translated by Jowett, 2nd edition, vol. i. p. 

Acts of S. Catlistratus. 279 

the shadow and awe of impending, but undeserved, death 
invests with a solemn earnestness the discourse in which each 
teacher hastens to impart to a band of eager disciples his 
last thoughts concerning the soul and the mysteries of the 
life after death. The irony of Socrates has its counterpart 
in the humility of the Christian Saint, in his distrust of his 
own power to adequately set forth his saving truths. Neither 
is the substance and net result of their teaching so very 
different in the two cases, if we make abstraction of certain 
intellectual peculiarities due to the diversity of their ages. 
Yet there is one great difference. 

In Socrates we listen to the voice of a fellow-explorer, to the 
voice of one who speaks to us not with an air of authority, but 
with arguments, in order to persuade us 
and win our rational assent. His appeal lies Contrast in 
to our private judgment, as does the appeal spirit between 

: : k Philoso- 
of every real thinker ancient or modern. ae Beni 
But in Callistratus’ addresses we seem to Christian 
listen to the voice of a church that is willing Church. 

to enlighten us, but not to argue with us; 

that has truth to impart, but only in a dogmatic fashion ; that 
demands our assent, but only as a despotism demands obedi- 
ence from its subjects. 

For the appeal of a fourth-century theologian lay not to the 
free reason and judgment of men, but to their submissive 
faith. And if it be borne in mind that the 
pagan cults of the third and fourth century Secret of the 

: : success of the 
were, as theories of the universe and as early Church. 
moral systems, far inferior to Christianity, 
that they were losing their hold on the best minds and 
were everywhere crumbling to decay, it will be seen that the 
authoritative and infallible air and attitude assumed by the 
Catholic Church was not only warranted by the intrinsic 
superiority of its moral and theoretic teachings, but was better 
calculated than any other to lead to success and conquest of 
the world. Men in doubt, who felt the insufficiency of their 
inherited paganism, drifted naturally towards a church which 
allowed of no doubts, and which by professing to be divine 

280 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and always the same, still seems to offer a ποῦ στῶ to all who 
wish to act and must act; but who do not think, either 
because the cares of life press on them and leave no leisure, 
or because they are too timid to face the problems of the 

In conclusion, a few. words may be allowed in regard to the 
tortures inflicted on martyrs. The punishment of laying a 
man down on his back and pouring water down his throat 

through a funnel, which we hear of in these 

The torture Acts, was rare. At least I have not met with 
inflicted on ᾿ς ; 

early martyrs. it In any other Acts. The whole question of 

the rationale of the punishments and tortures 

to which the Christian confessors were subjected is an obscure 

one and has not been fairly worked out, mainly owing to the 

assumption made by nearly all writers, that Christians were 

treated in an exceptional manner and not merely as other 

criminals. The ancient Greeks, who were 

Superior more humane than the Romans in these 
humanity of |=matters, never tortured free citizens. Even 
ancientGreeks the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, who were in 

to Romans : 
πα Christian 2 Subsequent age notorious for cruelty and 

Church. usurpation, were restrained either by their 
own humanity or the public feeling of 
Athens from inflicting any other penalty on their most hated 
opponent Socrates, than painless extinction by a cup of hem- 
lock. Had Socrates suffered as a Christian martyr at the 
hands either of the Roman Government or of any of the so- 
called orthodox Christian Churches of a later day, he would 
probably have been first subjected to the most revolting tortures 
and at the last burned alive. None but slaves could be 
tortured in ancient Greece, and they under restrictions which 
must have mitigated their treatment. For example, the party 
claiming to torture a slave had to make good to his owners 
any harm done to him. 

Now the end aimed at in torture was to make a slave give 
the evidence wanted by one or the other of the parties in a 
lawsuit. It was purely judicial and it was only applied to 
slaves who might be called on to give evidence in a law 

Acts of 5. Cattistratus. 281 

court. They were tortured just as we have oaths admin- 
istered to us, and their evidence was not 

supposed to be of any value unless given End of 
under torture of some kind. It was usually orvigeady babies 

: . . o extor 
first applied in a private chamber, before the .osaence from 

slave was produced in the open court. It witnesses. 
is proof of the extraordinary hold which this 

belief had on the mind of the best of the ancients, that 
Aristotle and Cicero held it firmly. 

During the republican epoch of Rome and under the early 
emperors free citizens were never subjected to torture; but 
under the worse emperors who succeeded, 
their exemption ceased, at least in the case Tt was at 
of those accused of majestas or high-treason. mali Cae 

o slaves. 
But the torture was only for the purpose of 
extracting evidence from them. ‘The idea of torturing men 
by way of punishing them for their religious opinions was 
alien to the Roman mind. It was the Christian Church that 
first instituted religious persecution in the true sense of the 
phrase, z.é., as punishment of purely speculative tenets. 

Now there can hardly be a doubt that Christians were 
tortured for the same reason that slaves were tortured, namely 
in order to extract evidence required of them, 
and to force from them certain admissions. Torture of 
That this is so is clear from Pliny’s letter early Chris- 
(96) to Trajan asking for guidance in regard ae 
to ‘‘cognitiones de Christianis.” He writes 
thus: ‘‘Interim in 115 qui ad me tanquam Christiani deferebantur 
hune sum secutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos an essent Chris- 
tiani. Confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogavi, supplicium 
minatus: perseverantes duci iussi. Neque enim dubitabam, 
qualecunque esset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certe et inflex- 
ibilem obstinationem debere puniri.” Later in the same letter 
he writes: “Quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis, 
que ministree dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta 
querere. Nihil aliud inveni quam superstitionem pravam 
immodicam.” ‘Trajan answers that the Christians “ puniendi 
sunt, ita tamen ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse idque 

282 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est supplicando dis nostris, 
quamvis suspectus in preteritum, veniam ex penitentia 
impetret.” Hence it is clear that the torture applied by 
Pliny was simply judicial, in order to extract a statement from 
the accused adverse to Christianity, a denial of their faith, or 
else to get at the truth about so obscure a religion. These 
Christians therefore suffered as witnesses in the strict sense. 
The design of the judge was to make them say what they were 
wanted to say. ‘They were not tortured as Christians, but as 
witnesses called on to give evidence in a law-court. It was an 
easy and natural mental transition from the conception of a 
Christian suffering as a judicial witness to that of him as wit- 
nessing by his suffering to the truth of the faith. 

It is not easy to say when the word μάρτυρ acquired the new 
sense of a Christian confessor, who had shed his blood for the 

faith. It seems to bear this sense in Acts 

The word xxl. 20; Rev. xvii. 6, and perhaps Ep. to 
martyr got its Heb, xii. 1. In Rev. iii. 14 μάρτυς bears 


ΕΘ About the same sense. Perhaps the Acts and 
wD. 100, Revelation and Hebrews were not written 
till the end of the first century, and that is 
why this use occurs in them when it occurs nowhere else in 
the N.T. The apostles are witnesses of the resurrection (Acts 
il. 32), and Jesus is Himself the witness to God. And the 
latter use seems already to have been so long and so generally 
recognised as the sense κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν of the word that the martyrs 
of Vienne, in Euseb. 5. 2. 1, in their humility disclaimed the 

The tortures inflicted on martyrs were in the main those of 
which we hear in earlier times as inflicted on witnesses, espe- 
cially on slaves. In Cicero we hear of the candentes lamine 
or red hot plates, which we often read of in the martyrdoms. 
The ecu/eus or horse-rack was also used to martyrs. The 
magistrates as a rule threatened their Christian victims before 
applying torture, and the prisoner could always escape the 
penalty by conforming to the pagan rites, by sacrificing to the 
statue either of the emperor or of the gods. In all cases the 
objection of the Christians to do what was demanded of them 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 283 

seems to have been dictated by their monotheism. The Jews 
all over the empire would have had the same scruples and 
would certainly have died rather than violate 

them. Hence it is clear that the persecution The command 
of the Christians had nothing to do with τα διωνα νος 
their monotheistic rejection of the cult of Christian 
the emperor and of pagan rites in general, opinion. 
and the command to sacrifice and swear by 

the emperor’s genius was chosen by the authorities as an easy 
and convenient test of the sincerity of their convictions. If 
their refusal to sacrifice and to conform to the state religion 
had been the real gravamen against them, then the Jews would 
have been equally liable to prosecution and martyrdom. 

In what then did the offence of the Christians lie, if not in 
their haughty rejection of popular cults? What was it about 
the new religion which made even the pro- 
fession of the name of Christian a capital For their 
offence? Here is a question which seems offence lay 

: not in their 
never to have been answered quite satis- monotheism, 
factorily. Jewish monotheism was from the 
first recognised and tolerated by the Romans as a respectable 
cult. “‘Judzeorum sola et misera gentilitas unum et ipsi deum, 
sed palam, sed templis, aris, uictimis ccerimoniisque coluerunt,” 
says the opponent of Christianity in the Apology of Minucius 
Felix (ch. 10,4). . 

I believe that the original prejudice against Christianity was 
purely social and popular and well-merited. It sprang from 
the flagitia of the Christians, and these con- 
sisted of the many actions and abstentions But in their 
from action by which they were felt to menace πηξίμῳι ἀν Ἐν 

tendencies ; 
the whole structure and permanence of so- 
ciety and of recognised social institutions. Let us enumerate 
some of them. 

t. There was first that rejection of family ties and relation- 
ships which accompanied the belief that the world was speedily 
and any day coming to an end. Young men and maidens 
were taught not to marry, husbands and wives not to co- 
habit and beget any more children. Eunuchism, because of 

284 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

the kingdom of heaven, was even tolerated by the very 
founder of the religion. And all this just at a time when the 
most thoughtful and patriotic of the Romans 

e.g. their were deploring the decay of population all 

rejection of : : 
family ties, over the empire, and were even making laws 
against celibacy and holding out rewards to 
married men with families. 

2. There was the interference with family relations. The 
first duty of the convert was to the body of ecstatic religionists 
with whom he had been induced to ally himself. All the most 
sacred duties of the old world were to yield to the necessities 

of that body: ‘“ Another of the disciples said 
in their unto Him, Lord, suffer me first to go and 
interference = bury my father. But Jesus saith unto him, 
with family 
relations, Follow Me; and leave the dead to bury 
their own dead.” That is to say, none but 
those who believed in His Messiahship and in the imme- 
diate inauguration by Him of the kingdom of heaven, were 
really alive. The rest of mankind were dead and the convert 
had no duties towards them. ‘“ Think not that I came to send 
peace on the earth: I came not to send peace but a sword: 
For I came to set a man at variance against his father, and the 
daughter against her mother, and the daughter-in-law against 
her mother-in-law: and a man’s foes shall be they of his own 
household. He that loveth father and mother more than Me 
is not worthy of Me; and he that loveth son or daughter more 
than Me is not worthy of Me.” 

Even if this open trampling on the oldest and most sacred 
of human instincts and affections was not actually inculcated 
by Jesus of Nazareth, it was certainly urged by the millenarist 
society which He founded, or it would not be so prominent 
in all the gospels. It must have excited sorrow and indigna- 
tion in thousands of hitherto happy and united households. 
Unfortunately the Church has destroyed the works of profane 
observers like Celsus, from whom we could have formed an 
idea of the havoc wrought. In the story of Thekla, who in 
response to the new teaching throws over her betrothed lover, 
abandons her sorrowing family and unsexes herself by leaving 

Acts of 5. Callstratus. 285 

her home disguised in male attire, we have recorded what must 
have been a typical case. 

3. Nor did the Christian nihilism destroy the ties of senti- 
ment and affection alone. The early Church was a com- 
munistic society, and those who joined it handed over into 
the control of its officers whatever private means they pos- 
sessed. We to-day are not slow to resent the action of 
brothers or sisters who joining some re- 
ligious society, with whose methods and 
creeds we have no sympathy, make over to 
it property which in the natural course of things would have 
benefited ourselves and our children. Parallel cases there must 
have been by tens of thousands between the years 50 and 
150 A.D. 

4. Along with the rejection of family ties and affections 
there went a refusal to fulfil the leading duties of citizenship. 
The converts to Christianity refused to bear arms and defend 
civilization from its external enemies. Their refusal to take 
oaths in itself prevented them from serving as soldiers ; for the 
armies took the sacramentum afresh with the accession of each 
new emperor. It also prevented them from entering the 
public courts of law either as judges or parties to a suit. 

5. A modern divine has said that a modern state which 
should attempt to regulate its external policy purely according 
to the precepts of the gospel, that should 
turn the other cheek to the smiter and re- in their 
resist not evil, could not endure even fora __, ®levation of 

: : : improvidence 
short time. Justice and morality however  gnq poverty 
is not of one kind for a state and of another _ into virtues, 
for the individual; and if we have to-day 
achieved a level of prosperity and comfort for all classes, far 
short, it is true, of what is desirable, yet much above anything 
the world has yet witnessed, it has certainly not been achieved 
by a following of the gospel precepts to take no thought for 
the morrow and to imitate the lilies of the field, which toil not 
neither do they spin. On the contrary, the latter phrase is ap- 
plied nowadays by democratic leaders in reproof of an indolent 
aristocracy. ‘The early Christians dreamed that the morrow 

in their 

286 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

would bring the millennium; there was therefore no need to 
take thought for it, no necessity to lay up riches on earth. 
Such teaching must quickly lead to misery and destitution 
among those who literally practise it, and the saints of Jeru- 
salem, who perhaps strove to do so longer than did other 
congregations, soon became a burthen on the Christians of 
other regions. 
6. Repudiation and ridicule of other religious cults was of 
course no less characteristic of the Jews than of the Chris- 
tians. But then in the Jews it was not part 
in theirmore ofa general moral and social nihilism. The 
siete Jewish monotheistic progaganda moreover 
* could not make way like the Christian, be- 
cause it imposed circumcision on the proselyte; for which 
reason, as Renan has pointed out, it spread more among the 
women than among the men. This explains how it was that 
the Jews, hated as they were by the populace, were yet never 
the objects of penal legislation. Their religion was never put 
under ban and a systematic attempt made to extirpate it. 
They were dreaded less, because their propaganda was slower, 
and still more because its missionaries did not preach that the 
end of the world was at hand, and persuade people to behave 
as if it were really so. The Jewish religion moreover was more 
open and public, and in its sacrificial system resembled other 
cults. The Christians on the other hand 
wrapped up their rites in mystery. They 
met by night and were pledged not to re- 
veal the secrets of their religion. A long catechumenate 
was necessary in order to baptism, and one who was not 
initiated could no more witness their rites or join in their wor- 
ship than an Englishman can at the present day enter a 
Hindoo temple. As late as the middle of the third century 
Babylas, bishop of Antioch, endured martyrdom rather than 
allow the Emperor Decius to enter the church when the con- 
gregation was met therein. 
The teaching of early Christianity was thus altogether sub- 
versive of ancient society. So it would be of modern society, 
and any one set of people who should literally carry it out in 

in the secrecy 
of their rites. 

Acts of S. Caltistratus. 287 

their conduct would very soon come into conflict with estab- 
lished law and morality, and would certainly descend sooner 
or later into beggary and destitution. A system of ethics in- 
spired by the belief that the existing order 

of things is shortly to succumb and by an Early Chris- 
abrupt peripety give way to a kingdom of eee ae 
heaven, in which angels and superhuman society. 
agencies will supersede the slow and arduous 

methods and industry of this earth,—such a system will not 
much avail us until the promise is fulfilled ; we shall be fortu- 
nate if it does not put us into much useless conflict with the 
old and permanent constitution of things. Into such conflict 
the early Christians fell. They were regarded, and rightly, as 
enemies of the human race. If it is possible to endorse any 
judgment of the past we may endorse this one of the authori- 
ties of the Roman empire. 

The Christians waited and waited for the heavenly bride- 
groom who was to come like a thief in the night. Gradually 
the form of their enthusiasm changed, when 
the world continued its course undisturbed It was soon 
as before and yet no signs of the second foreed to com- 

: promise with 
advent. And then they began to compromise the world, 
with the world which was after all so stable, 
and they laid up their old millenarist system of faith and 
morality “like a pattern in the skies.” They recognised it to 
be an ideal too good for the earth, and “the virgins began to 
marry,”’ and the men to accumulate riches, and to serve in the 
armies of the Empire, and in time they forgot all about the 
precept “Swear not at all,” and frequented the law courts like 
other people, and left to posterity the entire Corpus iuris 

But the early period of Christianity had lasted long enough 
for it to become the fixed and justifiable belief of ancient 
society that a Christian was a perverse being who believed the 

* In this connection we may note how the phrase ‘‘to leave the world 
(κόσμον),᾽" which in an earlier age simply meant to become a Christian, 
came in the third or fourth century to denote the monastic life. 

288 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

end of all things to be imminent, and was therefore ready to 
subvert and sweep away every institution, 
yet not before social and political Dynamite and ex- 
τ ΠΡ ν plosions apart, the Christians of this first 
teed for ace) resembled ‘the = most. extreme of: the 
Flagitia. Russian nihilists, and it cannot be denied 
that the Roman government had as good 
grounds for trying to eradicate them as the Russian has 
for trying to make an end of nihilists. Of the history of 
Christianity between A.D. 40 and 120 we have few direct 
monuments, because people who thought the end of the world 
was at hand did not want to write history.1. They did not look 
forward to posterity; indeed they did not believe init. All 
their care was to get themselves ready for the imminent crisis. 
When a conviction is once ingrained in a society and in a 
conservative bureaucracy that a particular set of people are 
dangerous, it is difficult to remove it. The Christians little 
by little parted with their early dreams, and began to com- 
promise with the world and live like sober citizens. But it 
needed generations to pass away before the belief died out for 
which they had at first given ground that they were enemies of 
the human race. 

1 Another reason why so little of the earliest Christian literature has 
survived is, that it was too impregnated with wild Chiliastic dreams to suit 
post-Nicene readers, who therefore took no trouble to make copies of it. 
Even Papias on this account seemed to Eusebius to be σφόδρα σμικρὸς 
τὸν νοῦν. The Greek Irenzeus has vanished for a similar reason. Paul’s 
letters and the gospels have remained, because they were saner than other 
writings of the first age. 


I. In the times when Diocletian was emperor, 
there was much fury on the part of the heathen ; 
and not only did they, because they knew not 
God, work destruction to their own selves, but 
they tried to seduce all men to conform to their 
unholy cult. And those who did so conform, 
especially those who were in high places, not only 
received honours from the Emperor, but also 
made much parade of themselves in the great 
army. But those who avowed their faith in 
Almighty God, and in His word, and in the Holy 
Spirit, were subjected to interrogatories, and to 
torture, and so received the speedy crown and the 
honour of the glory; but, humanly speaking, 
their flesh was consumed with evil and cruel 

II. In that time, first and alone, the brave 
athlete of Christ, whose name was Callistratus, 
in the city of Rome, took unto himself the crown 
of victory ; and in solemn and sturdy combat he 
raised the standard of victory for them who had 
believed in the Lord. For this Callistratus was 
a soldier of the band which was called Chalcedon; 
because these came after the band of the 

289 U 

290 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Acombiti,! which was in Chalcedon, men whom 
they brought against their will to Rome, according 
to the law of conscripts. But Callistratus was of 
the district of Chalcedon, of free family, and of 
one that was benevolent and was filled with divine 
wisdom ; and his great-grandfather, Okorus,’ had 
been in Jerusalem in the days of our Lord Jesus 

Christ, under Pilate the judge. This Okorus had 

1 Acombiti is a barbarism for Accubiti. 
The metaphrast reads here :— 

Καλλίστρατος, ὃς τῆς Καρχηδονίων piv ὥρμητο, σπειρᾷ τῇ τῶν Xadev- 
δῶν λεγομένῃ κατειλεγέντος, ἐν Ῥώμῃ, γενόμενος δὲ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ τάγματι, 
κομιδῆ νεόλεκτος ὦν. 

Under the Earlier empire every Roman citizen was liable to military service 
and could be forced to serve, unless he found a substitute or vicarius (Trajan 
ep. to Pliny, 30). There was thus no special law making every man liable 
to service. From the age of Diocletian onwards, there was a growing 
tendency to substitute a money payment for the levy of recruits which a 
province had to supply, and to take as soldiers only such men as desired to 
serve. So Mommsen (Hermes, vol. 24. art. : ‘‘ Die r6mische Militarwesen 
seit Diocletian” ) remarks, that the words of Ammianus, 21. 6. 6: Sup- 
plementa legionibus scripta sunt indictis per provincias tirociniis were true 
under the old system; under which, however, professors and doctors 
were exempted (Modestians, Dig. 27, 1, 6, 8: μὴ εἰς στρατείαν 
καταλέγεσθαι ἄκοντας). The reference to the law of conscripts may thus, 
in these Acts, be retrospective and glance at asystem of compulsory military 
service which was gradually falling into disuse, as in the fourth century it 
actually did. In the inscriptions of an earlier period (second century) 
there are references to several Cohortes Chalcidenorum (see Mommsen, 
Observ. Epigr., Berlin, 1884, pp. 193, 194). But there is only one inscrip- 
tion (C. 7. L. 2, 2,103) which mentions a Cohors Chalcedonen. In it 
Mommsen would change the reading to Chalcidensis. These Acts confirm 
the inscription in question. Of a Cohors Carthaginensis after the meta- 
phrast’s reading nothing is known. In what sense this Cohors “ came 
after” the Accubiti I do not understand. I presume that the Accubiti were 
a cohort privileged to attend on the person of the emperor, a bed-chamber 
force, as the term implies. The word occurs in the inscription of Diocletian 
regulating prices. Bread and bacon were the regular rations of a Roman 
soldier in that, as in earlier epochs. The reading Χαλενδῶν or Xadavdav 
for Accubiti I do not understand. 2 Newkopos in the metaphrast. 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 291 

seen the Saviour on the cross, had witnessed His 
death and burial in the tomb, and His resurrection 
from the dead, and He believed and was baptized 
on the day of the holy Pentecost, at the descent 
of the Holy Spirit on the holy Apostles, and 
He had believed with the Galileans; and he had 
come to his city and there taught his children and 
his grandchildren to put their hope in the Lord 
Jesus Christ ; and they learned one from the other 
and kept up the lore’ in which their great-grand- 
father instructed them, right on to the blessed 
Callistratus. He alone was a Christian in his 
band; and at every hour he would glorify the 
Lord by means of the words of the Holy Spirit. 
III. Now onacertain night Callistratus arose 
and offered prayers to God; but certain of his 
fellow-soldiers noticed this, and began to say to 
him: “It is not fitting that thou alone shouldst 
be childish among us all; be persuaded therefore, 
and come to the image of Zeus, and take frank- 
incense and blood, and sprinkle them upon it, and 
become along with us dear to the gods. But if 
thou wilt not, then blame us not, because we must 
needs inform our captain of all that thou doest.” 
But the holy Callistratus made answer and said: 
“My brethren, why hath Satan filled your minds ? 
I have not harmed any one of you, nor have I 
oppressed any one of you; in war I am along 
with you ; in the register of names I am perhaps 
classed before you, but on parade I do not 

1 ἐμπορεύματος. 

292 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

separate myself from you, nor in the squadron do 
I pass you by. What reason then have ye now 
to speak evil of me, this I know not; but this | 
know. that ye have not power to cut me off from 
the unspeakable benevolence of Jesus my Saviour 
and from His orthodox worship ; not only have ye 
no power to do so, but not even many more like 
unto you can do so. Let Christ who bore witness 
before Pontius Pilate, and of whom my great- 
grandfather Okorus was an eye-witness, testify 
unto this for me.” 

When they heard this, they rose at dawn and 
informed Presentinus the captain, saying: “πε 
of the number of thy soldiers who are under thy 
control, rebels against the worship of the gods, 
and calls a certain one who is named Christ His 
King and God, and he acknowledges Him 
crucified ; but he also takes upon himself to 
pray and fast, and all his rations of pork and of 
good bread he gives to them that need it, and 
he himself once a day eats dry bread, dipping 
it in water; but lest he should inspire many of 
thy soldiers to revolt with him, therefore we 
have laid information before thy serene Majesty.” 
But Presentinus said: ‘‘ Who is he, and what is 
his name?” And they said: “Bonus Miles,” 
which is, being translated, Callistratus. And 
the captain ordered them to bring him before 
them ; and he said to him in the Roman tongue, 
for the captain did not talk Greek, for the Romans 
cannot at once talk Greek, because of the richness 

of the tongue. And he said to him: “Quid dicunt 

Acts of 5. Callistratus. 293 

socii tui, propter te, celerius dic.” Which, being 
translated, is: ‘What do thy comrades say concern- 
ing thee,quickly tell us.” This history was written 
in the Roman tongue, and thus it is that they 
pronounced the words, who knew the language 
and translated them, and gave them to us; and 
we, without altering them, sent them on to all 
places, which have Christ before their eyes in 
faith and holiness. 

Callistratus made answer and said: Let them 
say, O my Lord, what more they have to say con- 
cerning me; for I know of nothing wrong to impute 
to myself.” Presentinus said to the slanderers: 
‘“What do ye know concerning Callistratus, boni 
militis?” But they said: ‘‘ Nay, rather let your | 
serene Majesty command him to sacrifice to the 
great god Zeus, and thou shalt know then his per- 
verse disposition.” So the captain said: ‘“ Sacrifice, 
O Callistratus, to the god Zeus.” Callistratus said: 
“offer the sacnnce of praise to the oreat. God- 
who made heaven and earth and everything in His 
wisdom; who fashioned man out of dust, and 
fixed his destiny eternal and inviolable; for | 
know not the gods made by hand, but I walk as 
I have learned. For it is written :1 ‘ All the idols 
of the heathens are demons, but the Lord made 
the heavens ;’ and this also:? ‘The idols. of the 
heathens are gold and silver made by the hands of 
the sons of men.’ I therefore, O lord Count, do 
not worship or pay homage to the work of men’s 

τ ΡΟ ROVE δ 2 Ps. cxiii. 4. 

2924 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

hands ; but since I am thy enlisted soldier, and 
am under thy hand, I have obeyed thee in war 
and in drill and in all service ; surely thou hast 
not authority over my soul also, that it should 
serve thee? God forbid!” IV. Presentinus said: 
‘Here, O Callistratus, there is no need for rhetoric, 
but we have to talk about obedience ; wherefore 
comply and sacrifice, that thou mayst not compel 
me to destroy thee in a cruel manner. But | 
think that thou too knowest, that when I arrest 
any man by force, before torturing him, I consume 
him with my roarings.” Callistratus said: ‘‘ Thy 
roaring and thy threatening is but transient ; but 
the wailing and the gnashing of teeth is eternal.' 
For if I deny my Lord Jesus Christ before men, 
He will shut me out, He the Master of the house, 
and there shall be weeping of eyes and gnashing 
of teeth.” 

Then the captain ordered that he should be 
pinioned and beaten with clubs, until eight men 
had taken their turn at it. And as they beat him, 
the holy Callistratus said : “1 have sworn and have 
resolved to keep the judgments of thy righteous- 
ness, O Lord.?, We were very faint, but do thou 
revive me, according to Thy word,’ nor suffer the 
destroyer and the many-headed beast to rejoice 
over me; but strengthen me, Christ, and be unto 
me a tongue, in order that I may answer, anda 
physician, in order that my wounds may be healed; 

1 Matt. viii. 12. 2 Psal. cxviii. 106. 
5. Psal. cxviii. 107. 

Acts of S. Caltistratus. 295 

for many pangs have I in my flesh because of 
these torments.” 

But when the captain saw his blood gushing out 
in rivulets upon the earth, he ordered them to 
cease from beating him; and he said to him: 
“Sacrifice, O Callistratus, to the gods, in order that 
thou mayest be saved from instant tortures ; for I 
swear by Artemis, crowned with rays, and by all 
the company of the gods, unless thou obeyest me, 
I will cut thee into bits, and the dogs shall devour 
thy flesh and the lions lick up thy blood.” — Callis- 
tratus said: ‘I hope in the King of Heaven, in 
God, that He will bring me out of the mouth of 
the lions, and save my helplessness from the hands 
of the dogs, in order that not I alone of this thy 
band may praise Him ; for I have expectation that 
by opposing Him, and going out against Him, I 
shall raise the standard of victory over the Devil, 
who incites thee against me. V. Then the captain 
ordered them to pound up potsherds and to scatter 
them beneath him, and to stretch the saint on his 
back, so that the potsherds might lacerate his back 
and his wounds. And they placed a funnel in his 
mouth, and he ordered them to pour water with a 
jug into his mouth. But the brave champion of 
Christ suffered these tortures with courage. And 
when he had risen up, he said: “Ὁ God of Abra- 
ham, Isaac and Jacob, give me strength to meet the 
artifices of the devil ; and save me from him, lest 
he destroy me, and lest he find a vantage-ground 
against me.” 

The captain said: ‘ Sacrifice, O Callistratus, to 

296 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

the gods; otherwise I will take away thy life, 
that others of this band be not also lost through 
thee.” The holy Callistratus said: ‘“ Unworthy 
man, and shameless, thou art eager to do combat 
for the flock of Satan, thy master, not knowing that 
this flock belongs to my Christ. But I hope in 
the King of Heaven, in my Lord Jesus Christ, 
that however much thou mayest struggle in behalf 
of the Devil, yet I shall take him captive, and shall 
snatch them from the number of thy forces, and 
illuminate them, and establish the Church of Christ 
in the middle of this city.” But the captain said: 
‘*OQut on thee, unholy one, and thrice miserable ; 
behold my command is urgent before thine eyes. 
This instant my government orders me to cast 
thee into a sack, and to seal up its mouth, and to 
take and throw thee into the middle of the sea: 
How then canst thou establish the Church of 
Christ, or when wilt thou illuminate any of the 
number of the bands of my soldiers?” And he 
ordered them to bring a linen sack, and to throw 
him into it, and he sealed the mouth of the sack 
with lead, and he gave it into the hands of the 
crew, and the crew bore it into the middle of the 
sea, about forty furlongs, and threw it into the sea. 
And the captain stood on the shore of the sea, 
until the sailors came. But the sack went down 
and was caught in a hollow of the rocks; and 
even while he was under the sea Callistratus 
offered up prayers, saying: “Ὁ God, invisible and 
unsearchable, unattainable and unutterable, whose 
throne of glory cannot be declared, before whom 

Acts of S. Calttistratus. 297 

all things tremble and quail, whose threats consume 
the mountains, and whose name and title cleaves 
asunder the abysses, before whom the sea shrinks 
abashed along with the rivers and the whales, who 
didst search out the heart of Jonas and didst 
receive his prayers when he came forth on the 
land, even though he was imprisoned as it were in 
everlasting bonds, and didst rescue his life from 
destruction ; now also receive the prayers of me, 
who am a sinner, and in distress, and let my 
prayers come to the temple of thy holy glory; 
save me from this present oppression, for thou 
hast known my works even from my childhood. 
Thou knowest, O Lord, that I desired to establish 
Thy, Church in the midst of this city; be my 
fellowworker for good, because Holy is Thy 
name forever.” 

And after he had offered his prayer, the sack 
chanced upon a narrow passage between rocks, 
and was torn asunder, and a certain fish! of the 
dolphin tribe took him and bore him upwards 
from the depths to the shore of the sea, and laid 
him down upon the sands, and then it turned 
round and fled back into the sea. But when the 
soldiers and their captain beheld him, they were 
much dismayed. But Callistratus began to sing 
a psalm and said, “1 descended into the depths 
of the sea, and the cataracts engulphed me ;?” but 
I was not disquieted, and cried out,® for Thou 
hast heard the voice of my prayer; Thou hast 

1 According to the metaphrast ¢zvo dolphins. 
2 Ps. Ixviii. 3, 4. TSE ΧΧΧ 22, 

298 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

torn asunder my sack, and hast established me 
in gladness.”’ VI. Then forty and nine of the 
soldiers fell down before the blessed Callistratus, 
saying : “δε pray thee, servant of God on High, 
save us from the vanity of this world, for we also 
are Christians ; for great indeed is the God of the 
Christians, who hath brought thee out of such an 
abyss; He is able also to help in battle whomso- 
even ie will tor tle alone 1s God. ‘The holy 
Callistratus said: ‘‘ My Lord Jesus Christ shall 
deliver you, and henceforth ye shall see the king 
of Heaven.” 

And he prayed thus: ‘“ Lord, who hast Thy 
dwelling for ever in unapproachable light, look 
upon this Thy flock which is in Thee, and pre- 
serve them, because Thou art merciful, continually, 
and tor ever. VII. But Presentinus said, ‘I 
swear by the sun, by the Emperor, this fellow is 
full of exceeding wizardry, for he hath cloven 
asunder the sea, and hath tricked these men.” 
And he said to him: “1 will oppose this wizardry 
of thine ; grant me a little while, and thou shalt 
know who is Presentinus, and who is the God 
whom thou servest.” And he sat down upon his 
judgment-seat, and ordered them to bring rods, 
and he caused the forty and nine men to be 
scourged one after the other. But they said, 
“Lord Jesus, this torture we endure for Thy 
sake ; help us, O God, the Saviour, and give us 
strength to bear it; preserve also our shepherd, 

1 Ps, xxix. 2. 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 299 

Callistratus, in order that he may teach us per- 
fectly, for we are as it were dumb animals, and 
have not the knowledge of Thy will. Look 
graciously upon our salvation, for blessed is Thy 
name for ever.” 

VIII. But thereupon the unholy captain ordered 
them to be put in prison, in order that he might 
think about them: for he was very grieved at 
having lost fifty men out of the number of his 
soldiers. And when they came into the prison, 
the holy Callistratus began to establish with prayer 
the forty and nine men, whose names are the fol- 
lowing :' Acacius, Domnasius, Bibianus, Basiliscus, 
Bemarchus, Dorotheus, Gerontes, Alpius, Anthi- 
mus, Aragseos, Anictus, Bitalius, Grigorius, Geor- 
gius, Gigandius, Genadius, Domninus, Dulcimius, 
Dometianus, Dedalius, Dalmatius, Eusebius, 
Evagrius, Elsiidius, Eutolius, Evarestus, Eva- 
grius, Tharasimides, Theodorus, Therasius, Ly- 
simachus, Lambliricus, Liminus, Constantinus, 
Canditianus, Heliages, Hysicus, Heliodorus, 
Memnus, Milinus, Madrinus, Marcianus, Nicatius, 
Nicolaius, Olombrius, Utripeus, Olipeus, Xan- 
thius. ΑἹ] these fell down before the holy Callis- 
tratus, and sought of him the knowledge of Christ. 
But the holy martyr of Christ spread out his 
hands to heaven, and spoke thus : “Ο God, who 
hast made everything, who art the all-wise Lord 
of all, who art praised by the numberless hosts of 
angels, who art perfect Creator; O God of our 

1 The metaphrast omits the names. I give the Arm. spelling. 

300 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

fathers, look down upon this Thy flock; come 
unto us, and be among us full, ©, Lord. thy 
faithful promise, that where two or three are 
gathered together in My Name, I am there in 
the midst of them." Hear us, O King of eternity, 
scatter, O Lord, the flame of the devil. Remove, 
O Lord, the furnace of fire, that it may not rise 
higher than forty and nine cubits ;” in order that 
all the heathens may see Thy glory, and may 
glorify Thee, O King of eternity. Vouchsafe 
unto me, O Lord, wisdom and knowledge, in 
order that I may cause Thy servants to believe, 
and bring them before Thee; for blessed is Thy 
Name for ever.” 

And they all with one accord uttered the Amen ; 
and one of them, whose name was Dalmatius, 
arose, and said to the holy Callistratus: “1 pray 
thee, my lord Callistratus, make us Christians, and 
teach us the word of God, that we may not be 
ever in doubt. Show us our hope and our future 
help. Recount to us all the wisdom of God, in 
order that we too may, by the grace of Christ, 
be glorifiers of Him along with Thee. For our 
fathers did not ever teach us the paths of right- 
eousness.. Then said unto them the holy Callis- 
tratus, “ Children mine, and dear brothers, may 
the Lord give you grace and pity, and may my 
God bring to light your desire. May the God of 

1 Matt. xviii. 20. 

2 In the descent of Christ into hell (see Tischendorf, Evang. Afoc.), the 
Saviour causes the flames to retreat. The passage in the text may refer to 
some such legendary belief. 

Acts of S. Catlstratus. 301 

heaven and earth fill you with all goodness ; for I 
know that ye have an exceeding desire to hear 
the commandment of God. Now, therefore, 
since ye are athirst for righteousness, may the 
Lord fill you and intoxicate you and satiate you 
with the all-good and sufficing grace of the Holy 
Spirit, and with all the hope which ye have in the 
Lord Christ. But yet, my friends, 1 am unworthy 
and weak to tell of the unapproachable depths of 
the thoughts of God, but let each of you ask what 
he will, and make prayer for me; because I 
hope in the Lord Jesus Christ that, through your 
prayers, the Lord may give me speech to open 
my mouth boldly, and to speak clearly as an in- 
terpreter the plan of the economy of Christ.” 
Then Bemarchus fell down before him and asked 
him, and said: “I pray thee, sir, tell me, how God 
is understood and known, and in what way He 
begot Christ, or for what reason and why the 
Jews crucified Him and slew Him.” 

IX. The holy Callistratus said, ‘‘ God is light 
without shadow, invisible and unapproachable ; 
He hath neither beginning nor end; life without 
ferin, Clenmity -withoul.chatiee:. this 19 ΕΙ͂Θ Ite 
has neither limits nor place, but in all things He 
is everywhere, and there is nowhere a place in 
which He is not. No one is before Him, nor 
after Him, nor yet beside Him. He is an un- 
knowable, an unintelligible nature. But for our 
weakness He is called light and life, reality, im- 
mortality, eternity, might, wisdom, mind, and 
whatsoever other names are heard in the holy 

302 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

books. Father and Son, spotless birth and un- 
searchable; the Word from the heart of the 
Father, and indivisible from the Father, Offspring 
inseparable, as is the light from the sun; Son, but 
not created, nor yet fashioned, and not in a lower 
degree, nor subservient, but sharer in reality and 
in being, and sharing in His quality of being 
without beginning. For ever in the bosom of the 
Father, according to the holy John, the evange- 
list, who saith, ‘ From the beginning was the Word, 
and the Word was God; He was from the be- 
ginning with God. Everything was through 
Him, and without Him was nothing which has 
been made. Through Him was life, and the 
life was light unto men, and the light was ashine 
there in the darkness, and the darkness appre- 
hended Him not.’ And again, ‘God hath no one 
seen at any time, except the Only Born, who is in 
the bosom of the Father,’ and the Holy Spirit, 
who emanated and proceeded from the Father ; 
though not born, as is the Word, but an emana- 
tion and an effulgence of the eternal light; not 
made, nor yet lower than Father and Son, but 
coequal with them, and sharing their substance 
and partaking equally with the Father and Son. 
All substance of the Father is of the Son, except 
that He is not begetter, but begotten ; and all 
substance of the Son is of the Holy Spirit; ex- 
cept that this is not begotten, but emanation ; yet 
not that which sends forth the emanation, but 
that which has emanated; and through unity, by 
reason of His Godhead, He is equal in honour 

Acts of S. Calhstratus. 303 

with Father and with Son, and there is one glory 
and one Godhead of the Trinity, one beginning- 
less eternity of Father and Son and Holy Spirit ; 
three Persons in their completeness, one self-hood 
and rule, one will and one counsel. It is wholly 
vision, it is wholly light, it is-wholly hearing, 
wholly life, all this and whatsoever name and title 
else, by which we who are made of clay, call Him 
according to our weak understanding. One they 
are and equal, and ona level; except that there 
is Father, and there is His Offspring, the Word, 
and the emanation likewise of Him, the Holy 
Spirit, in three perfect persons. 

“Therefore the holy and co-equal Trinity willed 
and established everything. The Father, by 
means of the Word, through the Holy Spirit, 
made heaven and earth, and divided the heavens 
with fire and the earth with water; He made also 
the light, according to which He also created the 
heavenly host ; and parted waters from waters, 
and shot out the foam-flakes of His firmament. 
And the earth He adorned with things which 
blossom and grow, and the firmament with the 
sun and moon and stars; the earth, too, with 
four-footed animals and creeping things and with 
fishes did he fill, and the air with birds, according 
to the command which He gave to earth and 
waters to bring forth the breath of life. 

‘And when He had established all things by 
the power of His awful Godhead, which hung the 
heavens from nothing, and laid the earth upon 
nothing, and made all the elements real out of 

304. Monuments of Early Christianity. 

nothing ; then at last He fashioned man out of 
dust, according to the image of His own Immor- 
tality, and gave Him free will to rule withal over 
all creatures which are below heaven. And He 
gave him a dwelling in the sinlessness of the 
garden of delight, and promised to advance him 
to yet greater glory, if he would be obedient to 
His law in a little thing. But Satan was an angel 
formed first, and created in the heavens ; and be- 
cause he was full of pride, and rose up in spiritual 
revolt against the Omnipotent God, therefore he 
fell from his glory. And he was jealous of man, 
and in his guile he sowed polytheism by making 
him taste of a fruit; and because man desired to 
be equal to God, God deprived him of his glory, 
and cast him out of the paradise where he was 
cherished by God. But forasmuch as he was the 
image of immortal God, Satan was not able nor 
had strength to efface him, and utterly destroy 
him; but, by reason of his free will and of his 
craft, he fought against the race of men, and 
polluted them with all kinds of evils, with murder 
of their brothers, and with lawless unions. And 
the first race who did not obey the preaching of 
the just Noah, were therefore destroyed by a 
flood; and there only remained Noah and his 
children, eight souls. After that, by reason of 
their building the tower, their tongues were sepa- 
rated one from the other, and race by race, so 
that they were seventy and two races in number 
over the whole earth. And after that, Satan 
prompted them to worship idols, and to pollute 

Acts of 85. Callistratus. 305 

themselves with the worship of everything, as 
you now behold—worship which the Lord will 
remove and destroy from among us. And thus 
he sowed the first seeds, and made the beginning 
of polytheism, when he said to Eve, ‘ Ye shall be 
gods’; so leading men to vain worship ; and the 
whole earth was in great sin. 

‘“And the great God was moved to pity them, 
and He chose the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and 
Jacob; and their seed He took to Himself as 
His chosen people. And them He brought out 
of Egypt by the hand of Moses, and gave them 
laws, which laws also Satan destroyed, for they 
made a calf in the desert, and polluted themselves 
with abominations. And the second time in pity 
He gave them priests and prophets; but they 
believed not in them either, because of the 
promptings of Satan; neither were they schooled 
or corrected by tribulation or slavery, or invoca- 
tion by name of the angels ;* and the whole earth 
with one accord was perverted, and followed after 
Satan, seeking from him the fulfilment of their evil 
wishes. But God, in His noble pity, had com- 
passion on the race of men, and sent His only- 
begotten Word into the world, who hallowed the 
virgin Miriam, and dwelt in her, and (she) con- 
ceived inviolate without the seed of man, and 
without concupiscence, of herself fashioned an 
incorruptible body, according to the leader of the 

1 --ὠἰπικλήσει ἀγγέλων. The Essenes bound themselves by oath not to 

reveal to unbelievers the names of the angels. Comp. Paul, Ep. to Eph. 
i. 21. 


206 Monuments of Early (ἠγιρέταπτίγ. 

angels, Gabriel, who said, ‘The Holy Spirit shall 
come upon thee, and the power of the Most High 
shall overshadow thee; for that which shall be 
born of thee is holy, and a Son of God ; and they 
shall call His name Jesus, because He shall save 
His people from their sins.’ AndHe was conceived 
incorruptible, and was born incorruptible, yet was 
wrapped in swaddling clothes, and was laid in the 
manger of the brutes as if He were man; by the 
magd He was honoured with sacramental gifts, by 
the shepherds He was glorified, who sang with 
the angels; ‘Glory in the highest to God, and 
on earth peace, good will to men.’ He was cir- 
cumcised as man, He was presented in the temple 
as man, but the aged Simeon besought' Him as 
from God. He was driven by persecution into 
Egypt, and there He turned the city of idol- 
worshippers to a knowledge of God.? Thence 
He returned, and dwelt in Galilee in the city of 

1 Probably the original reading here meant ‘‘ regarded him.” 

2 This incident is related in the apocryphal Gospel of the Infancy. 

8 This entire chapter IX. is by the metaphrast compressed into a 
single page. The Incarnation is also set forth rather differently. God 
sends His only-born Son, and arranges that He should become man like 
ourselves, without, however, giving up His essential divinity (αὐτὸ τὸ 
εἶναι θεός) ; in order that He might by the screen of flesh and human form 
deceive the devil who had deceived us, and that the latter, supposing that 
He was only attacking man, might be drawn into a conflict with God. (ἵνα 
TO τῆς σαρκὸς προβλήματι καὶ TH ἀνθρωπίνῃ μορφῇ Tov ἡμᾶς ἀπατήσαντα 
δελεάσῃ, καὶ ἀνθρώπῳ οἰόμενος προσβαλεῖν, Veo περιπέσῃ. ὃ δὴ καὶ γέγονε.) 
This explanation of the Incarnation as a divine ruse to catch the devil was 
very common. We meet with it again in the Acts of Eustratius (Migne, 
Patrol. Gr., 116, p. 493). There the Divine Word ἐτέχθη ἐκ τῆς ἁγίας 
παρθένου μὴ τραπεὶς τῇ θειότητι, ἀλλὰ φορέσας THY τοῦ προβάτου δορὰν 
διὰ τὴν τοῦ λύκου πρόοδον, z.c., He dons the sheepskin to lure the devil on. 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 307 

“But let not one of you stumble and say that 
Christ took His origin from the Virgin; for, ac- 
cording to the flesh, He appeared from the Vir- 
gin, but according to His Godhead, He is equal 
to the Father, as I said above. And let not one 
of you say that He brought His flesh and body 
from heaven, for He derived it from the Virgin. 
Nor let any one of you say that He was merely 
God or merely man, but rather that He is God 
and man, God in the flesh, and man in His God- 
head, not confounded nor changed. For He says 
in the Proverbs:' ‘The Lord acquired Me the 
beginning of all paths in His works, before that 
the abysses were, before the fountains of the 
waters, before all the hills He hath begotten Με; 
when He made ready His throne, I was with 
Him. I it was with whom He was rejoicing.’ 
But with regard to the flesh, He says that the 
mystery of the incarnation of Christ was, before 
the world came into being. However, He was 
fashioned incorruptible from the Virgin. This 
same only-begotten Word of the Father, who was 
incarnate by the holy Virgin, was silent for thirty 
years ; but after that He was baptized by John in 
the river Jordan. And as He went up out of the 
water, the heaven was opened to Him, and the 

*‘ For if,” continues Eustratius, ‘‘God had simply struck down the devil 
with His heavenly might, as He might have done, but as I cannot, then 
He would have enabled the devil to explain his defeat by saying, ‘I con- 
quered man, and was conquered by God.’” καὶ εὐαπολόγητος ἂν ὕπηρχεν. 
The devil is assumed to be too stupid to penetrate the divine disguise. 

1 Prov. viii. 22 seq. 

308 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

Holy Spirit descended in the visible form of a 
dove upon Him; and the Father from on high 
bore witness to His body that could be seen, 
saying: ‘He is My beloved Son, in whom I am 
well pleased.’ This John saw and marvelled, and 
hesitated to baptize Him; but the Lord said to 
him : ‘Grant this now, for thus it is meet that we 
should fulfil all righteousness. As the sinless 
John, son of the high priest Zachariah, bore wit- 
mess 46 Christ, and said :.* Behold, Christ;the 
Lamb of God, who taketh away the sins of the 
world.” For He was named Jesus from His 
birth, whom the angel heralded to Mary, but 
Christ from the anointing of the Holy Spirit, 
which came down into the Jordan in the likeness 
of a dove. And after this, He was tempted by 
Satan, but vanquished the tempter in a threefold 
manner ; for He was for forty days without food, 
and the God who was united and joined in Him 
with man, enabled the man to triumph over vain 
glory and pride, and avarice and love of wealth. 
He walked among us yet another three years, 
and preached the good tidings of the kingdom of 
heaven. On the blind He bestowed sight, the 
lame He made to walk, the lepers He cleansed, 
demons He cast out, the legion He gave to the 
deep sea, the dead He raised, and healed all 
other pains and diseases ; and many other works 
of power and greatness He wrought. But they 
did not receive Him, neither did they believe in 
Him, as saith the holy evangelist John, namely : 
‘He came to His own, but His own received 

Acts. of 5: (αέζρέγαξᾳ,μν. 309 

Him not,’ and in all ways mankind went out after 
nothing and found nothing. 

‘But our Lord Jesus Christ for this reason 
came to suffer, in order that He might break the 
power of Satan. Sitting upon a young ass, He 
entered into Jerusalem, after He had summoned 
from the grave, where he had lain for four days, 
His loved Lazarus. He preached beforehand 
the destruction of hell, and therefore also the 
young men of the Jews went before Him with 
branches of palm and sang: ‘Hosanna in the 
highest, blessing to the son of David, peace upon 
earth and glory in the highest.” And He, even 
before this, had upon Mount Tabor, given a fore- 
type of the mystery of His resurrection, with the 
testimony of Moses and Elias. And He came to 
Jerusalem on the great day of the Passover, an 
old and lawful festival, and on that day He also 
washed the feet of the disciples, and made them 
sharers of the holy mystery, and dispensed to His 
disciples His body and His blood. And having 
come to the cross, He was nailed upon it by the 
lawless Jews, and confirmed the word of the 
prophets who foretold concerning Him in their 
preachings. But at His crucifixion the sun was 
darkened and the rocks were riven, the earth was 
shaken, and the veil of the temple rent in twain. 
And at the same hour in which Adam went forth 
from the garden, in that same hour He gave the 
robber entrance into the garden, saying to him : 
‘This day shalt thou be with Me in the garden.’ 
He went down into hell alone, but went forth 

210 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

thence with a great multitude; He loosed them 
that were bound by Satan, but him He bound in 
darkness with bonds that shall never be loosed, 
and He brought to light the treasures of dark- 
ness. He rose from the dead on the third day. 
With the same incorruptible body He ascended 
into heaven, and with the same body He sat 
down on the right hand of the Father; and He 
cometh with the same body to judge all crea- 

“But then, O my brethren, those who were 
taken in madness were miserable; but now, by 
means of the cross of Christ, they have been 
raised to ineffable glory. But he who shall deny 
Him before men, is given over into the hands of 
hell. But think ye not that they are few who 
believe in Christ, but many those who worship 
the work of men’s hands; for I hope in our Lord 
Jesus Christ that this faith of ours will be so 
multiplied, that it will be rather spread abundantly 

1 All the extra-canonical details in the above are omitted by the meta- 

For the binding of Satan cp. the Descensus Christi, pars II. ch. viii. 
(xxiv.) : Et Ecce dominus Iesus Christus . . . catenam suis deportans 
manibus Satan cum collo ligauit, et iterum a tergo ei religans manus 
resupinum eum elisit in Tartarum et cet. 

I cannot find in any apocryph the detail that the crucified thief entered 
Paradise at the very hour in which Adam left Paradise. The entry of the 
thief into Paradise is described in the Descensus Christi. These legends 
are all to be found in the Testaments of the Patriarchs (Test. Levi, ur) : 
καίγε αὐτὸς ἀνοίξει τὰς θύρας τοῦ παραδείσου, καὶ στήσει τὴν ἀπειλοῦσαν 
ῥομφαίαν κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Αδάμ, καὶ δώσει τοῖς ἁγίοις φαγεῖν ἐκ τοῦ ξύλου τῆς 
ζωῆς, καὶ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἔσται ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς. Καὶ ὁ Βελίαρ δεθήσεται 
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καὶ δώσει ἐξουσίαν τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τοῦ πατεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρὰ 

Acts of S. Caltlistratus. 211 

over the face of the whole earth. But do ye, 
my friends, stand strong in this faith, which | 
have taught unto you, with candid heart, as to 
genuine brethren.” 

X. And when the saint had finished the sum- 
mary of his argument, Heladorus’* rose and asked 
him and said: 1 pray thee, my lord Callistratus, 
when a man dies, what becomes of his soul, where 
does it go, or what does it do, or where does it 
dwell, whether in torment or in repose?” The 
holy Callistratus said: “As Christ rose from the 
dead, so also must we rise and stand before His 
judgment-seat ; and each of us will have to give 
answer according to his works, according as they 
are good or bad, in the day of reckoning. But 
the garden is made ready for them that are 
worthy of Him. Now when his last day comes 
upon a man, angels come to him; and when they 
see the soul of the man, if he is just, they rejoice, 
and they take it with psalms and hymns, and 
carry it eastwards,” and they carry it past six 

1 Heliodorus in the Greek. 

2 For the belief that the soul went eastwards cp. Eusebius, 1. £., 430. 
19, where a martyr puzzles the judge Firmilianus by saying that he was 
going to the heavenly Jerusalem, the country of the pious (πατρίδα τῶν 
εὐσεβῶν) and that this κεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐταῖς ἀνατολαῖς καὶ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντι 

For the belief in the seven heavens consult the Testamentum Levi, 
chs. B’ and y’ and the Vision or Ascension of Isaiah, passim. In Origen, 
de Principiis, 83, we read : Denique etiam Baruch Prophetze librum in as- 
sertionis huius testimonium vocant, quod ibi de septem mundis vel ccelis 
evidentius indicatur. 

Origen also seems to have believed in an intermediate stage of existence 
or purgatory, as an interval between death and day of judgment such as 
Callistratus taught. In it the soul is not yet rejoined with the body, and 

212 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

spheres (or circles), past the storehouse of hail 
and snow, past the streams of rain, and past all 
the regions of storehouses, and past the spirits of 
wickedness which there are in the air; and they 
carry it in to the seventh circle, and set it down 
full opposite the glory of God, and he adores God 
in the seventh circle below the firmament ; accord- 
ing to the preacher, who saith, that the flesh shall 
return to the dust whence it was created, but the 
spirit shall return to God who gave it. And the 
spirit, having returned by means of the provi- 
dence of the angels of God, beholds the garden 
and the reward apportioned to its good works, 
and is glad with the hope of what is to come. 
However, without the body the spirit cannot re- 
ceive its reward ; but remains there and glorifies 
God in silence. But the places of their abode 
are below the firmament, above the sun. For 
when Christ died and descended into hell, He 
veiled His Godhead with His spirit; for His 
Godhead remained inseparable and undivided of 
body and of soul. But when He had robbed hell, 
and liberated the spirits which were in prison, 
and given them over into the hands of the Father, 
then He gave them a dwelling-place in the air, 
below the firmament, in a place which was put 

is escorted by angels who ‘‘ lead the soul” (ψυχαγωγοῖς). Cp. Origen, de 
Princ., 105: Ut etiamsi quis ex hac vita minus eruditus abierit, probabilia 
tamen opera detulerit, instrui poterit in illa Jerusalem sanctorum civitate, 
id est, edoceri et informari, et effici lapis vivus. See E. R. Redepenning’s 
note on the above passage, and for the transition to this class of belief from 
the earlier millenarism cp. Martineau’s Seat of Authority in Religion, p. 


Acts of S. Callistratus. 313 

high and lifted out of reach of the power of Satan, 
and of the wickedness of the air. For the evil 
powers of the air fight for our spirits, and for that 
reason our spirits are transmitted by means of 
angels and issue forth into regions high above the 
dwelling-place of the devil and of his host. But 
just as a good spirit is conveyed by means of 
good angels, so also an evil spirit is conveyed by 
means of bad angels ; not that angels are bad, for 
the devil alone is bad, and the demons who com- 
ply with his bad wishes; but because men are 
evil doers and because of their impure courses, 
their angels also are in name called bad. Thus 
let us understand it: one soldier is sent by the 
king, to praise and do honour to the good and 
virtuous, but to slay and torment the evil-doers. 
Now in one and the same way, the angels of 
some men are good and of others bad, because 
of their respective actions. Thus the angels 
are good and fond of man, and minister to the 
complete fulfilment of the will of the benevolent 
God, being holy and pure. When therefore the 
sinner dies, the angel takes this spirit, and bears 
it away in sorrow and grief, being ashamed of 
its works. Then at once there come upon him 
the demons of the air dancing, and they raise a 
war, and they name him as their own, and they 
clap their hands and leap. But the angel drives 
them back and murmurs fiercely against them, 
and so passes by them, and brings the spirit up 
to the seventh circle, underneath the water-borne 
firmament, and stations it there full opposite the 

21 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

glory of God, and then does homage in reverence 
before God. As it is written also in the psalm : 
‘All the races which Thou hast made shall come 
and prostrate themselves before Thee, they shall 
make Thy name glorious for ever.’ And by 
means of the angel the spirit beholds the place of 
judgment and the reward of his works, and he 15 
grieved and perpetually laments the destruction 
of his soul. For when the spirit is separated 
from the body, it comprehends and beholds the 
future more clearly than if it were before its eyes. 
But until the judgment comes, the spirits re- 
ceive not their rewards nor their torments ; how- 
ever, they know from their own deeds what they 
are going to receive, and apart by themselves 
they rejoice or sorrow, and with still voice they 
praise God in security. But the just are filled 
with desire to see the day of requital ; but the 
sinners look at the deeds they have done, and 
they sorrow and lament, knowing full well what 
torments they are going to suffer in the day of 
judgment. But by the Divine goodness, patience — 
and rest is bestowed on both sides until the day 
of reckoning. But to the Christians there is 
great hope even after death ; for if there are any- 
where parents or brothers, or children, or relatives, 
or anyone at all who is a Christian and who 1s 
compassionate, and who offers up prayers or con- 
secrates oblations and alms, so gaining the inter- 
cession of the saints, they can thus consign to 
this great place of rest him who looked forward 
to torments. For God is propitiated and remits 

Acts of S. Callstratus. στ: 

the sins of them who have fallen asleep by means 
of the offering of Christ, which is sacrificed upon 
the holy table for the salvation and for the life 
and for the pardon of the living and the dead. 
But, my brethren, deceive yourselves not in your 
hearts, nor suppose that at the time of death the 
just man has received the rewards of his right- 
eousness, or the sinner the sentence of his re- 
quital. For how can this be? For our bodies 
remain here, but the soul passes alone and by 
itself into the afore-mentioned place. For if there 
be no resurrection, and if our bodies do not rise 
from the tombs and stand before the awful tri- 
bunal, and receive each according to its works, 
how would it be possible for the sinful flesh to be 
destroyed, and the soul alone judged. Perhaps a 
man might string together reasons, putting upon 
the body the harm of a man’s sins. The just 
therefore cannot receive their reward, nor the 
sinners their torments, until the coming of that 
day, concerning which Paul saith: ‘The trumpet 
sounds and the dead shall arise in the twinkling 
of an eye. For, as Christ died, so He also arose 
with the same incorruptible body; not that it 
became incorruptible after His resurrection, God 
forbid! for rather He put on Himself incorruptible 
from the Virgin, the sinful body of Adam, and 
absorbed and sunk its corruptibility in His God- 
head, and with the same body thus made Divine, 
He died and rose. Even as my great-grand- 
father Okorus accurately heard and learnt in 
Jerusalem from the holy apostles, who, with their 

2:16 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

own eyes, saw Him upon the Cross, saw Him 
laid in the sepulchre, saw Him risen from the 
sepulchre ; and when He came to His disciples in 
the upper chamber, wherein He made good the 
deficiencies in faith of Thomas, my great-grand- 
father Okorus saw him; and when the Holy 
Spirit descended on the day of Pentecost he be- 
lieved and was baptized by the holy apostles. I 
therefore learnt this from his tradition, and from 
the holy evangelists, and from the apostles, and 
from the prophets before them. But that which 
I teach you I say truly in Christ, and lie not, that 
as Christ rose, so we shall rise with the same 
body incorruptible, and shall stand before the 
tribunal of Christ, and shall enjoy the fruits of our 
respective works, according to the just and im- 
partial award of Christ. 

“But this also I teach you, brethren, that when 
they rise from the dead, after that there is not 
any expiation or remission of their sins, nor any 
intercession, for the door of the kingdom is shut 
to them who have not entered here in the body. 
As therefore ye henceforth know all this, my 
brethren, be ye zealous in good works, and hasten 
to enter before the door be shut.” ? 

XI. Domitianus made answer and said: ‘‘What 
dost thou say, my lord Callistratus? Surely, 
then, those who sin are not judged at all in this 
world, and receive not here their requital, but for 

1 The entire § X is in the metaphrast compressed into a section of twenty 

Acts of 5. Callsstratus. 210 

all the day of judgment is reserved to the other 
world?” The holy Callistratus replied: “ God is 
long-suffering and very compassionate, He desires 
not the death of a sinner who repents of his sins, 
and who is conscious of his transgressions, and 
acknowledges them, and falls down in prayer be- 
fore God, lamenting, and saying from the bottom 
of his heart : “Ὁ God, expiate my sins,” and who 
thenceforth does righteousness. Though his sins 
be many, he is able to wipe them out by means of 
prayer, and fasting, and almsgiving ; to him God 
remits them, God who is benign and not revenge- 
ful, and who desires that every man should live, 
and come to a knowledge of the truth. But if 
any one pollute himself for a long time in many 
sins, and blaspheme God, if he shall rob and stint 
the orphans, and oppress the widows, swearing 
falsely, and ridiculing them, adding extortion to 
extortion, and usury to usury, and if he grow rich 
out of his injustice, and treasure up his own dam- 
nation; if, in addition to all this, he also should 
soil himself with adultery, and with the abomina- 
tion of all kinds of fornication, then the benevolent 
God looks upon him to see if he lingers and 
tarries over his evildoings, and after that He will 
apportion unto him in remembrance of his evil 
deeds, when he can no more be turned away from 
evil. And the life of such a one shall be de- 
stroyed, and his goods shall be plundered, and his 
body shall be destroyed, and taking with him his 
evil deeds alone, he shail pass miserably out of 
life, unburied in his own land; his orphans shall 

318 Monuments of Early Christrantty. 

be plundered, and his life shall leave no trace of 
itself. This is the portion of them that are 
puffed up by their riches which they have gained 
by injustice, and who have not walked according 
to the commandments of God. But if a man be 
poor, and walk in the like evil path, he is troubled 
with miserable woes, being full of sin during his 
life, and the might of God is in no way a help to 
him; for God hates evil-doers, who return not 
from their evil paths. And such a one is found 
to have lost his riches, and to have forfeited all 
the good things of life, and even his bare wants 
of the body are not supplied to him. And if his 
life be prolonged, it is still more pitiable ; and 
unless he devote himself to prayer, and do right- 
eousness, he is miserable beyond all men. For 
straightway there come upon him tribulations and 
afflictions from which there is no escape, anguish 
that is intolerable, and all the means of life fail him. 
And frenzy, and care, and many other troubles 
befall him, and consume his flesh like a viper, and 
like a basilisk suck his blood; and he is the prey 
of detestable woes, leprosy and scurvy, and he 
shall desire only his daily fare, and shall not find 
it, and he shall be hateful and despicable to all, a 
laughing-stock, and source of scoffing, an eyesore, 
and a butt to all beholders ; ambushes shall come 
on him whence he knows not, and he shall be 
smitten with unforeseen accidents. Yea, and 
many such take their own lives, and mercilessly 
massacre themselves on account of the woes that 
they cannot endure, and their memory is miserably 

Acts of S. Callistratus. | 319 

effaced from their life. So is it for the poor man 
who soils himself with many sins, and regards 
not the commandments of God. But there is 
also another fate which may befall both classes, 
both those who live in evil doing and are rich, 
and also those who are poor. For God is merci- 
ful, and may grant them on earth long spell of 
health, and to suit His ends, even bestows un- 
broken prosperity in all directions ; bodily health, 
fruitfulness of lands, fecundity of animals, respect 
and honour from great and little alike, life alto- 
gether without care, and long and glorious, an old 
age of pomp and honour, glory and praise, and a 
blessed death, and a great and famous funeral. 
And yet one who lives such a life as this, and does 
not walk in the commandments of God, which are 
light, and give light to the eyes; who rather con- 
taminates himself all his time with savagery and 
cruel actions, and does not thank God nor glorify 
Him with good actions, nor recognise Him as the 
Giver of good things, fearing Him as is right and 
lawful to do, but who is ungrateful to God, and 
when he has good things vouchsafed to him by 
God's grace, reckons it to his own merit ; let not 
such a one have any rejoicing, for all the more 
will he be tortured in Gehenna, like the rich man 
who heard Abraham say, ‘ Thou hast received thy 
good things in thy lifetime, and a great gulf is 
between me and thee.’ But David also says, 
‘Requite to my neighbours sevenfold into their 
bosoms their insults with which they have insulted 
Thee, O Lord ;’ and again, ‘I saw the impious 

320 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

man growing up and overtopping, all like the 
cedars of Lebanon; I passed, and he was not; | 
sought, and his place was not found;’ for their end 
is seen in the bottom of the pit, according to Him 
who talks in parables. This is the lot of every 
sinful man, whether he be rich or poor, who 
enjoys the good things of God, but doeth not His 
will. And, moreover, because of them there is 
tribulation upon the earth, either the onset of 
enemies, or. sudden death, or famine, or hail, or 
any other of the afflictions on account of sin which 
befall all men at once, like the flood or the fire 
which consumed Sodom. For when a sinner in- 
flames the wrath of his Creator, then the Divine 
anger descends upon him, like an involuntary re- 
pentance of sin. 

“And now, since ye are new in the faith, and 
have not read the holy books ; for it is written in 
the Book of Kings about Achab and Jezebel, 
because they inflamed the wrath of God, the 
Creator of all, by their idolatry, and extortions, 
and robbery ; they slew His prophets, they de- 
stroyed His altars; one prophet alone was left, 
Elias by name, who was consumed with the zeal 
of the Almighty God, and he, by his prayers, 
curbed the clouds that they should not give rain, 
and hindered the dew from heaven, that no shoot 
might rise from earth according to {ts mature: tor 
the word went forth from Elias, and shut up and 
closed the boundaries of the eternal, so that for 
three years and six months there was no rain, 
neither did the fountains play and spring up, 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 521 

because they were dried up. All creeping things 
also dwindled, the four-footed animals and the 
birds, for the Lord was wroth; and all blossoms 
and plants which were upon the earth were dried 
up. All the beauty of the earth was consumed, 
the earth was rent asunder to its depths by the 
drought, and all the kings and mighty ones of the 
earth staggered. The heavens rang like brass, 
and the earth roared like a heifer, and all living 
things repented against their wills because of the 
exceeding famine. But the word of a single pro- 
phet had command over all this, who built an altar 
to God, and brought down water from heaven, 
and cut off the false prophets of Baal, eight hun- 
dred and fifty men, and so appeased God’s wrath, 
that after that the door of His pity was opened 
upon the earth. Such were the afflictions which 
happened because of the sins of men; for they are 
chastised, even though they do not understand ; 
for God acquits not the impious, because He is just 
and powerful. But He does not destroy them at 
once, because He is pitiful and long-suffering, and 
He is indulgent to the wickedness of men, in the 
hope that they will return to repentance. But 
if they continue in their sins without turning, 
He destroys them utterly, as He did Rehoboam 
and Bassa and Achab, the princes of Israel, who 
with their families were effaced with dishonour. 
But those who turn from their wickedness and 
repent, to them He vouchsafes remission of their 
sins, as He did to Manasses, King of Judea, and © 
to Nebuchadnezzar, ruler of Babylon. But him 

22 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

who insults God, God destroys; as He did Sene- 
cherim and Antiochus, the kings of Assyria. 
Thus, then, it is that God chastises some of us 
here, and some of us in the future. Therefore, 
my brethren, let us follow after virtue, in order 
that we may be glorified with Christ, both here 
and in the future.” 

Then Evarestos made answer, and said: ‘ My 
lord Callistratus, is it according to the number 
of days that God terminates the world, or is it 
according to chance? Otherwise, how iS it tat 
men die unexpectedly, either by hunger or thirst, 
or on the sea, or in rivers, or in the fire, or by any 
other of the accidents which may bring about dis- 
solution of the lives of men; or it may be that 
one comrade slays another, or a man dies by the 
agency of a demon, or suddenly? But when a man 
dies either in his youth or in old age, is the tale of 
his days fulfilled ? And so, too, with those who 
fall in war, for, behold, many of our host fell in 
the war with the Persians?” The holy Callis- 
tratus said: “Learn ye also concerning this, my 
brethren; for at the beginning God said to Adam, 
‘Dust thou wast, and to dust shalt thou return.’ 
And at the same time the edict of death went 
forth upon men from their birth, even to their old 
age. And not only is death ordained unerringly 
by nature, like other things that are weighed and 
calculated; but the knowledge thereof is in the 
hands of God alone, who is the Lord of life and 
death. Not that it is ordained that all should 
reach to old age; for many a time a father has 

Acts of S. Calltstratus. 323 

died in his youth, but his sons have reached an 
extreme old age; and the sons have died in 
youth before their fathers, as happened in the 
very beginning, for Adam lived nine hundred and 
thirty years, and Seth, his son, nine hundred and 
twelve, but his other son had not yet arrived at 
even a hundred years when he was slain by Cain 
his brother. But death is appointed for all; not 
but what there are some who are given a long life 
because of their just works, while to others God 
shortens life because of the excess of their sins ; 
and in the case of some He pities their tears, and 
adds to their life, as in the case of Hezekiah, and 
for others He lengthens life because of the prayers 
of widows and orphans, and sometimes parents be- 
cause of the tears of children, and children because 
of their parent’s tears, have been brought back 
from death. And there are many requirements! 
of the world, on account of which He adds to the 
life of men, both adds and takes away. But the 
blow of death also falls upon men because of 
their sins, sometimes by the sword, sometimes by 
fire, sometimes by water, or in some other way of 
those in which the blow can fall. But a man may 
contend against us in argument, and say that he 
will not die because his day has not yet come, 
and for that reason he will boldly venture to 
go upon the sea when it is stormy, or into a 
river that is in flood, or on a snowy mountain, or 

1 There is something wrong here with the Arm. text, of which I make 
sense as I can. 

224 Monuments of Early Christranity. 

on a scorched plain, or among wild beasts, or he 
will take harmful food ; in such cases death comes 
not as a surprise and ambush, nor is it accidental, 
but it is a wilful dissolution of life, and they who 
so act are reckoned with those who die by their 
own sin. But there are also other forms of death, 
from the temperament of the body, from cold, or 
bile, or blood, or some other of the accidents by 
which life is dissolved. But as I said before, 
death is appointed to that life in man which he 
shares with the plants, and therefore, the Lord 
said, ‘ Pray that ye be not led into temptation,’ for 
ye must at all times pray diligently, and say, ‘ Lead 
us not into temptation, but deliver us from the Evil 
One.’ For many are the snares which are set by 
the Evil One; for throughout our lives he lays 
deadly ambushes in rivers, in fields, in mountains, 
on the plains, in the fire, at the hands of a wicked 
man, by a man’s own act in strangling himself 
through his irascibility, as in the case of Judas 
and Achitophel; and in many other ways he lays 
deadly snares, and death is fated for him that is 
caught. But we must pray to God continually to 
preserve us from evil accidents, and in His grace 
bestow upon us a good end. There are also 
other forms of death, as when a stone should fall 
from a wall through ignorance, or the branch of a 
tree may fall upon us, or we may be butted by an 
ox, or thrown from a horse, or we may tread upon 
a sword, or meet a wild beast, or be bitten by a 
viper ; all these are evil accidents, and they occur 
because man is puffed up with his strength, so 

ACLS 7... ΑΙ ΟΥ̓ ας 1528 

that God remits His aid, and then man becomes 
ridiculous, and falls into all kinds of deadly snares; 
wherefore it is necessary that ye should be watch- 
ful, and pray to God, for he who prays to God 
with all his heart, to him the very snares become 
a source of good, as Paul said:' ‘ He will with 
the temptation also make the way of escape, in 
order that we may be able to suffer it.’ But there 
is not allotted to Satan any foreknowledge, but he 
knows very little of the time of man’s death. 
However, he abides continually in the evil man, 
and if the pity of God did not prevent him in the 
case of each man, he would destroy all men to- 
gether. And on account of this the Lord says, 
‘Be careful, lest your hearts be weighed down 
with dissoluteness, or drunkenness, or worldly 
cares, and that day come suddenly upon you, as 
an ambush is sprung upon all men who dwell 
over the whole face of the earth. Be watchful, 
and for ever make prayers, that ye be accounted 
worthy to escape from all that which is to come, 
and to stand before the Son of man ;’ but death 
in war is open and not secret, for every one who 
takes a sword in his hand and goes into war, 
either slays another or himself dies; but if he 
survives and is left whole, the providence of God 
has intervened. ΑἹ] the time of man’s life, there- 
fore, is destined, but all sorts of snares beset him 
during his life. But if a man humble himself, and 
prostrate himself before God, he is delivered from 

wR Orc) Ste ae oF 

2265 Monuments of Early Christiantty. 

them ; for although even his body be exacted of 
him, yet his spirit goes rejoicing to its Creator, in 
the way in which I before described. 

‘But let us, brethren, stand firm, for I trust in 
Christ, that by His hope we shall all overcome the 
machinations of the devil, and receive the emblem 
of victory. Listen to me, my brethren, in case it 
befall me to die before you. Forasmuch as ye are 
intimate with me, I would have you know that 
many a time Satan fought with me in my youth ; 
but I hope in my Lord that now he will be worsted 
by me; for much alms have 1 given, and was 
proud as if I had won the whole realm. For 
when a man gives alms, he saith not, ‘I have 
proffered but of that which God gave me, but 
rather, is puffed up, as if he had given what was 
his own, and declareth that he hath done some- 
thing great. Nay, rather have we received the 
command to minister to the poor, and we ought 
so to give, that what our left hand doeth our right 
should not know. That is to say, let not the devil 
on the left hand steal away the grace that the bet- 
ter hand wrought. But do ye, my dear friends, 
be on your guard, because all this is of the devil, 
for he opposeth everything that is good. For 
many a time hath he been able to filch away my 
mind, when he saw that I was praying with tears 
to God my Helper. At such times he would dis- 
tract my mind, and would agitate all kinds οἵ. 
earthly cares, and intrude them on my soul, and 
would prompt me to gape and yawn. But | 
spurned him, and thus the adversary was not able 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 17 

to steal me away. For God takes account, not 
only of those who sing hymns and pray in the 
churches, but also of the very steps and foot-prints 
of those who, with sincere faith, enter into the tem- 
ple of God. And whatsoever ἃ man wishes to ask 
he knows beforehand, and vouchsafes the prayers 
which are according to His will; and wheresoever 
there is a man who bends the knee, and prays 
with his whole heart, unto him God hearkens, and 
will give all that he needs with free grace. For if 
thou sayest, ‘Have pity upon me, Ὁ God, He 
knows thy meaning, and understands that which 
thy words represent. Therefore, dear friends, it 
profits the adversary nothing when he desires to 
snatch away our understanding, and intrudes all 
sorts of thoughts among our prayers. But who is 
there of men who knows not this: that man 15 
prompt to sin, and wearies not therefrom, and is 
eager to transgress ; but in prayer he is weak and 
idle, and remiss, and is faint and drowsy, and 
thinks that all this is a natural affection, instead of 
being an invention of the devil? But understand 
this, my brethren, that all these things are inspir- 
ations of the evil one, from which we must flee, and 
with faithful diligence, glorify God, who made the 
heavens and earth, the sea, and all that is in them.” 

Lysimachus made answer, and said : ‘“ My lord 
Callistratus, did God really make the heavens and 
earth, the sea, the moon, and the stars ?”’ 

The holy Callistratus said : ‘Did I not tell you 
that, even while ye learn or pray, ye slumber? 
Did ye not apprehend what I said before, in an- 

328 Monuments of Larly Christiantty. 

swer to the question of our brother Bemarchus ? 
But come, do you tell me, then ; How did you learn 
about them from your fathers? or how did ye 
reverence those things made with hands which ye 
used to call God?” They made answer all at 
once, and said : ‘‘ We learnt thus, that the heavens 
came into being of themselves, and so also the 
earth, and that the sun is the god of gods, because 
he gives light, and that the stars are images of the 

The holy Callistratus replied, ‘‘ Learn also con- 
cerning this, my brethren, lest Satan trip you up. 
All this world which is visible is the creation of 
the heavenly and single and beginningless and in- 
create Holy Trinity, and of the single Godhead. 
For it founded heaven and earth. It drew the 
heavens across like a tent, and stretched them out 
like curtains, and by its word, fixed and made 
sure the watery firmament, and vaulted it, so that 
it was round like a ball; and established the earth 
above the waters, and the waters upon nothing at 
all. And the earth trembles and is afraid at His 
presence ; for He made rifts in the firmament and 
above the illimitable expanse of the torrents of 
ocean, which has under itself all the elements, the 
upper and the nether ones. Likewise He made 
also the stars, and set them in the vault-like firma- 
ment to illumine the darkness. But the sun, by a 
law which never ceases, runs his courses; for he 
goes forth from the region of the portals of the 
east, and he travels along the south, revolving like 
a wheel, till he comes home to the west, and there 

Acts of S. Callistratus. 329 

he enters the portals of the west ; and then forth- 
with darkness covers all things as the night is 
drawn over them. 

‘But when he has entered, and sunk below the 
vast prison bars of the south, in the nether firma- 
ment, he runs in the direction of the right hand, 
until he reaches once more the portals of the East, 
and masks the darkness with his light, =, 3G; also, 
the moon fulfils her courses according to the same 
law, waxing and waning as she approaches the 
sun, or goes away therefrom in her period of thirty 
days. And how can your teaching be true that 
the sun is God? If he were God, how would he 
obey the law, and be enslaved by it? How could 
he suffer, and be subject to affections, as when he 
is sometimes covered with clouds, and sometimes 
darkened ? In the same way, also, the moon and 
the stars likewise fulfil their courses according to 
command. In one and the same manner, they all 
leap up from the east, and they travel to the set- 
ting of the sun, and they return to the right of the 
north without entering the gates of heaven; but 
they revolve themselves in the firmament, and ful- 
fil their entire courses by day according to the 
order of each of them, until they reach the east 
by way of the south, wherein are seen by us the 
vestiges of their paths. But many concoct fables, 
and say that the heavens revolve, whose words are 
vain ; for the firmament is immovable. But many 
of the stars run in a circular path, and some of 
them are fixed, and have the rest of the stars to 
turn round themselves; as is the case with the 

2290 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

northern stars, which are, by some, called Arcturus, 
but by some Hephtasagiron ; but by the farmers, 
it is called the Wain, and by sailors Bazmojth, 
for these stars do not alter from their path, but 
revolve where they are. But other stars have 
a period of their own, in which they fulfil their 
courses, as, for example, Aruseak (Venus) and 
Mazaréth, and the Alésounk (? the Pleiades), and 
Haik (Orion). Each of these obeys its period, 
according as it was appointed to do ; as it was also 
written : ‘The moon and the stars which Thou 
hast established.’ But the prophet, in speaking of 
the firmament, does not mean that it is immovable, 
and in that sense speak of its immovability ; but he 
alludes to its strength, because they are subservient 
to an invincible and unerring command before 
their God. And now, my brethren, cast away the 
vain preaching ; for God made all creation, but 
He honoured man alone with His image, and 
made everything subservient under his feet. And 
it is meet for man to know Him, because, for his 
sake, all creation was established out of nothing ; 
for his sake the sun fulfils his unerring command, 
and the moon her course, according to her com- 
mand ; for his sake all the most ancient stars were 
set in order, which men of vain understanding 
called gods, giving them the names of animals, 
as for example, of the Ram and the Bull, of 
Capricorn, and the Virgin, and the Yoke, and so 
forth. And they go on thence to conduct re- 
searches of a kind, and profess to derive from them 
seasons of plenty and famines; and they also de- 

Acts of S. Caltistratus. aan 

clare that the fortunes and the terms of men’s lives 
are ordered by them, in order that they may de- 
ceive men with empty words. But these constel- 
lations are appointed to make clear to us the 
various seasons, and to indicate to sailors their 
path over the sea. For man’s sake were 
made the rivers and the mountains, and every 
blade of grass, and every plant. By the word 
were they manifested upon the earth; but man 
alone, on the earth, was honoured with the image 
of the immortal and benevolent God who made 
him. But he yielded to deceit, and fell into sin, 
and became mortal, and was ensnared by the out- 
ward appearance of the evil one, and by his false 
and empty flattery. And now, brethren, it is a 
great task all over this earth for man to save his 
soul. But let us labour to receive the token of 
victory in war, wherever there is contention with 
the devil, and let us boldly defy the evil warrior, 
and let us be found to have conquered his lawless 
pride, and he shall be worsted by us, and fall, 
never to rise again ; but we, having escaped from 
the delusions of life, shall receive the crown of un- 
dying glory from our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ, to whom is glory for ever and ever, 
Amen.” ὦ 

XII. And when he had said this, he was silent 
for a while, for it was late even-tide; and the 
whole night long he remained in prayer until the 
dawn. But there was a certain scribe of the 

‘ The metaphrast abridges 8 XI. into 40 lines. 

332 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

law-court, who was near to the prison, and he 
listened to the discourse of the holy Callistratus, 
and wrote it down in shorthand on paper, and 
gave it to us; and we set in order with all ac- 
curacy the record and outline of his thought.’ 
But at dawn the captain Presentinus took his seat 
upon the throne of judgment, and commanded 
them to be brought before him. And_ they 
brought them into the great court in which were 
set up many images of idols. There were 
mustered together not only the captains of the 
force, but the whole number of the soldiers. The 
captain said: ‘‘ How is it, O Callistratus, hast thou 
schooled thyself and those of the king’s soldiers 
that were inveigled by thee? MHast thou in- 
structed them to sacrifice to the gods, and save 
themselves from the torture?” The holy Callis- 
tratus said: “As to myself, I have given this 
answer and adhere to it, that nothing shall 
persuade me to forsake Christ my hope; but as 
to them, they are themselves grown up, and of 
full age, so ask them.” The captain said : ‘‘ What 
do ye say, who have been deceived, and have 
assented to this babbler?” They made answer 
and said: ‘‘O unworthy man, and shameless, if 
thou wilt still keep us on the list of thy band, we 
SHall-arot resist. but as to our worship and 
religion, we believe in the King of heaven and 
earth, in the God of all, and in His Offspring 
Jesus Christ, and in the Holy Spirit, for He is 

1 The metaphrast omits these details and says nothing of the scribe. 

Acts of S. Catlistratus. 228 

God in three persons, a Trinity, but one Godhead, 
and one power; without flaw is He, and full of 
wisdom, which is and was and abides for ever, as 
our teacher Callistratus taught us.” XIII. But the 
captain commanded that they should be scourged 
with green switches ; and after the scourging he 
ordered them to be bound hand and foot and 
dragged all of them to the edge of a lake,* and 
Said. fo them;.". sacrifice to the gods, for i, not 
ye shall be drowned in the waters.” But they 
said: ‘‘ We believe in the true God, do thou what 
thou wilt.” But when they were about to be 
thrown into the great lake, which was called 
Oceanus, the holy Callistratus fell to praying and 
said : ‘God eternal, who art unapproachable and 
all-powerful, who didst establish the heavens by 
Thy might to be Thy throne immoveable for 
ever, and the earth to be Thy footstool; look 
upon this Thy flock, and be among us and save 
us from destruction, and grant that these waters 
be unto these men for the baptism of regeneration. 
Make them worthy to be washed with the eternal 
and pure baptism, unto the casting away of the 
vanity of the old man, and unto their participation 
with those who labour for Thy cross. Grant us, 
O Lord, to come unto Thy treasuries, by means 
of this washing, in order that we may be fellow- 
workers with Thy Holy Spirit in these waters. 
For glorious is the name of Father, Son, and 
Holy Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen.” 

1 Gk. has : κολυμβήθραν ὠκεανὸν οὕτω καλούμενον. 

224 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

But when they had said with one accord Amen, 
they threw them bound into the water; and in 
the same moment the bonds of the saints were 
loosed, and they came to the top of the water and 
passed on to dry land, resplendent with the grace 
of the Holy Spirit. And as they came out of the 
water, there went forth a voice from Heaven 
saying: ‘‘ Be of good cheer, My loved ones, for 
I am with you; be ye glad, for, behold, I have 
made ready for you a place in My kingdom. 
Rejoice, for 1 have written your names in My 
record in the Book of Life.” And there was 
terrible thunder and a great earthquake, so that 
the images of the idols fell down and were broken. 
But when we saw? the light which shot forth 
over the heads of the saints, and heard the blissful 
voice along with the earthquake and the breaking 
of the idols, we believed,—we, the soldiers, a 
hundred and five of us. Then the lawless 
Presentinus was taken with great fear, and he 
ordered them to be led into prison. And when 
they had entered into prison, the holy Callistratus 
again taught them, and said : ‘‘ Men and brothers, 
behold the Lord hath summoned us to Himself. 
For I received baptism from my very youth, but 
now He has called you also ; arise, therefore, and 
let us pray.” So they raised their hands and he 
began to say: “ Lord, Lord, how wonderful is 
Thy name for ever, who, before all things didst 
with Thy infinite word establish all things; who 

1 The metaphrast has ‘‘ They saw,” depriving this part of the narrative 
of its personal character. 

Acts of 5. Caltlistratus. 235 

art the Lord of indestructible and invisible and 
flawless treasures ; preserve this Thy flock, and 
deliver it from ’the mouth of the lion, and lead 
it into eternal salvation. And make us worthy 
to die in Thy confession. Save us spotless and 
pure from the sin-loving life. Bring us in at the 
narrow gate into the royal temple, that we may 
praise with holy and unresting voices the all- 
blessed name of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, 
now and for ever.” 

XIV. But the lawless and impious captain, 
Presentinus, took counsel with a vir ducenarius,’ 
and sent into prison and beheaded them, for the 
soldiers of Christ were fifty in number. And the 
saints died in the month Hori,’ on the twenty- 
seventh day thereof. But we soldiers who be- 
lieved when we saw the vision of the wonders, 
and were baptized in the name of Father, Son, 
and Holy Spirit, we came privily in the night, 
and we took up the relics of the saints, and laid 
them in a proper place. Wherefore the Lord 

1 The metaph. has ‘Yfpw Δουκιναρίω 2.6. Uiro Ducenario. Ducange 
(Glossartum) explains Ducenarius thus: Dicitur qui duobus militum centuriis 
preerat, sicut uni centurio. The Armenian has “ vir pholarius”’ which I 
cannot explain. I have therefore followed the Greek text. 

2 The metaph. has September. 

8 The conclusion runs thus in the metaphrast: ‘* And they raised a 
temple to them, with which few can compete in splendour ; and it stands 
in the middle of Rome, the most queenly of cities. But they also found 
a paper (χάρτην) in the prison, on which the teaching and forthshadowings 
of the martyr Callistratus were written down. And after his death Marinus 
also was martyred, a man of great eminence and fame and culture. He 
shewed the most manly fortitude to the end, to the glory of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, whom befits all glory, praise and worship, now and ever, world 
without end. Amen.” 

336 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

made us worthy to establish His church in Rome 
in the name of the saints, and we built in the 
name of the holy Callistratus a place of expiation 
for sinners, and a meeting-house of union for 
angels and men ; for the glory and worship of the 
All-holy Trinity, Father, Son and Holy Spirit. 



I HAVE chosen this piece as the last of my collection, rather 
on account of the interesting letter of the Bishop of Thessa- 
lonica which accompanies it in the Armenian 
text, than for its own merits. Not that it is 
without a certain interest of its own; for it 
has a good deal of local colour, and the outline of the teaching 
of Demetrius which it contains has about it a noble simplicity 
and directness which reminds us of the Apology of Apollonius. 
The date of the saint’s martyrdom cannot be earlier than 305 
A.D. ; and it is therefore a matter for surprise that the Acts 
ei no reference to the doctrine of the ὙΠ as is usual 
in martyrdoms of this date. Still more re- 
markable is it, that in the brief outline of the Primitive 
ee : hea character of 
saint’s dogmatic teaching, Christ is merely ἐπ τ 
said to have been born in an ineffable tian teaching. 
manner without reference being made to the 
Virgin Mother. Such a silence is rare except in Acts of the 
second century. The combat in the arena between the strip- 
ling Nestorius and the giant gladiator Lyaos may have been 
modelled on the legend of David and Goliath ; and the pro- 
phecy ascribed to Demetrius is sufficiently ane as coming 
from the lips of a saint. The story is perhaps an allegory 
destined to convey to the reader the disgust with which the 
gladiatorial games inspired the Christians, one of the first-fruits 
of whose triumph under Constantine was the abolition of these 
degrading spectacles. The learned Tillemont, however, was so 
shocked at the idea of a saint inciting his pupil to do combat 

Local colour 
in these Acts. 

S37 Ζ 

338 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

with a gladiator, that (Alonument. Eccles., p. 639) he argues 
the incident to be an invention later than the ninth century. 
The Bollandist editor (Acta SS., ad diem 8 Octobris Tom iv.) 
admits it to be an invention, but points out that a history of 
the saint at least as old as the eighth century and probably of 

the seventh already contains it. 
There isa slight historical error in the appended letter of 
the Bishop of Thessalonica, in which the Emperor Justinian is 
spoken of as the father of the Emperor 

Their con- Maurice. For the latter was no kinsman of 
demnation of a : 5 

πον: Justinian, and only began to reign in 582, 

mongering. seventeen years after Justinian’s death. The 

phrase however may be honorific only, and 
mean nothing more than ‘“‘ your majesty’s predecessor.” [{ is 
in any case not enough to discredit the authenticity of the 
letter. In an age which set so much store by the relics of 
saints, no one would have invented so dignified a rebuke to a 
relic-mongering emperor; much less have inserted it in the 
history of a martyred saint. We do not know who is the 
writer who thus inserts the letter of Eusebius in his narrative ; 
nor can we be certain that the Acts of the martyr Demetrius 
which precede his narrative are from the same pen. 

In the Armenian martyrology the narrative of the miracles 
wrought through the dead saint is continued through two 
more chapters, which I have not thought it 
necessary to translate. These two chapters 
which I give do not recount anything later 
than the reign of the Emperor Maurice. It is therefore prob- 
able that the writer of the narratives lived either in his reign, 
which terminated in the year 612, or soon after, and that the 
entire narrative which is in the form of an address to the faith- 
ful, was composed early in the seventh century for delivery on 
the feast day of the saint. What is remarkable about it is the 
admission, that at that early date the true place of interment 
of any one of the many martyrs who had suffered under Dio- 
cletian in Thessalonica was unknown to any one, and the 
memory of them lost, with the sole exception of the saint 

Their date 
about 610 A.D. 

Acts of 5. Demetrius. 339 

In Migne’s Patrologia Graeca (vol. 116) much space is 
allotted to the Acts of this saint, and the lengthy dissertation 
of Byzus is reprinted from the Acta SS. 

The Acts are found in two forms, namely, Genealogy of 
the texts of 
that of the metaphrast of the tenth century, ane ern 
and in an earlier recension by some anony- 
mous writer, to whom in my notes I refer as Gk. Anon. The 
relations of the three forms of the Acts, viz., the Armenian, 
the Gk. Anon., and the metaphrast, are worth examining, for 
they present in a very striking way the power of growth in- 
herent in a hagiological writing. Thus the Gk. Anon and 
the metaphrast contain the following miracles absent from the 
the Armenian :— 

1. That of the scorpion (see note on § VI.). 

2. The cure of Leontius (see note 3 on ὃ XVI.). 

3. The miraculous passage of Leontius over the Danube in 
the §§ added in the Greek forms. 

4. Lupus and the royal ring. The Armenian quite ignores 
Lupus (see note 6 on § XIII.). 

Byzeus thought that the Gk. Anon. made his recension in 
the seventh century, and that the metaphrast’s form is a simple 
amplification of the same. This is certainly the case as regard 
nine-tenths of the metaphrast text ; but it is not the case all 
through, and in one passage (see note 2 on § XV.) it is the 
metaphrast and not the Gk. Anon. who retains the text which 
we find in the Armenian. A diligent comparison of the three 
texts reveals the same phenomenon elsewhere, but less 
markedly. We are thus precluded from supposing that the 
metaphrast used the Gk. Anon. and that alone as the basis 
of his form. He must have had a document which closely 
resembled it, and like it contained the miracles which the 
Armenian omits ; yet in some few points truer to the original 
document than is the Gk. Anon. ‘The following diagram 
therefore brings before the eye the genealogical relations of 

the three forms :— 

340 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

A. Original Acts. 

C. Transitional form of unknown 
8B. Armenian Form date, with miracles added. 
of 5th or 6th century. 

2. Greek Anonymous, \ 
probably of 7th century. \ 

4. Metaphrast’s recension 
of roth century. 

Of these B is by far the simplest and nearest to d. Cisa 
hypothetical form necessary to explain the existence of D and 
E. Thave not put Ain the direct line of transmission because 
it omits some very probable details, such as that Lyzeus was a 
Vandal by birth, which we find in Dand &. The Armenian 
translator may easily have omitted such a point, as also certain 
topographical details which are contained in D and £, because 
they were not of a kind to interest or edify his countrymen. 


I. At this time there was much wickedness in 
high places, and Maximianus the emperor, the 
enemy of God, was in the city of Thessalonica, 
where the ministers of religion were subjected to 
every kind of torture. For he was sunk in the 
depths of idolatry ; so that he made strict search 
and enquiry after those who had embraced the 
religion of God, and imprisoned and tortured 
them. But of the Christians who were in the 
city, some took the advice of the wise Paul, and 
bowed their heads before the storm, and hid them- 
selves for a season; but others were more cour- 
ageous, and publicly avowed their faith in the 
middle of the crowded city. Il. Of the latter, 
there was one whose name was Demetrius,’ a 
brave and virtuous man, who had no fear of the 
death allotted by nature to us. He spurned the 
terrible threats of the Emperor, and openly avowed 
himself to be a Christian ; and in and out of season 
with the greatest boldness he taught the saving 
Name, which he upheld in his own soul, to all who 
came near him, in accordance with apostolic com- 

1 According to the Gk. Anon. and metaphrast, Demetrius was €k 
γένους τῶν περιδόξων, kal τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ὑπάρχων, ἐκσκέπτωρ 
τὸ πρώτον στρατευσάμενος καὶ ἀνθύπατος γεγονώς τῆς ᾿Εἰλλάδος, καὶ 
ὑπάτου ὠραίωνα ἔλαβεν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Μαξιμιανοῦ. 


342 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

mands. Now this saint was very learned in the 
divine scriptures ; and would expound before all 
the life-giving mysteries which were hidden in 
them, and this, too, was part of his teaching— 
that it was his disobedience which caused the first 
man to go astray from the truth ; wherefore also 
we became liable to death, and idolatry entered 
into the world. For this cause, also, the allwise 
Word, God, born in ineffable wise of God the 
Father, came into the world, having put on flesh;? 
and He shone forth as the light of the world, He 
lifted up the fallen, and raised up the sunken, and 
found the lost, and made us pure from all the filth 
Osim - And not only did he do these good 
works, but he also taught unto all who received his 
word, the righteousness of holiness, gentleness 
and tranquillity, love and peace, to despise what 
is transitory, and, in the hope of what is to come, 
to welcome the earnest of life that is eternal, and 
passes not away. III. With such language the 
saint would comfort all who came to him; and in 
consequence many came to him because his fame 
was spread abroad in many places. At that time 

1 ἡ πάνσοφος τοῦ θεοῦ Adyou κατὰ σάρκα παρουσία. The outline of 
the saint’s teaching, as given in the Armenian, is almost identical with that 
of the Gk. Anon.; the metaphrast garbles it, introducing more pro- 
nounced dogmatic, and omitting the moral elements, ¢.9. ζωῆς diproyv... . 
τῷ πατρὶ συνάναρχος λόγος, οὔτε τῆς θεότητος ἀποστὰς kal σάρκα λαβῶν 
ἐκ παρθένου... . καὶ ἡ φήμη πανταχοῦ τὸν ἄνδρα παρέπεμπε κηρύττοντα. 
τὴν τριάδα. 

The Gk. Anon. adds that Demetrius taught €v τῇ ἐκεῖσε (1.6. in 
Thessalonica) χαλκευτικῇ λεγομένη στοᾶ, ἔνθα Kal εἰώθει τὰς συνόδους 
ποιεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τὰς τοῦ ἐγγὺς δημοσίου λουτροῦ ὑπογαίους καμάρας. Such 
details evince an early and close knowledge of the city. 

Acts of 5. Demetrius. 343 

then, the officers of the Emperor went about in 
search of the Christians; and having taken the 
blessed Demetrius, they brought him before Maxi- 
mianus the enemy of God, as if they had taken 
some great quarry. IV. Now it happened that 
the Emperor just then was going forth to take his 
seat in the arena of the city, in order to witness 
the gladiators, who were going to exhibit in the 
sight of all the common people; and the place of 
the arena was fitted up with scaffolding, and was 
itself built of cut stone, in order to contain those 
who came and sat therein.! And there was there 
a man by name Leos, strong of limb, and power- 
ful as agiant.”, V. He was the terror of all when 
he fought in the shows; but in his life he was 
reckless and murderous, and was therefore a special 
favourite in the eyes of Maximianus, who reckoned 
him among his foremost champions, because in 
that land there was none found like him. When 
therefore the Emperor entered the circus, the exe- 
cutioners set Demetrius before him. VI. And 
the Emperor, after asking him if he were a 
Christian, commanded that they should take him 
close up to the portico of the baths, where a red- 
hot fire was kindled ; for the baths were close to 

the Court of Justice.2 VII. Then he bade them 

* Gk. Anon. and metaphrast say nothing of the cut stone, but the 
former has as follows: ἐκεῖ yap αὐτῷ παρεσκεύαστο διά τινων σανίδων 
περιπεφραγμένος κύκλῳ ἐν ὕψει κρεμάμενος, ὁ δέχεσθαι μέλλων τοὺς ἐν 
αὐτῶ εἰσιόντας. The metaphrast gives similar particulars later on. 

2 The Gk. Anon. spells the name Avatos, and says he was a Vandal, 
who in the Zzdz had slain many both in Rome and Sirmium. 

3 Here the Gk. Anon. and the metaphrast, add a miracle. As the 

344 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

bring Leos into his presence, and a herald made 
a public proclamation, asking who was willing to 
engage in combat with him, and promising great 
rewards. Then there rose up in the middle of 
the court a young man, whose name was Nestor, 
a Christian, who had formerly gone to the blessed 
Demetrius, to ask him to pray for him; and he 
had blessed him, and prophesied : ‘“‘ By the name 
of our Lord Jesus Christ thou shalt conquer Leos, 
and by reason of Him art thou martyred.” VIII. 
The young man laid aside his garments, and 
binding round himself a single loin-cloth, he 
leaped into the level of the arena, full opposite 
Maximianus, and championed Leos to do combat 
with him. 

But when the Emperor saw his tender age, he 
wondered, and called Nestor to himself, and 
began to give him good advice, saying: “1 know, 
little son, that because you would fain be rich and 
because of your poverty, you are so eager to lose 
your life at the hands of Leos, a man mighty and 
strong of limb. But I am sorry for the come- 
liness of your youth, which is graced with all 
beauty; and therefore I give you much wealth ; 
only give up this desire of yours to do battle with 

saint sits confined under the portico (καμάρα) of the baths, he sees a scor- 
pion about to sting him. He makes the sign of a cross over it, and it 
instantly dies. Then an angel appears and crowns the martyr with a 
crown, saying: “‘ Peace to thee, athlete of Christ, be strong and of good 

1 The Gk. Anon. and the metaphrast have : καὶ τὸν Avatov νικήσεις, 
καὶ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ μαρτυρήσεις. The metaphrast elaborates this incident. 
The Anon. agrees better with the Armenian. 

Acts of S. Demetrius. 345 

one who is powerful as a giant, and who conquers 
all; and depart rejoicing in your own fair looks.” ' 
IX. Then the stripling, Nestor, was in no wise 
deceived by the promises of the Emperor, nor in 
any way took his advice, nor had any fear because 
of the praise bestowed upon Leos. For he trusted 
alone in the prophecy of Demetrius, and he 
drew his strength from the might of Christ, and 
he theretore answered the Emperor thus: “|, © 
Emperor, am not come -hither for the sake o; 
wealth, or of the life that passes, but that I may 
prove myself a choicer man than Leos, and _ be- 
cause I shall attain to the better life.” And when 
the Emperor and all his great men of state around 
him heard this, they were filled with anger, and 
considered that the words of Nestor were mere 
braggadocio ; so they incited Leos to fight with 
him, and to give him a death blow, so that he 
might die at once. X. And then when they met 
one another face to face, the stripling Nestor, made 
strong in spirit,” hurled himself at Leos, dashed 
him to the ground, and in a moment slew him.’ 
XT. > But-the Emperor seeing” this, was very 
wroth, especially when he ascertained that Nestor 

1 The Gk. Anon. and metaphrast have: καὶ λαβὼν ἄπιθι μετὰ τοῦ ζῆν 
ἀπολαύων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων. 

2 The Gk. Anon. has: ποιήσας τὸν ζωοποιὸν σταύρον ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ. 
The metaphrast omits. 

ὃ. The Greek § is much longer, for a prayer is put into Nestor’s mouth: 
“Ὁ God of Demetrius Thy servant, and Thy loved Son Jesus Christ, who 
didst subject Goliath the alien to the faithful David, do Thou Thyself cast 
down the boasting of Lyaius and of the tyrant Maximianus.” The meta- 
phrast gives a similar prayer, but does not mention Demetrius. 

346 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

was also a Christian ; and instead of bestowing 
upon him the rewards which by proclamation he 
had beforehand promised to any one who would 
fight in the arena with Leos, he ordered the youth 
to be beheaded as a Christian.’ Thus the Em- 
peror was very vexed at what had taken place, 
for he was sorry for the death of both ;? and he 
accordingly rose from his throne with a sad coun- 
tenance, resolved to go to his palace. XII. Then 
some evil speakers came and maligned Demetrius 
to him, saying that he was the origin of it all; 
whereat the Emperor was so incensed, that he 
became like a wild animal, and commanded the 
saint to be transfixed with a javelin, there in the 
very Court of justice... And thus died the saint, 
making a goodly confession of Christ, on the 26th 
day of the month of October. XIII. But Maxi- 
mianus the enemy of God, ordered his holy body 
to be thrown out to feed the wild beasts and 
birds; and then some brethren, who were 
reverent, and loved the martyrs, came in the 

1 In the Gk. Anon. the Emperor accuses Nestor of γοητεία. Nestor 
replies that an angel really wielded his sword. He is then beheaded, ἐν 
τοῖς δυτικοῖς τῆς πόλεως μέρεσιν ἐν TH ἐπονομαζομένη χρυσέα πυλῇ, 
by the hand οἵ Menutianus, a protector (προτέκτορος), and so receives 
the crown of martyrdom. The metaphrast gives a similar, but more 
elaborate, account of Nestor’s death ; omitting, however, the topographical 
details supplied by the Anon. 

2 The Gk. Anon. omits this touch, which being favourable to Maxi- 
mian’s character, may be genuine. 

3 The Gk. Anon. and metaph. say in the vau/ts say the baths. 

4 The Greek omits the date, but adds a § about Lupus, the saint’s ser- 
vant, who took τὸ ὀράριον of the saint and caught his blood init; also 
dipt in the blood a royal ring, which then wrought cures. Lupus also is 
martyred. Similarly the metaphrast. 

Acts of S. Demetrius. 347 

night and stole his body, and bore it away,’ and 
buried it in a certain house in the city, there to 
wait for a while until the Lord should visit and 
reveal the relics of His saints. 

But after a little while great signs and acts of 
power began to occur unto those who called upon 
the holy martyr to help them ; and thus the cures 
which were wrought in the name of the saint 
came to be known far and wide. XIV. Then a 
certain Leontius,* a God-fearing man, who be- 
longed to the land of Illyria, a bishop, came to 
Thessalonica ; and he acquired the house in which 
were the relics of the saint ;* and finding it narrow 

1 The Gk. Anon. says they buried the body deep down under the 
rubbish heap on which it had been cast. The metaph. that they buried it 
on the very spot where the saint was executed. 

? According to the Gk. Anon. and metaphrast Leontius was tis ἀνήρ 
TOUS ἐπαρχικοὺς τῶν ᾿Ιλλυρίων κατακοσμών θρόνους. 

3 According to the Gk. Anon. Leontius, being miraculously cured of 
his disease. threw down the porticoes or vaults (καμάρας) of the furnaces 
(τών καμίνων), as also of the hot baths; and cleared away the public 
entrances and shops (δημοσίων ἐμβόλων Kal mpomwev), and raised a 
solemn house (πάνσεπτον οἶκον) to the martyr. It is in the metaphrast 
that we here find the original of the Armenian: καὶ τὸν μικρὸν οἰκίσκον 
ὃς τὸ ἱερὸν εἶχε τοῦ μάρτυρος σῶμα. ἐπὶ βραχέος κομιδῆ Kal στενοῦ 
τοῦ σχήματος ὄντα, τοῖς περιβόλοις τε τοῦ λουτροῦ καὶ TO σταδίῳ ἀπει- 
λημμένον, καταστρέψας αὐτὸς, εἰς ναὸν αὐτῷ τῴ ἄστει Θεσσαλονίκης ἐξ 
αὐτῶν ἐδείματο τῶν κρηπίδων ὃς καὶ νῦν ὁρᾶται. The metaphrast in the 
roth century could not have seen the original church, which was burned 
down in the 7th century. 

The Greek forms add two §§ relating how Leontius took a garment 
(χλαμύδα) drenched in the saint’s blood, and returned homewards to 
Dacia. But he could not cross the Danube because of the wintry weather. 
Then he had a vision of the saint, after which he mounted his chariot and 
drove across the Danube, dryshod, to Sirmium, where he deposited the 
relic in the church of Demetrius, near the shrine of Anastasia. 

In the above the geography is confused, for, though Dacia was across 
the Danube, Sirmium was not. Vehicles can cross the Danube when it 1s 
frozen, but Leontius possessed the car of Neptune. 

345 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

and confined, he threw it down, and_ enlarged 
the place, and sanctified it, and built a magnificent 
temple in honour of the saint’s name, wherein 
great acts of healing were wrought, to the glory 
and praise of the All Holy Trinity, and of the 
consubstantial nature of the Father, and Son, and 
Holy Spirit, now and for ever and ever. Amen. 

II. A history of the wonders which took place through the 
holy Demetrius; how that after a long time, in the days of 
Justinian and Maurice, emperors of the Greeks, search was made 
for his relics. 

Let us now, dear brethren, glide over a long 
period of time, and relate the miracles which took 
place through the God-clad martyr Demetrius. 
In order that a little attention to a few details may 
give youan understanding of many ineffable works 
wrought by the almighty power of Christ through 
His saints. Now on every occasion when the 
saints died, the Christians, who loved the martyrs, 
were careful to take their bodies and inter them in 
a secret spot, in order that the foul smoke of the 
sacrifices of the heathen might not come nigh 
them to pollute them. And for this reason their 
tombs are sometimes certainly known, but some- 
times not so; even though we see beautifully 
decorated shrines erected in their memory by 
certain pious people. So it is in Thessalonica, 
where although a great many martyrs lie hidden 
and although their shrines are shown, and among 
the rest that of the blessed Demetrius, celebrated 

Acts of S. Demetrius. 349 

for its miracles; yet their real tombs, and the 
spots consecrated by the relics of these same 
saints, are not anywhere to be found, with the sole 
exception of the holy virgin Mamrinus. But in 
the time of the pious emperor Maurice, by his 
reverent and devout wishes, search was made for 
many saints who had died in Thessalonica, and 
especially for the holy Demetrius, because of the 
great fame of his miracles; and a letter was 
written to the blessed Eusebius, who was at that 
time Bishop of Thessalonica, asking him to send 
to the Emperor some part of the relics of the 
blessed saint Demetrius. On which occasion 
Eusebius wrote the following letter in answer to 
the Emperor: ‘ We know full well, O Emperor, 
that your request is dictated by the true faith 
which you have in the holy martyrs of Christ. 
But while informing your reverence of the faith of 
the Thessaloniczeans, and of the miracles wrought 
among them, I must yet in respect of this request 
of yours, say that the faith of this city is not of 
such a kind, as that the people desire to worship 
God and to honour His saints by means of any- 
thing sensible. For they have received the faith 
from the Lord’s holy testimonies, to the effect that 
God is a spirit, and that those who worship Him 
must worship Him in spirit and in truth. And 
for this cause there are hidden in this city all the 
bodies of the saints, so as to be altogether out of 
the ken of man. And this is what your pious 
father, Justinian, who was filled with the same : 
devout zeal as yourself, found to be the case by 

350 Monuments of Early Christianity. 

actual trial. For he in martyr-loving mood wrote 
a letter to my predecessor in the bishopric of the 
city, such as your worship has written to us, ask- 
ing for some part of the relics of the holy martyr 
Demetrius, which it was his pious and royal 
desire to enshrine. So they went and dug into 
the shrine of the holy martyr, and dug into the 
floor of the church, where they thought had been 
laid the remains of the saint. And the bishop 
entrusted such a work to God-fearing priests, of 
whose merits he was well assured. But when 
they had made the hole deep enough, and others 
stood round with psalms and hymns, and lighted 
tapers, and fragrant incense, they wanted to dig 
still further, when suddenly a fire issued from 
within and filled all the hole they had dug, and 
enveloped without burning them; and they heard 
a voice which said: ‘Cease henceforth from any 
more tempting the power of Christ, which is united 
with the bones of the saints.’ But they were 
filled with fear and trembling, and took clay from 
the hollow, and sent it to the mM perorn ane ac. 
quainted him in writing with the wonders which 
had happened. 

“This then, O Emperor, took place in the reign 
of the pious Justinian, your father. And we in 
the same way have sent to your devout majesty a 
portion of the same blessed clay, which was laid 
in the chest in this church with a view to the 
healing of the sick. This we pray your majesty 
also to welcome gratefully, and to receive it without 
misgiving ; as if therein you had with you the 

ACLS Ὁ, 5. Του Ὁ: 351 

entire martyr, as beseems your faith. And by 
trial of it, you will learn its wonderful properties, 
and will not deem us to have been disregardful of 

your pious majesty. Glory be to Christ for ever 
and ever. Amen = 


Note to page 30.—In the Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift, vi. 
Jahrgang, to Heft, October, 1893, Professor R. Seeberg has 
republished the Apology of Apollonius, using the German 
translation made by M. Burchardi for Prof. Harnack. His 
notes contain much useful matter. 

Page 36, dime 1.—Prof. Seeberg remarks that the prede- 
cessor of Perennis was named Tarruntenus, and that a remin- 
iscence of this may underlie the Armenian reading “Terentius.” 
It is noticeable in this connection that the metaphrast’s text 
of the Acts of Eugenia in the same way gives the name 
Terentius as that of the successor of Philip the Martyr, in 
the eparchate of Egypt, where the Armenian and old Latin 
have Perennius, the Greek form of Perennis (see page 180). 
Tarruntenus shared with Perennis the office of Prefect until 
the year 183. Heoccupied a position so subordinate to that 
of Perennis, that he is not so likely as the latter to have tried 
Apollonius. But if he did, Apollonius must have died two 
years earlier than is usually supposed. 

Prof. Seeberg’s conjecture that Terentios is a mistake for 
Tarruntenus, who was prefect under Commodus, A.D. 182-3, is 
confirmed by an uncial Armenian Codex of the XIth. century, 
No. 88, of the Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris, in which the 
name is transliterated Tarrintinos. Apollonius must therefore 
have suffered at the very beginning of the reign of Commodus. 

Page 40, ὃ 13. In regard tothe edict of the senate, referred 
to in this section, and again in § 23, it is to be noticed that in 
the Acts of Codratius (page 198) there is a similar reference to 
“the edict of the Emperors and of the Great Senate, that not 
a single one of the Christians shall live.” On ὃ 23 of the Acts 

353 WAC TK 

354 Addenda. 

of Apollonius, Harnack and Seeberg, compare Tertull., Apol. 
4: “definitis dicendo: mon licet esse nos, et hoc sine ullo 
retractu humaniore preescribitis.” 

Page 41, § 18. Prof. Seeberg explains the references in 
this ὃ from Pausanias 1, 24, 2: Κεῖνται δὲ ἑξῆς ἄλλαι τε εἰκόνες 
καὶ ρακλέου. . . . ᾿Αθηνᾶ τε ἐστιν ἀνιοῦσα ἐκ τῆς 
κεφαλῆς τοῦ Διὸς. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦρος ἀνάθημα τῆς βουλῆς τῆς 
ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ δὲ ἀνέθηκεν ἡ βουλή, πολλὰ ἄν τις ἐθέλων 

Page 76. In addition to other references explicatory of the 
nature of Alexander’s crown, I owe the following to Mr. Rush- 
forth, viz. Suetonius Vita Domitiani, ch. 4: “ Instituit et quin- 
quennale certamen capitolino Iovi triplex, musicum equestre 
gymnicum, et aliquanto plurium quam nunc coronarum. 
Certamini preesedit crepidatus purpureaque amictus toga Gre- 
canica, capite gestans coronam aureamcum effigie Iovis ac 
Iunonis Minerveeque ; adsidentibus Diali sacerdote et collegio 
Flavialium pari habitu, nisi quod ¢Worum coronis inerat et ipsius 
imago. ‘Therefore the priests of the worship of the reigning 
Cesar had his imago or medallion fastened in their wreaths. 
The offence committed by Thekla becomes quite clear, and the 
severity of the sentence passed upon her intelligible. It can 
hardly be denied that the Armenian and Syriac texts in pre- 
serving this detail about Alexander’s wreath, which the other 
texts omit, have kept a proof, no less convincing than those 
which Prof. Ramsay has discovered, of the authenticity of 
these Acts of Thekla. The more closely they are examined, 
the more clearly does their value as a contemporary record 
reveal itself. 

Page 146. That the memorial feast of S. Polyeuctes was 
kept on Dec. 25 is good proof that this homily was delivered 
before a.D. 400; for after that date Dec. 25 was reserved to 
the newly instituted festival of the birth of Jesus Christ. 


N.B.—Italics signify that the reference is to the introductions; 7.=notes 
at foot of page. 

Abgar, notary, 217, 219, 231. 

— King of Edessa, 241. 

Acombiti or Accubiti, 290. 

Acts of Saints, the Dialogue in, 
often genuine, 6, 276 ; read pub- 
licly at their Festivals, 103, 123 ; 
in early times addressed to special 
Churches, 97, 1033; continually 
re-edited, 151: 

Adam, hour of his leaving the gar- 
den, 309. 

Africanus, 101, 105 foll. 

Aigai, 240 foll., 243. 

Alexander, 76 foll. 

— Martyr at Aigai, 246. 

Allard, ἘΣ. 155; 

Alexandria, Church in, 749 ; Mon- 
asterles near, 153. 

Anastasia, M., in Aigai, 254. 

Anazarb, 241, 242, 243. 

Angels, Good, 313. 

Anicetus Prefect, (or Nicetius), 186. 

Apamea, 208. 

Apollonius of Tyana, 52. 

— M., his creed, 14, 46 ; his Stoic- 
ism, 29 ; form of his trial, 33; 
on Sacrifices, 39; his Acts com- 
pared with those of Phocas, 99. 

Apparitions of Jesus as Paul, 72, 
72 and %.; 10 Polyeuctes, 133, 
136, 140, 142, 144; to Hizti- 
bouzit, 268. 

Aquilius Consul, 152, 158. 

Ararat, 262. 

Arians, Land of, 266. 

Aristotle, 108. 

Armenian Martyrology, 2; age of 
the Arm. texts, 3, 59, 89, 97, 
102, 124, 147, 156, 242, 339, 


Armenia, Christianity in, 257 foll., 
261 foll. 

Arrian, 258. 

Artemis, worship of, in Asia Minor, 
228 ; in Rome, 186, 295. 

Asterius, M., at Aigai, 245. 

Astrology, condemned, 330. 

Athenians, worship ox- head, 41 
and 2. 

Atropatacan in Persia, 267. 

Aubé, B., his edition of Greek 
Acts of Polyeuctes, 123 foll. 

Augustine, Saint, half a heathen, 

Avitus, his Poems, 148. 

Avitus Consul, son of Philip M., 
150, 157- 

Babelon, Ernest, 242. 

Babylas, M., of Antioch, his date, 

Baptism provided escape from Hell- 
fire, 17; of Thekla, 57, 82, 86; 
Thekla demands it of Paul, 75; 
a fulfilment of the law, 101, 118 ; 
not essential to salvation, 125, 
136 foll. ; of companions of Cal- 
listratus, 334. 

Baresma, 259, 263. 

Baronius, Annals of, 2. 

Basil the Great. Homily on the 40 
Martyrs, 273. 

Basil of Seleukia, 53. 

Basilia or Basilla, M., 181 foll. 

Becosianus or Berekkokius, 244. 

Beliefs, Early, about Paradise, 115, 
191, 192, 311 foll. 

Bemarchus, M., 301. 

Bernard, S., his miracles, 7. 

Bezz, Codex, 138 2. 

250 Index of Names and Subjects. 

Bithynian Persecution under Trajan, 
90 foll., 105, III. 

Bollandist Acts, 3; reject Acts of 
Thekla, 89. 

Bread, Salt, and Water, 75 (see 

Burchardi’s German version of Acts 
of Apollonius, see Addenda. 

Burning alive of Thekla, 56, 73; 
of Phocas, 120. 

Byzeus on S. Demetrius, 339. 

Ceesar’s genius, to be sworn by, 

Czesar-shaped crown worn by pre- 
sidents of Czesar worship, 76 and 
n., see Addenda. 

Cesareia on the Hellespont, 192, 

Callistratus, 273 foll.; his Church 
in Rome, 336. 

Cananeots, 124, 145. 

Carthage, 276. 

Castelius, pro-consul, 52. 

Catacombs, Roman, 148. 

Catholic Church, the phrase not in 
Polycarp’s Acts, 4 

Caucasus, ancient gods exiled 
thither, 12. 

Chalcedon, the Cohort, 289, 290. 

Xaravbav, 290. 

Chosrow, son of Kavat, 257, 261, 

Choyap, a Persian, 266. 

Christian, the name penal, 43 and z. 

Christians and Ancient Art, 10; 
their iconoclasm, 13, 141, 227; 
attitude towards sacrifices, 39 ; 
hunted down under Trajan, 102, 
105; in Persia, 257 foll., 261 ; 
true reasons why they were per- 
secuted, 283 foll. 

Chrysostom, Pseudo-, on Thekla, 57, 
60 n. 

Chrysostomus Dio, 28. 

Claudius’ Speech on Gallia Comata, 
6; kinsman of Trypheena, 41. 

Clodia, 157 foll. 

Codratius or Quadratus, 191 foll. 

Commodus, 37 foll., 149. 

Communism of Early Christians, 

Conscripts, Law of, 290 22. 

Conybeare and Howson on Thekla, 

49, δύ. 

Coptos or Cana in Egypt, 124. 

Corneille’s Polyeucte, 125. 

Cornelius, bp. of Rome, 151. 

Cornutus and Philo, 9. 

Creed, Early forms of, 14, 33, 46, 
99, 154, 387, 342. 

Crossing, Practice of, 119, 344 2. 

Crucified God, 108, 119. 

Crucifixion, Triple, its significance, 
258 ; its details imitated in Mar- 
tyrdoms, 258. 

Ctesias, 258. 

Cyprian, 182, 274. 

Cyrus, 258 

Dancing among Early Christians, 

Daphne, Grove of, 52, 53. 

Decius, and Valerian, their edict 
against Christians, 131, 193. 

Demas, 61 foll. 

Demetrius, S., his creed, 14, 337, 

Demons of air, fight for a dead 
man’s soul, 313. 

Demosthenes, 110. 

Denesius’ executioner, 243. 

Depositio Martyrum, 1595. 

Descensus Averni, Gospel of, 310. 

Devil, The, 326, 327. 

Dio Chrysostomus, 258. 

Diocletian, 289, 338. 

Domitian, Name Christian became 
punishable under, 7. 

Dove-worship and Holy Ghost, 
42 7. 

Ducenarius, Vir, 333 7. 

Dwin or Twin, 259. 

Earthquakes in Martyrdoms, 96, 

Edessa, 240 foll., 243. 

Egypt, Prefects of, 152; early 
monasteries in, 153. 

Egyptian Superstition, 42 and 22. 

Elias, 320. 

Elvira, Synod of, 13. 

Eucharist, Primitive form of, with 
bread and water and salt, 75 and 
22., ae 

Eugenia imitated Thekla, 4, 59, 
147, 154, 161, 176. 

Eukhaita, 217, 222. 

Eunuchs as Priests, 155; as 
Martyrs, 160. 

RE ae ee ee, νι ς 

L[ndex of Names and Subjects. 

Eunuchism inculcated in Gospel, 
24; by Philo, 24 2.3; by Justin 
M., 24. 

Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 4; on Apol- 
lonius M., 29; on Firmilianus 

— bp. of Thessalonica, 337 foll. 

Eutropius, 166. 

Faith alone needful to Salvation, 

Falconilla, name late, 53, 55. 

Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, 
formula used, 48, 244, 262. 

Felix, Minucius, on Hell, 16; on 
Sacrifices, 38 .; his teaching 
compared with Apollonius, 44 2. 

— father-in-law of Polyeuctes, 141. 

Fire-worship, 259, 261 foll. 

Galatarch, 58. 

Galatia, the Province, 98. 

Galilean, the (z.e. Jesus), 244. 

Galileans, 291. 

Gallienus, Emperor, 150. 

Gallus, Emperor, 150, 181. 

Gladiatorial Games, 337, 343 foll. 

Gorres, Dr. Franz, 148. 

Gospel, in what sense anti-social, 
19, 288 foll. 

Gospels, Apocryphal, 138 and z. ; 
early, 155, 169, 278, 306, 309, 
312; their diffusion in early 
times, 274, 275. 

Greeks, the ancient, their humanity, 

Greek Art and Early Christianity, 
10. (See Iconoclasm.) 

Gregory of Tours, 124, 

Guardian Newspaper, 30 x. 

Hadrian, 289 foll., 253; temple of, 
in Aigai, 243, 253, 255. 

Hardy, G. E., 102. 

Harnack, Professor A., 30 n., 82, 
75 71. 

Helenus, bp. of Heliopolis, 152, 
161 foll. 

Heliopolis, 152, 161. 

Hell, the Spoiling of, 310. 

Hell-fire, Belief in, pre-Christian, 
15 ; how made use of by Chris- 
tians, 17. 

Heracleia in Cappadocia, 219, 225. 

Hermogenes, 61 foll. 


Hieronymus quoted, 81. 

Hindoos, 18. 

Hippolytus, Com. on Daniel, on 
Millenarism in Pontus and Syria, 
21, 22; Philosophumena, I55. 

Hiztibouzit M., 260, 265 foll. 

Holy Ghost compared to dove in 
Philo, 42 z. 

Homer quoted, 196. 

Horoscopes, 201, 323. 

Human Sacrifice, 258, 270. 

Hyacinthus, 148, 159 foll. 

Iconium, 52. 

Iconoclasm of Early Christians, 13, 
121. 227. 

Idols, 41, 114, 159, 200, 220 foll. 

Ignatius, his epp. compared with 
Acts of Phocas, 100. 

Incarnation, a divine ruse, 306 foll. 

India, Paganism of Modern, 1ὅ. 

Indictions, 146 and z. 

Indus and Domna, 374. 

Iras or Zareas, a wizard, 163. 

Jesus of Nazareth, addressed his 
teaching to Monotheists only, 7 ; 
represented as a youth, 144; a 
human sacrifice, 258. 

Jews, Christian spite against, 257, 
270; why not persecuted like 
the Christians, 286. 

John, the bp., 244. 

Josephus on Oaths, 37 2. 

Justin Martyr, his imperfect mono- 
theism, 9, 11; on oaths, 37 z. ; 
on zame Christian, 43 7. 

Justinian orders a search for the 
relics of S. Demetrius, 349. 

Lapsed, Treatment of the, 203. 

Latin Acts translated into Greek, 
276, 293. 

Latin Version of Acts of Thekla, 

Latin Version of Acts of Eugenia, 
156, 159 foll. 

Latina, Via, 188. 

Law fulfilled in Baptism, The, 101, 

Lectra, The Name, ὅδ, 46. 

Leontios, a bishop of Illyria, 347. 

Licinius, 217, 224 foll. 

Lightfoot on Bithynian Persecution, 
90 foll., 258. 


Lioness defends Thekla, 81. 

Lipsius, his text of Acts of Thekla 
criticised, 59. 

Lucretius on Hell, 15. 

Lyzos or Lius or Leos, a gladiator, 
337 foll. 

Lystra, 62. 

Macarius M., in Aigai, 254. 
Magism, 259, 261 foll. 
Mahommedans, 13. 

Manou, king of Edessa, 241. 
Makhosh, M., 261 foll. (see Hizti- 


Marcia, 155. 

Marriage, repudiated by Jesus, 23 ; 
by early Christians, 283 ; by Paul, 
24 ; in Peter’s Acts, 26; Platonic 
among early Christians, 25. 

Martyrs upheld right of private 
judgment, 1; deprived of their 
goods, 44, and 7., 112; relics of, 
venerated, 145, 178, 236, 271; 
nature of tortures inflicted on, 
279 foll. ; meaning of word, 281. 

Martyrdoms, re-edited in each age, 

Maxentius, 227. 

Maximianus, 341 foll. 

Maximus, Consul, 182. 

Mary, Virgin, 14, 305 foll. 
Maurice, the Emperor, asks for 
relics of 5. Demetrius, 888, 348. 

Mehekan, the mouth, 262. 

Melani or Melanthia, 171 foll. 

Melitene, 145. 

Metaphrast, see Simeon. 

Military Service refused by Chris- 
tians, 285. 

Millenarism of Gospel, 19 foll., 
286 ; and marriage, 23, 58, 287. 

Mills, Dr., 260. 

Miracles in Acts often interpolated, 
4; how to be regarded in N.T., 
5; of St. Bernard, ὅ. 

Miracles of Healing of the Blind 
(Matt. ix. 28), 139. 

Mommsen on Bithynia, 94; on 
Cohors Chalcedon, 290 72. 

Monasteries in Egypt, 153, 162, 
168 foll. 

Monotheism of Jews, 41 2.3; no 
offence in Roman Empire, 283. 

M., of Thessalonica, 

Lndex of Names and Subjects. 

Monotheistic Propaganda of Paul 
and Philo, 8, 

Montanism, 58. 

Myra or Merou, 54. 

Mysteries, Ancient, 
Christianity to, 17. 

Myths, Pagan, related of Christian 
Saints, 18, 297. 

Relation of 

Nakhapet, a Persian governor, 265. 

Narcissus Μ. at Aigai, 254. 

Nati called Drowandacan, 266. 

Nearchus, 129 foll. 

Nebuchadnezzar, 117. 

Neocorus, 274 (or Ocorus), 290, 
515. G10; 

Nerses M., 264; a Rajik, 267. 

Nestor, bp. of Rome, 150, 182. 

Nestorius of Thessalonica, 337 foll. 

Niczeus, 201. 

Nicomedeia, 193, 218, 224. 

Nihilism of early Christians, 284 

Nikhorakan, a Persian governor, 

Numerianus, Emperor, 151, 239, 

Oaths forbidden, 37 and z., 285. 

Oceanus, name of a Columbethra in 
Rome, 333. 

Onesiphorus and Paul, 61. 

Oral tradition, 274, 290, 315 (see 

Origen on Seven Heavens, 311 72. 

Orthodoxy, Standard of, fluctuated 
in early Church, 3, 14 (see Creed). 

Fancrazio> S., 11 

Parable of Vineyard and Labourers, 
137. : 

Paradise, 192, 311 foll. 

Paton, W. R., 258. 

Paul, addressed his teaching to 
Polytheists, 8, 93 inculcates 
virginity, 25, 58, 34, 67; be- 
lieved in approaching end of 
world, 58; his personal appear- 
ance, 62; his beatitudes, 63 ; on 
marriage, 63; on baptism, 63; 
accused of wizardry, 52, 68; his 
defence, 69 ; appears to Thekla. 
as Jesus, 72, 73 γι: his creed, 
99; his epistles, early diffusion 
of, 275. 

L[ndex of Names and Subjects. 

Paulina, 143. 

Perennis, prefect, 155, 35 7., 30; 
(or Perinos eparch of Egypt, 
179); (or Perinius consul in 
Bithynia, 192, 201. 

Peroz, a Magus, 266. 

Perpetuays S:,. 128. 

Persian Fire-worship, 

eters Hirst Eps 97; 

Pheedo of Plato, 278. 

Philadus M. in Aigai, 254. 

Philip eparch of Egypt, 149. 

Philosophers and Christianity, 45, 
106, 108, 202, 279. 

Philo as missionary of Monotheism, 
8, 9; his Therapeutz, 20, 762. 
153; on oaths, 38 22. ; compares 
Holy Spirit to a dove, 42 21. 

Phocas, 89 foll.; his prayer, 99 ; 
his creed, 99, 110; his Acts 
addressed to certain Churches, 
96 1011: Το: 

Pilate, Acts of, 138 3. 

Pliny 387., 90 foll. ; his letter to 
Trajan unknown to author of 
Acts of Phocas, 93 foll., 281. 

Plutarch on Hell, 15 ; on crucifixion 
of Masabates, 258. 

Polyeuctes, Acts of, their heterodox 
tendency, 125, 137 foll. 

Polycarp, Acts of, and _ phrase 
Catholic Church, 4; resemblance 
of, with Acts of Apollonius, 33 ; 
with Acts. of Phocas, 95 foll., 

Polytheism and Paul, 8. 

Pompeianus (or Pompeius) Consul, 
150, 184. 

Pontus-Bithynia, 98. 

Poseidon, 118, 212. 

Prayers for dead, 314. 

Prefects of Egypt, 152. 

Private Judgment, right to, upheld 
by martyrs, 1; attitude to it of 
later Church, 279. 

Presentinus, a captain, 292 foll. 

Prophecies of Jesus, 47. 

Protus M., 148, 160. 

Prousa, port of Czesareia, 191. 

Psalms, use of, 159, 265. 

Wuyaywyol, Angels, 313. 

Purgatory, 314 foll. 

259, 262 

Ragozin, Zenaide A., 259. 


Ramsay, W. M., 50 foll., 98, 191, 
240, 242; on position of Eu- 
khaita, 219. 

Rajik, 267, see Nerses. 

Réi, a district of Persia, 266. 

Relics of Martyrs venerated, 145, 
178, 211, 233, 236, 271, 336, 
338, 347, 349. 

Resurrection of the body, 315. 

Rhyndacus, river, 213. 

Roads in Asia Minor, 50, 51, see 

Roman Empire, stimulated growth 
of Monotheistic belief, 17. 

Rome, ‘‘ the great city of,” 35 7.,157. 

Romeliana or Rombyliana, 244. 

Rufus, M., 210. 

Rushforth, G. McN., 

6. 924. See 

Sacraments not essential to Salva- 
tion, 136 foll. 

Sacrifice, human, 258, 270. 

Sakeea, Persian festival, 258. 

Satan bound by Jesus, 310. 

Saturninus M., 210. 

Seal of Christ = baptism, 75, 118. 

Seeberg’s edition of Acts of Apol- 
lonius, see Addenda. 

Seleukia, 88. 

Senate, Roman, Acts of, 7; Apol- 
lonius tried before it, 26: its 
decree against Christians, 40, 43 
and Addenda. 

Sergius, 150, 157. 

Seven heavens, 311 foll. 

Severus, baths of, in Rome, 187. 

Simeon, Metaphrast, 147, 217, 273, 
339, 340. 

Sinope, ΤΩ}. 

Socrates ridicules Athenian  re- 
ligion, 42; compared to Jesus, 
47; death of, 278. 

Son, relation of, to God the Father 
suggested by Roman institutions, 

Syriarch, 53, 55, 762. 

Tacitus, 6. 

Talmud, 42 2. 

Tanebus, 239, 254. 

Temple, Village of the, on the 
Rhyndacus, 213. 

Terentius or Perennis, 35, 180 and 


Tertullian on Thekla, 4, 154. 

Testaments of XII. Patriarchs, 310, 

Thaleleeus, 239 foll. 

Thamyris, 64 foll. 

Thekla, her Acts, a divine book, 
59, 154, 159; bas relief of her 
and Paul at Edschmiadzin, 60; 
her rank as an Apostle, 60. ; 
her Acts, 61 foll.; asks Paul for 
baptism, 75; her modesty, 81 ; 
baptises herself, 82, 86; visits 
Seleukia, 88 ; dresses as a man, 
86; her Acts rejected by Bol- 
landists, 89; referred to, 128, 
154, 158, 176; her Acts imitated, 
168 ; her folly, 284. 

Theodore M., 258, 216 foll. ; the 
Tiro, date of his festival, 221. 
Theodorus, Hegemon in Aigai, 243. 

Theodula M. in Aigai, 254. 

θεοσεβῆς, 53. 

Thessalonica, Theatre at, 343; the 
brazen Stoa, 342 2. ; the baths, 
347 2. ; the golden gate, 346. ; 
shrine of its saints, 348. 

Thief, penitent, 138 and z. 

Tiberianus or ‘Tiberius, Roman 
judge in Edessa, 241, 244. 

Tiberian (or Severian) baths in 
Rome, 187. 

Tillemont, 337. 

Timotheus, a Cananeot, 146. 

Tiranas, a Church in Alexandria, 

Titus and Onesiphorus, 61, 62. 

Tombs of Martyrs, lost in the sixth 
century, 348 foll. 

Torture of Martyrs, 280 foll., 294, 


Index of Names and Subjects. 

Tradition, Oral Christian, its trans- 
mission, 274, 291. 

Trajan, conflicting views of his 
attitude towards Christianity, 90 
foll.; his edict that Christians 
were not to be hunted out, 102, 
105 ; worshipped, 105 ; tries and 
condemns Phocas, 113 foll.; his 
death, 120. 

Transubstantiation, origin of belief 
Ἷ 107 11: 

Trebizond, Dia, Apollo and Arte- 
mis worshipped there, 12. 

Trinity, a late dogma, 14, 64 and 
m., 277, 302 foll.; the formula 
used, 255. 

Trypheena, 50, 53, 55, 77 foll. 

Twin or Dwin, in Armenia, 259. 

Urbicus, wizard at Aigai, 249. 

Venantius, Fortunatus, 148. 
Vergil on Hell, 15. 

Vicarius Africae, 150. 

Virgin Mary, 14, 305 foll., 337. 
Virginity, 25, see Paul, 58, 64, 67. 

Wizards, 72, 209, 249, 252, 208. 

Word of God, made universe, held 
by Phocas, 109; by Demetrius, 

World, approaching end of, belief 
in. 18 foll., see Millenarism. 

— Renunciation of, 18 foll., see 

Wright, Prof., his translation of 
Syriac Acts of Thekla, 59. 

Zacharias, 180. 
Zenonia, 61. 

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. 


LVote on page 25.—My interpretation of 1 Cor. vii., 26 foll., 
has been assailed by many of my critics, as if it was not that 
which is to be read in the earliest Patristic commentaries, for 
example in St. Ephrem’s commentary ad Jocum. 

Note on page 35.—The publication of the Acts of Apollonius 
has led to the partial recovery of the Greek text by the Bol- 
landists. In a Greek MS. of the National Library of Paris, 
No. 1219, is preserved a piece entitled ‘“‘ Martyrdom of the 
holy and celebrated apostle Apollos, also called Saccas.” Apol- 
lonius is here confused with Apollos of the Acts. In com- 
parison with the Armenian the Greek is a somewhat corrupt 
and mutilated text. The “proconsul ” presiding at the trial is 
called Perennius, not Terentius or Tarruntenus, as the best 
Armenian MS. indicates. Besides the monographs of Pro- 
fessors Harnack and R. Seeberg, Prof. Mommsen has written 
on these Acts (Der Prozess des Christen Apollonius unter Com- 
modus, Sitzungsberichte der Konigl. Preuss. Akad. der Wiss, 
zu Berlin, 1894, pp. 497-503), and also Prof. A. Hilgenfeld 
(Apollonius von Rom, Zeitschr. f. Wiss. Theol, τ. 37, 18094, 
pp. 58-91). The recovered Greek text is published in the 
Analecta Bollandiana, tom. xiv., Bruxellis, 1895. 

Lote on page 244.—Mr. ΠΣ ΠΝ Bartlett, in the Crztical Re- 
view for June, 1894, identifies John the Bishop here alluded to 
with a John given in Euseb. H.E., iv. 5, as seventh on the list 
of fifteen bishops of Jerusalem. ‘These fifteen were bishops 
of the circumcision. ‘ Here then,” he writes, “ would seem to 
be a noteworthy coincidence with these Acts.” 

Vote on page 271.—The Acts of Hiztibouzit are given in a 
shorter form in an Armenian Menaeon of the year 1441 in 

the San Lazaro library at Venice. This text supplies some 

360 Appendix. 

additional but authentic details, for it ends thus: ‘‘ And hav- 
ing taken up the body of the saint, they carried it into the 
great church, and placed it in a tomb with psalms and hymns. 
And having parted the cross into bits, they distributed them 
to the faithful. This happened in the first year of the Armen- 
ian era (=553A.D.). And I Nerses, companion in suffering 
and friend of the saint, composed his history, unto the glory of 
Christ our God.” It is evident from this that Nerses was 

LVote on page 274.—The inset note and accompanying text 
are—as a critic of my book objects, in the Guardian for April 
10, 1895—too sweeping, and express more than I meant to 
say ; for I was already familiar with most of Tertullian’s works 
when I wrote. Yet Cyprian does imply (1) that there were 
some in his own day who were ignorant of the evangelica 
veritas ac dominica traditio, and therefore used water instead 
of water and wine in the Eucharist (δ 1 of Ep. Ixili.); (2) that 
some of his own predecessors (de antecessoribus nostris) had 
done so; (3) that some of his fellow-bishops (collegas nostras) 
were still allowing it in ignorance of the lex evangelica et 
traditio dominica (§ 17); (4) that in his own diocese it was 
only recently that the custom of mixing wine with the water 
(xo¢ water with the wine) had been established. He writes qui 
nunc a Domino admoniti et instructi sumus (§ 17). If evan- 
gelica lex or veritas means the Synoptic Gospels, then it follows 
that up to Cyprian’s age in his own diocese, and during it in 
other dioceses, there had been and was a widespread ignorance 
of these Gospels. 

However, the question of the date of the Gospels themselves 
is one thing, and that of their diffusion in particular regions 
another ; and Iam sure that I attribute to the Gospels as high 
an antiquity as mycritic. Ihave never doubted that the synop- 
tics rest on acommon document written well before 70 4.D., 
and that the fourth Gospel dates from at least the last decade of 
the first century. On page 5 of my general preface I go so far 
as to claim for the Gospels the character of contemporary 
narratives, and such in the main I believe them to be. 

A A eo er 

Appendix. 361 

ote on page 280.—Socrates was spared by the thirty tyrants, 
and the guilt of his death fell a few years later on the entire 
Athenian democracy. The text is so far erroneous, but the 
main contention that even the Thirty put their opponents to 
death in a merciful way by hemlock is correct. See Grote’s 
History of Greece, pt. 11., ch. 65. 

page 25, line 1, for Gal. ili. 38 vead Gal. ili. 28. 
page 58, line 27, for ‘‘ gives his daughter” read “gives his 

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BR Conybeare, Frederick Cornwallis 
1603 The Armenian Apology 





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